jivan r edited ali undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013     practicing medicine and understanding cancer patients nidha jivan oglethorpe university i began my journey as a volunteer at emory winship cancer institute through my service-learning course, cancer biology. at winship, i was assigned to the bmt/hematology department, but i volunteered occasionally as a floater. during those occasions, i served as a front desk greeter and a hospitality cart volunteer. volunteering at a cancer treatment center while learning the basic fundamentals of cancer not only enhanced my understanding of the disease, but also gave me a new perspective on cancer patients. this opportunity fostered a unique connection between the biology of cancer and the emotions and trials of the patients. cancer consists of uncontrolled cell growth and the ability of those cells to metastasize through the body. not only do different molecular pathways cause different cancers, but there can also be multiple causes of a single cancer as well. these factors make treating and curing cancer a difficult feat. each type of cancer has its own set of treatments. despite the scientific success in discovering treatments, most drugs and surgeries cause pain and suffering to patients. this is why having scientific and medical knowledge of cancer is not enough when treating patients. it is equally important to consider the patient’s state of mind and quality of life while battling cancer. when i first stepped into winship for my volunteering shift, my eyes were instantly drawn to the frail and bald patients. many wore masks around their mouths. initially these sights were unfamiliar and haunting, but i familiarized myself with them. this adjustment occurred more quickly than i expected perhaps due to my growing knowledge of the procedures following a cancer diagnosis and its treatments. chemotherapy’s damage to healthy cells leads to patient fragility. the patients also change their diets because of the drugs’ side effects. cancer is commonly treated with radiation and/or chemotherapy with side effects, such as nausea and changes in taste, that alter the patient’s lifestyle. not only are the patients tolerating extra pain and weakness, but they are also unable to properly nourish themselves because of those side effects. i had many opportunities to volunteer in different parts of the clinic. while working as a hospitality cart volunteer, i gained the opportunity to reach out to many patients. i experienced mixed interactions: some were quite friendly and held short conversations with me, some were also welcoming but limited their conversations and smiles, others were indifferent, perhaps wanting to be left alone. however, one patient, whom i had seen with a knitted hat in each of our short meetings, stood out. her eyes remained lit up, she held a bit more energy than the rest, and she wore a heartwarming smile each time we met. cancer treatments are capable of undermining patients physically and mentally, so it is quite rare to see a patient who displays that level of energy and warmth. cancer patients have to deal with a double-edged sword. their treatments fight the cancer, but also cause many adverse side effects. they are thus compelled to fight a larger battle for life, to fight against the very drugs used for their survival. this fight may either make them stronger or cause a mental or physical downfall. for example, i also met an elderly woman who was very different than the woman i described above; she displayed an attitude that is common among cancer patients. right before her chemotherapy treatment, she expressed exhaustion and sadness while remarking that she had been coming to the clinic for too long – about ten years. jivan 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013     another patient that stood out was from east asia. he was blind, hard of hearing, and unable to speak english. it was his second day at the clinic and he was unaware of his whereabouts, so i was appointed to guide him to his destinations. since i met him by the labs after his radiation treatment, i took him in the office to get his blood drawn. his interpreter translated the procedure and informed him that drawing blood may “sting a little bit.” unfortunately, that “little bit” turned out to be more than he expected, judging from the expression on his face. while his blood was drawn, he cringed, shut his eyes, and tilted his head back as if he was exhausted and in pain. the final stop was in the infusion center for his chemotherapy treatment. when questioned if he was in pain, he mentioned that his right cheek and brow line were hurting. unfortunately, this was the beginning of the side effects from his treatment. before beginning the procedure, the patient was informed about his chemotherapy dosage and the side effects that may impact him. this situation opened my eyes to the difficulty for patients who never had to understand cancer until they were diagnosed with it. for patients like this man, cancer may have already been difficult to grasp. in addition, there was a large communication barrier for him. so not only did this man have to struggle with his disease, but he also had to tolerate the equally difficult treatments and their side effects. in addition to interacting with patients, my major task was to organize paperwork for patients scheduled the following day. when surrounded by patients, i was able to focus on their feelings and comfort levels, whereas, when surrounded by stacks of paper, i focused on the science and medicine. this experience allowed me to understand the reason some physicians may not interact warmly with their patients. these physicians view their patients as people on file instead of viewing them as human beings who need to be treated and cared for. similarly, researchers who help advance cancer treatments have only a practical perspective due to their lack of interaction with patients. their goal is to eradicate cancer. so, as long as that occurs, they are content. the standard paperwork patients receive during each appointment helps physicians keep track of their patients’ progression and the reactions of their bodies. each patient receives a patient assessment form, a list of patient encounter forms, and a patient prescription and list of allergies form. for new patients, another packet regarding the privacy policies, including permission to allow their cell/tissue samples to be used for further research, is attached to the paperwork. the patient encounter forms contain information on the lab tests that take place during that specific visit and a list of symptoms the patient experiences during that appointment. this information allows the physicians to keep track of the progression of the cancer and the treatment’s effects. physicians also consider the patient’s medical history, which informs them of any possible genetic or hereditary significance present in the patient; for example, it may inform them of the chronic presence of certain diseases, like breast cancer. that type of information may alert other family members to their own health concerns and possibly lead them to a genetic test to see if they carry any genes that may put them at risk for certain diseases. another part of the paperwork contains the patient’s drug prescriptions. this set of papers shows that treating cancer is not as simple as taking an antibiotic for a few days. it requires the whole body to cleanse itself of cancer cells and even healthy cells. this is a difficult procedure because it involves the whole body, which is the reason patients require multiple treatments and extra precautions. even if other alternatives are used, such as a targeted therapy that requires “fixing” cancer cells, more than one treatment will still be required because of the complexity of cancer. however, the side effects may not be as painful and thus, easier for the patients to handle. volunteering at winship allowed me to develop a balanced perspective for the practical jivan 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013     and the human aspects of cancer. these diseases require an extensive amount of research to understand and treat. until today, the approach taken to cure cancer patients was to eliminate the cancer cells. now, scientists are looking to conform the cancer cells to normal, functioning cells and to prevent the disease by detecting cancer cells as soon as possible. i understand the importance of scientific success in eliminating the rising pandemic we know as cancer, but i believe that it is equally important to consider the patients’ physical and mental states when reacting to treatment. although i have interacted with many patients, i am nervous each time i begin talking to a new one because of the sensitivity of the situation. as i interact with more patients, my understanding and empathy for them increases. in addition, i have gained confidence and a better understanding of how to handle different patients. my volunteer opportunity continues to prepare me to become a caring and open-minded physician, as i will be able to understand these diseases through a patient’s point of view. ~ i would love to thank dr. karen schmeichel for all the support, encouragement, and guidance she has shown me (even beyond the classroom boundaries), which has allowed me to expand my career pursuits and shape new interests. without her encouragement, this would not have been possible. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 education not incarceration: impact of academic service-learning on a pre-service teacher cynthia maceda florida atlantic university i am a student at florida atlantic university, double-majoring in psychology and secondary english education. one of the required courses for the education major track is introduction to diversity for educators. an essential component of the course is participation in 15 academic service-learning (a s-l) hours, which allows students to use the material taught in the classroom in a real-life setting. because of her personal connections, my professor offered the class the opportunity to conduct a s-l at the local jail with incarcerated juvenile males. seeing the setting and population as a unique opportunity, i quickly expressed interest. the experience i gained opened my eyes to the social injustices that are prevalent in our education system, especially with marginalized youth; it has exposed me to an incredibly diverse facet of the education system, and it allowed me to have the chance to experience the life of an educator in the rawest form possible. my position in a s-l was to literally assume the role of a “student-teacher.” i worked with the incarcerated students either individually or in small groups consisting of two to three juveniles. we would discuss the lesson, what was expected from them, and how to complete the lesson. each time i helped a student, i witnessed other students opening up to the idea of asking for and accepting help. with this population, there is an expectation to be a “tough guy” and a certain stigma toward being educated or asking for help. during the first week of my a s-l experience, the students frequently asked me, “why are you here?” as if the only way to enter the facility was by summons. after telling the students that i had voluntarily signed up to do my hours at the jail, their “tough guy” personas dissipated. it was almost as if i had to go through some sort of test to gain their trust. as a result of “passing” their initiation, students began to change their behaviors including: avoiding lockdowns, sitting for the entire class period, and most importantly, participating in classroom discussions. the incarcerated students could not fathom that someone would want be in such a place helping the students often forgotten. this was the defining moment in my a s-l experience—the moment where the purpose of the experience was identified. the purpose of this experience was not to undermine law breaking, but to give these students a chance at becoming the best versions of themselves possible. as the naïve student i was back when i began my a s-l experience, i never fully grasped the impact i was making until the eight-week period was finished. entering a frigid and bare corridor, latching onto an elevator, pushing the number 14: juvenile unit, and then being greeted by about 30 young, vivacious, and sadly, full of potential students is something i will never forget. i learned that a teacher-to-student relationship is built and thrives on mutual trust. when the trust foundation is set, the teacher serves as the beacon of education and that is exactly how i felt every time i walked into one of the jail wings and saw an ocean filled with lost, floating boats waiting for their beacon to guide them where they needed to go. i was their beacon. i was able to sharpen my dialogic communication skills that are so crucial to not only classroom settings, but to life in general. oftentimes, misbehavior from incarcerated students may simply be the actions of a frustrated child and all they need is for someone to listen and exhibit empathy. putting aside the unfortunate circumstance that led the students to incarceration and giving them maceda 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 undivided attention and support is something i believe was one of the contributing factors to the overall success of my a s-l experience. introductory to diversity for educators is a preparatory course designed to expose students to different cultures and supply students with multicultural teaching content in order to better prepare future educators. there is no better place to witness diversity than inside a jail. as a result of this observation, the same professor who initially offered the a s-l experience believed that my a s-l was a prime moment to introduce culturally relevant teaching practices—pedagogy grounded in the educator displaying cultural competency and the ability to relate course content to the students’ cultural context. the time i spent in the jail with the incarcerated students was not only time spent assisting them with their homework and lessons, but it was also an opportunity for me to see first-hand what theory to practice is all about. because of my growing interest in education, marginalized youth, and more specifically, the school-to-prison pipeline, my professor, a doctoral student, and i developed a unique mentorship to assist me in not only having a successful a s-l experience but also developing my own research project. my efforts with individual and small group sessions, introducing culturally relevant teaching practices to students and teachers in the jail, and a passion that seemed to grow by the second, all came together to create my first presentable research project. the a s-l experience has and will continue to initiate the development of many research projects, conferences, and alternative spring break trips focused entirely on marginalized youth. without the inclusion of a s-l in education courses, this incredible feat would not have been feasible. what affected me most from my experience at the jail were the interactions i had with students. one unforgettable experience occurred with a seventeen year old who had been in and out of the system all his life, was reading on a second or third grade level, and was placed in the sixth grade. he clearly had little to no motivation or confidence in his abilities. i noticed how far behind he was when the students were asked to take the mandatory writing exam and he struggled tremendously. i noticed that he would daydream and make no attempt to complete assignments because he struggled with writing. after seeing him struggle so intensely, i made a conscious effort to work closely with him because i knew he would benefit the most. i spent classroom time reading the worksheets out loud to him and asking him the questions that followed. it amazed me how he understood the majority of what i was saying. he absorbed the information and he was able to verbally demonstrate his learning. after spending considerable time with this one student, one of the main teachers at the jail came up to me and told me that i was doing a phenomenal job with him. he continued to tell me that he was one of the more troubling students because he would get frustrated and leave the class, resulting in a full-day lockdown. but since i had been working with him, his frustration levels dropped and he avoided lockdown. the teacher also noted that the student asked to work with me, even on the days that i was not at the jail. toward the end of my stay at the jail, he changed so much to the point where he was sounding out words and writing them on his own. i saw great improvements with this student and knowing that i helped him reach that point was an incredible feeling. the jail is similar to the public school setting in the sense that it requires students to learn and be tested on the state-mandated materials. the most obvious distinction between public schools and the jail is that these students have committed crimes, are awaiting trial, or are serving their sentence. the majority of the students were african american and many of them had been in and out of the juvenile justice system from an early age and have been labeled “atrisk.” i became acutely aware of how real, serious, and distinct my experience was when one day i was overlooking the lobby wing from the teacher’s workroom. i realized that this wasn’t a maceda 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 traditional classroom where most of the kids are motivated and happy to be there, i was in a jailhouse classroom with students who had committed crimes and felt that they had no reason to better themselves because this was all they had known. this moment of daydreaming essentially was my epiphany. i knew that this population is who i want to work with, and i knew that the educational injustices that plague this population are what i want to address. the untraditional student group served as my catalyst for social change because i saw something different about them. i noticed that these students have the same intellectual capabilities as their nonincarcerated peers. at the end of each day, i had the same thoughts that i had when i observed a traditional classroom: these students were smart, funny, and full of potential—they just had some unfortunate circumstances and made some bad choices. i also learned to not judge a book by its cover. this was by far the most valuable lesson i learned while teaching at the jail. during my last visit, i was told by one of the teachers that it was incredibly brave of me to be open to this opportunity because most people would just turn their backs on these students if they knew that the majority of them had committed hardcore crimes like murder and armed robbery. but i chose to not know the students’ criminal history because i did not want to judge them or treat them differently. the kindest and probably the smartest student in the classroom was awaiting trial for murder, and if i had known that before interacting with him, i might have looked or treated him differently as a result. or maybe i wouldn’t have. the realization that a crime does not define the student will not only serve me well as a future educator, but in life in general. everybody has some baggage and if i choose to judge a person based on his or her past, i will never be able to see the real person. i am grateful that i took the opportunity to do my a s-l hours with such a diverse group of students housed in the county jail. in this extremely difficult, different, and culturally unique setting, i was able to learn about myself and better my teaching practices. this was an experience that i will never forget and based off of my efforts in the jail, i think i made a difference in my students’ lives. ~ i would like to express my sincerest gratitude to dr. traci baxley of florida atlantic university for offering a life-changing opportunity, endless support, and instilling a newfound passion for social justice in me. peru reflection.docx undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 meeting the need before learning to read: a holistic approach to educational achievement rebecca hare gustavus adolphus college traveling to peru with a group of students from gustavus adolphus college in minnesota opened my eyes to the numerous possibilities in my career as a librarian to make a difference in the lives of students who confront seemingly insurmountable obstacles to success. our january interim service learning course education, healthcare, and poverty in peru asked us to reflect on our individual purpose, expectations, and philosophy of service. our small group of about 20 students came to the program from different fields with varying interests motivating our desire to participate in the course. the majority were nursing or education majors seeking to contribute their expertise through medical field work and english instruction, while others were either bilingual spanish speakers or showed interest in pursuing a degree in medicine. i was drawn to the program because of the service aspect and the opportunity to use my spanish language skills to engage with the people i would meet, live, and work with in peru and to interpret for my team. before embarking on our flight, we articulated our primary objective through extensive conversation and collaboration. through our work in peru teaching english to classes of children, teens, and adults and assisting in clinic and hospice visits, we sought to work alongside members of the community “to promote health, wellness, and learning by serving the chimbote community with compassion and respect.” we hoped to grow as world citizens through our cultural exchange with the people of chimbote, and we hoped they would benefit from our cultural contributions as well. there would be many opportunities to engage each other in cultural and political discussions during our time there – gathering at the tienda at night, teaching and learning from our students, and having discussions with community leaders. at the outset, we had a basic understanding of the connection between poverty, health, wellness, and education; however, our experience truly showed us how deeply intertwined these facets of daily life are and how individual and community needs must be addressed holistically to achieve true transformation. as an environmental activist i often read, write, and talk about the impact we have on our environment; however, in peru i gained a new perspective on the intricate relationship between humans and their environment as i saw the relationship between people and place in reverse. a largely overlooked contributing factor to poverty, the environment bears a heavy impact on the lives of peruvians. with little rainfall in peru’s desert and mountain regions, the people who live there rely on water from the mountains, and those living in cities might receive a weekly or monthly allotment of water or buy water if no city services exist in their district. warm weather, compounded with vast tracts of sand, make water an even more precious resource in these dry regions. the value of this limited resource is unfathomable to many u.s. citizens who can rely on an immediate, accessible, and seemingly endless supply of well or city water. having to choose between cooking, washing, sustaining a garden, or doing laundry before having to purchase privately sold water is unthinkable where we live. we conserve water because we are trying to be “green” or “environmentally-friendly,” not because we have no other choice. prior to my travels, i had seen the poverty of central minnesota, but the differences between the struggles i saw there and those in peru were stark and eye-opening. outside my hare 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 local public library, the homeless sit and wait long before the doors open, then spend the rest of their day there—reading, sleeping, and making use of free internet, water, and bathroom services. when i worked the closing shift, it was difficult to watch them leave at 9 p.m., groups slowly migrating to the door from all parts of the large, beautiful building. my personal experiences with poverty in the u.s. were nowhere near that which i saw in chimbote and the mountains of peru. the men and women i talked with who live in the poorest outskirts of chimbote, known as the invasions, live in conditions that demonstrate the drastic difference between socioeconomic standards and resources in the two countries. low wages and even lower employment rates drive many peruvians to uproot their families and begin new lives under uncertain living conditions, moving to the outskirts of the city to live as squatters. in the invasions, many reside in these communities for seven years or more without receiving running water or other services from the city; thus, the neediest in the city lack the necessary social services and financial assistance to raise their standard of living. unable to meet these basic needs, which many would agree are fundamental to human achievement and self-actualization, peruvian children are at a severe educational disadvantage. not only are their schools underfunded and lacking resources, but poor students are striving towards success while struggling to survive. many government services that provide assistance or personal and professional development programming in the u.s., like public libraries or community centers, are few and far between in chimbote. instead, these services are offered by the church and its outposts or small ngos. the work performed by these agencies is tremendous, inspiring, and uplifting, yet a city with a population of over 300,000 needs more support than these efforts can provide. soup kitchens, healthcare assistance, and opportunities for education and employment are life-changing services, yet they are being offered by agencies that rely on charitable support from the u.s. rather than funding from the peruvian government. these services are essential human rights and need to be addressed by government funding and support of institutions, and this is where i see the role libraries can play to serve all citizens freely and equitably. in my future career as a librarian and archivist, i plan to focus on the connection between poverty, health, and literacy to inform my work in higher education. libraries exist to serve communities by inspiring intellectual curiosity and providing the resources to pursue these questions, and everyone should have an equitable opportunity to achieve his or her academic potential. i see an opportunity to increase literacy by improving educational resources and assistance for those with intellect and potential who fight to overcome poverty. by reaching out to members who most need the library’s resources, i plan to engage with them to learn how best to serve their needs and generate individual investment in their education and professional development. some public libraries have worked toward these goals by offering career and job searching services and providing services in response to needs they have observed in their community while others offer evening english classes and afternoon tutors for students. in academic libraries, however, serving the community can take the form of scholarships, research internships, free access to course materials, such as textbooks, desktop and laptop computers, scientific calculators, and online resources, as well as reference services. the children i worked with in chimbote deeply touched me, and i cherished knowing we had contributed to their desire to continue pursuing their education. a truly unique experience to be a part of, on our final day we shared laughter, smiles, and heartfelt words intermingled with tears, letters, and long looks. on the bus ride from chimbote to lima, i confronted the regret i felt for leaving them behind to find a way out of poverty alone as i continued enroute to another hare 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 airport to spend my final week in peru as a tourist, experiencing their beautiful country in a way they never could. i remembered conversations with some of my adult students who had been excited to hear we were going to machu picchu. we had sat in the mission’s courtyard, the women’s eyes sparkling with pride for their country’s cultural heritage, as they told me its story. intuitively responding to the wonder in my eyes, they exclaimed over its beauty and told me fact after fact about the city nestled in mountains, before sadly admitting they had never been there themselves. leaving these people, touring their country, and abandoning them to return to my comfortable home felt wrong, as if i were choosing to forget the friendships we had forged and the struggles they continue to face. the opportunity to work, study, and immerse myself in chimbote allowed me to gain a global perspective on poverty and developed my sense of duty to the underserved. having the opportunity to serve the people i lived with–teaching english, nurturing creativity, and sharing customs–has given me a greater appreciation and understanding of south american culture and the simple power of relationships. the men, women, and children i lived with and learned from make it impossible for me to turn my back. i know that this will not be my final goodbye to chimbote. from this experience, i now have a clearer vision of what my role will be in the effort to eradicate poverty. chimbote’s educational environment was a stark example of the obstacles faced by already poor students who lack access to free resources to improve their potential for success. my memories of chimbote will remain a constant reminder of my responsibility as a librarian to serve all the individuals in my community, so that all people have the opportunity to achieve self-actualization through their education. despite the support services already offered in many academic libraries, there remains more that can be done to target users with limited economic means and tailor services to their needs, providing them with the proper resources, assistance, and support to attain scholastic achievement. i also see opportunities for academic libraries and archives to incorporate their communities in their attempts at educational outreach. academic institutions have invaluable resources that should be extended to enrich and support the communities where they reside, and i plan to pioneer these integrative programs at my future institution. whether i devote my life to historical research that dignifies and nurtures a community’s story or dedicate resources to support those who experience financial inequity, i know my work will reflect what i learned and lived in chimbote. ~ i would like to thank professors deb pitton of gustavus adolphus college and lori steffen of st. catherine's university for their knowledge, enthusiasm, compassion, and support throughout our service learning experience in chimbote. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 applications of information systems and microfinance in nicaragua benedict chachaj fairfield university i was approached midway through my junior year at fairfield university with a unique opportunity to take an information systems course headed by dr. vishnu vinekar. this service learning class consisting of twelve students involved traveling to nicaragua for a week in early january 2014. in collaboration with the nitlapan research and development institute of the central american university (uca) in managua, we deliberated how to improve the business processes of this microfinance institution. this institution has been operating for twenty years, and works with a variety of organizations to help assist the entrepreneurs of its nation. the amalgamation of technology and business, combined with the service learning focus of this class, resulted in my classmates and i having a much more definitive understanding of how information systems stand to change the world for the better. nicaragua is a country that struggles with poverty, a poverty that has been magnified by political upheaval and environmental disasters. in fact, this small nation is the second poorest in the western hemisphere, behind haiti (central intelligence agency 2014). this did not deter our group from fairfield university, and we came in contact with some of the most destitute conditions that many of us had ever seen. needless to say, the worldwide effect of globalization has been slow to reach this central american country, and technological advances are slow to filter in the area where many of the citizens live in rural isolation. nicaragua depends heavily on foreign development assistance; however, donors have curtailed this funding in response to the november 2008 election and subsequent electoral fraud (central intelligence agency 2014). while this further exasperates the economic situation, it also places more importance on internal development projects such as the work done by nitlapan and the fundo desarrollo local. by providing both credit and necessary training to the underprivileged and the poor, nicaragua can work on rebuilding itself from the ground up. as citizens from a developed nation, we can offer the knowledge of deconstructing and reapplying what systems work and which do not; in this way we can contribute to a struggling country’s infrastructure beyond simple monetary donation. the consensus among my classmates and me before the trip was that we really had very little idea of what to expect. i had visited countries similar to nicaragua, but i knew that this trip would have an altogether different context because of the service learning aspect of the class. besides some volunteer work in high school, i had no real experience with this sort of service; however, i was eager to align myself with the school’s jesuit mission and dive headfirst into the experience. when i asked my professor how i could best prepare, i was only told to perhaps review business processes. upon arriving in nicaragua, the culture shock was immediate. the showerhead in the hotel had an electrical appliance on it to heat the water which was broken and would only offer cold or extremely hot water. when i tried to adjust it, i managed to literally shock myself on exposed wires. at the first restaurant we dined, it was hard to keep an appetite while a man on the street directly across from us dined on refuse out of a garbage bag. sights like this all around nicaragua made it hard to forget the purpose of our visit, and also really reinforced our efforts. the fundo desarrollo local is a non-profit organization that was created by nitlapan to help local people increase their economic standing. according to its website, as of march 2014 nitlapan claims a portfolio of $60 million usd and almost 60,000 clients serviced (fondo de chachaj 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 desarrollo local 2014). by providing small loans to individuals that would be denied by a conventional bank, the fundo desarrollo local enables them to get a foothold in their industry. as the age-old saying goes, “it takes money to make money,” and this is truly the driving principle of microfinance. it eschews the concept of charity, and portrays it as a temporary solution to a persisting problem. the interest rates on these microloans are high, but the repayment rates are close to 100%, which allows the system to function. it might seem curious to an outside observer that these financially deprived people were paying back the loans so consistently, but this is a testament to the community-driven aspect of the loan. the borrowers and their peers acknowledge the beneficial nature of the loan for the community, and those who struggle with repayment are assisted by others who want to ensure the continuation of the lending system. the most fundamental aspect of the work that the fundo desarrollo local does is that it provides opportunities to people that previously did not have them, and this was reflected in our course learning about globalization. after settling into our accommodations, we quickly set about meeting our clients at the nitlapan institute. the first priority was to become familiar with their operation to figure out exactly how we would try to assist them. as it turned out, we were tasked with both analyzing their processes to determine efficiency and with suggesting software alternatives to their current system. it was clear that the system the fundo desarrollo local was using had major drawbacks, such as the propensity for user error as well as security concerns, both of which are dangerous to an organization that deals with finance. our individual levels of professional experience were not especially important; what was important was how closely we could match nitlapan’s needs and requirements with the limited time we had. the biggest motivation was knowing that by doing so we would be directly influencing the positive work that the institute does. during our time working for the institute, the group accomplished several tasks. nitlapan’s current state of operations was documented and the relevant information was translated and clarified by the client. once we were familiar with this, we broke up into groups to tackle finding software alternatives. “a beneficial software solution helps develop strong business processes in mfis (microfinance institutions) while providing flexibility to incorporate changing processes as per the changing dynamics of the industry” (sharma, guar and agarwal 2012). one of the most challenging aspects of the trip was the language barrier. one student in the group was fluent in spanish; however, the rest ranged from competent to no grasp of it at all. inversely, the client and other representatives of the institute had limited english skills, so this did slow down progress at times, especially when dealing with specific business-related terms. what made it work, however, was the willingness of both parties to take a moment and reach clarity when such an obstacle arose, because it was imperative that their needs were clearly communicated to us, and our recommendations clearly relayed to them. we briefly tested open source and cloud based programs on our own computers, looking for financially viable alternatives. open source applications consist of software that has been developed by a community and is usually free, so this option would be especially attractive for a non-profit. cloud based databases were also considered because the storage rates could be discounted for non-profits and it would be a flexible tool for nitlapan to utilize. we submitted all our findings at the end of the week with a comprehensive report that described our recommendations. the report contained workflow diagrams which reorganized the client’s data in order to better construct an application for it. there was also a translated written portion which detailed possible software options for the institution to consider. since it had not yet looked into chachaj 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 modernizing its system, i believe our work helped nitlapan approach the problem with a much clearer vision. we did not implement any of these changes ourselves, but rather presented the available options, along with our recommendations, to the institute for it to decide. from there, the administrators of the program had to decide what option would be the most fiscally viable, considering implementation and maintenance costs. by working with nitlapan to try to make its lending system more secure and efficient, we were hopefully making its operation run more effectively. a more effective organization can help more people with the limited resources it has, thus the changes we recommended would ultimately translate into a direct effect, such as lower interest rates on the microloans. the emergence of a new value-added service such as cloud computing allows for possibilities that were previously not viable. “utilizing this type of model, a traditional microfinance association is able to offer sophisticated back office software that would otherwise be unaffordable to those institutions on an individual basis” (sharma, guar and agarwal 2012, 20). while this might mean little in the “big picture,” it was still heartening to know that we could have a tangible impact in the lives of this country’s impoverished people, and this lent motivation to our efforts. even though we were on-site at the institute, there was no better way to contextualize our service learning experience than to visit some of the poverty stricken areas in nicaragua. besides touring some of the more destitute neighborhoods in managua, some only from the safety of a bus, we also explored a rural town called chacraseca. one family we visited had their house constructed with assistance from fairfield university, but their living situation was still the very essence of poverty. there were multiple family units living in this one room house, and a clear absence of a father figure to any of them. their only source of income was to gather firewood on their property and then haul it to the market to sell. people living like this clearly do not have opportunities for advancement. seeing them really helped set the perspective of what nitlapan was trying to accomplish in nicaragua, by giving leverage to those who want to break the cycle of poverty, but do not have the means to do so. using our experience in nicaragua as a reference point, the remainder of the course back at fairfield was spent analyzing and discussing the various ways that business and technology interact to make the world a more level playing field. we studied how advances in technology had shaped the world, and speculated what change lies in the future. i personally found this sort of discussion invaluable because, as a college student, it helps prepare me for entry in the global marketplace through evaluating the needs of the world. visiting nicaragua in the context that we did also helped further my understanding of the needs and functions of the global economy, particularly by juxtaposing our living situation in the united states with that of the majority of nicaragua’s citizens. while nicaragua is a beautiful and engaging country, it was very difficult to disregard the living conditions and lack of opportunity that its people still struggle with. it would be easy to end this essay by extolling the virtues of microfinance or the necessity of fostering technological development in undeveloped areas, but instead i would praise the value of seeing these environments firsthand in order to be capable of better understanding how the world works and the role that we play in it. furthermore, i encourage any current students that might find themselves presented a similar opportunity to act on it, because a learning experience such as this can scarcely be found on just any college campus. ~ chachaj 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 i would like to thank dr. vinekar for his guidance during this service learning course, as well as all my classmates for their enthusiasm and support. i also extend my gratitude to dr. wendy ford, dr. jill burk, and ali yeager for their assistance and commitment to the journal. references central intelligence agency. 2014. “the world factbook: nicaragua.” central intelligence agency. https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/print/country/ countrypdf_nu.pdf. fondo de desarrollo local. 2014. fondo de desarrollo local. http://www.fdl.org.ni/. sharma, meghna, loveleen guar, and nishant agarwal. 2012. “application of cloud computing in microfinance.” international journal of research in economics and social sciences 2 (7): 13-21. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 hitting home: transportation to transform turlock josephine hazelton california state university, stanislaus on a foggy january morning, i hopped on my bicycle as usual and was quickly on my way to volunteer in a fifth-grade classroom across town at an elementary school in turlock, california. i was headed back for the first day of school after returning from the winter break. i was in my happy place – wind blowing through my long blonde hair, legs spinning to my own rhythm – and i felt a sense of inner peace. i high-fived an older brother biking with his younger sister as they crossed traffic at a busy intersection, and i exchanged smiles with a mother walking her daughter to her kindergarten class. during my commute, i was also surrounded by the vast number of people in what often appears to me to be the self-imposed prisons of their own cars, people who are not able to experience the crispness of the air against their own skin. in that moment, i realized i needed to become a part of something more. so, i became committed to developing a service-learning project that would help me to understand and address the challenges facing students who are commuting to school and to become an advocate to make the streets of turlock safer for all. while i was often jealous of my peers who traveled across foreign nations and worked to improve communities abroad, i realized i had the opportunity to play a vital role in transforming the place i had called home for so many years. turlock, a relatively small city in the middle of california’s central valley, was lacking the necessary infrastructure and educational outreach programs that would enable a larger percentage of its people to access active transportation methods. at the time of the project, turlock had not previously created an active transportation plan (atp) for the city. an atp is an essential part of the planning process, as it helps to ensure that the needs of active transportation users are being met in ongoing development projects. the lack of an active transportation plan was apparent as many heavily traveled roads lacked bike lanes, and sidewalks were often not continuous – forcing pedestrians to walk on dirt paths or in the car’s lane of travel. sparked by interest, and fueled with passion, i was given the opportunity to develop a service-learning project within bike turlock, a local and rapidly growing bike advocacy group. bike turlock began as a grassroots organization in turlock to help make the city a safer community for active transportation users. when i realized that my own vision for turlock aligned with the goals bike turlock had set out to achieve, i contacted the founder, elizabeth claes, to discuss my desire to complete a service-learning project in the community. after working with elizabeth and multiple professors at csu-stanislaus to develop an original servicelearning project, i was fortunate to propose my ideas to the university and i received grant funding from csu-stanislaus that would allow me to put my ideas for my service-learning project into action. my service-learning project would ultimately allow me to develop a set of “bike to school day” events at local elementary schools. these events would help me to understand the transportation related needs that students faced so i could be a better advocate for the change that needed to occur. i was drawn to develop this service-learning project, because i believed it would add to the growing vision of turlock. i strived to create a project that would help me add to the sense of community, continuity, and belonging that becomes central to one’s identity, and in this case, the identity of the residents of turlock. i specifically wanted to work with elementary students, as i hazelton 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 saw it as the opportunity to add to the cultural legacy that is the product of well-designed cities, including communities centered around alternative transportation. after months of careful planning and community outreach, i looked forward to the first of my planned events – bike to school day – on may 6 th where students in turlock would participate in an annual national activity that i hoped would encourage elementary students to ride their bikes to school and increase bicycle safety through: a bike obstacle course, games, school-wide assemblies, and activities teaching students proper bike safety. i was most excited about the “bike trains” activity in which students would join at designated locations and ride together with parents, volunteers, and a certified bike instructor to their respective school sites and then participate in the bike to school day festivities. after receiving the necessary approval through both the california state university and the school sites, i was able to relax and anticipate the exciting events ahead. knowing the plans and details were clearly orchestrated, my soul was singing. unexpectedly, though, the project i had worked on so tirelessly was put to a halt. i received a phone call informing me that each of the events i had planned was rejected by the turlock school district. i was stunned that these events were not embraced by the school district, even though i had followed all of the necessary protocols. aiming to understand why the bike to school day event was put to a stop, i was informed that the rejection was for a myriad of reasons, including: a lack of existing sidewalks around schools for students to ride their bikes on, that the proposed route was too far for children to travel, and various other liability concerns. immediately, i wanted to respond with frustration, angered the district did not understand that bikes do not typically ride on sidewalks, that the proposed route was in reality not that long, and that the planned bike train would be a leisurely ride. instead, i calmly realized i could respond in one of two different ways: to give in, give up, and bring my project to a close, or to shift gears and reevaluate how i would develop a different, but stronger service-learning project. sometimes shifting gears is tough, but i ultimately chose to change directions and critically analyze what i could do to reach the goals i had set. i decided to dive deeper and learn more about my community by seeking first-hand knowledge about the challenges that active transportation users face. it was here that i learned how adaptable a service-learning project can be. i realized that if i wanted to better understand the challenges surrounding active transportation in turlock, i would need to go into the schools to see firsthand what needs to be done to make active transportation safer for students. i decided to survey parents to better understand the perceptions parents have of allowing their children to participate in active transportation. understanding the perceptions parents have was critical, as those opinions helped me understand the needs that we would have to address as elizabeth, bike turlock, and i worked together to develop a plan to communicate the community needs to the city planners and engineers. embarking on this new part of my project, i felt guilty that i had not previously understood the true perceptions of biking by parents. i had my opinions on what would be beneficial for the transportation infrastructure around each school, but after reflecting, i realized i never had bicycled extensively around the schools where the parents had the deepest concerns about allowing children to bicycle. here began the critical learning portion of my project, to abandon my perceived beliefs, and replace them with the knowledge of those with the greatest understanding of the needs. with this intent, i attended parent teacher association meetings, and—working directly with my faculty mentor, dr. gerard wellman—developed an extensive hazelton 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 survey and distributed it to thousands of local parents. beyond that, i listened with open ears to the dozens of stories from every school. listening to story after story, i realized they all rang to the same tune. parents were concerned with turlock’s lack of consideration to bicyclists and pedestrians in its transportation planning, and due to many factors, parents expressed concern with allowing their children to bicycle on the streets. when i met with parents at a parent teacher association meeting, i heard the testimony of the older brother who bicycles with his younger sister to and from school every day. both of their parents work long hours, leaving them with bicycling as their only option; however, the brother feels it is not safe for his younger sister to bicycle by herself on the dirt shoulder of the heavily traveled road that lacks bike lanes and sidewalks. i also heard the story of a mother who now walks with her daughter to school after her daughter was injured from tripping on poorly maintained, uneven sidewalks. hearing these stories, and analyzing the results from my surveys, i learned that i could be an advocate for the students in these underrepresented communities by communicating their concerns to legislators and policymakers. after forming relationships with the students and parents, i was drawn to amplify the voices of these communities. i conducted meetings with legislators and their staff at the sacramento capitol building, as a part of california bike advocacy day, to tell the stories of the active transportation users in my community and to communicate the necessity of increased bicycle infrastructure funding. i was also able to go full speed into the revised service portion of my project by having efficient outreach events at various public community gatherings. working closely with elizabeth, we developed a strategy to reach elementary students and help share the benefits of active transportation with them. one of the most successful components of the service-learning project was holding discussions and having activities at large community events, such as the local farmers market, which served as a way to communicate with both children and families and to share the benefits of active transportation in an engaging and positive way. additionally, instead of organizing a student bike train as originally planned, i was involved in a bike train where teachers gathered and rode their bikes to the schools together, which in the long term, will aim to encourage more students to participate in active transportation. the impact of the advocacy work is already starting to emerge, as turlock is seeking opportunities to involve community members in the future planning process of the city by holding public comment meetings that solicit the input of the community in the transportation plan for the city. attending these meetings, i heard for the first time city officials discuss improvement projects to benefit active transportation users around schools, making turlock a safer community for all. although these are preliminary discussions and proposals, through the continuation of university students becoming engaged with the community and involved in service-learning projects, the momentum will continue. true service learning projects occur when one becomes fully immersed in a community and, through the project, is able to provide service while obtaining new knowledge. service can take many different forms, and my service learning project was successful in providing service by listening to the transportation needs of the community and working to advocate on its behalf. while my setbacks were unforeseen and presented obstacles, without my project being challenged, i would have been unable to experience the critically important learning portion that occurred. my revised project allowed me to provide service to and learn a great deal about my community. this journey has also caused me to realize that service learning projects are not temporary endeavors, but part of an ongoing process that can change and grow as one tackles larger issues. not only did my service-learning project allow me to build valuable relationships hazelton 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 with elizabeth and dr. wellman that will help me in my future, more importantly, i was able to build a relationship with my community. this project had me working with the community, for the community, which left me with the tools and understanding of how to build a stronger turlock. these newly acquired skills will provide the foundation for me to build on as i will continue to work to improve active transportation in turlock. although the route of my project may have changed, the destination remained the same: to help make turlock a more vibrant city with a robust active transportation system. seeing how impactful transportation transformations can be on communities, i am grateful for how much this project has given me, including laying the foundation for my future academic and career goals. this is just the beginning to a long journey ahead, but from this project, i have learned much more than i previously had imagined to be possible. i know i will forever work to remain a part of the process to make cities stronger. realizing how far turlock has already come, and the potential for impactful change in the future, i will always look back and be proud to call turlock my hometown. ~ i would like to thank everyone who bikes for transportation in turlock for inspiring me every day. i also would like to give appreciation to elizabeth claes for her dedication to improving bicycling in turlock and for helping me with my service-learning project. finally, i owe special gratitude to my faculty mentor, dr. gerard wellman, who helped me to find my love for studying transportation. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 just have to look harder: when the values of service-learning projects are not readily apparent lauren reichert and griff shelley eastern washington university as students, when we discuss service-learning projects, we mostly hear success stories. academic and technical journals alike feature reports from instructors and professors who expound the values of service learning through examples of successful projects. these themes then carry over into the classroom where students who read these stories expect the projects they complete to have the same clear results. in actuality, service-learning projects can present a number of unanticipated challenges. some of these circumstances can even affect the overall outcome of the project, rendering it unsuccessful (or at least unsatisfying) in the eyes of the students. however, we find that from a student’s perspective, projects that lack clear, clean-cut results still allow for valuable learning opportunities and real-world experience. in our experience, technical communications, by nature, lends itself to a servicelearning based curriculum. at the undergraduate level, the study of technical communication focuses heavily on the skills necessary for a practitioner position within the field. and while a classroom setting provides the foundations for these skills, providing a context in which to apply them – such as a service-learning project – allows students to engage not only with the project material, but also the community they are serving. because of this, a service-learning based curriculum that heavily involves community partners working with classes to provide real-world, hands-on experience is paramount to a worthwhile technical communications education. our personal experience comes from a technical communication program focused heavily (indeed, almost exclusively) on service-learning projects. in two years, we completed no less than seven service-learning projects for local non-profit organizations. for the most part, we believe that a large number of these projects ended in success for our community partners and our classes. for example, in the fall of 2012, we drafted a user guide for an electronic citation tool currently in use in the university library. we then conducted a peer-driven tutorial to educate graduate students on the mechanics and features of the program in order to manage references for their senior theses. the benefits of the project stood quite clear: users of the guide reported being able to find, manage, and include citations with relative ease. and from our perspective, we saw a project through its development phase to completion, all while getting feedback from the end users. in the spring of 2013, our class teamed up with an aluminum milling plant in spokane, washington. that project saw the class divide into teams to draft maintenance procedures for some of the equipment at the mill. towards the end of the term, the mill’s equipmentmaintenance manager reviewed each team’s products for submission and consideration by the plant manager. at the end of each of these terms, both classes felt they experienced success in creating a usable, tangible document for an outside partner, the exemplification of a successful servicelearning project. in the winter of 2014, we found that some service-learning projects don’t end in ideal outcomes. as part of a proposal-writing class, we were assigned to write a funding proposal for a reichert and shelley 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 local branch of a national non-profit organization. the tasks consisted of researching the organization’s needs and mission statement, identifying potential funding sources, and deciding on the most effective way to write a funding proposal. unfortunately, our experiences writing the proposal and working with our community partner proved more challenging than the process would lead one to think. in the beginning, the proposal-writing process had few issues. we met with the ceo of the local chapter of the organization and discussed the mission, goals, and future plans of the organization. because the organization focused mainly on creating opportunities for affordable housing, we knew two very important details right away. first, our top funding choices were foundations with missions to help urban development. second, we would need to draft the proposal to connect the non-profit organization’s mission with the foundations’ missions in a way that brought attention to the need for housing development in the affected area. once we established these parameters, we began the research process to identify promising foundations. our research turned up favorable results, including a bill and melinda gates-backed foundation that focuses on community and urban development. at this point, the project took an unpredicted turn. part of our proposal-writing process included providing an itemized list of materials needed to build one of the organization’s homes. usually, we could secure this type of list with an e-mail or phone call. in this case, though, our community partner failed to return any communications despite numerous attempts to gather this information as well as multiple instances where the client agreed to send information, but did not follow through. when we did finally hear back from our community partner, we were dismissed (almost offhand) and told to contact the organization’s intern with any future requests for information. this ended up effectively severing any direct contact we had with the organization and hindered our efforts to write an accurate, effective proposal. by the end of the quarter, the class felt disgruntled, frustrated, and a little upset. we had not located a request for a proposal from the foundation to which we wanted to apply, and we still faced communication difficulties with our community partner. as a class, we could not understand why an organization, which initially approached us for help with this project, would suddenly ignore all our communications so close to the project deadline. during class discussions, we attempted to determine the possible reasons for why we had not received feedback. most of our classmates believed that our organization had better things to do than deal with an undergrad class. then to further exacerbate the situation, we found out that our community partner backed out of attending our final proposal presentations. finding out that our client could not provide direct feedback or even a “yes” or “no” answer made the last months of researching, writing, and editing the proposal seem almost pointless. we questioned whether or not our client would use our proposals at all. although this scenario was new to us, a little research proved that we were not in a unique situation. scholarly literature outlining projects that did not turn out as planned proved easy to find. many of these stories involved non-profit community partners. robert mceachern, assistant professor of english at southern connecticut university, makes the argument that a seemingly unproductive service-learning project is not necessarily the fault of the non-profit organization itself, but rather the nature of non-profit management theory. he brings up five points as to why many service-learning projects with non-profits go awry: passion for mission, chief executive assuming too many responsibilities, atmosphere of scarcity, individuals having mixed skill levels, and the participation of volunteers (mceachern 2001, 217). in examining our own experience, we found that some of mceachern’s points directly align with the difficulties reichert and shelley 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 we faced while working with a non-profit organization. the most pertinent parallel we noticed falls under the area of the chief executive assuming too many responsibilities. the executive in charge of our community partner has only seven full-time staff members that oversee operations for a city of roughly 300,000 people. in all fairness, six multi-student groups asking one person for detailed information probably taxed the organization’s resources. another parallel we saw resembles what mceachern describes as “an atmosphere of scarcity.” we discovered early on in the project that our community partner’s timeline for the project did not coincide with our own: namely, that we needed more time than it could afford to give. this scarcity of time made it difficult for our group to gather the information needed to complete the proposal by the end of the ten-week academic quarter. after reading this, we started to understand our own situation a little better. neither our class nor the organization had done anything wrong; we realized that non-profits have a lot of obstacles to overcome, and devoting time to other needs is one of them. needless to say, the experience of writing a funding proposal for our community partner left a bad taste in our mouths for some time. however, after an extended period of reflection, we began seeing value in the project as an example of how business in the professional world is not perfect and can malfunction. we also gained clear, tangible professional writing skills while constructing the proposal. we got first-hand experience researching in a national foundation database, we learned how to develop rhetorical strategies that can connect a foundation and a non-profit organization, and we learned how to adapt a proposal to changing and sometimes unfavorable circumstances. but equally impressive were the lessons we learned that were neither immediately evident nor tangible: the latent values. in short, we learned that real-world results rarely come out like the clean-cut results we see in the classroom. we also came to the conclusion that all parties in future service-learning projects would do well to remember: academic student learning has the luxury of being structured, but this structure rarely occurs in the real world, especially with non-profit organizations. as for our community partners, we would want them to know that students appreciate feedback on completed work, regardless of whether or not it will actually see use. sometimes, the real world does not play by the rules of the classroom. colleges plan out classes and curricula months ahead of time and provide the safety net of a skilled instructor should any hard questions arise. the professional world rarely gets this luxury. agendas can and do change at a minute’s notice, organizations can be chronically short-staffed, and sometimes program directors do not have the information needed to complete projects to their fullest potential. these lessons, while hard-learned, end up as some of the most important “real-world” experiences students can get. being able to see the benefits of a “real world” situation has since helped us with other service-learning projects. there is now an understanding that a project might not go according to plan and that we can adapt to new situations. we still expect communication with our clients, but we now understand that, especially for non-profits, there are many factors that play into a client’s ability to communicate. this exemplifies how service-learning projects can provide students much more than just an application of theory. this experience is something that students can bring to future employment. service-learning projects offer students the opportunity to start on the proverbial “three to five years of work experience” while they are still in school, further preparing them to answer the common interview question, “can you explain a time where you had to overcome a problem?,” something that the security of a more structured class might not be able to provide. reichert and shelley 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 we don’t know whether or not our community partner will ever use the proposal we provided, let alone if it will get funded. adam wolfe, a liaison between our class and our community partner, informed us two terms later that our community partner appreciated our efforts and believed that it “now had seven very good starts for proposals and a new range of funding opportunities” (wolfe 2014). what we do know is this: valuable lessons do not always come just from successful projects. just because a project looks like it failed initially, it does not necessarily mean that it failed completely as a real-world learning opportunity. stories of successful projects are good at showcasing students’ abilities to flourish in ideal situations, but projects like our own teach students how to adapt to changing – and sometimes less-than-ideal – situations. ~ we would like to extend a warm thank you to two people who helped us immensely on this project: dr. teena carnegie of ewu for her support from the beginning of our time at ewu and mr. adam wolfe for his contribution of information references mceachern, robert w. 2001. “problems in service learning and technical/professional writing; incorporating the perspective of non-profit management.” technical communication quarterly 10 (2): 211-224. wolfe, adam. 2014. “service learning projects from the client’s perspective.” poster presentation at the annual ewu student research and creative works symposium, cheney, washington, may 13-14. williams r accepted edit ay undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013 multifaceted growth through community-based learning lindsey williams loyola marymount university a myriad of experiences call us to learn, collaborate, and grow. through these events, individuals are ultimately able to seek meaning in their lives and work toward becoming better versions of themselves. one way in which an individual can achieve this is through service and interaction with his or her community. in the past year, i have participated in three communitybased learning classes. cbl classes aim to enrich student learning through community service and provide opportunities for students to apply knowledge gained in the classroom to specific community experiences. by participating in such curriculum, students are not only able to meet their needs academically, but are also able to meet the needs of their community. these classes have afforded me the opportunity to work with various populations and increase my awareness of the diverse groups that make up my community. i have had the privilege to work with children, the elderly, individuals with physical and mental impairments, and those afflicted with aids/hiv. doing so has deepened my appreciation of the world around me and allowed me to give back to the community while applying knowledge i gained in the classroom. depending on their dedication and willingness to step out of their comfort zones, students can gain several benefits through involvement with communitybased learning opportunities, including: personal, social, and academic. i have achieved, to some degree, all of these through my experience in various cbl courses. these personal gains did not come easily, but by fully immersing myself in service, i was able to accomplish and experience truly rewarding outcomes. this semester in particular afforded me a unique opportunity to engage in service that genuinely tested my ability to step outside my box and leave my inhibitions behind. this past semester i registered for the class exercise for special populations. the main focus of this course was to explore chronic disorders and disabilities in regard to their etiology, epidemiology, pathophysiology, and pharmacology and investigate the ways in which exercise can benefit such conditions. more simply, this class aimed to provide a more coherent understanding of the patterns, causes, effects, treatments, and maintenance of chronic disorders and disabilities and exercise’s role to circumvent these conditions. we reviewed two main populations over the course of the semester — older adults and special needs populations, particularly those who have impaired cognitive, psychological, and sensory skills. in working with the older adults of our community, we strived to emphasize the importance of exercise and its role in reduction and modification of fall risk factors. to do so, we hosted fitness, mobility, and balance assessments to provide participants with baseline measurements and to identify areas in need of improvement. we then presented guidelines on how to address the areas of weakness through a counseling and group exercise demonstration session. in addition to older adults, we worked with special needs populations through loyola marymount university’s 36th annual special games. this service, the main focus of this reflection, called students of the lmu community to facilitate a day of celebration for individuals in the los angeles community with varied ranges of intellectual and physical abilities. through non-competitive games and a friendly, enjoyable atmosphere, participants from all walks of life were able to come together and celebrate their individuality and foster lifewilliams 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013 long friendships. through my participation in special games, i experienced an invaluable lesson in growth. prior to my involvement with this course, i had never been fully comfortable in engaging in community service or volunteer work that focused on serving individuals with intellectual or physical disabilities. it was something i had avoided for many years. it was by no means a matter of discrimination or lack of concern, but rather a fear of not being able to positively impact this particular group due to my naïveté and inexperience. i was not only afraid of being unable to make a significant impact, but i was also so unfamiliar with the mannerisms and behaviors of this particular community, making me feel anxious about my capacity to engage. the last thing i wanted was for my qualms to disrupt my efforts to make a difference in someone’s life. but i now realize these were ignorant fears and it was only through full immersion in unfamiliar experiences that i underwent true personal growth. by simply stepping out of my comfort zone and applying the knowledge i developed through my coursework to my service with special games, i was able to experience a great array of constructive personal outcomes. special games enhanced my personal development by promoting a sense of self-efficacy, personal identity, and moral development. self-efficacy is the belief in one’s abilities to achieve a goal or outcome. my goals for special games were to broaden my perspective, become more comfortable with the unfamiliar, and apply concepts from class to a contextualized community experience. letting my guard down and putting forth an honest effort to provide an unforgettable experience for the participant i was paired with enabled me to fully achieve what i set out to do. based on the behaviors and mannerisms i observed during the time i spent with my participant, michael, my professor and i deduced that he had asperger’s syndrome. common symptoms of asperger’s that michael seemed to display included the hindered ability to pick up on social cues, an apparent lack of empathy, avoiding eye contact, and having a preoccupation with only a few, specific interests. learning about the autism spectrum in class made identifying what possible condition michael had easier and gave me deeper insight on how to interact and communicate with him. this allowed me to be more comfortable in reaching out and connecting with him. michael was a very bubbly, energetic person who not only wanted to enjoy his time at the games, but also make sure that those around him were having a good time as well. his positive attitude made it easier for me to completely invest myself during special games and shed my apprehensions. i was patient, attentive, and completely devoted to michael to ensure that he had a genuinely good time. being able to see the smile on his face throughout the day was the greatest reward. this experience also helped me amplify my personal identity. i have always prided myself on being a caring, compassionate, and empathetic individual, and by devoting my time and effort to this event, i was able to enhance and build upon these characteristics. establishing personal connections and interacting with the participants of special games allowed me to clearly see that each individual is just like me. we are all human; we all have distinct personalities yet are one in the same. categorizing or differentiating people based on physical or cognitive limitations is unnecessary. realizing and experiencing this concept increased my sense of compassion and empathy in a way that i never thought imaginable. lastly, my involvement with this event helped build my moral development. morality encompasses a wide range of life experiences and circumstances, but primarily focuses on the way in which we treat one another. we are called to treat one another with respect, kindness, and love, and to promote these virtues on an everyday basis. initially, i did not think my moral development would improve through my involvement in this event, but surprisingly i was williams 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013 wrong. this experience has ameliorated my prior beliefs, contributed to my ability to approach new situations with an open mind, and generated an eagerness to experience the unknown. thinking that i needed to treat those of this population differently or approach them with extreme caution was an incorrect worldview brought on by socially constructed stigmas. i have realized the importance of forming my own opinions based on personal experiences, not by what society dictates me to believe or think. special games taught me that one should never be defined by a limitation or disability and that it takes maturity in one’s moral development to understand and apply this to everyday life. participating in special games expanded the domains of my social knowledge and contributed to my ability to think for myself and discover the diversity of the world. special games, and cbl courses in general, truly contributed to my growth and development. had i not discovered courses such as these, i would not have achieved such extensive personal growth over the past year. not only did this service learning experience foster personal outcomes, but it also produced some important social outcomes as well. special games allowed me to understand different populations, reduce stereotyped ways of thinking, and increase my sense of social responsibility. as mentioned previously, i used to have a fear of participating in service with mentally and physically challenged populations. in looking back on my prior sentiments, i notice that socially constructed ways of thinking attributed to this viewpoint. these preconceived notions and beliefs were informed by society’s stereotypes, some of which portray these individuals as unpredictable or lacking the ability to control their behavior. these stereotypes influence the way society thinks and emit an unrealistic depiction of this population and who they truly are. as a result of learning in detail about a broad spectrum of disabilities, such as developmental, emotional, sensory, physical, and neurological disabilities, and honing in on specific conditions including, but not limited to, attention deficit disorder (add), autism, blindness, deafness, spinal chord injuries, and orthopedic impairments, i was able to challenge my own inhibitions and assumptions about behavioral difficulties. as a result, i have come to value human diversity on a more intimate level and have learned to better appreciate the uniqueness in everyone. by increasing my understanding of the special needs population, i have developed a heightened sense of social responsibility. i now understand it is my duty to devote more of myself to service and community interaction. i aspire to become a physician, and through my work with special games i now have a more enduring commitment to service and look forward to the future when i can professionally utilize my skills and knowledge to help others. the purpose of cbl courses is not only to contribute to personal and social growth, but to also enhance academic learning by working and interacting with the community. learning outcomes i accomplished in my service commitment to special games included increased academic knowledge through application of learned material to the real world and improved critical thinking skills. this course called my fellow students and i to recognize, properly approach, and assimilate people’s individual differences as a means to gain a deeper understanding of the quality of life of those with disabilities. by actively learning in class through group collaborations and hypothetical situations, we were able to better appreciate the methodology of approaching and solving difficult, real-life situations. the ability to apply knowledge from the classroom into everyday life has truly been one of the most significant benefits of my community-based learning experiences. mastering material on an academic level is one thing, but it is another to utilize this information and apply it to real-life experiences. this skill takes versatility and evolves through practice. however, if a student is fully dedicated to williams 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013 gaining a greater sense of self, then he or she can overcome all obstacles to achieve such growth. i am very fortunate to have been a part of special games and get hands-on experience where i could apply knowledge from the classroom to my service. it enhanced my understanding, analytical skills, and critical thinking abilities and contributed to my learning in an invaluable way. knowing how to handle and take care of the assigned participant was essential to ensure that everything ran smoothly. difficulties presented themselves at times and it was up to the volunteers to figure out ways to solve these situations in a calm and collective manner. thankfully, the most pressing matter with michael involved him gluing his hands together during arts and crafts. although an easy fix, figuring out how to approach him in a gentle way so as not to upset him or scrutinize him was necessary. acknowledging and recognizing how to handle conflicts such as this is imperative in order to properly resolve unexpected situations. my class prepared me for these circumstances through class discussions and activities that allowed us to brainstorm effective methods of resolution when interacting with special populations. as a result, i was ultimately able to help him recognize the appropriate use for glue and he was very receptive to my efforts. with every opportunity comes room for growth, whether it is personal, social, or cognitive. through dedication and an honest interest or passion in one’s field of work, the possibilities for such growth are endless. willingness to shed preconceptions and step out of one’s comfort zone is imperative to fully immersing oneself in service and achieving quality outcomes. learning through service has the capacity to foster leadership skills, empathy, compassion, and selflessness — all of which are qualities necessary in building a strong, intimate community. my experience through special games helped me become more comfortable with taking risks and exploring the unknown. i realized there is such a diverse world around me and it takes initiative and desire to grow to truly expand one’s worldview. it’s impractical and extremely limiting to spend life avoiding things that are unfamiliar or may cause discomfort. learning to embrace and face uncertainty with the appropriate attitude can lead to a new appreciation of things and situations that were once foreign. if, in the future, i am given the opportunity to participate in an event like special games again, i will no longer approach the occasion in such a hesitant, precautionary manner, but embrace the opportunity for all the wonderful life lessons it has to offer. service learning has made such a lasting impression on me and has truly reinforced my desire to help others throughout my life. ~ i would like to give my deepest thanks to professor silvie grote of loyola marymount university for all of her endless encouragement, support, kindness, and wisdom throughout the years. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 service learning, serious lessons: a reflection on service experiences and ways to fix the system donald warden oglethorpe university each year, thousands of students at american colleges and universities flock to a variety of opportunities to serve their community as a requirement for a class – i was one of those students. in the atlanta area, there are many opportunities for service in the sciences. the class i took focused on cancer biology and thus we focused our service on cancer-related projects. part of my service was working at the american cancer society hope lodge. i also prepared children’s activities at the children’s healthcare of atlanta, and facilitated an on-campus relay for life team. all of these experiences were fulfilling in their own way through my foray into cancer-related volunteerism. ultimately, these opportunities enlightened me to several key facets of service currently in practice: service opportunity attendance, increased linguistic and socioeconomic barriers, and reaching supporters’ minds, not just their wallets. specific experiences revealed the aforementioned as issues in the status quo, and after careful reflection and internal dialogue, several solutions exist. at the children’s healthcare of atlanta, there is a portion of the hospital known as “the zone,” in which sick children watch films, play video games, and engage in other fun activities. this environment allows the kids to be kids – something often lost when hospitalized. the path to the zone involved two elevator trips and walking down several winding hallways. while waiting for the second elevator, i noticed a screen. the screen stated that the koi pond was closed for repairs and that oglethorpe university students would be visiting. i immediately thought, “that’s us!” i continued to read the screen’s announcements and noted that the only groups volunteering were from other surrounding colleges. i came to realize and began to question why non-college adults were not volunteering at the same levels as college students. i came up with a variety of reasons for this disparity of participation rates. firstly, college-aged individuals may have more free time than their working counterparts. secondly, although the average person probably wants to do service, the average college student has service hours to complete for a class or organization. having service as a requirement would undoubtedly be a compelling reason to participate. despite these two reasons, it is not naïve or insane to suggest that working adults should engage in more meaningful, “hands-on” service activities. moreover, there must be a way to get college students to volunteer without it being an obligation of a class or organization. this overwhelmingly seems like a marketing issue. some organizations catch the public eye more than others. event organizers must face this reality. the relay for life event that occurred at oglethorpe university was the most attended event that contributed to the cancer biology class’ service component. aside from relay for life being a nationally recognized event, community participation is encouraged. this is not to say that community participation is not encouraged at other service opportunities. however, relay for life defines itself as an event that brings the community together. not only were several on-campus organizations present with educational booths, but members of the local, non-oglethorpe community were there to show their support. as individuals seeking to not only increase cancer awareness, but also increase service participation, there must be a push to strive for higher attendance at events of all kinds. thus, how do we get people to the zone or the acs warden 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 hope lodge in similar numbers? challenging and changing the ways we define those organizations is a good first step. prior to registering for the bio-224 cancer biology course, if asked what the children’s healthcare of atlanta did, i would have almost certainly responded that they were a hospital devoted to pediatric care. furthermore, if asked what the zone was, i would have shrugged my shoulders and given you a perplexed look. coming to atlanta only a few years ago, i normally would blame my ignorance on being a new atlantan. however, i would have had similar responses if asked about programs in st. jude children’s research hospital, located in my native state of tennessee. in fact, st. jude has a children’s zone as well that i did not know about. when thinking about hospitals and volunteering for them, it is easy to immediately jump to the conclusion that volunteering at your local hospital requires some degree of medical knowledge. this is the barrier for most people. although all of this information is on the organization website, people do not even think to look there since their initial assumptions lead them to believe that they would need to help the clinical side of operations. this may seem like a nonissue to people heavily involved in volunteerism, but for an individual looking to volunteer, it could make it difficult to feel comfortable coming to the hospital to help. therefore, it is crucial that the dialogue surrounding these organizations changes. we can no longer view them as hospitals where sick children and medical specialists go, but rather, their role is that of a community center that allows for volunteerism by everyone in the community. current volunteers and hospital marketing and volunteer personnel need to express to people in their own communities that these places are open for different types of volunteer opportunities. the internet is where most people go to get their preliminary information on a topic. thus, websites should market their volunteering opportunities with ease of visibility. despite the information being on the website, it is often difficult to find. for example, on the webpage for st. jude, four clicks are required to reach the children’s play zone volunteer page. although this seems like only a few clicks, you must remember that i was specifically looking for the children’s playroom, and any person not looking for the children’s room could have clicked on any one of the dozen other volunteer opportunities. the zone is listed under the volunteer section, and nonetheless, i still had to navigate three pages to get to the section on volunteer opportunities for college students. by optimizing these opportunities on the webpages, they become more accessible to people seeking to enter the volunteer space. these website optimizations and word-of-mouth initiatives are not only what hospital-based programs should do, but also every volunteering program. it is not enough to focus merely on fundraising and other ways of obtaining donations. fundraising is essential as the money raised every year is important to cancer research around the nation. however, i think donating five dollars and “calling it a day” is not enough. people give money or attend one event a year and feel satisfied in their volunteerism. people should not be satisfied with just throwing their name in the pot of donors; people should be passionate about the cause and strive to make real change. these people do exist, but surely, there is a way to make these individuals the majority, not just a handful. there are several ways to increase hands-on service while retaining wallet-based service. one method is in the same vein of the aforementioned discussion. it would not be difficult to use word of mouth and tell donors about service activities. encouraging donors to come into places like the zone serves two purposes. first, even if they do not go to the zone, they now know about it, which means they can tell their friends. the donors would have something tangible to attribute to their donation, which makes them more likely to give again. it is much easier to give warden 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 to something you can see instead of throwing your money into a big pot of research money. even if their donation does not directly support subsidiary programs, it is still better to show donors something tangible. secondly, when donors volunteer, they see the individuals they are helping. it is one thing to pull out a dollar bill in solidarity against an illness, but it is completely different and more powerful to see yourself change someone’s day through volunteering. the cancer biology course was not limited to the service, we also had lectures. the lectures became powerful when i saw a sickly little girl walk into the zone. i clearly remember the child who stood before me, her voice so meek. the life that should be in a child was not there. we asked her if she wanted to decorate a cookie, sit, and watch a movie. she jumped at the opportunity for the stimulation. her eyes lit up and the child returned. regardless of the wheel chair and various tubes, she – now a child – dominated the room with her energy. it dawned on me then that the humanity was lost on the child between the hospital food, the nights alone in bed, and the various treatments and tests. we gave to her a childhood moment that a hospital otherwise cannot. in the same light, while at the acs hope lodge, a man undergoing chemotherapy made a joke about the sweet potatoes we were cooking. although i do not remember the joke now, it made me chuckle at the time. i retorted with a witty comment, too, and from this, a conversation began. we talked about each other, but also about his cancer and the treatment. i do not remember his name, but the conversation we had was powerful and truly made every lecture i learned in class matter. the topics in lecture seemed so abstract and exclusive to the clinical space until i met people who were suffering. the discussion with the man gave the course real importance that i have never previously received. it connected the work put into the class to the outside world. if i feel this way about an undergraduate class, imagine the experience as a donor. a donor investing in the organization would clearly remember his/her direct experiences. i am not naïve though. i understand that motivating donors to contribute their time and not just their wallets is difficult. therefore, another solution is to incorporate service projects into fundraising activities. these projects could be something as simple as having donors write a letter to a patient or could be massive elaborate events. the key is that the conversation shifts away from “how many dollars do i need to give?” to “when and where do i need to be to help?” the integrated volunteer events not only give donors the benefit of seeing something tangible, but they also show them that their hands-on volunteering does not have to be hours in the zone, but rather, it can be as simple as having a pen pal. implementing these suggestions would not only increase donor happiness, but would also increase their desire to give. this means more help for organizations both physically and fiscally. aside from ensuring continued support from individuals, volunteer organizations also need to recognize the changing demographics in america and ways to reconcile differences between volunteers, patients, and their families. while in the zone, a hispanic woman came in with her two little boys. being friendly college students, a member from each of our activity stations blurted out what the boys could do. the mother looked around and said, “no hablo inglés. no english.” everyone in the room looked around dumbfounded for a moment, and then it clicked that she did not speak english. i sat there knowing almost no spanish and felt horrible. i wanted to help so badly, yet could not because there was a language barrier. luckily, another student spoke spanish fluently and we were able to speak to the kids and help them make a cookie. i still wonder what would have happened if no one there spoke spanish. we would have been unable to communicate with this family. the only way to solve this is to encourage healthcare providers and volunteers to pursue learning additional languages. it would be callow warden 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 to expect english to be the only language in medicine. in fact, oglethorpe university offers a course in spanish medical terminology. unless the united states adopts a lingua franca, bilingualism is essential for successful communication in a country with quickly changing demographics. as we move forward, we must recognize the differences we have with those we serve whether it is linguistic or otherwise. the ultimate goal is to provide the best service possible to people in need. i believe we can do that. these experiences and issues are not unique to the city of atlanta or myself. these problems are inherent to volunteerism everywhere. learning to recognize these problems was one of the most valuable lessons i learned in my coursework. we must recognize these issues moving forward. it is of the utmost importance that individuals know about service opportunities, and not just opportunities to offer their wallet. making information more accessible online, having word of mouth initiatives, and actively engaging donors in service activities at fundraising events, can all help overcome these challenges. disease and misfortune come to people of every background and age. we must find effective means of communication between those of differing backgrounds. i encourage leaders of organizations offering volunteer activities to adopt these policies, but we also need to change the dialogue. it should no longer be a person in a lab coat who can help fight cancer; it should be everyone. it should be the individual stirring the pot of beans for a community dinner or the person helping a little girl put glitter on her drawing and making sure her medical tubes do not become “too fabulous.” by changing small aspects of the way we view service, we can fundamentally change the effectivity of our volunteering. this means more days made and more lives saved. ~ i would like to thank dr. karen schmeichel of oglethorpe university, who has mentored me through her immense wisdom and commitment to my success. gustafson r edit ay   undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   the metamorphosis: positive effects of a service learning internship seth gustafson grinnell college as my junior year of college approached, i was already worrying about next summer’s internship opportunities. in today’s competitive job market, internships are the best resource for obtaining a job right after college. while my preliminary goal was finding an internship that would pay the most or position me in an exotic area, i realized i was searching with the wrong intentions. the goal in life is not to have the most money or live in the biggest house; instead, the goal is to simply be happy. so i shut my laptop and grabbed the nearest pencil and paper to begin writing down what on this earth makes me joyful. as i began to write, it became apparent that i did not need some six-figure job, a big house, or a fancy car. all i needed for happiness was a job that would allow me to assist in improving people’s lives. i believe mahatma gandhi expressed the importance of community service best when he said, “you must be the change you wish to see in the world.” in the midst of this awe-inspiring moment of clarity, my cell phone rang. my mother was on the other end of the line, and we began our normal tête-à-tête regarding work, life, school, and my future plans. as i discussed with her my recent enlightenment, what she said next changed my entire life. my mother told me how much of a coincidence it was that i revealed my epiphany to her that day, because she learned from one of her landscaping clients that an in-town counseling institution was beginning to accept internship applications and her client was on the board of this particular institution. as my mom told me this, i pulled up on google the company, rosecrance, which is located in rockford, illinois. i found out that this institution is a non-profit company that provides mental health and substance abuse services to children, adolescents, adults, and families. due to my recent epiphany and current endeavor of majoring in psychology, learning of this opportunity ignited a fire of excitement inside me. after my conversation with my mother, i ventured to the campus science building to print off the application. within twenty minutes, that application was in the mail en route to rockford. although i was entering my junior year with an idea and opportunity, i still felt burdened by feelings of uncertainty. luckily, i had a health psychology seminar professor who conducted her course in a way that sparked my interest while challenging me intellectually through readings, discussions, and papers. this professor took the time to get to know her students, while teaching life-changing skills. as this professor furthered my personal and professional development, my eyes were open for the first time to see, with extreme clarity, the path in front of me. as i finished up my health psychology seminar and heard i was accepted as an intern at rosecrance, the reality of how much i had grown in the last year set in. coming into my internship at rosecrance, i wanted to accomplish many goals, but the main one was to figure out which professional field within social services, whether social work or counseling, working with adolescents or adults, and focusing on mental health or substance abuse, i wanted to pursue with my b.a. in psychology. rosecrance offers inpatient and outpatient programs for prevention, intervention, detoxification, therapy, education, and treatment of drug addictions as well as mental health issues. while interning at rosecrance, i spent time in the human resources department and in mental health centers for children, adolescents, and adults. the most important feature of this internship was the ability to work with every aspect of rosecrance, which guided me to possible   gustafson 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   career paths. along with aiding in my search for the perfect profession, i got to experience, firsthand, what it takes to formally help a population in dire need of assistance. despite my lack of training or experience in counseling, i brought a strong work ethic and an excitement to learn. the experiences and knowledge i gained at rosecrance have reinforced my ambitions, as well as made me a better person overall. my first week at rosecrance was spent in the human resources department. because my internship had me going from campus to campus, rosecrance wanted me to figure out broad “behind the scenes” processes that allow a non-profit health organization to succeed. while at this department, i learned what it takes to run a successful non-profit organization, but i was extremely excited to transition to working directly with the clients who needed counseling. my second and third weeks at rosecrance were spent at the adult mental health facility, the ware center. the ware center provides individuals who are 18 years of age or older with counseling and a number of other resources for all ranges of mental illness. the majority of clients have no insurance, no benefits, and, for the most part, no place to call home. throughout my time there i encountered many low functioning clients who rarely made any progress but still needed to be seen two to five times per week. during this time, i visited a troubled nineteen-year-old with severe schizophrenia who had recently been admitted into the psychiatric ward at the local hospital. he had been diagnosed with a mental illness around twelve years old and suffered from an extreme lack of social skills. as i entered the psychiatric ward, my excitement for a significant interaction with a client was at an all-time high. up to this point i had only shadowed and observed counselors, but this counselor allowed me to interject whenever i deemed necessary. as we entered the client’s room, the counselor took the lead addressing the vital information of medication, mood, affect, and thoughts on his discharge. after that, the client instantaneously started conversing with me and before i knew what happened, we had a 45-minute counseling session. it was an incredible experience, and on the ride back to rosecrance, the counselor commended me on my ability to keep the client on track while keeping the mood light and making him laugh. i did not realize it at the time, but maintaining a calm, laid back environment with the client gets more sufficient results. additionally, treating clients like you would any other individual, instead of someone with a mental illness, is key to getting the client to open up. this experience reinforced what i learned in my health psychology courses about social support as a powerful treatment for any illness. with this particular population, casual conversation and friendliness can go such a long way in treatment, and it is a skill that i will always keep in my back pocket for when i need it again. i continued to have powerful, emotional, and exciting experiences at the ware center via face-to-face interactions. the majority of my third week at rosecrance was spent in the triage center, which is a 24/7/365 emergency center that handles severe incidences of mental illness. clients can stay in this center for up to 23 hours before they are discharged to the hospital, back home, or to a two-week rehabilitation apartment complex. my first experience began two hours into my first day at triage. i was handed the paperwork for a 20-year-old who was unstable, hearing voices, violent, and extremely untrusting. when he arrived, he was feeling threatened and overcome with feelings of violence. the voices inside his head were getting louder and telling him to do bad things. as the situation escalated, i decided to take a chance. i remembered his file said he played football for a semi-pro team, so i asked what position he played. the client immediately stopped talking and responded with, “who the f*** are you?” i answered by introducing myself   gustafson 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   and explaining my involvement with football. for the next ten minutes, the client and i discussed various football topics until he calmed down. for the rest of the day i was in charge of keeping the client serene enough to fill out assessments and treatment plans. by staying composed in a high-stress situation, i was able to connect with the patient, while calming him down as well. i believe clients mimic the demeanor of the counselor, which is why maintaining tranquility throughout treatment is important. calmness will definitely be a characteristic i will focus on throughout the rest of my education in the field of counseling. after my counseling “debut” i was entrusted with the responsibility of accompanying the primary counselor to all of her clients the next day. this made me a little nervous, but i stayed confident and tried to focus on what my supervisor called “counselor’s intuition.” for my remaining time at the triage center, i was able to talk with many of the clients while keeping them occupied, calming them down from various episodes, or discussing what led them to this point in their lives. i learned many valuable counseling skills about personal boundaries, social support, coping skills, taking steps toward gaining support/acceptance, and how to explain the process of sustainable treatment. not only have i learned such valuable lessons, but i am also continually honing such skills via repetition and consistency until they are second nature. after my time at the ware center, i transitioned to rosecrance’s berry campus, the child and adolescent mental health center. while interning at berry, i shadowed an array of positions that fit in with my anticipated academic path, allowing me to observe the uniqueness of each counselor's approach to the wide range of clients. in order to build rapport with children (ages three to twelve), the counselors utilized play-based therapy. this involves playing games or participating in activities that will eventually build trust, leading to honest, productive therapy sessions. for instance, popular forms of play-based therapy i observed with children were jenga, chutes & ladders, uno, basketball, duct tape art, and origami. for older individuals (ages thirteen to eighteen), rapport building was done through more advanced games and activities, such as emotion candy land, casual conversations, risk, and card games. throughout my experience at berry, i learned an immense amount of theoretical knowledge, but also had the opportunity to learn experientially, in the form of play-based therapy. my first experience happened with three to five year olds who were diagnosed with adhd. the main goal of these therapy sessions was to get the clients to focus on a particular activity for an extended period of time. i attempted this by taking all the boys outside for kickball and tossing a football around. i had so much fun directing and playing with these kids that the hour-long session flew by. afterwards, the counselors discussed with me that making activities fun and engaging is the solution to building one’s attention span with adhd. i also mimicked my high school basketball coach by encouraging everyone no matter what happened. at such a young age, it is imperative to build the children’s self-confidence, because that will make them focus harder on the task at hand, instead of simply walking away to find something new. my next few experiences happened while with the community support team (cst). this group allowed me to do much more with the clients than simply observe. possibly the most inspiring experience i had with cst was on my final day with a counselor who had more than twenty years of experience. this made me a little nervous, but also excited to apply the skills that i had learned over the past four to five weeks. after we picked up the first client, she told me, “i’m going to sit on the bench over there. come get me if you have any questions. good luck!” she was giving me the freedom to do whatever i wanted with the client. i accepted that challenge and again found out that socializing while staying calm and collected is a useful technique while working with clients, especially adolescents. i felt the session went extremely well, due to the   gustafson 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   constant conversation and lack of awkward silences. as a younger individual, adolescents feel more comfortable around me and perceive me as an appropriate outlet for their feelings. i was extremely lucky to get this opportunity from the counselor, because working with this particular individual showed me how rewarding working with adolescents can truly be. my final significant experience occurred on my last day at berry campus. i was in charge of leading a group counseling session with children ages six to twelve. i chose to run the group session at my favorite childhood park; it had farm animals, volleyball courts, playgrounds, a creek, and open spaces. i hoped that the various activities would compensate for the diversity in ages and gender within the group so that everyone would have a great time. i enjoyed going from kid to kid feeding goats, playing football, catching turtles, swinging, and a variety of other activities. in group sessions, finding a common ground between clients is essential for successful treatment. additionally, these group sessions allow the clients to interact with others just like them, which lead to increased social support and a feeling of companionship. it was a great ending to an unforgettable experience that i will cherish and use to become the best possible counselor i can be. being an untrained, undergrad interning at a counseling service where degrees and experience are necessary to thrive was intimidating and overwhelming. however, i learned certain skills that cannot be taught come in handy at the most pressing times. i also learned that something as simple as a conversation, having support and someone to talk to, can be extremely soothing for individuals with a mental illness. as suggested by the psychologist carl rogers, correcting behavior is not always the best remedy, but building relationships creates trust, which may improve behaviors more than any type of therapy. one commonality i noticed across counselors was the importance of the counselor-client relationship, especially with the vulnerable adolescent population. i observed that trust between client and counselor is the only way to yield maximum results in treatment. finally, i learned that despite individuals with mental illnesses being a difficult population to counsel, when there is a breakthrough the results are incredibly rewarding. knowing that you helped someone on his or her way to recovery and a better life is one of the greatest feelings in the worlds. i honestly feel like i made a huge difference by going to work every day. my time at the ware center was an eye opening experience that revealed just how many people in rockford need mental health services. helping out citizens en route to bettering the city as a whole is such an incredibly powerful sentiment. my time at ware made me feel that through this internship i bettered the lives of a few clients that otherwise would not have gotten the help needed for recovery. that is the kind of feeling that keeps me motivated and excited to learn more about social services and counseling. interning with rosecrance’s mental health services has given me many opportunities to experience face-to-face interactions, along with the knowledge of theories and the practical aspects of pursuing a career in counseling. this semester at grinnell college i am in abnormal psychology, a class that focuses on mental illness. through my time at berry, i learned to navigate the diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (dsm-iv), a skill that will be very useful in this class, even though the dsm-5 has recently been published. i also gained knowledge about local master’s programs in social work and counseling, the two main fields rosecrance looks for in mental health counselors. thus, my post-grinnell plans are already starting to come together because of this internship, and i could not be more thankful for the support rosecrance has provided me. without such an internship, i would most likely still be   gustafson 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   searching for my inner purpose in life. fortunately, i experienced five weeks of unforgettable moments that have helped form my social service aspirations. there is no doubt in my mind that addressing a major problem such as mental illness in my hometown of rockford, illinois has positively changed my outlook on life. i have gained much knowledge about important facets of counseling; the primary feature is building rapport to create therapeutic relationships while being extremely sociable, but still establishing and maintaining boundaries. i have portrayed and been recognized for displaying core concepts that are extremely valuable in this field, which gives me an immense amount of confidence and hope for my future in the field of counseling. however, the most important and unforgettable facet of my internship has been helping this population. i believe we are on this earth not to make money but to make the world a better place, and doing so allows me to achieve a feeling of bliss, while bettering the lives of our world’s future. “from what we get, we can make a living; what we give, however, makes a life” – arthur ashe. ~ i would like to express my gratitude to dr. e maxwell davis of california state university, east bay and professor asani seawell of grinnell college for their investment of time, enlightening advice, and endless encouragement. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 finding agency to create ripples of social change in the cancer world edmund e. smith oglethorpe university ripples. we have all experienced this seemingly minute wonder at some point in our lives. they are a series of waves in a body of water caused by a single force, disturbing the water’s quiet stillness. given the strength of the force, this ripple effect can be as minimal as dropping a small pebble in the water. a noticeable disturbance is witnessed, catalyzing a repetition of small waves, but after only a brief moment, the water returns to its original stagnant state. however, if we were to introduce a tremendous force, such as a boulder into a pond, a succession of higher order cataclysmic ripples would exist that would eventually erupt into waves crashing on nearby land. when i envision this effect, i imagine it being analogous to finding the agency to create a degree of social change. the cancer world has been perpetuated with fear and anguish, more lives tarnished than almost anything man could ever produce. its prominence proliferates daily, and simultaneously, growing research and cancer walks are conducted. it has become the talk echoed around the world, but maybe that is exactly what society needs. a conversation. society needs a proper conversation that will ignite the flame of the great social change. coming to this deceptively simple understanding took time as i and other students journeyed through the cancer biology class and saw the beauty of cancer through the power of service learning. for the cancer biology class, students knew they would be utilizing the overarching topics discussed to aid in their understanding of cancer, the patients involved, and the service work they would be generating. as such, we were encouraged to place all of the work that we completed in the classroom on a larger social context, understand both local and global perspectives, and effectively engage a wide variety of stakeholders. throughout the course of the semester, i meditated on how i could personally implement change in the cancer world as a student. organizations, such as the centers for disease control and prevention, national institutes of health, and national cancer institute have attempted to crack the code to cancer. while there have been vast improvements in comprehending cancer on multiple levels, representatives of these organizations eventually end at a crossroads, perplexed by one or more mechanistic effects of the disease. admittedly, i am not a leading researcher or oncologist. i also cannot empathize with a cancer patient or survivor because i have never had cancer. with these notions in mind, it became increasingly challenging to wrap my mind around how i, an undergrad student, could make a difference on an international issue and initiate my own ripples. cancer dates back many millennia and has affected the lives of hundreds of millions. how could one person, then, bring social change to an issue that has permeated so profoundly through time? we understand cancer is a disease with an extensive history and recognize it as an ailment so complex that we have failed to find a cure. even as we find new treatments, sometimes they are only effective to aid one aspect of the cancer but then unleash a cascade of other unexpected issues in the human system (mukherjee 2011). given the beastly nature of cancer as a topic and a polymorphic entity, it seemed testing to uncover a method i could develop that would facilitate advocacy in a way that was novel and generate social change. since we find ourselves in a time where we are uncovering more treatments and answers behind cancer, it would seem imperative more than ever to have more societal involvement. this was my agency manifesting. smith 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 the term “change” meanders heavily in this reflection because it is an interesting concept. in its simplest form we could define change as a general shift or overall movement to something different. the degree of this shift and movement, if having the proper impetus, has no real bounds, and thus, if we as a society wanted to create major change, we would need a collective agency powerful enough to draw the attention of the general public. finding a suitable boulder to drop in the pond took time. of all the possible avenues, it was quite fascinating that our boulder was art. we decided to use art as novel tool to spark the conversation of cancer for a few reasons. when people think of cancer there usually is, for understandable reasons, a very negative connotation. as the common person envisions cancer, he/she may see a sickly person being wheeled across the hospital, waiting for the next chemotherapy session. those with a personal connection may even think back to the pools of vomit a family member would produce throughout the night, his/her body losing the battle to cancer and the drugs attempting to stop it. simply discussing cancer can seem like a difficult feat because it brings forth an awkward tension. i and my fellow team leaders envisioned a moment where we revealed the “beauty” of cancer while comfortably being able to hold a conversation about the topic to the general audience. it was through art that we believed people could express their opinions, sentiments, and understanding. through art, artists are able to communicate in a manner that is on their terms and in a way that unleashes their emotions. thus, the “cancer night of art” was born. on the road to forming the event, we asked students in the cancer biology course and other interested students to find photos of histology slides of a particular cancer they were curious about and then, in their own way, generate a piece of artwork that portrayed their personal sentiments of the cancer. in addition, they were asked to not only provide a general description of their artwork but also provide a fact sheet about their cancer in the hopes of facilitating the general public’s understanding of the disease. visitors not only learned about cancer by viewing artwork, but also through conversing with cancer biology students about cancer knowledge and creating their own cancer art. this was the ripples of social change hard at work. from this moment, i learned something very valuable about service and ultimately being the agent of change. the best learning in most aspects of life derives from the act of service, whether it is service being imparted to a person, a group of people, or the greater community. when one begins to take on service, he/she is posed with profound, fundamental questions: who am i serving? why am i serving? why should i care about this service that i am considering? what social change could be made as a direct result of this service? what avenues can be taken in order to assure that this service and change comes to fruition? once this service is completed and a degree of social change is achieved, what can i do to assure that this change is maintained? as we begin to navigate through all these questions succinctly and find the answers within ourselves, we will have an increasingly better personal investment with the issue(s) at hand and a better understanding of our service work. in saying this, i have a profound appreciation for the service learning program at my university because it is a valuable opportunity to get students involved on a different tier of learning. the difference resides in the fact that students become much more connected to an area of learning when they have something to apply it to and actually visualize what they study in action. by witnessing such effects, students are more inclined to make a greater change. specifically for the cancer biology course, the service learning component allowed the students to go beyond the texts and apply what they learned to the atlanta community. for instance, knowledge about the varying methods of treatment for the patients was supported as the students volunteered at service sites, such as children’s healthcare of atlanta, american society hope lodge at emory university, and at a local hospice. by smith 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 immersing ourselves with cancer patients, learning of their toils, and hosting events that would create awareness of the disease in different settings, we ultimately raised our voices and proclaimed why the general public should care about cancer and why people should want to do their part in raising more awareness. we were finally able to comprehend the meaning behind creating ripples of social change and how others in the world could spark change of their own. social change is an altering in the social order of society, whether it is modifications in social nature, behaviors, relations, or institutions. with every occurrence of successful social change, there always exists an initial, potent force that drove the idea for the change. this force, “agency,” is ultimately the urgency felt and the action taken to invoke a change on a current societal norm. as with my time in the cancer biology course, it is sometimes difficult to adjoin the hands of agency and the hands of social change. an instance in which i witnessed and understood the collaboration of agency and social change for the first time occurred in 2007. during august of that year, my home was struck by lightning and erupted in flames. being the eldest of four siblings, having one parent out of the country, and consoling a distraught mother, it proved very difficult to maintain any ounce of hope. however, by living in a community that took the time to understand our plight, we were able to feel the ripples of change. there were teams of people who specifically focused on establishing new living arrangements and collecting food, clothing, and monetary donations. each of these areas of assistance equated to multiple stones thrown into our “pond,” creating consistent, successive ripples that would eventually lead to the grandest wave of change for my family. looking back on this moment, this became a time in my life where i personally grasped the concept of the true meaning of service and how, with the aid of others, social change can be realized and sustained. i believe it was this understanding that ultimately guided me through my future service work, and even more as both a civic engagement scholar and student of the cancer biology course. a civic engagement scholar is a distinction granted to up to three incoming freshman students invited to oglethorpe university’s scholarship weekend. after a weekend of competition these three students are selected on their ability to comprehend the true nature of service and its purpose and on their potential ability to guide students at the university through their journey of service work and service learning. ultimately, it is in part through this guidance that by the end of a student’s time at oglethorpe, he/she will truly grasp the school’s motto of “make a life. make a living. make a difference.” as a civic engagement scholar, i was consistently seen as a service leader for my peers, and even though my past experiences prior to oglethorpe afforded me the ability to witness the fruits of social change, with every event i coled at oglethorpe, i became even more cognizant of the road that leads to great social change. for every volunteer opportunity, there exists a moment to create more astounding ripples. when students share their time to sort books to send to africa, they produce social change by enhancing the education opportunities for tens of thousands of lives who otherwise would not have an easier means to learn. by cleaning a local park, students add to the ripple of social change by reducing urban sprawl and allowing for the area to be environmentally friendly. a new set of challenges emerged with each service learning project i was involved with, but with the proper agency and spirit of the students, it was possible to witness social change and the sustainability of our work. however, it was not until i took the cancer biology service learning course that i realized that i was embarking on a journey that would be much grander than myself. i had to remind myself about the idea behind leadership and what social change could accomplish on a vast scale. smith 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 authors of the social change model describe a leader as not necessarily being the one to hold a position or the one to be perceived as a leader by others, but rather as one who is “able to affect positive change for the betterment of others, the community, and society” (komives and wagner 2009). thus, leadership is not one of positions, but one that is a process of collaborative bodies coming together because of a certain agency. proper agency then leads to a collective action facilitating positive change. a leader is an agent attempting to promote social change, and leadership is the collaborative action that is taken to create social change on the basis of shared values of the collective whole. as students attempting to study and understand cancer, we often became perplexed by its unyielding complexity. for every scientific journal read, every study discussed, and every molecular mechanism analyzed, there was a proclivity to conclude that more research needed to be done. even more so, we realized the layperson needed to invest time in learning about the disease. agency for change was propagating and art was our brilliant boulder. the general audience for the cancer night of art event was primarily oglethorpe students and friends/interested persons of the atlanta community. we reached out to these people via social media, flyers, and table topper ads that were displayed across the school dining hall. as the event proceeded, the size of the audience continued to increase tremendously, admittedly much more than we ever expected. the most inspiring thing was that all attendees seemed emotionally invested in our cause and were more excited to generate pieces of art that would tell their stories and personal challenges with cancer. one piece of artwork expressed the difficulty of breast cancer for women and complications involved. however, the woman portrayed, though missing her breasts as a result of surgery, was wearing a beautiful dress composed of endearing words, such as “beautiful, intelligent, and strong.” this overall revealed a great sense of retained identity for the cancer patient despite a disease that physiologically altered the woman greatly. one particular student was a friend of mine, and i never knew until he started to paint that he is a cancer survivor. as he generated a piece depicting the scar he developed as a result of surgery, he told me about how he once had a strange feeling when he was sixteen years old and decided to visit the doctor. by chance, he was diagnosed with testicular cancer. fortunately, he found out about his condition early enough to successfully treat it. as he made the final touches upon his painting, i became amazed and moved that he depicted his scar in a way that did not reveal pain or disadvantage, but one that primarily unveiled a sense of gratitude; rather, he was granted tenacity and strength. overall, it was enlightening to see so many people becoming invested with their individual artworks and taking a moment to learn more about cancer. the purpose of the cancer night of art was reached, and ripples of change had occurred. the only question left was “what next?” what now, after we have seen our ripples? if there is one final thing that i have learned from this moment it is the essence and power of continuation. once social change has been established within a given community, efforts must be made in order for the conversation to continue to circulate and for the positive change to continue to thrive. considering how well the cancer night of art was this year, it should be a recurring event and expanded upon, specifically on the grounds of it being a good conversation starter and generating a unique sense of advocacy. to expand on the project from this year, with enough preparation time, it would be more than feasible to still have different art pieces displayed in conjunction with a fashion component where students would dress/design clothing that would depict their sentiments of a particular cancer or cancer as a whole. to make the night even more artistic, possibly having some students perform some interpretive dances or having smith 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 musicians play an instrumental piece/sing based on their perceptions of cancer would be even more inspiring. imagine if we even wanted to take this idea one step further. we could contact the american cancer society and pilot local cancer art nights, and given the successes of the local events, we could eventually expand into a state-wide and even a national phenomenon. but that is just it, isn’t it? there are an infinite number of things we can do to sow the seeds of true social change. when the agency to create positive social change is potent enough, anything can be realized. you just have to be the initial force. ripples. ~ i would like to thank dr. karen schmeichel for being the agent of change for me and other students at oglethorpe university. whether in the realm of academics or service, she consistently encourages her students to expand their minds and think on a much wider scope. she inspires students to always be better than their current selves and allows them to realize that the journey throughout the course of life is sometimes a difficult one. however, as she so adequately advises from her time as a hockey player: “keep your stick on the ice” and you will be able to relish in the fruits of your labor. references komives, s. r. and w. wagner. 2009. leadership for a better world: understanding the social change model of leadership development. san francisco: jossey-bass, a wiley imprint. mukherjee, s. 2011. the emperor of all maladies: a biography of cancer. new york: scribner. the self-empowerment of students and communities in community-based learning: how feminist pedagogy creates successful partnerships 1 the self-empowerment of students and communities in community-based learning: how feminist pedagogy creates successful partnerships kelly albino stonehill college introduction throughout my college experience, i interacted with community-based learning (cbl) in myriad ways, beginning with student participation as a volunteer and donating my time within the structure of a course, progressing to researching the theory behind cbl and solutions to its common problems, and concluding with my unusual experience as a community partner leading an on-campus organization through the maze of working with student volunteers. in all of these varied interactions, the problem of less-than-satisfactory partnerships continued to plague my experiences with cbl, changing but never disappearing as my roles within the cbl structure shifted. experiences with community-based learning my first community-based learning experience in college was the introduction to gender studies course i took my sophomore year, and our community partner was the local women’s shelter, a new day. this course required two weekly volunteer hours in addition to completing a “community service” campaign on our own campus for our final project. this ultimately meant that we did our service hours both on and off campus; since the shelter considers our campus a part of their catchment area, they wanted us to help them get to know the campus and uncover issues that they could help us eradicate. i suspected, as seemed natural at the time, that this relationship would end with the class: i would go on to other gender studies courses and a new day would or would not continue its work with the campus, regardless of my participation. i should have known better than to expect an end to this relationship. the next fall, i found myself in my former gender studies professor’s office talking about reviving the stonehill college women’s center in collaboration with a new day. the agreement was that a new day would provide a staff member for a few hours per week, and the stonehill administration would support the center through the gender and sexuality studies program. i was again in a relationship with a new day, positioned between the school and the community partner. throughout the initial two semesters of reviving the women’s center, renamed “the moore center for gender equity,” a new day provided money, staff support, and advice from professional counselors. within the first semester of existence, the moore center quickly became well known on campus. its high-profile campus activism and much-needed community-building and outreach initiatives attracted interest and attention from faculty and administration at stonehill. by the time the center’s second semester began, two professors approached the center to inquire about the possibility of a community-based learning collaboration between the center and their classes. they saw the moore center as an appropriate partner for their classes— introduction to sociology (soc101) and history of sexuality (his230)—and as more low-key and accessible than off-campus partners. because my co-director and i both live and study on 2 campus, the professors also had greater access to us as contacts with the community partner, which helped with their planning and last-minute questions about the collaboration. during the moore center’s third semester, the center participated in two separate, and very different, cbl partnerships. simultaneously, in addition to playing the role of “community partner” as the director of the moore center, i continued my relationship with a new day as a student intern. in my capacity as an intern at a new day, i experienced the frustrations and challenges of working with a community partner with too many interns and not enough projects. reflecting on this during the semester informed my actions and shaped my decisions as a community partner working with stonehill students through the moore center. my varied experiences working with the moore center and a new day, in addition to my research about other community partners, showed me from all angles that these community-based learning relationships were not as beneficial to either party as they could have been. because the primary goal of cbl is mutual benefit, it is imperative to ensure this first and foremost in every relationship. two experiences as a community partner: soc101 and his230 though it wasn’t completely without room for improvement, the moore center’s projectbased collaboration with his230 was our most successful endeavor, as defined by the goals of cbl. success, in these terms, is a relationship in which both the student and the partner organization participate fully and contribute equally to solve a common problem in the community. ideally, the student begins by learning about the community partner and its assets and needs and then takes on more responsibility. the community partner should then encourage the student to use his or her existing and developing skills to identify a problem within the community and work collaboratively to develop a solution. this model, following suggestions of feminist pedagogy for full engagement and equal power dynamics, assumes the student is an eager and genuine learner and that the community partner is providing the resources the student needs to develop a reasonable plan for solution. in an endeavor to create this type of successful relationship at the moore center, the leadership team pursued group projects based around previously identified problems within the center. this attempted to ensure mutual benefit and respect for both the history of the moore center as well as the skills and assets of the students who then had access to the expertise and skills of multiple students rather than relying on their singular experience. once the collaboration began, students chose an item from the list of development needs identified at the moore center meetings and began to work closely with center staff to develop an appropriate response to their chosen research area. students were able to get involved with the inner workings of the moore center and begin to build solutions from existing structures in the center and work on equal terms with the center’s leadership. this type of relationship allowed the leadership team to work with the volunteers in an equitable power dynamic: the moore center leaders knew the inner workings of the center and the campus, and the volunteers brought their own expertise. together, the teams collaborated to create effective solutions. when handling individual students rather than groups, however, as in our relationship with soc101, we did not experience the same successful project outcomes. we began by requiring individual students to attend moore center meetings on sunday nights to meet our other students and gather a basic understanding of the center’s rhythms and routines. afterward, we met with them to discuss their thoughts about where they could best be of service to the center. during these meetings, we highlighted specific upcoming projects with which we could 3 use their help. rather than collaborating with us to define a space for them within the ranks of the center, most were happy to have tasks assigned to them. though this evaded the model of equity that we hoped for in our cbl relationship, the volunteers generally showed up when and where they were required, so there were no outstanding problems. some volunteers, however, showed leadership potential throughout the semester, which the leadership team made sure to capitalize on. as the weeks progressed, we handed the eager students from soc101 more responsibility and eventually encouraged them to take charge of entire projects. to one student, we assigned the project of coordinating publicity for our next event, and another took on an outreach campaign to introduce the center to incoming students. with both situations, however, once the student took on the responsibility, the student faltered and lost confidence, requiring the leadership team to intervene to ensure completion of the tasks. this individualized method of depending on one unreliable student was ineffective, inefficient, and served more as a drain than a benefit to the moore center. despite our attempts at creating equitable relationships and avoiding the typical cbl power dynamics, students proved more successful when we simply assigned roles and duties rather than when we collaborated to identify areas in which they could be of service. the project-based collaboration between the moore center and his230 was more equitable and beneficial to the students and the community partner than the relationship between the center and soc101, which ended up in little benefit to either the students or the center. the group project-based model utilized with his230 values students’ input and experiences, encouraging them to select a challenge faced by the center in which they are interested and wrestle with it on behalf of the center. this encourages them to use their expertise and skills to solve the problem given the structures already present in the community partner. this model validates students’ experiences and draws on their expertise from within the class or from past experiences, prohibiting either party from becoming an authority in the relationship. because the students used their skills to creatively solve problems for the center, they contributed equally as partners instead of taking the typical student role of subordinate. this model did fail in some cases, as well, however, when student groups presented products or solutions that were unrelated or unhelpful to the center. around mid-march, the responsibility for communicating with the center leadership shifted from the professor to the individual student groups. because the student groups did not communicate well with the moore center representatives, the resulting final projects did not ultimately benefit the center. if the moore center staff and the students had better stayed in touch as student groups created their projects, staff could have guided students towards projects that were more useful to the center: it became evident to the moore center team that lines of communication must stay open throughout the semester in order to ensure benefit to both community partner and students. despite this breakdown in communication, however, the moore center’s collaboration with his230 produced more equitable and productive relationships than that between the center and soc101. the method of cbl utilized with soc101 did not create a relationship of mutual benefit and resulted in frustration for both the center and the students. the center leadership team was never able to easily integrate the volunteers into the organization and finally simply began asking them to show up at certain places and times when they were most needed. this model does not benefit the student in any tangible way other than to allow him or her to accumulate required hours. additionally, because of the importance of the tasks assigned to cbl volunteers, the leadership team was unable to provide the authentic learning experience of 4 potential failure to the student and had to step in at the last moment to ensure success. center leadership would have benefited greatly from extra hands to share daily duties with, but relying on students who fail to execute tasks necessary to the center’s operation simply puts the work back on the leadership team and at inconvenient moments. attempting to integrate students individually into the center and assigning responsibility to those who showed promise did not result in benefit to the center, and simultaneously provided little empowering service experience to the student volunteer. applying feminist pedagogy to community-based learning previous research reports on the experiences of community partners in cbl relationships and their recommendations for creating partnerships that provide them with greater benefit. david blouin and evelyn perry (2009) explore the benefactor from and benefit of servicelearning relationships and report that the community partners believe cbl relationships do benefit their organizations overall but also hope to increase their benefit from these relationships. ultimately, blouin and perry suggest the need for greater communication between professors and community partners, a greater role for the community partner in shaping classes, and an explanation of students’ duties to the community written and agreed upon by the professor and community organization and distributed to each student (2009, 132-33). though this research outlines the complicated relationships between students, professors, and community partners, it does not report on the effect of these relationships on students. blouin and perry’s research does, however, report that community partners will continue to pursue cbl relationships and believe in their overall benefit. the discourse of feminist pedagogy comments similarly on the successes and challenges of these same relationships but from the vantage points of the student and teacher. jennifer gore (1992) illustrates that feminist pedagogy departs from traditional notions of the clear power dynamics of the classroom and instead aims to place teachers and students on a more level playing field, stressing the equal value of each person’s experience. the importance of sharing of power also extends to the practice of empowerment within the classroom and troubles the accepted model of teacher as harbinger of student empowerment. gore argues that empowerment must always be a reflexive act and argues that no one person can empower another. teachers can only provide their students with the opportunity to empower themselves, she writes, using their power “in an attempt… to help others exercise power” (1992, 59). rather than striving to empower their students, then—an act which slips backward into the unequal dynamic of teacher as dominant and student as subordinate—teachers facilitate their students’ self-empowerment, maintaining an even subject-subject relationship within which both parties have power. the notion of teacher as a facilitator of self-empowerment rather than a powerful figure bestowing empowerment on the oppressed shines new light on the basic premise of student empowerment through community-based learning. instead of requiring the professor to carry the responsibility of empowering students through a cbl relationship, the idea of the importance of self-empowerment suggests a more laissez-faire approach to facilitating a successful relationship. based on my reading and my work as a community partner and as a student volunteer in multiple capacities, i recommend a refined model for partnerships between classes and community partners. this model puts the opportunity for self-empowerment squarely on the shoulders of students as facilitated by a committed community partner with a clear connection to the class or other issues of pertinence to the student. 5 though the moore center’s first cbl partnerships provided varying degrees of benefit to both the organization and the student volunteers, the preexisting literature encourages continued attempts at successful cbl relationships. feminist pedagogy stresses the importance of equitable relationships in fostering true student growth and self-empowerment, and blouin and perry’s research suggests that cbl relationships do create overall positive experiences for the community partner (2009). as evidenced by the moore center’s cbl relationships, the crucial requirements for a truly beneficial cbl partnership are persistence, understanding, and dedication: it is imperative that the faculty member, community partner, and students reach an understanding of the effort necessary and agree to dedicate the time and energy necessary to crafting a successful relationship. without these elements, a cbl relationship will not be mutually beneficial to the student and community partner nor will it foster an authentic learning experience and opportunity for self-empowerment. with no promise of mutual benefit, it is important to reassess the impetus for completing a cbl project at all: if agreement cannot be reached on these fronts, the relationship will not benefit any party and is not worth the time and effort of any party. part of the understanding necessary to creating successful relationships is the commitment to an egalitarian power dynamic between student and community partner. because the student volunteer and community partner have equal power and authority in the relationship, both give to and receive from the relationship. this necessitates that the student find some aspect of the community partner’s work to which he or she can contribute as an “expert.” through the student’s expertise on a given subject, the partner organization considers him or her an expert and the student begins to see him/herself in that same light. this crafts a cbl partnership in which, unlike many, the community partner’s energy and resource output is worthwhile and the student recognizes his or her own value to the community. this also enables self-empowerment on the part of the student, who begins to recognize himself or herself as a valuable resource through the eyes of the community partner. if the community partner finds this too difficult to enact, the organization must evaluate whether a cbl partnership is feasible at all. conclusion blouin and perry identify the main goal of cbl as a part of the educational experience that “address[es] community needs while giving students hands-on practical experience and encouraging civic responsibility” (2009, 121). in order for cbl to have a lasting effect of selfempowerment and true knowledge gain for student volunteers, however, i argue that the goal of cbl must be much more than simply “practical experience” and encouragement toward responsible citizenship. community-based learning is unpredictable and real and can give students feelings of true value and worth in relation to persons or organizations outside of the academic bubble. to settle for the mere attainment of practical experience is to sell cbl short and prevent students from gaining experience and knowledge and growing to their fullest extent—a possible consequence that represents the opposite of feminist academic goals. this perhaps illuminates the reason for the lackluster response to cbl partnerships on all sides: student, professor, and community partner. but by shifting our goal from simply “addressing community needs” to creating spaces in which students can attain self-empowerment and grow as individuals, we can reinvigorate the field of community-based learning to make it attractive and worthwhile for all parties involved. 6 references blouin, david d., and evelyn m. perry. 2009. “whom does service learning really serve? community-based organizations’ perspectives on service learning.” teaching sociology 37 (2): 120-35. gore, jennifer. 1992. “what we can do for you! what can ‘we’ do for ‘you’?: struggling over empowerment in critical and feminist pedagogy.” in feminisms and critical pedagogy, edited by carmen luke and jennifer gore, 54-73. london, england: routledge. the self-empowerment of students and communities in community-based learning: how feminist pedagogy creates successful partnerships undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 sound off: yesterday, today, and tomorrow’s tales of an artivist brytelle walton penn state university – berks telling stories storytelling has allowed me to discover much about others, myself, and the complex ideologies of life. i have developed these concepts in a space of academia, professionalism, and social justice, all the while conscious of being a voice for people that have been muted through generations for one unjust reason or another. my voice as a writer and storyteller continues to gain range as i continue in this craft. there are genuine simplicities in the art of storytelling. i became aware of these well before i was aware of the complex power this form of art has in continuing cultures, traditions, and communities. before i learned of the authenticity in voice or the justice in socializing and sharing, my ears listened while my mind painted pictures as individuals shared with me times before my own. when i was a child, my great-grandmother told stories of growing up in mississippi. she was a young black girl during the 1930s, a time when the world did not see her the way the world sees me today. to have a conversation with her now, almost twenty years after she first started sharing her stories with me, some of my stories may change her perceptions. though, there are moments when she would feel just the same. storytelling is what connects yesterday to today and today to tomorrow. for african americans, many moments in our history were told only to be forgotten, eras that others wanted us to wash away. yet we continue traditions rooted in stories that tell of struggle that turned to strength. sharing stories is what kept people like my great-grandmother uplifted, even when she was being broken down, silenced by oppressors and tyrants who did not understand how rich we were as a people. our stories made us wealthy, our tales golden, and that was what made us rich. simpler moments were shared with my father, a former sailor for the u.s. navy. he harbored stories in souvenirs brought home from traveling the waters of asia and europe. my brother and i would rummage through my grandmother’s house, where pictures told of the boy before he became the sailor. listening to family and friends on a saturday afternoon cookout, i listened as my mother chimed in on their earlier days as a couple. everywhere i listened, i heard booming voices bellowing out about yesteryears. even on a quiet sunday, when my grandmother’s café was closed, my cousins and i practiced absorbing customer tales over icecold colas. in elementary school, my generation of storytellers began making a way of our own. i admired friends telling tales of worlds unknown to one another. many of our home lives were different. all of us had our own separate cultures and traditions. but at school, we were one collective while still bringing a sense of uniqueness to the group. we were an urban nonfiction compilation of diverse individuals. linear themes like family and friendships weaved through the stories we shared. growing up in reading, pennsylvania, everyone came from different communities, but we were always one city. the narratives told daily were in the language of natives. dialects of power and triumph to struggle and tragedy were well understood by one another. walton 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 today, my story is set in the chapter of a professional academic and scholar. i have sharpened my storytelling skills through working with students in traditional academic and residential education environments. though the students were primarily focused on their studies, there was always time for interactive conversations. impromptu scenarios and situations were frequently turned into a space where i shared my own experiences with the students. that the children were from reading and other inner-city communities gave me the advantage of being able to draw from the very experiences many of these students were currently dealing with. something as simple as having an authentic understanding of all that encompassed them as an individual has always been very crucial in the building of trust exchanged between the students and me. most of my professional experience thus far has been in residential settings, where my role was more personable than professional. taking on roles of parent and/or guardian for these students, many in new and unfamiliar environments, meant i had to create a safety net for these young people. these interactions paralleled the very experiences i had with my greatgrandmother when i was young. author loretta j. ross, who wrote the essay “sistersong and voices of feminism project,” notes, “we weaved together the threads of our collective experiences to create quilts of iconic stories of triumphs, of failures, of dreams, and of realities. most of all, the stories were about possibilities” (2008). ross was being recognized by a women’s history collective for her strides in women’s reproductive health. while she was receptive to the recognition, she found that women who were just like her, phenomenal women of color in the reproductive health profession, were not–but needed to be–recognized just as much as she did. when i work with inner-city youth, i have a similar consciousness of my role and how it can affect their lives. while my students were not all females with stories of pain and violation in the same way as in the sistersong project, they were young people with struggles and hardships. being able to build communities amongst each other, despite being from different and sometimes battling parts of the city, meant more than any rivaling reputation could. every opportunity in which i am able to provide a platform for these students to tell their stories is as necessary as it is to tell my own. working with students in the reading school district consistently reminded me of the years i spent as a student in these familiar buildings and hallways, partaking in similar times under the friday night lights of a red knight football game, or inside the geigle gymnasium watching the basketball team drive hard in the paint with bleachers overflowing with fans. we held together a sense of pride–proud of where we came from, the communities we were a part of and the ones we built together. through sharing and storytelling, the students were able to find out what i’d found out in similar ways: that we are not just whatever bad things we go through. narrate for the native when i enrolled in the english 472 course “current theories of writing and reading,” i was unaware of how personal things were about to get. what i loved most about storytelling was the unrestricted possibility in the use of my imagination and creativity. i could escape reality and create what i believed was and could be real. even as a nonfiction writer, creatively i have the ability to shine scenarios or situations that are used to being tarnished and tainted. a bright young girl who comes from a dark part of the neighborhood holds no less light than any other girl in the world. being born and raised in a city like reading, such was necessary. while we as a community had some dusty and dark corners, there were windows all around us that gave sight and light to just what was really here. unfortunately, not everyone saw what i have seen over the walton 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 last two decades as a proud resident. unless you were there, you are not aware of what is here. you do not understand the pride in “bleeding red and black” on a friday night and the excitement of a summer carnival starting on the last day of school. words like happiness and home aren’t used until you are used to seeing these things. instead my home has been connected to words like “poverty” and “devastated” on a more regular basis in articles from the new york times, npr.org, and the local newspaper, the reading eagle, which contribute to the influenced views of outsiders. in the late 2000s, reading was among the top ten impoverished cities in the country and in 2010 held the number one spot. our city was once known for attractions like our vanity fair outlets or the heavy industrial boom companies like carpenter and the dana corporation brought to the city. these articles were very much about distinguishing reading’s past from its present, not only about poverty but about the people who live here. thus, my classmates would begin a crash course on the dominant public narratives of reading that paint a very different picture than my view of the place i called home. when we read the introduction to a book by kretzmann and mcknight, i began to understand my professor’s motives for assigning these articles that demean my home. as kretzmann and mcknight note, popular narratives of “devastated” cities evoke “images of crime and violence, joblessness and welfare dependency, of gangs and drugs and homelessness, of vacant and abandoned land and buildings” (1993). this is what the authors describe as a deficiencies approach to improving impoverished communities: the negativity will always outweigh what positive potential it is striving for. they aim to switch the deficiencies approach to a capacities approach for cities that have positive and productive resources to draw from. reading has many assets from which to build: cultural organizations, churches and clergy groups, schools, and the very residents within these communities. outsiders should look to these assets in order to make things right. the storytelling project in english 472 was called “neighborhood narratives.” the goal was for students to conduct story circles with reading residents to give the native and active residents of reading a voice. media outlets played on stories that bypassed what else is going on in reading, most importantly the positive things. i became inspired by this project to authenticate the voices of different communities that collectively make up the city of reading. our neighborhood narrative project would tell the stories of community residents and organizations throughout the city that have and are continuing to make a difference for the people of reading. yet, i found an unfortunate reservation about my role in this project. how would we, collectively, be able to properly narrate the stories of these natives with an authentic voice if there was nothing truly authentic about the voices telling stories of the city my classmates were soon going to embark into. i faced a few more than your average college course struggles taking on this project. i needed to find a balance beyond being a professional scholar who was proud to be from this “notoriously devastated” city. as a resident and scholar, i needed to find an authenticity that was lacking in this space, presenting fuller truths of my community and myself. birth of an artivist through sharing experiences of the course and project with classmates, family, and friends about the positive attention this would provide for the city, i was able to conceive a new form of my professional self. this project would birth the artivist in me. kayhan irani, one of the walton 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 editors for telling stories to change the world, notes, “as an artivist my life is dedicated to presenting the arts as a channel–for artist or audience–to engage with social justice issues,” (2008). this term comes from her, though it was a role i had been living for quite some time. the name “artivist” provided a direction, one that i am embracing with each opportunity to artistically fight for social justice, not just for myself as an african american woman, but for others like me, and unlike me, that are in need of a voice. well before my english 472 course began, i was an activist; as a professional in the education field, i took on duties working with emotional-support and behavioral students that were given up on academically by the very individuals tasked to get them to succeed. from my very first experience working with students, their faces were all too familiar to the girl i once knew. i then made it a mission to give these students the same support i was given growing up and, perhaps more importantly, the support i did not get. it became my duty in everything i did as an educator to advocate for those young people that did not have a voice. i am in a new space as an artivist. combining my passion for arts such as writing and storytelling with my duty to advocate for and with underprivileged and silenced youth has become my career goal that i unconsciously knew i was to fulfill. through projects like storytelling, performance studies, and the various artistic outlets so many of these students possess, they put words to their good as well as their bad. it has become about being heard, no matter which way they say it. whether through paintings, dance, or writing, they are finding ways to survive, to live, and to show others they are alive. these youth channel their inner light to unapologetically shine bright, when others want it to dim, or even go out. as an artivist, i will be a guide for those lights, as i in return can allow them to continue to guide my path so they will one day begin on their own. my path most recently took a positive turn when i was successfully able to co-author a narrative essay with a classmate who was unfamiliar with much of the dynamics of the reading community and its contributing individuals. moments shared between this community collective and me, being able to relate solely because of our mutual residence within these city limits, was what made the project that much more meaningful to me. working with the members of the reading classic schwinn club, we were able to give a voice to this collective and its impact. this group of reading residents is not just about restoring old bikes. it is rooted in restoring the community. when members aren’t out recruiting young people to do something productive and positive, they are working together to provide for their families as well as themselves. they provide foundations that their children can continue in their own life journeys. reading classic schwinn club member julian galindo1 tells of how the club does all it has the resources to do to help the reading community. during the back-to-school rush, the club members gather and donate backpacks and school supplies for students in their local neighborhoods. as an insider who often has an ear to the outside, it was hard to hear what i did through media articles and those who only know what they’ve been told. it is my duty to provide the real voices to be heard, including the stories of young people, subjects of pain and poverty that turn around and create positive and productivity out of their situations. i have made it my mission to paint the portraits of what we in the community of reading see: the smiles of students socializing on after school walks, the smells of culture cooking amidst the city evening skyline, 1 portion was taken from the neighborhood narrative essay on the reading classic schwinn bike club in which julian galindo consented to participating in. walton 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 and most of all, what is never seen, but is always there–a city that is proud with residents that continue to tell their stories with pride. when outsiders cannot or do not understand why, we know the value of each and every inch of this city. through the stories of the community that have been and still must be been told, we will voice the narrative of reading, pennsylvania the only way it can be properly presented. over my final two semesters in college, i will continue this initiative, maximizing at great volumes the voices of our community. homage will be paid by way of the due justice that will come of the future storytelling projects within the reading community. the true advantage in my authenticity as a reading native was not relevant prior to beginning this project. my voice was lost underneath the negative stories that were overtaking the value of the place i call home. this was the injustice my role would take on. i had known the benefits of storytelling and being a storyteller in the realms of culture and tradition. it was not until i was able to utilize my craft as a storyteller this past semester that i discovered the great power it harbored. there is justice to be served, through our stories, through every form of each other’s words. the art of storytelling has the capability to change the world, one line at a time. ~ i acknowledge and express gracious thanks to dr. cheryl nicholas of the pennsylvania state university-berks campus for her continuous support, encouragement, and inspiration. i am the utmost grateful to acknowledge dr. laurie grobman of the pennsylvania state university-berks campus for her encouragement, motivation, and enthusiasm for my work. walton 6 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 references irani, kayhan. 2008. introduction to telling stories to change the world: global voices on the power of narrative to build community and make justice claims, edited by rick solinger, madeline fox, and kayhan irani, 1-14. new york: taylor & francis. kretzmann, john p., and john l. mcknight. 1993. introduction to building communities from the inside out: a path toward finding and mobilizing a community’s assessts, by john p. kretzmann and john l. mcknight, 1-11. illinois: institue for policy research. ross, loretta j. 2008. “storytelling in sistersong and the voices of feminism project.” in telling stories to change the world: global voices on the power of narrative to build community and make justice claims, edited by rick solinger, madeline fox, and kayhan irani, 66-71. new york: taylor & francis. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 the transformative power of art sofia sandoval university of pittsburgh introduction art has power, and it is evident in the world all around us. from decades long ago in which art began social revolutions, such as pablo picasso and diego rivera’s expressive works of socialist dreams, to more recent times when art exposes current social injustices, such as jr’s works challenging preconceptions and breaking down prejudices, it is clear and evident that art truly has a power. to be a teen in some of the inner city neighborhoods of pittsburgh means to grow up in a world where the mindset imposed by poverty rules and there seems to be no escape from it. poverty brings about a certain attitude that involves self-loathing and doubt in the existence of a future (strickland and rause 2007). young people feel doomed to repeat the same poverty cycle, like the generations before. however, as evident by the success rate of the manchester bidwell corporation, the cycle can be broken (strickland 2007). students that have been able to partake in the manchester bidwell after school programs have graduated high school and gone on to earn higher education degrees that ultimately lead to the ability to overcome the trappings of poverty (strickland 2010). behind the manchester bidwell corporation is a man that believes in the importance of helping others and the potential for growth of both urban youth and unemployed adults. bill strickland is a local pittsburgh hero; he grew up in one of the toughest neighborhoods of pittsburgh and was able to stay out of trouble thanks in part to his high school ceramics teacher. through ceramics, bill transformed from a calloused poverty ridden kid, to someone who had aspirations to get out of the neighborhood and better himself. he went on to the university of pittsburgh where he set up a pottery studio in his neighborhood for the local children, because he had realized the power art had had on him and could potentially have on others (strickland and rause 2007). through innovation and dogged perseverance, bill went on to expand his vision and created the manchester bidwell corporation. what bill saw, and what no one else had seen before, was the simple and honest truth: beautiful spaces create beautiful people. if trust is to be expected, then trust must be given. all human beings are capable; some may just need to be reminded that they are (strickland 2007). the manchester bidwell corporation offers diverse programming in order to create empowering educational environments for adults-in-transition at its bidwell training center, as well as urban and at-risk youth at manchester craftsmen’s guild (mcg). through mcg, after school arts programs are provided in various artistic fields. through the bidwell training center, technical and trade-focused classes are offered, ranging from culinary arts to medical technicians. the manchester bidwell corporation is located in the manchester neighborhood of pittsburgh, with the purpose of enriching all of southwestern pennsylvania, and has been replicated under different names in centers around the country and the world (stuart 2010). positive social changes for the youth have the ability to have profound effects on the rest of their lives (ballerini 1997). if a positive event occurs in the life of the young, it has the ability, especially if it reoccurs, to become a catalyst filled with constructive and nurturing energy. this energy can then become so dynamic that youth have the ability to propel out of sandoval 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 disadvantage and into success and freedom from the “poverty mindset” (strickland and rause 2007). art can be part of this catalyst. it has a central role in opening the door for positive changes as it instills within the young person a sense of self-worth, confidence, and ownership of his/her actions. all of these transformations ultimately help create momentum for him/her to overcome any disadvantages he/she may face, such as large income disparities or racial prejudices. important to this project was the students’ ability to become empowered through mcg and its art programs and the positive changes they were going through and the role art played in their lives to help bring this change. the transformation was not only evident within them but also within the pittsburgh community. mcg was able to use art as a tool to engage at-risk students and to propel them towards success within their own lives (strickland 2007). the success stories of students that have gone through mcg, in and of itself, call attention to how powerful involving kids in after school art classes can be, and bring forth the question of what other transformations within the students themselves the art classes made. do the students see their own transformations, not only tangible things like their academic achievements, but also their outlook on life and their potential future? do they feel that through art they have been changed, and if so how? these are the questions that needed to be answered in order to be able to truly give an explanation of how powerful and transformative art could be to students, and in the broader sense, to everyone. methods the community based research fellowship program at the university of pittsburgh honors college allows students to apply the research process to pertinent issues within the community. during the course of a semester, the student researcher works with a community partner to explore and address issues that are important within a particular community setting, with the ultimate research goal of promoting actions for positive social change. a faculty mentor also guides the student researcher along the process. the fellowship gives the student a semester stipend and requires weekly interdisciplinary seminars to discuss aspects of the project as well as learn about what it means to enact social change. six to ten fellows are chosen each semester from a wide range of academic backgrounds and interests in order to foster a group that is able to approach problems and talk about issues with an interdisciplinary view. the students, under the advisement of the faculty mentor and community partner, make all research plans and decisions. the community based research fellows are students that are passionate about working within their communities to improve the circumstances of the people living in them. however, a crucial component of the fellowship, and in turn the fellows, is to approach the community they are working with on an equalitarian level versus as an authoritarian figure. the goal is not the fellow to be the only one benefiting from the project, but that ultimately the community benefits as well. in order to be selected as a fellow, a community partner and a faculty mentor have to be chosen. i had discovered mcg earlier in the semester when bill strickland came to campus to give a lecture on social justice within the pittsburgh community. as bill described mcg, i realized the potential to create a project that provided tangible evidence of the force empowerment art has on students. i approached bill about the idea and he showed genuine interest. bill introduced me to two other members of the bidwell corporation that helped make sandoval 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 the research project possible. dave deily, vice president of mcg, and paulo nzambi, coo of manchester bidwell, worked with me to edit the project proposal so that the project answered the research questions but also advanced mcg’s objectives. delanie jenkins, chair of the studio arts department, was picked as the faculty mentor. she had previously been involved in many conversations about my desires to pursue socially conscious art projects, and had experience with using conversations to create artwork. this experience would become invaluable when trying to interview the students at mcg and when facing the unprecedented challenges. the research project entailed collaborating with mcg’s current students in the after school apprentice training program that involves art programs, to gain insight and answers to the research questions. in order to achieve this, i first had to become a familiar and trusting face for the students participating in the program. this needed to be done for the purpose of: not disrupting their work process, participating in the community rather than engaging paternalistically, and obtaining honest and insightful answers to the questions. volunteering in the ceramics studio one day a week monday through thursday and also volunteering in the open studio times on fridays enabled integration. the afternoons within the studio were spent getting to know each student on an individual basis by working with them and learning from them new techniques such as “throwing a pot,” which means making a pot out of clay using a clay wheel to create the form. in having the students directly teach the skills that they had already mastered, it redistributed the power role between them and me. as the semester progressed, the relationship with the students became much more collaborative and authentic. there were students from all walks of life, from across the city and even across the world, each with a unique personality, story, and laughter that ultimately blended together to fill the studio with a melodious whirr. after establishing relationships with them, the next step was to begin conducting a series of “interviews” with students that were willing to truly share their experiences. the “interviews” were to follow some guidelines with specific questions asked, but also unstructured enough that it would not impede the flow of a natural conversation. the conversations were to be taped on a phone in order for the act of conversing and divulging to be as natural and unassuming as possible, yet to still have data to reflect back on and analyze. clearances and parent consent forms were distributed to gain permission to record the students. the recordings were then going to be edited to create a sensory collage with the students’ verbal responses that would be exhibited side-by-side with some of the work the students had made throughout the semester. the goal was to present this installation in a gallery space that featured the students’ voices and work in order to inform the public of just how important and transformative art could be to youth. however, due to the bitter winter, many mcg classes were cancelled and opportunities were missed to get the recordings done. also, due to the short time frame of the project, the set back of the cancellations, and lack of recorded data had endangered the project from coming up empty handed. with the lack of recorded data, yet wanting to have something tangible to show for the research done at mcg, a second idea was quickly implemented: asking the students four simple questions and having them answer anonymously on a piece of paper in a word or short phrase. the questions were worded simply, but left a lot of room for interpretation so that each student could respond in a way that was true to what each was experiencing and internalizing. the set of four questions asked were: 1. what do you like about mcg/what is the best thing about mcg? 2. what do you like about art/ceramics? 3. do you think art is transformative? sandoval 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 4. do you think art has transformed you? the answers to the questions were then incorporated into four separate collages representing the four questions asked. they were then xerox transferred onto copper plates to be etched in order to create prints. yet, due to the low contrast and propensity for the handwritten letters to be too thin to properly ink, a new idea surfaced of directly printing onto the paper with the xerox transfer. further development of this idea meant printing on 3d surfaces that led to printing the word collages directly onto the ceramic bowls made during the semester at mcg. wanting to make the final presentation of the work feel more collaborative, the proposal to use mcg student-made bowls was presented and will be carried out in the fall semester due to a lack of time this semester to finish it. also in the fall, the printed word collages will be done with specialized ink that can be fired in the kiln so that it becomes a permanent part of the piece. results for question #1 (what do you like about mcg/what is the best thing about mcg?), students talked about mcg being a place to “meet people you can relate to” and “people that make you feel comfortable.” one student spoke of mcg giving him/her “freedom” and “helping them[me?] let go.” for question # 2 (what do you like about art/ceramics?), one student spoke of art as being a vessel to “be yourself.” another spoke of art being “therapeutic” and “making you feel so much better.” question #3 asked if art can be transformative, many students asked what it meant exactly by transformative. one student mentions, “art allows for feelings to come to life.” another says, “yes, i do believe art is transformative. just by looking at it, you can change your outlook on life or society.” for the last question asking if art transformed them, one student wrote, “of course art has changed me. i speak and express myself. i make friends.” another wrote, “it made me see things differently. i get to experience new things.” image 1: image of one of the printed bowls with word collage from question 4 sandoval 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 image 2: one of the word collages created from the student responses from question #1 image 3: one of the word collages created from the student responses from question #2 image 4: one of the word collages created from the student responses from question #3 sandoval 6 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 image 5: one of the word collages created from the student responses from question #4 discussion the responses collected from the surveys spoke of art, mcg, and transformation in varied ranges. some responses were comical and very much characterized the social aspects mcg and ceramics represented for these students. yet, other responses were very open and genuine in a more serious manner. the rawness of their responses and willingness to share their stories is incredible. students shared that they had gone through immense transformations that had made their lives better and enjoyable. they recognized the change in their lives and they attributed it to art and mcg. the awareness that art had made positive transformations was clear to them and to me. the responses for question #1 (image 2) show the value the students place in mcg and how welcome and safe they feel in the space. it also shows the sense of community the students feel at mcg and how important that community is for them. question #2 (image 3) further shows the value the students place in being able to participate in art and the value itself they place and see in art. question #3 (image 4) begins to get at the main goal of the research project, which was to identify if art has been transformative for the students. the students begin to share their thoughts on how art can change things, help things, and ultimately affect both life and society. lastly, in question #4 (image 5) the students really answer honestly if they think art has transformed them. in their reflections it is evident that they are conscious of the fact that art has affected them in a positive way. they give examples of how both personally, academically, and socially art has enabled them to make positive transformations. ultimately, with the responses to all the questions, the beauty and importance that each word represents is tangible. every bend and curve of every handwritten letter holds so much power. it represents the truth, the emotions, and the story that each student had faced up until the moment when the answers were written. the words and their work combined to give a vividness and realness to their transformations. from the beginning the students were very open to the idea of this research project. they often times opened up and explained their circumstances and how what they were doing – working with clay – had changed so much for them. they spoke about their futures and goals to go to college either to study art and/or other subjects. the students carried themselves around with a sense of purpose and dignity that many times eludes teenagers, especially those from sandoval 7 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 underserved public schools. the students had become masters of their craft through hard work, perseverance, and the full support of the staff at mcg. in the time spent at mcg, it became apparent through observations truly how transformed the students had become by continuously coming to mcg for art classes. this transformation was so evident that it was obvious when a student walked into the ceramics room whether he/she was new or had been coming for a while. it was not just that the veteran students knew where everything was and knew how to throw pots; it was much more than that. the veteran students were self-confident, they spoke clearly and confidently about themselves and their projects, and they did things as simple as standing straight and looking people in the eye when talking to them. the newer students were recluse, often times hunched over and unsure that they could ever be good enough or smart enough to figure out the art of ceramics. yet, as those students kept coming back, their voices became more confident, their smiles bigger, their shoulders straighter, and heads held higher. these observations, along with the artistic representation of them on the word collages, helped answer the question that art is in fact transformative for the students at mcg and exactly how it transforms them. ~ i would like to thank everyone at mcg; dave deily, vice president of mcg; paulo nzambi, coo of manchester bidwell; and keith hershberger, ceramics professor. i would also like to thank jeff guerrero, beyvan schantz, and all the art professors i worked with while at mcg. they were so kind and generous to let me come into their space and become part of their community. without their encouragement and support the project would have not been able to come to life. i would also like to acknowledge delanie jenkins, my faculty mentor, for helping me understand the goals of my project better and how to get started on it. as well i would like to thank lenore thomas, my printmaking professor that lent me the print studio so that i could come in and work on my project. lastly i would like to thank holly hickling and the university honors college for giving me the opportunity to pursue this research project and for encouraging me every step of the way. references ballerini, julia. 1997. “photography as a charitable weapon: poor kids and selfrepresentation.” radical history review 1997 (69): 160-188. strickland, bill. 2010. “how schools kill neighborhoods and can help save them.” in waiting for “superman”: how we can save america’s failing public schools, edited by karl weber, 69-80. new york: publicaffairs. stuart, toby, g. felda hardymon, james l. heskett, and ann leamon. 2010. “manchester bidwell corporation: the replication question.” harvard business school entrepreneurial management case no. 810-097. sandoval 8 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 strickland, bill. 2007. “creating a ‘common geography’: a long-term partnership in pittsburgh." skills for smart systems 2007 (fall): 13-16. strickland, bill and vince rause. 2007. make the impossible possible: one man’s crusade to inspire others to dream bigger and achieve the extraordinary. new york: currency/doubleday. cano r edit ay undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   intercultural communication: do you know what i mean? dulce aída cano university of texas-pan american in order to provide excellent service, an interpreter not only has to translate from one language to another, but must also have knowledge about cultures, communication, and the basis of the language. translating is something not many can do – it is one thing to be able to speak more than one language and another to translate between two languages. interpreting is an asset that people don’t typically think about when they picture a hospital scenario. the medical spanish minor program i participated in was created when the language barrier became a dilemma for health professionals in the rio grande valley (rgv) of texas. because of the large number of immigrants from mexico, the majority of the population in the rio grande valley is hispanic. the valley is composed of four counties: starr county, hidalgo county, willacy county, and cameron county. the u.s. census bureau (2013) calculates that 88.4 percent of cameron county is hispanic, along with 90.9 percent of hidalgo county, 95.6 percent of starr county, and 87.3 percent of willacy county. the health professionals of the rgv must be prepared for the barriers that this may cause. of course, the service provided by health professionals is different all around the world, and ultimately it is up to the health provider to adapt to the situations presented. the provider’s goal is guaranteeing that the patient is given the care that will benefit his/her health, though achieving that goal may be difficult. nonetheless, efficient communication guarantees physicians and nurses are able to provide more professional services. when the barrier of communication is placed between patient and doctor, endless amounts of distress and miscommunication may ensue. that’s when an interpreter steps in to overcome that communication barrier. an interpreter has to make a connection between two languages so the translation will flow smoothly. in my experience as an interpreter during my spanish 3199 internship, i learned the art of how two people are able to communicate with the use of a third person and the importance of accurate communication in a healthcare setting. the patient goes to the doctor to tell him/her about his/her symptoms and worries, but if the doctor does not speak the same language, the sole purpose of seeking medical attention may be rendered useless. the interpreter has to be able to translate what the patient wishes in the way he/she expresses it, so that the doctor will know the intensity of what the patient is trying to communicate. i attended med high my sophomore, junior, and senior years. it is located in mercedes, texas and is a high school focused on preparing students for the medical field. most of the students who attend have aspirations of being a nurse, therapist, physician, or other healthcare professional. the university of texas-pan american offers the medical spanish program to med high students, and anyone who wishes to apply may do so if he/she meets the criteria. i aspire to be a cosmetic dermatologist, and in the fall of 2013 i will begin my undergraduate studies at the university of texas-pan american. due to the concurrent hours given, i graduated from high school with a minor in medical spanish from ut-pan american and will begin my university career with 52 credit hours completed. i was born in monterrey, mexico and practically learned english and spanish at the same time. i speak spanish with my entire family and we have very family-oriented customs. my classmates at med high all spoke spanish; most of them were raised in a hispanic home and spanish is part of their heritage. seniors who attend med high are able to enroll in a class called clinical practicum; it involves a hands-on experience in chosen cano 2   undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   clinical sites. these clinical rotations formed the basis of my spanish 3199 internship class that was also part of the minor. i found it very helpful to include the course at the end of my classes because this experience gave me a chance to try out what i learned in the classroom. i had the opportunity to choose which hospitals and clinics i could visit. many of the sites interested me, but i picked the ones where i thought i would have the opportunity to do the most interpreting. i picked respiratory therapy, physical therapy, rainbow pediatric clinic, the emergency department, the nursery, and wound care. during my experiences in my clinical rotations, i learned how physicians and nurses strive to keep their patients as healthy as possible, and i observed the local dynamics that are obstacles to achieving that goal, particularly the language barrier. in my point of view, getting a patient healthy is the most important issue that needs to be addressed. in respiratory therapy, i shadowed the therapists whose jobs consisted of monitoring the function of the patient’s respiratory system. most of the time the patient’s respiratory therapist, doctor, and nurse met to discuss the patient's symptoms, changes, and improvements. when they accumulated sufficient information, they stepped into the patient’s room and gave their insight about the situation. for the most part the patient’s respiratory system was compromised, so the patient was either intubated or on a ventilator. the communication between patient and doctor was very limited because the patient simply could not communicate or was not even conscious for that matter. a family member usually received the analysis of the patient. in this department, the head pulmonologist was from africa and his english had a very pronounced accent. his responsibilities revolved around the intensive care unit. the majority of the nurses were from the philippines and did not speak spanish fluently enough to communicate with the patients and their families. the therapist i shadowed was hispanic, and she had the greatest ability to communicate with the patients. when the health professionals stepped into the room to speak to the patient, the pulmonologist would ask the therapist to interpret for him. i noticed that this type of interpreting was different from what i had previously experienced because the doctor did not directly communicate to the patient and wait for the therapist to translate. instead, he briefly summarized how the patient was doing and then the therapist translated. she would modify the summary with words that adapted to the knowledge of the patient, as well as explain different procedures. in my medical spanish classes, we did not discuss this form of interpreting. we have to think about how miscommunication may occur in this situation. the communication between the pulmonologists and the therapists has a greater chance of being accurate because they are both professionals and have sufficient knowledge to understand each other. now, what happens when the patient wishes to know about the situation? can the therapist and the pulmonologist expect that the family member will retain all the information that was given and communicate it accurately to the patient? if the family member happens to be in distress, he/she might only pick up on the most important points that the therapist communicated, such as how the patient is doing. miscommunication may occur when the family member misses details that could be very crucial to the patient’s health. it is always best to make sure the therapist speaks to the patient before leaving the hospital to make sure that he/she understands the situation to ensure a better outcome. also, it is common to give out written instructions, especially when it comes to prescribed medication. prescriptions are now given in the language that best suits the patient’s needs. this way the patient has at hand what it is he/she has to take and do for quicker, more efficient results. cano 3   undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   physical therapy consisted of many patients that sought therapy post surgery and the therapist's objective was to better the patient’s movement. the contact between the therapists and the patients was very close because plenty of communication was needed in this type of therapy. in this department i did not get to interpret very much because most of the patients were our beloved winter texans. winter texans are senior citizens that live anywhere in the northern part of the united states and move down to texas during winter (hence the name “winter texans”) because of the milder weather. even though interpreting was not needed, i learned that communication is essential because the therapists have to know what is working. the environment in this department was very light because the therapists were very open to the feedback of their patients. in a way, i saw a different communication perspective because there never seemed to be language barriers. noting how the ambiance of the room seemed to change when there were not any language barriers gave me insight into how it should feel if an interpreter is present. if the interpreter really does break that language barrier then this is the way it should feel. during the following phase of my clinical rotations, i learned much from dr. j. kutugata. dr. kutugata is the owner of a small clinic specialized in pediatrics. having completed rotations there, i noticed that many of the patients had insurance provided to them by the government. the insurance issued in the united states is given to those who have a low enough income that requires the help of benefits. in class we discussed the perspective of low-income families in relation to their health. benefits encourage low-income families to seek medical attention more frequently instead of only seeing a medical professional when something serious occurs. encouraging families helps to teach them about seeking preventative medical attention and also gives them financial help. parents brought their children of all ages to be checked by dr. kutugata; some were check-ups, some were follow-ups, but most of the time they complained of sore throats and fevers. i did not have many opportunities to interpret in this setting because many of the patients spoke spanish and the doctor’s spanish was excellent. most of the patients were hispanic, but it was hard to ignore how their spanish was more like spanglish. spanglish is the name given to a hybrid combination of english and spanish. it surprised me that even dr. kutugata used spanglish with his patients. even though it did not seem very professional to me, using spanglish seemed to allow for better understanding. there were certain words and ideas that the patients and their families did not know in english, but could relate it well to specific words and cultural terms in spanish. slang in spanish is very prominent when referring to medical terms. there are medical rituals involved in certain cultures that do not have a specific word in english, such as a “barrida” or “mal de ojo.” a “barrida” is when a bundle of herbs that are said to have medicinal benefits are swept around a person and it is believed that the herbs relieve pain and cleanse the soul. “mal de ojo” is a type of curse, per say, that is transmitted to a person when a person who wishes evil stares at him/her. the person may come down with multiple symptoms and usually “mal de ojo” is blamed when the symptoms are sudden. since these beliefs are part of certain cultures, there are no actual words in english to translate them to. using spanglish helped in the transmission of these messages to the doctor. in cases where the doctor is not familiar with these kinds of beliefs, it is always important for the interpreter to let the doctor know what the patient is referring to. any other words that the patient just is not sure how to say in one language can easily be said in the other. the patients find it easier to just refer to a different language than to think of a synonym of the word they want to say. the doctor would also ask the child’s parent if he/she preferred he speak english or spanish. in my opinion, that was a small, essential step that very much benefits the cano 4   undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   communication because there are people that prefer a certain language. if the doctor understands the patient then it doesn’t matter what language he/she is speaking. the doctor thought the same way and did not mind the spanglish; his goal was to get to the root of his patient’s problem. in these consults, the patient did not do much talking because it was always the parent that was anxious about getting answers to his/her questions about the child's health. as parents, they know their children and notice more of the child's symptoms. dr. kutugata was very efficient in communicating with the parents to try to get as much information as he could so that he could make a diagnosis. the emergency room was my fourth site in my clinical rotations. it was the place where i had the most interaction with patients and opportunity to interpret due to the foreign doctors that practiced there. in this department there were foreign doctors from india and austria. the doctors did not speak spanish at all and interpreters weren’t present in the department. scribes helped the doctors document the information during the interview between the patient and the doctor; they doubled as interpreters on occasion. i thought this was unprofessional because they are not trained to interpret at that level. in my previous courses in medical spanish, i learned that many factors go into interpreting, especially in the case of an emergency. when a certified interpreter is not available, communication is risked. the consequences of inadequate communication in a clinical setting can lead to inaccuracies and is definitely not recommended. there was a scenario where i helped an austrian doctor interpret the symptoms of a patient that included chest pain and nausea. he came into the emergency room with his wife who was very worried and upset. she was not able to communicate with the doctor very well because she was under a lot of anxiety and her english language skills were not very strong. the doctor stepped into the interview with the scribe and asked her to interpret what the wife was saying. the wife told the scribe that her husband was having chest pains and she gave him some ibuprofen. the doctor asked the patient’s wife about other symptoms and if he had chronic diseases like diabetes or hypertension. at this point i was only taking the role as a student interpreter. i recalled having talked about self-medication in my medical spanish course. i thought about how ibuprofen can interfere with platelets, reducing blood’s ability to clot. typically, ibuprofen is taken to relieve pain but if the wife was unsure of where the pain was coming from, self-medicating is not something to experiment with. a nurse who i occasionally shadowed told me that an interpreter is a great asset in the emergency room, but sometimes having so many people in the room is a disadvantage. at times, this makes the patient feel uncomfortable. the nurse mentioned that the rooms are small and that having more people in the room is the last thing the patients want. i thought it would be a great idea to just have the doctor and the interpreter record the interview and later the scribe could document the information. honestly, i loved this department because there are so many different aspects of medicine being analyzed and the experiences are unforgettable. i got a rush whenever a case came in. it was always a surprise; i never really knew what was going to come through the door so it kept me on my toes. in the nursery i was curious to see how the nurses interacted with the brand new mothers. the communication was crucial because moms had to pay attention to the nurses to be able to care for their babies. it was up to the mothers to retain all the information that the nurses shared with them, such as methods of breastfeeding and signs that the baby was uncomfortable. at the nursery, an array of ethnicities was present, but all the nurses spoke english and spanish. some of the nurses told me they hardly spoke any spanish when they first started, but they had picked up enough spanish to help them explain instructions and precautions. no matter what the language was, the information explained to the mothers had to be consistent. the nurses cano 5   undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   followed a curriculum and had to explain important steps to the new mothers. by following a standard procedure, the same education was given to all mothers. lastly, wound care was very exciting because i had a lot of hands-on experience. i shadowed the nurses and assisted them in dressing and cleaning wounds. a lot of the wounds that were treated were pressure ulcers. pressure ulcers are caused when pressure is applied to a particular part of the body. when pressure is applied it interrupts blood supply and can cause tissue damage and ultimately gangrene. ulcers can be caused by diabetes type 1 and type 2 because the disease causes high levels of blood sugar that disrupt normal blood flow. it just so happened that my clinical rotation supervisor used to work at a diabetes clinic and informed us of the high rates of diabetes in the valley. she told us that the diabetes rate in the region is almost three times the rate of the whole u.s. she blamed poor eating habits. she insisted that healthy eating habits should be taught to the younger generations because they have a more probable chance of changing them. even if the patient did not change his/her eating habits, it was always good to have the wounds taken care of to avoid amputation. the job was very basic, but nonetheless it was a great experience. there was not much interpreting involved in this department because the nurses were bilingual and could communicate without a problem. also, the doctors spoke with the patients directly because the doctors managed the wounds more than the nurses. i definitely gleaned insight about healthcare issues in the valley in this rotation, but this information was not attained as an interpreter. service learning is always a prompt way to test your skills and knowledge learned in the classroom. hands-on experience is obtained in an effort to develop critical thinking skills. service learning provides many great opportunities for a student to learn about his/her community and learn how to maintain the wellness of it. the most useful information that this experience yields is getting to know one’s self better. this service-learning experience impacted me because i learned the importance of human interaction and that everybody in the health profession has a very important role. i have always heard that doctors need better people skills than other career professionals. the doctor has to communicate with families in times of crisis. likewise, all the "non-doctors" are part of a critical concept. any health professional will understand that the patient comes first and his/her health is of utmost important. personally, this experience has taught me that not only can illness be a barrier, but language, in this case, is also a barrier. patients transmit messages very differently because of cultural differences. first and foremost there should always be the promise of good service, and hospitals are most impactful when they understand the culture and customs in the surrounding area. working in the health field requires comprehending various levels of understanding to be able to put one’s self in the position of the patient. the experiences i had during my internship taught me a little bit of everything, including the importance of effective communication between patient and health care provider. i used all the knowledge i gained in my courses to help me prepare for the national board for the certification of medical interpreters examination. the exam is composed of two parts: the oral and written part. the classes i took were a strong reinforcement for the written part because it tested to see if i captured those important aspects of interpreting. the oral part tested my knowledge on syntax and accurate translation. even though i had studied communication in my medical spanish courses, before this internship i never really imagined that so much goes into being an interpreter. i always knew that when i grew up i wanted to help others and i was very blessed to have the opportunity to learn two different languages. the medical spanish minor is a cano 6   undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   great addition to my medical studies and is definitely just the first step of so much more that i aspire to be. ~ a big "thank you" to my amazing professors, dr. a. stachura, dr. h. castro, and dr. g. martinez from ut–pan american for helping me throughout this amazing experience. references united states census bureau. 2013. “state and county quick facts: texas.” united states census bureau. http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/48000.html. jones o edit ay undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   witnessing the power of environment at norris square catherine jones saint joseph’s university as we sit on the wooden benches, the students and i feel our torsos squiggle up the wall with the crayola green vines, our heads in the canopy reading about dinosaurs and dragons. under the tumultuous palm leaves, blue butterflies, red parrots, and spotted jaguars, lies peace. the students and i share a common bond, as we grow and learn and laugh together in the jungle. everyone who joins our class seems to feel at ease, too. it’s from the mystical power of the jungle, or better yet, it’s the power of norris square neighborhood project. it’s the power of environment. in the kindergarten room of norris square, a jungle mural painted on all four walls is part of the powerful latino atmosphere. this non-profit community center embraces the puerto rican culture and in the process encourages students to do so as well. its mission is carefully painted on a wall mural: “to nurture and actively involve neighborhood children and their families in learning responsibility for self, culture, community and environment.” during my service at norris square, i discovered that the cultural influence of this after-school center — from its bright colors and gardens to the puerto rican adornments, staff, and education programs — constructs a powerful environment that affects the children’s identity. the norris square neighborhood gardens were not only the first puerto rican, but also first latino, gardens in philadelphia. in an effort to resist the intense violence, drug presence, and racial tension in the 1970s and 80s, norris square turned vacant lots into flourishing gardens. in 1982, the 2nd street garden was named raices, which means “roots” in spanish. at norris square neighborhood, the organization has transformed six abandoned lots into “culturally-themed gardens that preserve green space and energize the norris square community” (norris square neighborhood project 2011). the first time i walked up to norris square i remember smiling and thinking, “i already love it here.” the two colorful townhouse buildings, bright turquoise with pink doorframes and yellow doors, stand out from the rest of the monochromatic suburbia. it’s hard not to fall in love with it. murals with portraits of puerto rican men, women, and children are alongside the building. my two favorite murals are of a puerto rican boy. the first is a portrait of a young boy, standing in the countryside wearing a traditional pava hat, made of straw, and holding a puerto rican flag. the next mural is the boy grown up wearing a cap and gown, standing against the same scenic background. the murals and their bright, enthusiastic colors embrace the puerto rican culture and send a powerful message of achievement and community. utilized as a powerful story-telling device, they instruct, remind, and empower the community about its culture. the beautiful faces on the murals bring a name, face, and story to social justice issues. the personal stories portrayed on the murals enable others to understand and connect to deep and complex issues. layered with culture and history, the murals allow people to understand not only their own interesting viewpoint of the world, but also another’s family history, unique latino culture, and lifestyle. “latino” is a term used to include a multitude of ethnic groups, such as mexicans, cubans, dominicans, central and south americas, and puerto ricans (corlett 1999). although the groups differ in history, they relate in language and culture. the latino culture is one that jones 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   embraces and celebrates these ethnicities. norris square encourages its students to reach academic success, but to never forget their rich puerto rican culture. painted in the lobby in bold colors are the words, “health, environment, casa, community, amor, respect, latino, jovenes, enriching, historia, amigos, self, bridges, dominicano, leadership, culture, mexicanos.” the message is displayed in english and spanish seamlessly, enhanced by the flow of multihued colors. what might sound chaotic and fragmented is just the opposite — a serene atmosphere of unity. the combination of spanish and english words in the lobby creates a welcoming environment. the entire building is splashed with vibrant colors, creating the feeling that the puerto rican culture is lovingly wrapping its arms around you. a warm ambiance is created with walls that are drenched in cheerful shades of greens, purples, blues, yellows, and reds. puerto rican flags are scattered around the building. many are prominently portrayed on walls and in windows, and others are tucked away into corners and sidewalls. norris square does not shy away from its heritage, but embraces and displays it proudly. a colorful sunflower mural serves as a metaphor for the center. the center provides the roots and stability from which to grow. the children are the sunflowers, growing from the careful care, sunshine, and watering of after-school programs. the teachers at norris square are the gardeners that water the minds of the growing youth, positively promoting the latino culture, and serving as role models. the teachers at norris square not only nurture the minds of their students, but they also serve as common ground between two languages and cultures. culturally competent teachers are necessities for latino youth and serve as “cultural brokers” (nevarez and rico 2007). orlando is from puerto rico like most of the other norris square educators and students. a kindergarten and first grade teacher at norris square, he is a prime example of a “cultural broker.” orlando is a 25-year-old gay man, who is proud of his latino culture and secure with his homosexuality. orlando has a strong presence as an educator and his confidence inspires his students and others around him to be proud of who they are. teachers also serve as positive role models for the youth as they provide academic education in their after-school programs while reinforcing their puerto rican heritage. all of the teachers at nsnp are bilingual, speaking spanish and english. many of the students at the center attend bilingual elementary schools. while most of the parents speak english, there are a handful of parents who do not. children who do not hear english at home benefit from teachers who use both languages at norris square. orlando and the teachers at norris square serve as the middle ground and resource with which to merge the two cultures. this cultural support is a vital component of academic success. norris square understands that to develop independent students and prepare them for meaningful roles in the larger society, it must provide cultural and academic resources. the center emphasizes social and academic responsibility by using “culturally-responsive teaching.” this approach improves students’ comprehensive retention by building on pre-existing knowledge (padron, waxman, and rivera 2002). by reaffirming the students’ culture and knowledge, their self-confidence and selfesteem increase, as well as their openness and ability to learn about other cultures. by using familiar concepts to contextualize new information, hispanic students feel more comfortable and proud of their academic achievements (padron, waxman, and rivera 2002). puerto rican tributes, memories, and souvenirs are scattered throughout norris square. three wooden king statues are displayed on the top shelf in the kindergarten room to represent the puerto rican holiday, three kings day. by placing these small cultural objects in the younger children’s classrooms, the students’ understanding of their own culture is reinforced. another area at the intersection of the kindergarten/first grade “jungle room” and the second/third grade room jones 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   displays knickknacks, pictures, and facts from around the world. each month a new continent is chosen and new objects are exhibited. this encourages worldwide cultural understanding, as well as a deep appreciation of one’s own culture. after-school programs such as norris square are crucial to the personal, academic, and social success of the latino youth. children gain knowledge of numerous cultures, while learning in an environment that fosters their own latino culture. nature is a powerful force in the latino culture. at nsnp, the garden program makes it possible for the youth to become in touch with nature, and in the process connect with their culture and identity. the gardens are a beautiful and effective method to incorporate latino ethnicity, positively affecting the children’s identity. elements within the garden proudly portray puerto rican culture. what used to be a place of destruction is now a thriving garden of life, and the children understand the message of transformation. the gardens are created by youth for youth. by planting trees, flowers, and plants, and taking care of them year round, the children watch their hard work blossom. the garden is more than just an area to grow plants; it’s a place where the children feel safe, free, and accepted. they create the garden, take care of it, and call it their own. the gardens are decorated with stones depicting the students’ dreams for the future and promises to themselves to become better people. classrooms are assigned to certain fields, returning each week (weather permitting) to take care of their gardening projects. every warm monday afternoon, my kindergarten class went to the gardens to pick weeds, water, and care for the plants and vegetables. in the article “enhancing environmental awareness through the arts,” kumara tarr (2008) reported that in a project involving 28 children in sydney, australia, an art-based method of teaching had an effect on the children’s awareness of the natural environment or “natural world.” tarr evaluated the success of the method by assessing “how much the children talked about the natural environment, the way they incorporated concepts about it into their play and their attitudes towards it” (tarr 2008). the norris square project builds on the principles of the australian project, generalizing the method’s effect of an increased understanding of nature to that of human culture and diversity. not only do the students learn to utilize the natural gifts the gardens provide us, but gardens also serve as a metaphor for our world. each of us is plucked from a different vine, a different plant, but is treated with love and kindness. it is important to appreciate the differences we have, while understanding our similarities. los jardines, or the gardens of norris square, are perfect examples of preserving its mission and living the puerto rican culture. the colors and atmosphere of the garden resemble that of the building itself: bright, colorful, and bold. iris brown, the garden and cultural coordinator for nsnp, is said to have “brought herself and her culture to the open space and placed colors everywhere” (norris square neighborhood project 2011). the main garden is entitled las parcelas, meaning “the parcels,” to echo the different yet connected gardens. the garden has 40 lots, belonging to the organization, big groups, and individuals. the garden has a tiny traditional puerto rican home, called la casita. many people within norris square and the community bring their artwork and knickknacks from their homes in puerto rico to the garden house. as orlando stated, “in puerto rico, we live by natural resources.” la casita has turned into a mini-museum, filled with cooking utensils, crafts, instruments, and more. as stated on the organization’s website: “filled with found objects and hand-crafted wooden furniture, las parcelas was a piece of puerto rico in the middle of north philadelphia” (norris square neighborhood project 2011). las parcelas and the rest of the gardens at norris square create a united and proud latino environment, which enriches and reinforces the children’s identity. as jones 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   they watch their hard work grow, the youth connect with nature and culture, and learn that they are capable of achieving wonderful things. murals serve as the backdrop for each garden and represent important aspects of the latino culture and significant puerto rican leaders. they are educational and remind the students of their proud culture. as described by the center: “the towering mural is like an unfurled textbook, depicting the rich and complex history of puerto rico and its people” (norris square neighborhood project 2011). our class’s garden, raices, had a mural of hiram bithorn, the first major league puerto rican baseball player. the murals are another type of creative art form that spread pride. the gardens, murals, and cultural messages do more than provide a space of comfort and unity; they also facilitate an understanding of the concept of identity. at norris square, we watched and cared for tomato, pepper, and lettuce plants as well as numerous types of flowers. we talked about the different plants and their unique characteristics, and that each requires the same attention, love, and care. the wide array of plants within the gardens serves as a metaphor for the many types of people in the world. at norris square, teachers encourage students to understand that each unique plant has its own valuable attributes and qualities, and the children come to understand this lesson in the context of people. within the gardens, plants from all over the world – both native and nonnative – thrive in unity, making it a global network. an article by educator verity jones (2002) titled “identity and the environment” discusses new approaches to teaching regarding cross-cultural issues. jones found that visiting botanical gardens with an elementary school group served as a basis to discuss “native” and “non-native” identity. unfortunately, some members of society view the words “immigrant” and “non-native” with a negative connotation. a 1998 journal article by evans, a noted sociologist, explains, “when native means ‘good’ and non-native (or alien) means ‘bad’ the language comes to a form of racism.” jones pushed her children to question the meaning of the words and discovered that through the process of identifying plants, the children changed how they identified themselves. identity must first be defined to form a foundation to move forward and create theories. herbert gans (2007) describes identity as a social phenomenon that must be discussed in a social setting. there are primarily two aspects that make up one’s identity: race and ethnicity. race is described as an “imposed” identification, whereas ethnicity is a “chosen” identity (gans 2007). relating these two aspects to the garden metaphor, the “imposed” identity is the words “native” and “non-native” plant. “chosen” identity is the biological name of the plant, for instance rhododendron, daisy, or iceberg lettuce. however, these two identifications describe different concepts. although society plays a large role in the “imposed identity,” or race, it also influences our “chosen” identity. as social animals, we humans choose to identify ourselves with something that is familiar and comfortable to what we already know. therefore, community and society play a significant role in not just the “imposed” aspect of our identity, but the chosen aspect as well. children in a new culture do not rely solely on their parents or form the same identity as them. “when two people of different ethnic origin have children, those children choose between the two parental identities or choose neither and identify as americans, as many children of intermarriage do” (gans 2007). children at a young age are working to construct their own identity, and their environment plays a big role in its development. parents want their children to identify with them and their culture. yet, children often do not conform to their parent’s identity, even when they are in the same community or environment (jones 2002). therefore, the impact jones 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   that the puerto rican after-school program has on the child is extremely important. the center provides a positive environment in which children can thrive, learn, and value their heritage. in this rich cultural environment, they make sense of their own identity for themselves. norris square creates an environment that allows latino youth to identify themselves with their cultural community. their identification in turn reinforces the cultural identity of the after-school program (nevarez and timo 2007). the process is circular, as both the student and atmosphere reaffirm each other of the strong presence of latino cultural identity. norris square is also an important site for the latino community to gather, reinforce family, and conduct social activities. in this role, the center facilitates the latino culture in the social setting, where pride and solidarity are encouraged and promoted through education and the cultural atmosphere. strong bonds are reinforced when the community gathers to address social and political issues. i was fortunate to do service at norris square during the 2012 presidential election season. weeks before election night, the center handed out “it’s time” stickers from the ya es hora company. the stickers encouraged latino citizens to go and vote and to let their voice be heard. the ya es hora website is entirely in spanish and presents videos and information on the presidential candidates. the site serves as a comfortable place for nonenglish latino citizens to learn more about the political process of the united states. norris square did not attempt to persuade the families or endorse a particular candidate, but instead encouraged the families to let their voice be heard. centers such as nsnp provide an opportunity to strengthen the values and “identity politics” of the culture. the community atmosphere influences thoughts, which in turn creates feelings of pride, solidarity, and nostalgia (gans 2007). activities that include “identity politics,” – meaning “political activity devoted primarily to expressing and defending activist ethnic or racial identity” – further reinforce a strong sense of community (gans 2007). the community created by the norris square neighborhood project embraces the puerto rican culture, and encourages its students to do so as well. the environmental aspects of norris square, such as colors, quotes, portrayal of flags, people, and educational, gardening, and social programs, create a powerful latino environment, which influences the youth’s identity. since identity is both imposed and chosen, society and community play a large role in both aspects. the environment impacts and shapes a society and affects one’s identity. norris square positively encourages and influences the youth to embrace their latino identity. they reinforce the importance of community and culture, while imparting knowledge and education to the children. norris square celebrates the puerto rican heritage and culture in north philadelphia. it is a home i will surely miss on monday afternoon. ~ i would like to express my gratitude to dr. richard warren of saint joseph's university for all of his help and assistance. as a student in his history, latin american to us migration class, i learned much. jones 6 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   references corlett, angelo. 1999. “latino identity.” public affairs quarterly 13 (3): 273-295. evans, jill e. 1998. “challenging the racism in environmental racism: redefining the concept of intent.” arizona law review 40 (winter): 1219-1235. gans, herbert. 2007. “ethnic and racial studies.” in new americans: a guide to immigration since 1965, edited by mary c. waters, reed ueda, and helen b. marrow, 98-109. cambridge, mass.: harvard university press. jones, verity. 2002. “identity and the environment.” the curriculum journal 13 (3): 279 288. nevarez, carlos and timo rico. 2007. “latino education: a synthesis of recurring recommendations and solutions in p-16 education.” collegeboard. http://advocacy.collegeboard.org/sites/default/files/latino-education-a-synthesis.pdf. norris square neighborhood project. 2011. “garden programs.” norris square neighborhood project. http://www.myneighborhoodproject.org/site/index.php?option=com_content& view=article&id=148&itemid=94&lang=en. padron yolanda n., hersh c. waxman, and hector h. rivera. 2002. “educating hispanic students: obstacles and avenues to improved academic achievemnt.” center for research on educaton, diversity and excellence. http://www.cal.org/crede/pdfs/epr8.pdf. tarr, kumara. 2008. “enhancing environmental awareness through the arts.” australian journal of early childhood 33 (3): 19-26. gateway to the forest city undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 gateway to the forest city? portland, maine’s bayside neighborhood, 1866-2014 alexander j. tougas bowdoin college introduction: trouble in the forest city ever since portland officials created bayside out of earth and rubble in the 1850s, they have made changes to its physical landscape with limited, if any, resident participation in the process. bayside, a small, urban neighborhood on the fringe of portland, maine’s downtown, has never been deemed worthy of deliberate planning efforts that engaged the entire community, and has become both an environmentallyand socially-marginalized area. now, however, the city has proposed a new development known as midtown, a large-scale project consisting of four towers and two parking garages, for west bayside (the western half of the neighborhood). based on research i conducted on the social and environmental history of bayside, i argue that in order to avoid the mistakes of the past, those who seek to change bayside’s landscape today must acknowledge the neighborhood’s multifaceted history and include residents of all types in the midtown project and other plans for the neighborhood’s future. this strategy will enable bayside to transcend the public perception that the neighborhood is only home to undesirable people and industry. this essay draws from my undergraduate honors thesis at bowdoin college 1 in which i focus on the intersection of nature and history, especially in urban places. given the proximity of portland to bowdoin’s campus, it made for an excellent case study. the fact that portland is at an environmental and social crossroads, and that i would be able to analyze how the city got to where it is and how it could move forward, intrigued me. in many ways, bayside has epitomized this crossroads for portland, and so it served as an apt subject for my analysis. the midtown meeting i walked into portland city hall for a planning board meeting in january 2014. before i could reach the stairs leading to the second floor where the meeting was to be held, a man handing out leaflets stopped me. “what’s your stance on midtown?” he asked, to which i replied that i was a student at bowdoin college intending to observe the meeting. apparently, that response satisfied the man enough to let me pass, and he seemed pleased that i was interested. i later learned that he was tim paradis, co-founder of keep portland livable, a group opposed to the project. i continued on to the second floor, where i attended the planning board hearing for midtown. the room was packed, so i ended up sitting on the floor near the front and putting my recording device as close to the board as i could get it. the official name of the application at that meeting was “midtown master development plan and level iii site plan and subdivision applications for phase i; vicinity of somerset, elm and chestnut streets;” the developer is the federated companies, headquartered in miami, florida. the plan includes four towers (each approximately fifteen stories) with 650 to 850 market-rate housing units, 1,120 parking spaces in two garages, and 100,000 square feet of retail 1 to obtain a copy of the full thesis, please inquire at atougas14@gmail.com. tougas 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 space, all on approximately 3.5 acres. to accommodate the towers, the planning board voted to raise the city-wide building height limit from 125 to 165 feet. at the conclusion of the meeting, the board approved phase one of the project, which comprised one tower with market-rate apartments and first-floor retail space, and one parking garage (portland planning board 2014; billings 2014; lyons and carkhuff 2014; miller 2014). an additional aspect of the midtown project is the remediation of contaminated soils, called brownfield sites, which constitute another problem with which bayside residents must cope. thus, midtown plans to address several of these sites, which take the form of scrapyards containing coal, cinders, diesel, ash, and polychlorinated biphenyls (knowland 2014). the city believes that in addition to pollution mitigation, the remediation will stimulate economic growth. for example, in the mid-2000s, a mutual fund decided not to locate itself in bayside due to the scrapyards; soon after, the city swiftly reshaped bayside’s physical landscape by tightening its environmental standards for scrapyards and relocating one of them. at the meeting, i observed a clear conflict between two groups: the supporters, who wore “support midtown” stickers, and the opponents, mostly from an organization called keep portland livable, who wore “stop the midtown mistake” and “stop the bayside massacre” stickers. the former was largely made up of the teamsters’ union, bayside residents, and the project developers, while the latter mostly comprised residents who lived outside of bayside, including peter monro, co-founder of keep portland livable (kesich 2013). all of this attention on the midtown project, both by those for and against the development, in hitherto marginalized bayside, makes one wonder why midtown has created such a lively debate in portland. this can be explained by the fact that the conflict over midtown represents a broader conflict over portland’s future, namely, whether to grow and develop in order to compete with places like boston, or remain what shelley elmer, a yarmouth resident who spoke at the planning board meeting, termed a “fair and petite city.” taking the opinions of citizens into account, the portland of the future will need to move forward with one of these options or some combination thereof; this will be in direct contrast to how bayside has been treated in the past, in which it was either shaped by outside forces or passed over completely. the public was quite vocal on this issue, providing several hours of comment at the previous public hearing, held on december 17, 2013, in addition to the one i attended in january. indeed, the mood at this meeting was quite tense and contested. in terms of midtown project supporters, carol mccracken, who lives on munjoy hill (a neighborhood adjacent to bayside), spoke about how she had greatly appreciated her experience living in marina towers, a development similar to that proposed for midtown in alexandria, virginia. in her words, “a unique spirit of its own develops in such a community [as midtown] in a way that doesn’t exist currently in portland rental housing. this city is trying to attract a younger generation here from larger cities such as boston. midtown is the sort of rental housing that this generation expects to find when it arrives here, not old, worn-down, falling-apart, expensive-to-heat-in-the-winter rental and without any building conveniences they demand.” 2 and greg shinberg, the owner of shinberg consulting in portland and the representative for the federated companies, the developer for the midtown project, stated, “we’ve done a lot of work. we’ve been working on this project for months and months, meeting upon meeting, neighborhood groups, i think six workshops…absolutely, it’s very right for the city.” 2 to respond to this argument that midtown would draw young people into the city, one young man stated that he would avoid living in the towers. this exchange shows that the city is clearly divided on the issue. tougas 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 but a vocal opposition expressed its displeasure with midtown. elmer, for example, was worried about putting a “gargantuan sum of steel and cement into our fair and petite city.” and karen snyder, from the east end, stated, “i oppose the building scope and the lack of diversity of just having one developer for this midtown project…it is basically putting all of your eggs in one basket with this one developer. it is not diversified and it doesn’t follow enough the comprehensive plan.” finally, michael mertaugh, who served as an education economist at the world bank for thirty years and moved to deering highlands (a portland neighborhood) relatively recently, acknowledged that the project will generate revenues, but also believed that it will likely generate building and maintenance costs that will greatly exceed those revenues. for this reason, he argued that development should proceed at a smaller scale. to respond to the midtown project opponents, supporters cited the long timeline of the project and the extensive community engagement undertaken by the developer. shinberg, the local consultant for federated, is convinced that public participation has been more than adequate, citing the fact that the project was first brought up in 1999. after the city agreed to sell the land to federated in the spring of 2011, midtown plans were unveiled in september 2012. since then, shinberg feels the project has been thoroughly scrutinized by the public (in the form of six workshops) as well as the planning board. he maintains that some opponents, including keep portland livable, are “not fully informed” about the project because they have not participated in the full process or attended the meetings; instead, he feels that they came to the process late and are just recently voicing their concerns. in his words, “this is a good process, and it should be about making the project better…it’s unfair to show up at the last minute and turn the cart over.” he also stated, “we’re really working with portland trail and the other groups and the stakeholders in the city…it’s very consistent with the vision for bayside; it follows it to a t.” at the end of the meeting, the planning board voted to approve phase i of the project, which will cost the city $105 million, but keep portland livable pledged to appeal the verdict in cumberland county superior court. the organization claims that the project is “inconsistent” with the city’s comprehensive plan and zoning ordinances, and that city officials violated maine’s freedom of access act by not maintaining records of planning board hearings. however, the city council has recently approved several infrastructure changes necessary to complete the project, which the developer hopes will commence next spring (miller 2014). thus, there is currently no clear path forward with regard to midtown. through this project, i realized that two visions for bayside and portland have materialized: one, a place of growing urban density; the other, a small city that continues to embrace its characteristic charm. however, few neighborhood residents, who are less socioeconomically advantaged and more racially-diverse than many portlanders, have had access to information that would allow them to form an opinion and participate in the debate. for example, kristina smith 3 , a sudanese refugee from east bayside who has lived in the u.s. since 2001, said that she had “no clue” about midtown when i asked her about the project. if an englishspeaker who is well-assimilated does not know about a project that will occur in the neighborhood adjacent to her own, there is a disjuncture between what the city believes to be community outreach efforts and the information that people are actually able to obtain. upon asking her if she would attend a meeting were city officials to hold it at the portland adult education office, smith said she would attend. this joint meeting would allow two parts of municipal government, the public schools and the city planning office, to collaborate. planners could attend these meetings, and teachers could include a civic or community activism 3 this is a pseudonym. http://bangordailynews.com/2012/09/10/news/portland/developer-to-unveil-plans-for-7-tower-project-on-former-portland-scrapyards/?ref=inline tougas 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 component in their curricula once the students have a functional knowledge of english. currently, the portland city manager’s office has an equal opportunity and multicultural affairs director, but that has evidently not translated into accessible information for all residents. my suggestion would allow the insights of community members, especially the most marginalized of them, to be taken into account. it is important to note that income inequality between residents of bayside and those of the west end contributes to their differential influence on city policies. the west end is where monro, a vociferous opponent of midtown, is from, and smith, the sudanese immigrant, calls east bayside home. indeed, the mean income level in 2012 was $10,242 for census tract 5, which contains east bayside, $19,149 for census tract 6, which contains west bayside, and $33,292 for census tract 13, which contains the west end (“social explorer” 2014). given this data, one can infer that wealthier portland residents are trying to assert control over the physical landscape of bayside, whose residents are poorer and have less political power than they do. in order to avoid such changes, that is, in order for bayside residents, who are already largely disengaged from the political process by virtue of their social status, to have a voice, the city must take action to assure they are informed of changes that will occur in their neighborhood. such action would reverse the trend that has emerged in bayside, that is, where the city shapes the landscape of a particular neighborhood, considers its efforts complete, and then ignores it. the bayside story was one of neglect, until the neighborhood deteriorated and became an eyesore within the forest city, a nickname given to the city because its streets are lined with trees. this was followed by renewal, which was large in scale and imposed from the top down, that is, planned by the government without citizen input. with regard to midtown, people’s visions are being heard; for example, city officials have facilitated public participation in the process and the project will ultimately be implemented in phases. however, the lack of racial diversity at the planning meeting i attended shows that the city’s outreach can still be improved. the lesson here is that all people must have the opportunity to exert control over the physical landscape in which they live; this has not occurred in bayside, a low-lying, sunlightpoor section of portland. for this reason, throughout history, bayside became the natural place for industry, waste, and undesirable people, and this cycle perpetuated itself further. new, people-centered proposals for the landscape, such as a report entitled east bayside: creating a sustainable vision for maine’s most diverse neighborhood, seem quite promising; however, they remain proposals. 4 in addition, while immigration has brought racial and ethnic diversity to bayside, which, like the remainder of portland, has historically been extremely homogenous, it has also led to great tension among residents. nevertheless, these residents are a part of the community and, like white, middle-class residents, have every right to shape their neighborhood. as we have seen, without public input being taken into account regarding the neighborhood’s physical landscape, bayside ended up with several undesired components, a few among them being a housing crisis 5 , an arterial (or high-speed roadway) that split the neighborhood into eastern and western sections, and the bayside trail, a walkway/bikeway that is barely used because it is located in a place where people are not able to have a middle-class, 4 co-authored in 2010 by various stakeholders, the purpose of this study was to promote east bayside’s development in the context of portland’s comprehensive plan. its mission is “to coordinate and leverage the unique characteristics and the unparalleled opportunities now emerging to envision how east bayside can be a model for creating a sustainable, urban neighborhood for the 21st century” (13). 5 across the entire city, between 1961 and 1972, urban renewal activities collectively cost portland more than 2,800 housing units in comparison to the addition of just 539 new units. 1,148 of the demolished units were highlyaffordable triple-deckers, apartments, boardinghouses, and other multifamily structures (bauman 2012, 194). tougas 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 leisure-based relationship with nature. that is, instead of a trail, poor residents want a safe neighborhood that includes spaces in which their children can play. in order to avoid the mistakes of the past and make bayside a site of deliberate planning efforts that engage the entire community, those who seek to change bayside’s landscape today must acknowledge the neighborhood’s multifaceted history and include residents of all types in their plans for the neighborhood’s future; because of portland’s small size (with a population of 66,000) and developing urban character, this is possible. other cities could then follow portland’s lead with regard to their own “baysides,” neighborhoods on the fringe of their downtowns. this course of action will allow such neighborhoods to transcend the public perception that they are only home to undesirable people and industry. because social and environmental inequalities often go handin-hand, deliberate planning by civic leaders acting in concert with the community can make a difference. personal reflection an important motivation for the completion of this study was my desire to raise issues and stimulate change in the city of portland. to ensure my contribution and pledge my continued support, i have sent my work to a staff member at portland adult education, where the refugees i interviewed learned english, and to one of portland’s city planners, and i plan to keep in touch with them as future projects affecting the neighborhood occur. finally, the thesis allowed me to engage place-based learning, which connects people to the world that directly surrounds them (sobel 1996, 3). moving beyond portland, a bowdoin professor is planning to assign my thesis to students in her urban studies class, and i am planning to present my work to the community at the maine historical society. in many ways, my thesis is a work of public scholarship, which can impact the city of portland and its environs as the city attempts to chart a path forward. in addition to its impact on the greater portland community, the project impacted my personal growth as a scholar. having interviewed six people, including two city planners, two refugees affiliated with portland adult education, a volunteer with the portland housing authority, and a leader of a transportation-focused nongovernmental organization, this work taught me how to construct meaningful questions and interact with a variety of stakeholders. through this type of learning, i was able to focus on a particular location by exploring both its people and its natural and built environment. the location is central to my research, as bayside’s issues can only be investigated and ultimately solved by intense study of the area itself. conclusion with the midtown project up for debate, then, portland once again finds itself having to decide between two divergent paths, just as soon after the 1866 fire, which destroyed approximately one-third of the city, it “sought to find a balance between the city’s aesthetic attractions, defined by these leaders as the ‘gateway to vacationland,’ and its commercial and industrial economy” (hutchins 2013, 108-109). in many ways, it is still struggling to reconcile these same issues; in a more modern context, this has to do with the city’s scale. one troubling fact worth noting is that federated, the midtown developer, does not have a long-term stake in the neighborhood (midtown has only one local liaison), so the company will merely move on to its next project once it either brings midtown to fruition or fails to do so. the city will decide how to proceed with this project, but before doing so, it must receive input from a wide crosstougas 6 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 section of city residents, including immigrants and refugees from bayside. if the city seeks, and receives, this participation, bayside residents will finally be able to shape their physical landscape, engage in deliberate planning, and determine a future of their own making. with community-centered planning, the plight of marginalized neighborhoods can be improved. thus, i envision my contribution as assisting portland, and other cities, in reconsidering how they treat their “baysides.” to return to the text of my original argument, i wrote this piece to help portland avoid the mistakes of its past by urging those who wish to change bayside’s landscape to acknowledge the neighborhood’s multifaceted history and include residents of all types in their plans for the neighborhood’s future. this action will hopefully lead to the improvement of the social and environmental plight of this neighborhood’s residents and make bayside a true gateway to the forest city. ~ i would like to express my gratitude to dr. connie chiang of bowdoin college for serving as my thesis adviser as well as to dr. janice jaffe, also of bowdoin college, for encouraging me to submit to this journal. references bauman, john f. 2012. gateway to vacationland: the making of portland, maine. amherst, ma: university of massachusetts press. billings, randy. 2014. “portland approves $105 million ‘midtown’ project.” the portland press herald / maine sunday telegram, january 14. http://www.pressherald.com/2014/01/14/ portland_approves__105_million__midtown__project_/. east bayside neighborhood organization, city of portland, maine, muskie school of public service, and east bayside sdat steering committee. 2010. east bayside: creating a sustainable vision for maine’s most diverse neighborhood. proposal to the american institute of architects 2010 sustainable design assessment team program. http://www.aia.org/aiaucmp/groups/aia/documents/pdf/aiab082112.pdf. hutchins, louis p. 2013. “review: gateway to vacationland: the making of portland, maine.” the public historian 35 (1): 108–109. kesich, greg. 2013. “fighting development in portland remains a civic tradition.” the portland press herald / maine sunday telegram, november 27. http://www.pressherald.com/opinion/greg_kesich__fighting_development_in_portland_ remains_a_civic_tradition_.html. knowland, richard. portland senior planner. interview with author, january 6, 2014. lyons, craig and david carkhuff. 2014. “midtown development wins planning board approval.” portland daily sun, january 15. http://www.portlanddailysun.me/ index.php/newsx/local-news/11167-midtowndevelopment-wins-planning-board-approval. tougas 7 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 miller, kevin. 2014. “high-rise housing moving ahead in portland’s bayside neighborhood.” the portland press herald / maine sunday telegram, august 14. http://www.pressherald.com/2014/08/13/high-rise-housing-moving-ahead-in-portlandsbayside-neighborhood/. portland planning board. 2014. “meeting agenda.” http://www.portlandmaine.gov/planning/ agenda.asp?agendaid=2024. smith, kristina. refugee. interview with author, march 18, 2014. sobel, david. 1996. beyond ecophobia: reclaiming the heart in nature education. great barrington, ma: the orion society and the myrin institute. “social explorer.” 2014. http://www.socialexplorer.com/tables/acs2012_5yr/r10719786. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 ethics for the common man: a personal and structural approach for those living as, amidst, and alongside the homeless population calleja smiley dominican university in contemporary american society, we find ourselves divided into one of two categories: the housed and the homeless. how do we go about erasing this division and bridging this gap? what ethical principles should we stand behind? do we turn to personal charity, religious missions, or politics? are some ways to engage and support the homeless community more effective than others? there is not one correct way to address homelessness, because it is a multifaceted national and global issue. every attempt, however, must contain both aspects of critical reflection and practical service. every successful attempt should approach from a structural and individual standpoint, strive to create an environment that fosters virtue, and treat the homeless as humans with dignity. if this is done, both groups will be able to engage in a deep, mutual form of hospitality that has transformative results for all. i had the opportunity to participate in coexistent cognitive and practical service learning through my simultaneous studies in the moral philosophy class at dominican university of california and my work at st. vincent de paul’s society of marin. through the class, we became familiar with various ethical and moral theories with an emphasis on ethics from the margins – training our perspective to begin with those who are oppressed and voiceless within a society. the course also included a service learning component in order to apply ethical theory to reality, and conversely so that practical serving would inform our theorizing. i chose to work at st. vincent de paul’s society of marin, a free dining facility in our immediate community. at the end of this journey, we were prompted to reflect on our experience and theory-driven learning by analyzing the connection between specific concepts highlighted within class and our experiences at the respective service-learning sites, which i will expand upon within this essay. my experience was a positive and enlightening one. st. vincent’s is primarily a free dining room in downtown san rafael that serves breakfast and lunch to whomever walks in the door, no questions asked. it mainly serves the homeless and working poor communities, giving out more than 250,000 meals each year. i chiefly worked bussing tables, but also filled a variety of roles as needed on any given day. i was able to interact with diners as i took care of dirty dishes and restocked utensils and other supplies. i dried dishes and prepared food in the kitchen, organized pantry items, and helped when food donation deliveries came in. these were simple, everyday tasks, but gave me entry into a new dimension of insight pertaining to myself and those that i served and worked alongside. first of all, through this essay i would like to present a context for the issue of homelessness at large and for the specific situation within marin county, california. i will emphasize how through my service learning partnership, the importance of the fusion between cognitive moral philosophy and practical service became increasingly apparent. this dynamic process highly informed the way i interacted at st. vincent’s and the ethical conclusions i came to. most significantly, the concept of adopting a mindset of a shared mutuality between the homeless and the housed and creating spaces for this to happen emerged. out of this, three distinct concepts became clearly central in approaching homelessness in marin, and by extension, throughout the u.s. particularly, approaches to homelessness should be viewed and smiley 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 evaluated through the lenses of laura stivers’ approach to homelessness with hospitality and justice, virtue ethics according to alasdair macintyre, and timothy harris’ idea of the (de)humanization of the homeless population. homelessness is a widespread global, national, and local issue. the u.n. reports there are an estimated 100 million homeless individuals worldwide. this is a very conservative number at best since the u.n.’s definition only accounts for the visible homeless, and moreover, a mere seven percent of countries even give statistics on their homeless residents (united nations 2004). according to the most recent point-in-time count conducted in january 2013 within the united states, 610,042 people are considered homeless throughout the country. the national alliance to end homelessness reports this as a decrease, in part due to the fact that federal funding for homelessness relief has reached a record high (national alliance 2014, 4). although progress has been made in decreasing total existent homelessness through federal assistance, the number of those that become homeless has not decreased because root problems have not been addressed and affordable housing in communities remains largely unavailable. this national issue is exemplified in marin county, where the disparity between the affluent and homeless is very significant and clearly apparent. consistent with the state of the nation, the homeless population of marin has decreased from 1,770 in 2009 to 933 in 2013, but those at risk of homelessness has increased (marin county 2013, 3). one major cause is the lack of affordable housing. first of all, the list to obtain section 8 housing vouchers is completely closed. also, there is extreme disproportion between the need for low-income workers and the supply of low-income housing within the county (marin health 2012, 8). it is clear that more attention should be given to the issue of homelessness, globally and locally. rather than becoming overwhelmed at the immensity of the situation, personal engagement and reflection in one’s own community is an effective method of approach. as previously stated, service learning and moral philosophy education should not function as separate entities, but should be a fused, complementary partnership. critical reflection is necessary to accompany “charity” work that is done to help those in our wider community, because being knowledgeable and aware of our intentions and the greater effects resulting from service work gives us the capability of being powerful agents of positive change. if we have not deliberately and thoughtfully evaluated the work that we as individuals and as collective service organizations (such as st. vincent’s) do, we may be unintentionally caught in traps made by our own habits, instead of pursuing the most ethically and functionally sound way of engaging in the community around us. conversely, limiting our application of moral philosophy to in-class hypothetical scenarios misses crucial real-life application, the essence of living as ethical human beings that function in community with others. being challenged to think in new ways about ethical issues/situations is one half of the picture; the other half is being challenged to act in real space and time upon these ethical theories and live out the responsibility that we have as global citizens. throughout my own experience with this fused application of theory and practice, another rich paradox emerged: the concepts of hospitality and justice. according to laura stivers (2011), homelessness should be approached with the application of both hospitality and justice (123). this corresponds to seeing the issue as both structural and large in scope and as individual and immediate. generally speaking, the term justice connotes a masculine sensibility that deals with righting a wrong, whereas hospitality holds a more feminine understanding of generousness without value judgment. going deeper still, the term and use of the word hospitality has rich smiley 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 layers of paradoxical meaning. by viewing hospitality as a valid and necessary approach to the global issue of homelessness, i do not refer to it as politeness or social nicety that the word is often currently diminished to. hospitality has much more profound implications. christine pohl (1999) explains that hospitality derives from the latin root “hostis,” which means guest and also carries the implication of stranger or enemy (9). its greek counterpart is phenoxelia, which, according to pohl, “combines the general word for love or affection for people who are connected by kinship or faith (phileo), and the word for stranger (xenos)” (31). it is clear that hospitality involves an openness and generosity shown equally among close kin, unknown strangers, and even enemies. in his essay “the audacity of hospitality,” dale jacobs (2008) presents hospitality as a horizontal intersubjectivity oriented toward the future, in which the outcome is hope (564). the necessary precondition for this hospitality is a kind of listening, or the creating of an empty space that gives room for the guest to discover personal change without forcing him/her to conform to the image of the host. in the words of henri nouwen (1986): “when we want to be really hospitable we not only have to receive strangers but also to confront them by an unambiguous presence, not hiding ourselves behind neutrality” (70). this “tension” (571), as jacobs puts it, between adopting an attitude of open listening and maintaining an “unambiguous presence” falls in line with jacques derrida’s philosophical theory of hospitality. in his deconstruction of prevailing dichotomies, derrida views the concept of hospitality as an inherently interdependent possibility and impossibility. this is precisely because hospitality requires the host to both have ownership and possession of that which he/she is giving (an unambiguous presence), and a complete giving up of all that he possesses for the sake of the guest (creation of an empty space) (reynolds). in light of this radically altruistic form of hospitality, i would argue that practicing hospitality is essential to addressing homelessness as it creates the open space for both the host and guest to grow and benefit. moreover, it should always be accompanied by the complementary approach of social and structural justice. we recognize that homelessness is a complex issue that must be addressed from multiple vantage points. stivers (2011) advocates that we “see and address the root causes of poverty and homelessness, in addition to ministering to those in need of direct hospitality and charity. there is no one perfect response to poverty and homelessness, but any adequate response must include both compassion and justice” (123). these two concepts could easily be perceived as opposites. compassion and hospitality have to do with personal interaction and an emotional caring quality, whereas justice carries ideas of correcting long-ingrained cultural inequalities through political strategies. however, stivers argues for the linking of hospitality and justice. she points to biblical narratives that illustrate this connection. for instance, the people of israel regularly brought the homeless and poor into their homes, thus individually affecting the larger cultural and economic systems as a part of god’s covenant with them. likewise, jesus often took a bottom-up approach in regards to justice, first caring for those individuals who were poor and outcast (124-126). we also see this in the hebrew word tsedeq in which our modern idea of justice is derived. it evokes the idea of the righting of relationships as integral to justice. at st. vincent’s, the primary work involves immediate compassion and hospitality to serve urgent needs of those in the san rafael community. its work fills necessary gaps in people’s lives when they don’t have basic provisions or can’t both pay the rent and buy groceries. i think that this is absolutely necessary. st vincent’s work could be critiqued in this area, as it does lack an overarching structural outlook in addressing homelessness. however, i think that this critique should instead be mostly directed toward those that volunteer at st. smiley 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 vincent’s rather than the organization as a whole. if those who serve think that they are doing their adequate part in relieving homelessness by chopping vegetables in st. vincent’s kitchen, they are making the above mentioned mistake of serving without critical reflection. we as community members also have a duty to go beyond immediate services to the homeless and poor and venture to change some of the structural stigmas, policies, and ideologies that lead to such income disparity as there is in marin county. st. vincent’s is one organization that may do well to only address limited aspects regarding the issue of homelessness. even so, although st. vincent’s does not directly deal with structural issues at the root of homelessness, it does a lot of work reducing negative stigma and establishing meaningful communities for the homeless and working poor, which goes a long way to indirectly affect structural problems. to prevent st. vincent’s from sinking into what laura stivers (2011) describes as a “charity model” (4-6) that produces an “us and them” dichotomy between diners and servers, and inadequately addresses the depth of both hospitality and structural justice, there are several practices that the organization could benefit from. to promote a true hospitality that is open to both giving and receiving, st. vincent’s and other organizations like it should actively encourage those that work there to eat their meals with the public in the dining room. currently, there is a small space tucked away in the back where servers and kitchen workers eat their meals. enacting this small change would give the opportunity to everyone involved with st. vincent’s to experience the deeply transformative kind of hospitality that jacobs and nouwen describe. the atmosphere of the facility itself would become one of mutuality when the line between server and served becomes blurred and people share meals and conversations. additionally, st. vincent’s would do well to consciously place itself within the larger picture of the root structural issues contributing to homelessness in marin county. as an organization that addresses immediate needs, the leadership should be aware and inform volunteers of the larger framework of structural causes that need to be addressed, perhaps through regularly held workshops. this way, volunteer workers would become empowered to make changes in the community regarding fundamental issues such as inadequate low-income housing, immigration laws, and educational inequalities. and consequently, st. vincent’s would become an agency of change in the societal structure instead of a source of perpetuation. additionally, while working at st. vincent’s, i found its role in promoting community based virtue ethics immensely significant, perhaps an aspect of the organization that often goes unnoticed. virtue ethics promotes the development of good character within a person as the essence of morality, placing emphasis on the motivation behind moral acts. a virtuous person becomes virtuous through habitually acting virtuously, not necessarily from an inherent goodness. furthermore, according to alasdair macintyre (1993), this virtuousness is developed within a particular practice. he defines a practice as “any coherent and complex form of socially established cooperative human activity through which goods internal to that form of activity are realized in the course of trying to achieve those standards of excellence which are appropriate to, and partially definitive of, that form of activity” (328). thus, goods are identified as specific to the terms of the practice and “recognized by the experience of those participating in the practice.” in a largely homeless community, individuals who attend st. vincent generally lack the opportunities to fit into roles within socially constructed practices. without jobs, and often treated as outcasts to some degree, homeless individuals may not be able to develop the virtues that come about as a result of participating in specific practices within our society. however, during my interactions with diners, staff, and volunteers at st. vincent’s, i have noticed the development of a supportive community in which individuals have the opportunity to smiley 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 engage in meaningful roles through which they can exemplify virtuous traits and make them habitual. this is not to say that i believe developing good character in the homeless and working poor that visit st. vincent’s is going to solve their economic and situational problems. rather, i think that st. vincent’s gives them a meaningful place to engage and grow within a community of often forgotten people. diners at st. vincent’s generally demonstrate generosity, gratitude, and respect. i observe a sense of ownership that individuals have regarding their place within the st. vincent’s community. it is not uncommon to see diners generously serving by taking the initiative to clean out the microwaves, wipe down some of the tables, and care for the space that they use. i have seen an older woman talking to and supporting a younger pregnant woman, and there is visible comradery between the diners and the staff. i have been sincerely thanked by diners time and again for sweeping the floors and taking dirty dishes back to the kitchen. individuals who visit st. vincent’s have the opportunity to be treated with respect and treat others around them with respect in order to accommodate a peaceful dining experience, a safe place to belong. some of the staff members have themselves been homeless or without financial and social support; they were given not only a job, but also meaningful work as part of a team in which they develop as virtuous persons. timothy harris (2012) puts it this way: “work and community are what make us what we are. when you take these things away, people don’t have much left.” he argues against the co-related structural problems inherent in homelessness and the stigmatization and dehumanization of this portion of our population. harris identifies not only negative attitudes of disgust toward homeless people from those that are housed, but also between fellow homeless people that adopt this view as a result of self-hatred. he also emphasizes the role that stigmatizing homelessness has on actual policy making. often, the media adopts rhetoric of filth and disgust surrounding homelessness that serves to justify injustices against the homeless, such as the destruction of tent dwellings. this is a large scale structural issue, but we can find an entry point into changing the stigma of the homeless through individual interaction. st. vincent’s plays a significant role in dissipating the negative stigma that often accompanies the homeless. from the moment a person walks in the door to receive a meal, no questions are asked about his/her personal life as a requirement to obtain a meal. thus, an individualistic behavioral view of the homeless is already absent. volunteers are also given the invaluable opportunity to interact with the diners and adjust their perceptions of these individuals accordingly. one of the staff members that i worked under remarked how he began to assume a non-judgmental attitude after working at st. vincent’s, and has found that outlook to be invaluable in many areas of his life. i was struck at how quickly i personally became comfortable and at ease interacting with the diners. my realization points to our cultural concept that it should be difficult to interact with the homeless because they are “other” from us. still, i was able to move past this and hold some rewarding conversations with individuals about life, school, movies, and houseboats in sausalito. this change in the way i view the homeless population is a significant one. last week as i was walking down b street toward st. vincent’s, i was ashamed to remember my attitude toward the people that congregate around the building prior to my volunteer work there. i recollected how, when i was first getting to know the area of san rafael after moving here, my roommate and i labeled b street “creepy b.” i didn’t even know about st. vincent’s location on that street, or anything about the people who walked those sidewalks. from a distance, however, i labeled them with a negative stereotype. i am thankful to say that i walk down that street smiley 6 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 currently with a new outlook. i recognize many of the faces that i see, and acknowledge our shared humanity. thus, it is apparent that both active service engagement and critical reflection alongside the learning of moral theory are essential to make a significant difference in our community. furthermore, the issues of homelessness must be addressed through the approach of mutual hospitality and openness. through my work at st. vincent’s, i have been able to observe the areas that the organization could improve upon in order to move away from a charity model of service and address more directly structural root problems of homelessness. i have also been able to see where it succeeds as an organization that provides immediate aid to those that need it and also where it contributes less obviously to larger causes and effects of homelessness. namely, st. vincent’s promotes virtues of generosity, gratitude, and respect within a meaningful community, and is important in the de-stigmatization of the homeless and working poor communities. this work will cause less misunderstanding and hatred both within the homeless population and across social and economic classes, eventually leading to more just and compassionate actions and policies in favor of the marginalized homeless. ~ i would like to thank dr. bonnie howe and dr. laura stivers of dominican university of california for their passionate instruction, support, and advice that continued within and outside of the classroom. references harris, timothy. 2012. “the politics of disgust.” lecture, public health and shared prosperity, seattle, june 20. jacobs, dale. 2008. “the audacity of hospitality.” journal of advanced composition 28 (3/4): 563-581. macintyre, alasdair. 1993. “the nature of the virtues.” in moral philosophy: a reader, edited by louis p. pojman and peter tramel, 323-338. indianapolis, in: hackett publishing company. marin county continuum of care. 2013. home for all. marin health and human services. 2012. marin’s plan to prevent and end homelessness, june. national alliance to end homelessness. 2014. the state of homelessness in america, may 27. nouwen, henri j. m. 1986. reaching out: the three movements of the spiritual life. garden city, n.y.: image books. pohl, christine d. 1999. making room: recovering hospitality as a christian tradition. grand rapids, mi.: w.b. eerdmans. smiley 7 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 reynolds, jack. “jacques derrida.” internet encyclopedia of philosophy. http://www.iep.utm.edu/ derrida/. stivers, laura a. 2011. disrupting homelessness: alternative christian approaches. minneapolis, mn: fortress. united nations. 2004. united nations demographic yearbook review. department of economic and social affairs statistics division, demographic and social statistics branch, april 14. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 applications of service learning through a room renovation project katelyn mershon and steffi meinhart purdue university imagine your favorite memory with your family. is it gathering around the fireplace, drinking hot cocoa, and playing games on a cold day? maybe it is that one tradition your family has as the new year approaches. now stop. imagine that same memory with no fireplace, no hot cocoa, no games; your family tradition is incomplete. all you have is a room at a shelter without anything that reminds you of that place you call home. we saw a place like this when visiting our local salvation army and knew right away we wanted to make a difference. thankfully, as students in family and consumer sciences education (fcse) at purdue university, we have gained skills that have given us the ability to make a change in our community. these skills come from the variety of subjects in family and consumer sciences, such as: housing, textiles, nutrition, foods, personal finance, child development, and more. in this program, we are preparing to teach middle and high school students about the many content areas of family and consumer sciences. community issues and applications for educators (edci 350) is a required course in the fcse teacher-education program. in this class, we completed an in-depth service learning project which is the source and focus of this article. the purpose of edci 350 is the “examination of diverse family and community characteristics and issues, and potential impacts on teaching and learning processes. the course includes interactions with human service agencies and personnel in schools and communities” (purdue university course catalog). our service learning project, in particular, taught us that it takes a significant amount of knowledge, time, and effort in order to have a large impact in our community. during our first edci 350 class session, our professor presented information about service learning. we learned that service learning is “a teaching method that combines community service with academic instruction as it focuses on critical, reflective thinking and civic responsibility” (fox 2013). our professor listed key elements of service learning as based on academic standards, including: planning jointly with community partners; meeting a real need; being student-directed; and including preparation, action, reflection, assessment, and celebration. during our first class session, we were introduced to the service learning project we would be involved with and we also were urged to consider ways we could use service learning in our future classrooms as family and consumer sciences teachers. three major formats for service learning were explained: direct, indirect, and advocacy. direct service learning requires physically participating at the community location and interacting with the people we are serving. indirect service learning involves creating things that are given to the community partner, but it does not require being at the location or interacting directly with the people. advocacy means that through our service learning project, we learn about underlying issues. the advocacy format seeks ways to support the community agency through fundraising and through communication that raises awareness with the larger community and especially with policymakers. we were able to lay a foundation for service learning through the main course textbook, a framework for understanding poverty: a cognitive approach by ruby k. payne (2013). this was the inspiration for our service learning project. through our readings, we learned about differences among socioeconomic classes and their hidden rules. each socioeconomic class has mershon and meinhart 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 hidden rules no one talks about and are seen as common knowledge by those who know them. for example, according to payne’s book, when looking at the importance of food, the lowest socioeconomic class would ask “did you have enough?” and quantity would be important. the middle socioeconomic class would ask “did you like it?” and would find quality to be important. lastly, the highest socioeconomic class would ask “was it presented well?” and would find presentation most important. this knowledge made us aware that hidden rules really exist and we all have them whether we realize it or not. even something as simple as communicating with those around us is affected by hidden rules. our hidden rules dictate how we respond and react to certain remarks and body language. they also affect our expectations of others in terms of respect and behavior. service learning is a way we can put our knowledge of hidden rules into practice. the purpose of the service learning project was to use and build on our knowledge from our reading and skills as family and consumer sciences educators by helping others in the community. for our service learning project, we could choose from a wide range of topics from teaching kids the proper way to wash their hands, teaching them how to complete an interview, or even renovating a family room. in past semesters, students in edci 350 had worked with the local salvation army and other community agencies for their projects. in order to help us get started, our professor arranged a time for our class to meet at the salvation army to hear from the staff and learn where they needed help. we were also given a tour of the building. during our visit, the staff mentioned that they needed help with the family room in the family shelter wing of the facility that serves families who need a temporary place to live. the shelter has private rooms for families with children. the shelter also has a kitchen, dining room, and family room shared by all of the guests. the family room was currently not being used for family time but instead as a quiet escape for the parents at the end of the day. they would put their children to bed, and then use the family room to watch television. the need to renovate the family room caught our attention because, as fcse students, we have taken several classes about child development and family processes. with this background knowledge, we know how spending time with their parents is vital for children’s social and emotional development. it really impacts a child in a negative way when he or she does not have that family time. without family time, “children will have a lack of appreciation, support, trust, and respect, compared to children who spend time with their family members. children also learn how to interact with others through spending time with their family” (ryder and decker 2006, 77-84). we wanted to help provide an inviting place for parents to bring their kids so that they all had a place to spend time together. our service learning process included several steps. the first was choosing the family room renovation project. upon choosing the project, we contacted the staff at the salvation army to set up a meeting to discuss what their thoughts were for a renovation. they were very open to all of our ideas and encouraged us to “shoot for the sky!” this meeting also gave us a chance to take a closer look at the room we were renovating and gave us an idea of what we could do with it. the staff members who were instrumental in helping us get started with the project were major jim irvine (corps officer and pastor), major pat irvine (corps officer and pastor), and todd wesbrook (family shelter director). we met with them to take note of their ideas and what they needed in the family room. in addition, envoy audrey schneider (volunteer coordinator at the salvation army) facilitated our class’s involvement by coordinating class members’ completion of the online application and training mershon and meinhart 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 that is required of salvation army volunteers and by assisting us with communication, scheduling, and many other details. based on our meeting with salvation army staff, we were able to start on step three of our service-learning process: preparation. this included doing background readings, determining specific goals and evidence for our project, and applying for a grant. we studied the salvation army website (the salvation army 2014) and learned that its goal and mission is “described in these four words: to feed, clothe, comfort, and care, through preaching the gospel of jesus christ and to meet human needs in his name without discrimination.” along with other students in the class who were doing projects with the salvation army, we applied for a service learning grant through the purdue university office of engagement. the grant application took a lot of time and effort to complete because this is where we really finalized what we were going to do with the room. we prepared a brief description of our project and an itemized list of proposed expenditures (figure 1). this grant was funded, but only for a small portion of the amount we had requested. our professor then contacted the salvation army and together they identified a donor who was willing to provide additional funding for the room renovation project. we received a total of seven hundred dollars, which enabled us to get started. next, we went out to local stores and purchased our supplies. we attempted to collect donations from local sources for the project but our efforts proved unsuccessful. during this phase, we set up more dates with the salvation army and planned a weekend to start the renovation. this took us a total of three days. the first two days were spent renovating, and then the last day was spent making blankets and art with the salvation army families for their new room. figure 1: itemized list item cost of each ($) quantity total cost ($) design and renovation light cover 119.00 1 119.00 chalk board paint 10.97 1 10.97 outlet covers 2.97 1 2.97 area rug 79.99 1 79.99 sofa slip cover 59.99 1 59.99 command strips for hanging frames 2.94 3 8.82 furniture trunk 19.99 1 19.99 floor lamp floor lamp 4.99 8.99 2 13.98 table lamp 7.97 1 7.97 table lamp shade 14.99 1 14.99 storage bin storage bin 15.24 8.77 2 24.01 office chair 24.99 1 24.99 desk 39.84 1 39.84 book shelf 14.88 1 14.88 end table 17.99 1 17.99 mershon and meinhart 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 4x6 frames 2.50 3 7.50 poster frame 11.97 2 23.94 alphabet foam floor letters 19.50 1 19.50 storage containers 1.00 3 3.00 crafts/activities for families tissues 1.00 1 1.00 fabric for pillows 5.97 5.00 2 yards 1 yards 16.94 fleece for blankets 2.97 2.94 2.94 4.97 2 yards 2 yards 2 yards 2 yards 27.64 markers 2.47 2 4.94 canvas 9.47 9.97 2 medium 2 large 19.44 crayons 4.97 1 4.97 poster paint 4.97 1 4.97 chalk 0.48 0.87 1 white 1 multi color 1.35 coloring book 1.00 5 5.00 thread 2.16 2 4.32 art pad 1.00 2 2.00 board games 1.00 3 3.00 toys/books 1.00 5 5.00 pens/pencils 1.00 4 4.00 things we provided* paint brushes painters tape wall paint paint for the trunk scrapbook paper cleaner screw driver light bulbs cleaner/cleaning rags total cost with tax $681.40 *these items have no charge because we provided them ourselves before we could put the room together, we had to search for our supplies. with just seven hundred dollars in funding, we had to really search for the best prices. we ended up buying a cute toy chest at a second-hand store and then used our refurbishing skills to make it fun for the kids. we also were able to buy a new desk, night stand, book shelf, and alphabet foam floor tiles, which we put together. with the rest of the materials that we purchased, we were able to use our mershon and meinhart 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 crafting skills to create wall art, pillows, and blankets in order to bring warmth to the room. below is a summary of what our days looked like during the room renovation. renovation day one our first day at the salvation army was our longest day. before we arrived, we drew on our knowledge of hidden rules and tried to place ourselves in the mindset of what it would be like to be in a situation like the shelter guests, without a home of our own. we wanted to make sure that we were providing an atmosphere that would make them feel comfortable and possibly one that they could replicate in their next home. we brought in all the furniture we had purchased for the room, started painting the chalkboard wall, and put up all the lights and light fixtures. before we created the chalkboard wall, we contacted the head of our project at the salvation army, major pat irvine. when she heard our idea, she welcomed it with enthusiasm and granted us permission to move forward. creating this wall space at children’s eye-level allowed them an interactive area where they could draw and write. while we were there, we also spent time sorting through the existing toys and cleaning them. we replaced the old toy chest with the new one we had bought and refurbished. when we went in to replace the ceiling light fixture, we had to enlist some extra help from friends. this was probably the most challenging part of the room renovation since we had to be careful with hooking up the proper electrical lines and making sure the ground wire was properly placed. after this hurdle, everything fell into place. day two on the second day, we put the alphabet foam floor together so the children would have a comfortable place to sit and play during their time in the family room. we also brought in some new games and toys to promote family togetherness. since we supplied a desk for the room, we brought in a new set of pens, pencils, paper for the desk, and chalk for the chalkboard wall. the wall ended up taking us a little longer than we expected because we had to make sure the outline we made with tape was straight and we had to paint a few more coats on the wall than we anticipated. much time was spent organizing the closet in the room so that everything was easily accessible. the closet already had a metal shelving unit, so we provided plastic bins to put on the shelves for the blankets and the art supplies we had purchased. we moved everything around in the closet so that it was easy to find. all of the toys that were too big for the toy box were on one shelf, and the blankets and craft materials were on another. day three on the third day, we met with the families at the salvation army. we held an event day for the families to come and create artwork in order to make the room feel more like a home. a mother and her three children came to the event. she had one son in second grade and twins who were just entering kindergarten. they were overjoyed with the activities we planned and especially enjoyed the finger painting. we made tie blankets with the kids and also worked on a few arts and crafts projects so that they had something to hang in the room to make it feel more mershon and meinhart 6 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 like home. while engaging with the children and mother, we again applied what we had learned about hidden rules. we realized that what we were doing was more important to them than we expected. the tasks that we were accomplishing seemed small to us because they were normal activities in our lives, but were something special to them. this time with a family provided the “direct” service learning required for our class, since our other work had been primarily “indirect.” we also put up the finishing touches in the room by hanging some more artwork that we created on our own time. when the entire process was completed, we felt a great sense of accomplishment with the finished product. we were able to make the space feel warm, fresh, and welcoming. the new light fixtures added a soft ambiance to the room and the new couch cover and rug gave the room a refreshed look. the chalkboard wall was a huge success with the children, and they really loved playing with it. the children also enjoyed the new art supplies, activity books, and games that we brought in. from start to finish, we received a lot of positive feedback for the work we did. one day, as we were working on the room, a mother and her children were walking by and one of the children started to cry because they were not allowed to play in the room yet. a couple of days later, as we went back to spend time with the family, the children were finally allowed to come inside the room and play with the games and toys. the kids were smiling from ear to ear and absolutely loved the new room. seeing their smiling faces and watching them play in the room with so much enthusiasm meant a lot to us. we knew we had accomplished a part of our goal. about a week after the room was complete, we received an email from major pat irvine, who had overseen our work at the salvation army: it is difficult to find words to express the many ways our shelter families have responded to our revamped family living area. our objective was to create “home away from home” and that is exactly what your group has accomplished. shelter guests and staff have commented to me that they feel welcomed and loved because of the many improvements to the family room. i have also noticed that the room is used far more than before because it is so welcoming and warm. there are not many changes we would make, but if we could start this project over again, we would try to contact more businesses for donations. we spent a lot of time going around for donations, but unfortunately had no luck. we focused on larger companies and talked with local managers. if we had a bit more time, we may have been able to contact the company headquarters and perhaps had a better outcome. if we had worked with smaller businesses that are based in the community, they may have been more interested in our project and possibly given us a faster and more positive response. we probably could have made fliers or posters that advertised our project, which might have led to donations. we would have enjoyed hearing from other members of the salvation army in addition to major pat irvine’s response, but due to confidentiality, direct feedback from shelter guests was limited. it would have been nice to see how beneficial our work was, how often the room is being used, and if it is being used how we had hoped – to strengthen family interaction. we were pleased with the outcome, and a little surprised we were able to accomplish so much with limited time and limited funds. mershon and meinhart 7 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 personal reflection this experience affected me (steffi) greatly. it is incredible to stand back after all of the hard work you put into something and know that it made a difference in people’s lives. even though the project was long and time consuming, it was worth it. the day we spent time with families in the room that we created was heartwarming because we got to see the smiles on the mother and children’s faces, and watch them play and laugh. i loved seeing our goal of bringing families together become accomplished through this project. before this experience, i thought that it might be hard to connect with those in poverty, but it was the opposite. talking with the mother of the family showed me that they are people just like us, who have dreams and goals that they would like to reach. they are working hard every day to provide for their family and make a great life for them. i can honestly say that i would do this project over again in a heartbeat because of the great changes that were made and the lives that were touched. this experience taught me (katelyn) a lot about the differences between social classes, hidden rules, and the importance of parent/child interaction for the child’s development. this project took a bunch of time outside of class, but when i saw the finished product and how much the kids really loved it, all the time and stress was worth the final product. my part of the work was a lot of coordinating with the salvation army to set up meeting times, planning to go out and find our supplies, and then budgeting for all of it. it was a huge responsibility but an extremely rewarding experience. through this project, we have learned the importance of family togetherness and the relevance of hidden rules. we also have seen the benefits of service learning in the classroom and we would like to continue using it in the future with our students. we would also like to encourage other teachers to use service learning in their classrooms as well. we would suggest including the students in the grant application process and to let them be a part of deciding what community organization sounds best to them. it is also extremely important to ask the organization what its needs are and to cater the project to those needs. middle or high school students could complete a large project, such as the room renovation, but they could also do a project as small as making tie blankets or other types of indirect service. the opportunities are truly endless! lesson ideas exposure to service learning is important in students’ development into well-rounded adults. below we have listed two lesson ideas to involve students in service learning to further their growth into mature individuals. indirect lesson in a class such as child development, introduce students to different types of family forms. give them different problems and have them find possible solutions. for example, give them a scenario such as: “you are a single parent of two children. you work three jobs and hardly ever get to see them. how will you make time for your children?” after they brain storm solutions, show a video about families living in shelters and the effects it has on their family. have students partner up after the video and discuss what their families are like, and then have each student present their partner’s family “a day in the life of ___.” during the next class a mershon and meinhart 8 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 guest speaker from a local organization could tell the class about families and their needs. as a class they could choose items to collect and donate to the organization as part of an indirect service learning activity. direct lesson in an interior design class, give students a budget and a list of items they need to put in a hypothetical room. have them plan how to create a space within that budget. a direct service learning project could include students doing something similar to what we have done, contacting a local organization and asking to work with their members to help enhance the facility. they would have to raise funds and find where they are needed, but this would be very rewarding. ~ throughout this process we have grown to appreciate those who work in the community to further the growth of others emotionally and socially. we would like to thank all of the members of the salvation army for allowing us to have this opportunity to work in their facility and with their guests. we would also like to thank all of the parties involved with funding to make this project possible, and our other edci 350 service-learning group member, halie reeves, for all of her contributions to this project. lastly, we would like to extend our gratitude to our professor, dr. wanda fox, who encouraged and helped us immensely throughout this entire process. references fox, wanda s. 2013. edci 350: community issues and applications for educators. purdue university. payne, ruby k. 2013. a framework for understanding poverty: a cognitive approach. highlands, tx: aha! process, inc. purdue university course catalog. fall 2013. https://selfservice.mypurdue.purdue.edu/ prod/bwckctlg.p_disp_dyn_ctlg?. ryder, verdene and celia anita decker. 2006. parents and their children. tinley park, il: goodheart-willcox. the salvation army. 2014. “about the salvation army.” http://www.salvationarmyusa.org/ usn/about. the curious case of the amur leopard sofiya robert schwartz 4/29/2014 fairfield university department of biology 1073 north benson road fairfield, ct 06824 1 abstract: the amur leopard (panthera pardus orientalis) is a critically endangered subspecies of leopard. one of these rare leopards resides at the beardsley zoo in bridgeport, ct. in order to preserve rare species, zoos around the world have implemented the species survival plan (ssp), which involves conservation and controlled breeding of critically endangered species. sofiya, the female amur leopard at the ct beardsley zoo is a prospect for the ssp. however, it was observed that sofiya displayed inexplicable and potentially nervous or anxious behaviors, such as staying indoors in her enclosure and excessive pacing. it was initially suspected that her behavior was prompted by some unknown environmental cue(s). with a wild and captive population of less than 300 individuals world wide, concerns about sofiya’s behavior resulted in my service learning research project data were collected from february to april 2014, largely through weekly observations from a hunter’s blind set up across from the leopard’s enclosure. we observed that sofiya’s anxious behavior typically stopped between the hours of 2:30 and 4:30 pm during which she emerged into the enclosure and displayed more social behavior. by integrating observational data with information from zoo staff and medical records, we suggest that sofiya’s behavior may not be influenced by external cues, as was initially hypothesized. medical records and sofiya’s history indicate that a hormone imbalance may be at least partly responsible for her nervous behavior. introduction: the amur leopard (panthera pardus orientalis) is an extremely rare, critically endangered species of big cat, with between 25 and 40 individuals remaining in the wild of the russian far east (uphyrkina, et al 2002). there are approximately 200 amur leopards in 2 captivity across europe, north america, and parts of the former soviet union. sofiya is an amur leopard born on may 10, 2008 at the st. louis zoo. she moved in 2009 to the fort wayne children’s zoo in indiana. since january 2013, she has resided at the beardsley zoo in bridgeport, ct (held 2008). staff at the beardsley zoo noticed that sofiya displays potentially problematic and unnatural behaviors. these behaviors include incessant, aggravated pacing, as well as staying indoors in her enclosure for the majority of the day. pacing is considered a stereotypic behavior of animals in zoos, meaning that while not natural, it is not an uncommon behavior (schaul 2012). however, the severity and relentlessness of the behaviors in question led the zoo staff to question the causes. these behaviors are especially problematic because sofiya belongs to such a rare species. it will be very difficult to mate her if she keeps constantly displaying these behaviors. with this in mind, research was designed to identify the cause of these behaviors. the initial hypothesis of zoo staff and researchers was that there was an environmental cue or something external happening that was triggering her strange behaviors. methods: starting on february 4, 2014, sofiya was observed between the hours of 8:30 and 11:30 every tuesday morning. observations were made from a hunter’s blind set up across the way from the leopard’s enclosure. the purpose of the blind was to blend in with the surroundings and not alert sofiya to our presence. the blind was left permanently as weather permitted so that sofiya would acclimate to its presence. during observation periods, all environmental conditions were recorded, including weather, temperature, noises, human interaction, animal interaction, and any other figure 1: sofiya and her indoor enclosure 3 activity at the zoo. all conditions and activities were recorded and placed into a composite calendar. as the experiment went on, observations were also taken outside of the designated period, during weekend afternoons between the hours of 2:00 and 4:30. an ethogram was designed at the start of the experiment. as more observations were made, it was revised. behaviors were noted and tallied on the ethogram during observation. the ethogram included the behavioral categories locomotion, aggression, defense, resting, and play (table 1). eventually, other behaviors, such as “head poking out of indoor shelter” were also noted. additionally, a motion-activated camera trap was set up on a post directly outside of sofiya’s enclosure. the time stamped photos from the trap were collected and examined at the start of each observation period. data were also collected from medical observations and histories obtained from zoo staff, both from the ct beardsley zoo and the fort wayne children’s zoo in indiana. information about sofiya’s medical history and life history, including where and how she was reared, medical procedures, and illnesses were collected from the zoos. information about a specific drug she was given, deslorelin, was collected mainly from veterinarians, and information about the effects of the drug was collected from veterinarians and zoo staff. phone and e-mail interviews were conducted with fort wayne veterinary staff and ct beardsley zoo staff. results: the amur leopard’s behaviors were observed and recorded in conjunction with the environmental conditions, including weather, temperature, human interactions, animal table 1: ethogram 4 interactions, and sounds. the goal of this process was to determine if there was some environmental cue triggering sofiya’s abnormal behavior. at the start of the experiment, every detail of her behavior was recorded. any behavior other than pacing was noted, as pacing was completely incessant during most of the observation. however, no distinguishable pattern of her specific behaviors, such as times she would poke her head out of the door in her enclosure, or times she would step outside briefly only to go back in almost immediately, could be observed. all of her observed behaviors were entirely unpredictable. the camera trap, however, provided a few interesting results. every afternoon the camera consistently caught pictures of sofiya coming outdoors around 2:30, and staying active until the zoo closed around 4:30. observations were then taken on two separate afternoon occasions, on which all behaviors and environmental conditions were noted. during these periods, sofiya did not seem to have any exaggerated reaction to anything in her environment, including weather, temperature, sound, and interactions. her behavior did not change at all with any change to the environment. all of her times of activity other than pacing and occasionally poking her head out of the door were recorded in conjunction with the environmental conditions, and placed into a composite calendar, figure 1. information in the calendar varies based on what was available: on some dates, zoo staff members were able to provide a detailed zoo schedule, while on some days, only the weather and times of activity were available. in addition, the camera trap was not installed until february 26. background research revealed that sofiya was born in a litter of two at the st. louis zoo, but that the other cub was a stillborn. the same research also showed that sofiya’s mother did not provide any maternal care. results were also obtained from a medical history of sofiya, which was acquired from the fort wayne children’s zoo in indiana. the medical report showed that on may 13, 2010, 5 sofiya was immobilized to be given a contraceptive. an email correspondence with staff at fort wayne revealed that the contraceptive was an 18.8 mg dose of deslorelin, a common contraceptive. the report revealed nine instances of vomiting, five of which contained blood, between march 7 and may 31, 2011. the report also revealed three instances of vomiting, one of which contained blood, between november 18 and december 21, 2011. four instances of vomiting, one of which contained blood, were documented between february 13 and september 14, 2012. some results were obtained from staff at the beardsley zoo in bridgeport, ct, as well. interviews with the staff at the beardsley zoo revealed that an artificial insemination procedure was scheduled for march 2, 2013. these interviews also revealed that hormone treatments were given on february 26 and march 3, 2013, as well as february 3 and 6, 2014. all of the results gathered from observations, interviews, research, and the medical history resulted in the formulation of multiple hypotheses. these hypotheses are described in table 2: table 2: hypotheses formed prior to and during the experiment, and observations pertaining to the hypotheses. hypothesis observations pertaining to hypothesis some environmental cue is triggering sofiya’s behavior (initial hypothesis).  conditions changed, behavior did not noticeably change sofiya is suffering from some form of anxiety.  hesitation to come outside/shyness  incessant pacing the lack of maternal care resulted in some psychological trauma.  mother gave birth to a stillborn in the same litter  mother did not display maternal caresofiya was hand reared some sort of hormone imbalance is causing sofiya’s strange behavior.  18.8 mg of contraceptive administered in 2010  hormone therapy at the beardsley zoo in 2013 and 2014 something in her internal biological clock prevents sofiya from being active in the  bulk of activity occurs after 2:30 pm 6 mornings.  changed to 1:30 pm after daylight savings time ended trauma from being sick younger in life could have some sort of lasting psychological effect.  multiple instances of bloody vomit and loose stool discussion/conclusions the initial hypothesis that some environmental cue was triggering sofiya’s strange behavior was one of the first to be disqualified. observations were taken under all conditions: sunny, rainy, snowy, cold, warm, quiet, and loud. even with all of this variation in environmental conditions, her behavior did not change. her seemingly anxious behaviors remained the same. this led to the anxiety hypothesis. this is potentially valid, however, there is no real way of qualifying a leopard as having a chronic anxiety disorder. nonetheless, because of the subjective nature of the hypothesis, it was not totally disregarded as more progress was made. the same is true of the hypothesis that trauma from sickness left some sort of psychological impact. animals do often get sick, and there is little data to suggest that it could be a seriously traumatic event. the illness hypothesis was labeled as weak, but not totally thrown away. one of the more probable initial hypotheses was that the lack of maternal care sofiya received as a cub had some lasting psychological effect on her. this was supported by some previous research. another study of zoo animals showed that animals that were hand-reared alone, like sofiya was, were more prone to aggression toward conspecifics and humans than animals that were hand raised with a conspecific or maternally raised with a conspecific (mellen 1992). sofiya was actually characterized as somewhat aggressive toward the male conspecific she was with at the fort wayne children’s zoo, even though she was not characterized as aggressive toward the zookeepers. it seemed to make sense, then, that other strange behaviors 7 could be associated with a lack of maternal care. however, there was still the issue of why her behavior changed so suddenly in the afternoons. the fact that the time of her behavior changed when daylight savings time ended even further negated the “environmental cues” hypothesis. the zoo schedule remained the same, and her behavior shifted. this led to the conclusion that whatever was causing her strange behavior must be internal. it was not until further investigation about her medical history revealed new information that the hormone imbalance was selected as the leading hypothesis. sofiya was five years old at the time of the artificial insemination procedure. when the procedure occurred, it had to be stopped midway through. the vet, upon examination, noticed that sofiya’s reproductive tract was not fully mature. he estimated the reproductive tract to resemble the reproductive tract of a 5-6 month old cat. she was not even close to sexually mature. more investigation led to the realization that sofiya had been given the contraceptive at too young an age. one of the staff at the beardsley zoo, rob tomas, the animal health manager, mentioned that cats are usually allowed to complete at least one estrus cycle before they are given a contraceptive, but that sofiya was not allowed to do so. we believe that this did serious damage to her reproductive tract. if her reproductive tract was not fully developed before it was essentially stopped, it had no chance to ever fully develop. additionally, at the time of the research, the aza discussed the contraceptive in question, deslorelin, in a 4.7 mg dose, or a 9.4 mg dose (saint louis zoo, 2003). the fact that sofiya was given twice the larger dose discussed by the aza could mean that the contraceptive would last for twice as long as it should. because data are still being collected about the use of deslorelin, there is no data to support or disprove the idea that a double dose would double the effective period of the drug, but it is still an important fact to remember, according to veterinarians joe smith and timothy plunkett. 8 regardless, a reproductive tract that could not fully develop surely could not supply sofiya’s body with the hormones she needs to lead a normal lifestyle, including a normal diurnal pattern. the hormone treatments at the beardsley zoo might have initially contributed to the hormone imbalance as well. there is no way to tell, other than that the first round of therapy seemed unsuccessful. the second round, however, seemed to induce estrus in sofiya. this led us to the idea that the hormone therapy, at least the second time, was helping to restore sofiya’s hormone balance. currently, we believe that sofiya’s strange behavior was caused by a hormonal imbalance. we do not know specifically what aspects of the imbalance led to the behavior, but the importance of sofiya’s hormonal and reproductive health cannot be overstated, both in terms of her behavior and her potential to be part of the ssp. the hormone therapies started at connecticut’s beardsley zoo seem to be a step in the right direction. aza recommendations for how much deslorelin is necessary to administer for a certain amount of time of contraception can vary by species, and so reversal recommendations can vary by species. clearly, incredibly careful attention needs to be paid to sofiya, and her reproductive health needs to be monitored closely. it is our hope that hormone therapies will continue to be successful and allow sofiya to enter estrus of her own accord, not just via chemical induction. acknowledgements: thank you to dr. ashley byun of the fairfield university biology department. thank you to rob tomas, jim knox, linda tomas, chris barker, and bethany baldwin of the beardsley zoo. thanks also to michele federspiel of the fort wayne children’s zoo, as well as 9 dr. timothy plunkett, of the fairfield veterinary hosptial. thank you to the fairfield university biology department, the center for faith and public life, and everyone in the fairfield university community who made this research possible. finally, a special thanks goes to to my research partner, samantha mazzeo. references: "amur leopard factfile panthera pardus orientalis." alta conservation rss. accessed may 20, 2015. held, kevin. "rare amur leopard cub born at st. louis zoo | ksdk.com." ksdk.com. june 12, 2008. accessed may 20, 2015. mellen, jill. "effects of early rearing experience on subsequent adult sexual behavior using domestic cats (felis catus) as a model for exotic small felids." zoo biology 11, no. 1 (1992): 17-32. accessed may 20, 2015. doi:10.1002/zoo.1430110104. "saint louis zoo." suprelorin (deslorelin) ::. 2003. accessed may 20, 2015. schaul, jordan. "interview with san diego zoo’s animal enrichment expert—dr. lance miller." national geographic: voices. november 2, 2012. accessed may 20, 2015. uphyrkina, o., d. miquelle, h. quigley, c. driscoll, and s.j. o'brien. "conservation genetics of the far eastern leopard (panthera pardus orientalis)." journal of heredity 93, no. 5 (2002): 303-11. accessed may 20, 2015. doi:10.1093/jhered/93.5.303. veterinary contacts: dr. joe smith, fort wayne children’s zoo dr. timothy j. plunkett, fairfield veterinary hospital undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 reflections on service learning robert schwartz fairfield university in the spring semester of my sophomore year at fairfield university, i was lucky enough to take vertebrate zoology with dr. ashley byun. this class was not only a 300-level biology class, but also a service learning class. for the lab section of the class, we worked with connecticut’s beardsley zoo, down the road from fairfield university in bridgeport, connecticut. bridgeport is connecticut’s most populous city, and also one of its most economically disadvantaged. the beardsley zoo is connecticut’s only zoo, and offers a wide variety of activities for children and adults, from lectures to interactive programs and scavenger hunts both at the zoo and in local parks around bridgeport. all of these programs are offered at low or no cost. the zoo provides both access to education and access to many animals that residents of the bridgeport and connecticut communities would not otherwise have. the beardsley zoo is a small zoo, and as a result, the staff size is somewhat small. however, it is part of the association of zoos and aquariums (aza), a worldwide community, and so it often deals with very important projects and animals. the aza works to care for, educate about, and conserve many of the world’s most endangered species of animals. research done by the aza influences its species survival plan (ssp) programs, which are long-term plans including research, education, habitat preservation, and species conservation efforts to benefit not only the species in question, but also the global zoological community. because of the small staff size, it is hard for the beardsley zoo to have time to fully complete all of the research and collect all of the data it needs to. the service learning component of the vertebrate zoology lab allows students to work with zoo staff on research projects chosen by the managers at the beardsley zoo and dr. byun, thus exposing the students to hands-on research in the field of biology, and helping the beardsley zoo perform research that has the potential to not only help the animals, but to help the zoo itself in designing and managing exhibits. the project i was specifically assigned involved the amur leopard in residence at the beardsley zoo at the time, sofiya. amur leopards are classified as critically endangered, with a total captivity and wild population of fewer than 300. sofiya, we were told, was displaying strange, antisocial behaviors, such as constantly pacing inside her indoor enclosure and rarely coming outside. we were also told that a veterinarian had deemed her potentially infertile. the beardsley zoo wanted to determine the cause of her strange behavior. this was important to the zoo because if we could determine the cause of the behavior, we could address the issue and potentially alter her behavior. this would be good for business for the zoo, and it would also provide easier observation and potentially more information to share with other zoos concerned with species survival and conservation. as our research continued through the semester, we realized that sofiya’s infertility and strange behavior might be linked. by contacting other zoos where sofiya had lived, we were able to obtain a medical history and determine that she might in fact be suffering from a hormonal imbalance as a result of a contraceptive administered at too young of an age. this idea corresponded with findings from the veterinarian at the beardsley zoo, who told us that sofiya’s reproductive tract was severely stunted in growth. as we were collecting data, the staff at the beardsley zoo could not have been more helpful or interested in what we were finding. chris barker and bethany baldwin, the animal trainers who work closely with the big cats including schwartz 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 sofiya, made themselves easily available for questions and discussions about what we were finding. i remember specifically discussing with chris our hypothesis, and i remember his reaction when we told him about the early contraception and how it could have stunted her reproductive growth and potentially damaged her permanently. he was visibly angry, frustrated, and upset with the situation. i also remember completely sympathizing with him; he had obviously developed a personal, emotional attachment to sofiya at work, and i was starting to develop one as well, even just researching for a few hours a week. this realization was incredibly insightful to me in realizing how important the work we were doing was for the beardsley zoo. i could really tell that chris, and by extension the rest of the beardsley zoo, was deeply invested in solving the problem and trying to help sofiya. there were also other learning experiences involved along the way. in speaking with other professionals outside of the beardsley zoo involved in animal healthcare and management, i realized how strong of a force ego can be in the field of academia and research. my research led me to be in contact with a veterinarian, who i apparently inadvertently offended in my questioning, when we were discussing his treatment of sofiya. upon receiving a somewhat cold and defensive email, i spoke with dr. byun about what was the best course of action. with her advice and guidance, i replied, asking the veterinarian to understand that i was merely a sophomore undergraduate doing some research for a class and that i had certainly not meant to insinuate anything or accuse him of anything. however, that was the end of our correspondence. we had a similar experience when my research partner and i went to orlando, florida this past fall to present our research at the annual association of zoos and aquariums conference. even though we were incredibly careful to present a statement of fact and not an opinion or an accusation, and we did not single out any zoo or person related to the case, some of the staff from a zoo where sofiya had lived recognized sofiya on our poster. when we presented our research, they felt offended (or guilty) and became very defensive, intensely questioning our findings and hypothesis. we again had to remind them that we were only undergraduates researching for a biology class. both of these were very important learning experiences not only in the field of academia and research, but also in communication and relationships. these experiences highlighted an ethical contradiction in the work of these scientists. the ultimate goal of this research is to help conserve a species with a wild population of fewer than 40. these dire circumstances, to me, allow no room for ego to impede progress, and yet this seemed to be exactly what was happening. without a doubt, this sort of self-righteousness is potentially very harmful to the social justice dimension of our research, not only in terms of the well-being of sofiya herself, but in terms of the consequences for the aza, the beardsley zoo, and the bridgeport and connecticut communities. this experience, and the implications of the behavior i encountered, will certainly stay with me throughout the rest of my education and whatever profession i choose, scientific or otherwise. the relationships that resulted from my service learning experience are invaluable. by collaborating on a project with a common goal, i developed a great relationship with the professor teaching the service learning class, and i realized that this field of biology is incredibly important and fascinating to me, and the importance of that is huge as a student who will finish undergraduate college in one year. i developed a relationship with an international organization, the association of zoos and aquariums, and i will always have that relationship as a member and as a research presenter. few undergraduates have the opportunity to work with such schwartz 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 organizations. i also developed a great working relationship with some of the staff at the beardsley zoo, one i was able to maintain after our semester of research ended. they are incredibly knowledgeable, kind, and passionate people, and i am proud to say i worked with them and honored to say i helped them. this is, in some sense, a microcosm of the relationship between fairfield university and connecticut’s beardsley zoo. the more this particular service learning course is offered, the more students have a chance to build these relationships, the more the zoo can find help for research and projects, and the stronger the bond between the university and the zoo becomes. in this way, fairfield university’s service learning benefits not only the beardsley zoo community, but also the bridgeport community, and the zoological community at large through the association of zoos and aquariums. this has certainly proven to be a formative experience for me, and i am grateful to everyone involved. ~ i would like to thank dr. ashley byun of the fairfield university biology department for her mentorship and enthusiasm in helping me pursue this project to its fullest potential. i would also like to thank rob thomas, jim knox, and everyone at connecticut’s beardsley zoo for allowing us to perform research there, answering all of our questions, and fully supporting our research and hypotheses at every step of the way. robert schwartz, fairfield university research robert schwartz, fairfield university reflection undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 from tragedy to reality: analyzing the rhetoric of inner-city communities and their members najya williams the george washington university “first, we need a more realistic understanding of america’s inner cities. they are socially and culturally heterogeneous, and a great majority of residents are law-abiding, god-fearing and often socially conservative.” -orlando patterson, new york times born into a family of african american and guyanese descent, i was well aware of the rhetoric surrounding minorities and inner-city communities that was established long before i was brought into this world. i grew up as a resident of deanwood, a small community located in ward 7 of washington d.c., and always strived to beat the odds and prove the common stereotypes wrong. with u.s. census bureau (2010) data describing the region’s population as disadvantaged and economically unequipped, it is difficult for many on the outside looking in to believe that there are any who don’t fall into these labels. based on my own experiences, i found that i had certain advantages by being an inner-city youth. in the very community i grew up in, i was crowned the first queen of the nannie helen burroughs day parade, served as a historic trail guide on the deanwood trail, and won a poetry contest at my local library, dorothy heights public library. these moments are special to me because they display how ward 7 not only celebrates its people, but also honors its historical prominence as well. being a part of these events educated me about how ward 7 has enriched the history of the washington metropolitan area as a whole. i have had the unique opportunity and privilege of creating history in a region that has been written off by the rest of society. as a native washingtonian, i understand what the inner city looks like and what it is gradually progressing towards. a few decades ago, washington d.c. was considered “chocolate city,” as a majority of the population was african american. the u street corridor is infamous because of the presence of ben’s chili bowl, a hub for the neighborhood’s working and middle class african americans since its opening in the mid-1900s. surviving the riots of the 1960s, economic hardships of the 1970s and 80s, and the revitalization of the u street corridor that began in the 90s, ben’s chili bowl has continued to be able to cater to and establish relationships with not only its neighbors, but also many prominent african american leaders, including president barack obama. the h street corridor leads to union station, home to some of the most popular eateries and shopping outlets in the area. during my childhood, my family and i enjoyed sunny saturday afternoons patronizing these establishments, communing with others who decided to venture out. chocolate city was not only reflected in these hot spots, but also on the very street i grew up on. i fondly remember my childhood spent on the porch of my house, drinking everfresh cranberry apple juice with my cousins that we bought from our local corner store. we watched intently as cars rode by, blasting the district’s very own “go-go” with chuck brown’s distinct voice spilling from their speakers. sometimes, when the car stopped on our street, we would have enough time to stand up and dance along to the beat. laughter was shared my cousins in those moments, and every summer was spent enjoying myself on my porch with them. cookouts also were permanent fixtures of my childhood. backyards were decorated with balloons, tables, williams 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 chairs, and the best stereo in our house. with a mixture of r&b, go-go, and the latest pop tracks coming from the speakers, cookouts were a time to show off your best dance moves, reconnect with your favorite cousin, and stuff your face with the best soul food. the entire neighborhood practiced this tradition and welcomed each other’s affairs wholeheartedly. even when the dancing lasted beyond sunset, our entire street seemed to smile at the sight of our family members enjoying spending time with each other. eventually, these moments in my childhood happened less and less due to gentrification. our favorite “mom and pop” shops were bought out by investors who envisioned condominiums instead. funding was cut for many of the revitalization initiatives that were planned for the community in exchange for new stores, shops, and tourist attractions. during the mid to late 1900s, the district of columbia was once a haven for african americans, as over 70% of the population of the entire city was african american. as gentrification emerges and the decline of many black-owned family businesses continues, black residents have been forced into small pockets within the district, mainly ward 7 and ward 8. the district of columbia is divided into four quadrants and eight wards. the four quadrants of the city are northwest, northeast, southwest, and southeast, and the wards are spread across these quadrants in a fairly equal manner. however, wards 7 and 8 are located in the northeast and southeast quadrants of the district, which is east of the anacostia river, widely known as the polluted counterpart to the potomac river that also runs through the city. when looking at the demographics of the district as a whole, wards 7 and 8 are the only two regions that have more than a 90% population of african americans, along with having 30% of their residents living below the poverty line and 22% who are unemployed (american community survey 2014). instead of being viewed as an asset to the city, the african american population is presumed to be a part of the problem by developers and community outsiders who do not understand how this population contributes to the district’s cultural diversity. with this information in mind, i decided to complete an analysis of a local community service organization that aims to empower members of the district’s innercity communities: strive nextstep dc. using the rhetoric of tragedy and conservative behaviorists, i will offer a new way to describe the inner city and its community members by offering the rhetoric of “urban realism.” throughout this analysis, i utilize the word “community.” when i am coming to terms with the subject, the meaning of “community” is a group of people who inhabit and co-exist within a certain area of space. as i move into the deeper analysis of strive’s rhetoric, “community” refers to the physical space and environment that a group of people inhabits, and “community members” refers to the actual people who live in the community. this distinction is imperative in understanding how community is defined in a general sense and when the rhetoric of strive describes it. strive nextstep dc there are many service organizations in the district that work toward the repair and renewal of inner-city communities. most of this volunteer work is expressed in tutoring, leadership, and skill-training programs that encourage the communities to grow and community members to become better people, such as in higher achievement and life pieces to masterpieces. however, organizations can inadvertently harm their public image through the rhetoric that is used to describe the communities that are served. for the purposes of this analytical effort, the site of focus is strive nextstep d.c., which is the product of a williams 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 collaboration between nextstep, children’s national medical center, and the george washington university. founded in 2001 by bill kubicek and paul newman, nextstep is designed to “shatter limitations and elevate aspirations of teens and young adults living with lifethreatening diseases during their transition to adulthood and into an adult healthcare system” (nextstep). university students are recruited as mentors for youth participants who are brought in from children’s national medical center’s sickle cell outpatient clinic. this program fosters long-lasting relationships between the mentors and their mentees, as most of the adolescents remain in the program for the duration of their high school career and mentors are required to dedicate the entire school year to the commitment of serving as mentors. strive nextstep (2014) aims to usher a new generation of adolescents with sickle cell disease into a brighter and satisfying future (1). having firsthand knowledge about the rhetoric of inner-city communities from my own experience is one of the main reasons why i was so drawn to serving strive nextstep dc. i was thrilled at the prospect of working with adolescents who i knew were going to be bright, brilliant, and fearless in spite of any challenges or difficulties they may have faced. however, there was something that stood out to me: its program materials and website. in the organization’s publications and website, i observed that the socioeconomic status and disparities faced by the participants were highlighted more than the achievements made in their communities. i believed that this was completely inappropriate because it not only stigmatized those who participated in the program, but also set the standard for how others should discuss inner-city youth. when i attended my first program, i was surprised that the reality of the situation was completely opposite of my pre-existing impression of the organization. not only was the environment warm, safe, and welcoming, but the “at-risk” status was the furthest thing from everyone’s mind and conversation. i was astounded, and immediately thought that there was something seriously wrong with this situation. why is it that my first impression of strive nextstep dc did not match the reality of my experience? as i contemplated this question, i referred to my prior knowledge about the reputations that the district’s inner-city communities have. i understand that there are places in the city that are sorely neglected and riddled with problems that go ignored by the city, including lack of educational resources, affordable housing, and recreational centers. in these instances, it is indeed difficult for members of these communities to have access to better opportunities, and as a result, creates a noticeable disadvantage when these regions are compared to more affluent neighborhoods. although i am acknowledging that the statistical data presented by the census and american community survey is indeed accurate, i am asserting that we do not need to lead with this information because this is not the reality of every inner-city youth. the rhetoric of tragedy in her article, “the rhetorics of the farm crisis: toward alternative agrarian literacies in a globalized world,” university professor and analyst eileen schell (2007) analyzes the rhetoric of smart diversification, rural literacy, and tragedy. her purpose in writing this article is to encourage those outside of the farming community to view the farm crisis from a different perspective in order to create more positive outlooks. she sets out to offer a more realistic way of discussing the farm crisis by providing factual evidence, offering the rhetoric of sustainability, and using farm aid as a means of understanding how to make the transition to utilizing a more appropriate rhetoric to represent farm communities (schell 2007). williams 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 schell is informing the reader on how the rhetoric of tragedy creates the appearance of desperation of the farming community to outsiders, leading to the consensus that it is to be pitied and comforted during its trying times (78). schell enters the discussion about the farm crisis plaguing small u.s. farms in rural towns by outlining its three major causes: “chronically low prices, the consolidation of agribusiness and the retail food industry, and international trade policies that benefit global agribusiness companies at the expense of family farms, local businesses and rural communities” (77-78). immediately, the context has been provided by highlighting the fact that these farms are small, vulnerable businesses compared to those of commercial stature. she moves on and outlines vividly the repercussions of this occurrence: the pathos-driven rhetoric of tragedy (schell 78). schell illustrates the role that the rhetoric of tragedy plays in this discussion by connecting it with ‘“traditional rural literacy,’ a literacy that reads rural life through nostalgia for the past and efforts to return rural communities to the way they once were” (78). from this, we can determine that schell is identifying that the community members who did not farm began to discuss the impacted farmers in a way that induced pity and an air of reminisce (93). the rhetoric of conservative behaviorists in race matters, dr. cornel west (2001) takes a look at the african american community, as he identifies two rhetorics that are potentially leading to the nihilism of the demographic group: the rhetoric of liberal structuralists and conservative behaviorists. in the first chapter, dr. west examines the differences that lie between the two rhetorics by coming to terms with each one. west defines liberal structuralists as those who “call for full employment, health, education, and child-care programs, and broad affirmative action practices,” and conservative behaviorists as “those who promote self-help programs, black business expansion, and nonpreferential job practices” (18). the supporters of the liberal structuralist movement believe that the government is responsible for correcting the problems present in inner-city communities, and therefore, should devote more money and resources to finding and implementing solutions. conservative behaviorists imply that the members of the community are the problems that need to be addressed because of lack of skill-development, entrepreneurship, and leadership. the proposed concept of conservative behaviorism suggests that by providing support systems, skill training, and apprenticeships, the deeper-rooted issues would be corrected. west (2001) conducts this analysis for minority-based activists and organizations in an effort to shift concentration away from fixing the members of the community to drawing attention to deeper-rooted issues and concerns by understanding the politics of conversion. the politics of conversion encourages those in the black community to not only remain aware of how the environment aligns with the root issue, but also encourages community members to take a leadership role in improving the state of their communities (29-31). the politics of conversion is a concept that focuses on empowering the members of a community to spearhead new initiatives aimed at strengthening the community as a whole. based on this information, it is understood that service organizations centered in inner-city communities are not to come in with the intent of “fixing” the community, but to come with the intent of partnering with the members of the community as a source of support and expanded resources. williams 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 the rhetoric of tragedy and conservative behaviorists the rhetoric of tragedy that schell (2007) discusses in her analysis is very similar to how i identify this rhetoric in strive nextstep dc’s program materials. schell (2007) outlines how the media forwarded the rhetoric of tragedy by creating a narrative where “the viewers are witness to the suffering of the farm family, its interrelational dramas, and its likely dispossession, which is portrayed as the ‘cost’ for modern efficiency” (93). i have been able to identify the rhetoric of tragedy in strive nextstep dc’s program materials and website because of the language used to describe the background of the participants. in strive next step’s program overview sheet (2014) and website, the mentees are described as “low-income minority teenagers in washington d.c. living with sickle cell disease, an incurable disease” (1). the overview and website go on to explain that the program is needed because these youths are the most vulnerable living in these urban areas, and because of the disadvantages of their location, education, socioeconomic, and medical statuses, they are more likely “to stay locked in the cycle of poverty” (1) and developmental delays. although this may appear to be relatively insignificant alone, its importance is implied by the fact that this language appears in all of the organization’s program materials multiple times. from this, an outsider is likely to feel a sense of pity for the mentees because of how disadvantaged they are portrayed to be, making potential mentors feel the need to come in and “fix the poor children.” through the website, flyer (2014), and program overview document (2014), strive mentors are automatically led to believe that if they are able to ensure their mentees make remarkable progress, they have contributed to fixing a community problem and reducing the risk of failure. the notion of “fixing” community members is exactly what west (2001) identifies as the problematic rhetoric of conservative behaviorist. strive suggests that by altering its mentees’ behavior, the socioeconomic disadvantages faced by the participants can be improved, if not solved. i would like to extend on this rhetoric he suggests by adding that conservative behaviorists are implying that the community members are the root issue, and therefore place unnecessary pressure on the community to “shape up” and create an underlying statement: “if you become better, the problem will disappear.” this is supported by the claims made by strive nextstep dc’s program overview document (2014): “strive is based on the premise that these adolescents will succeed only if their educational, health, and psychosocial needs are met through an integrated intervention” (1). the main rehabilitative effort made is addressing the shortcomings of the adolescents instead of determining what the community members and community lack as a unit and identifying a way to partner with this population to create change together. how can we realistically discuss inner-city communities and their members without placing blame and responsibility solely on the population? the rhetoric of “urban realism” in contrast to the african american arts renaissance depicted in 20 th century urban realism, my self-proposed theory of “urban realism” extends upon west’s (2001) rhetoric of the politics of conversion by offering that outsiders to inner-city communities not only examine the surroundings of a community and their impact on the stigma associated with that community, but also to serve as a supporter, not savior, of the residents. in looking at individual families, it is imperative to understand that the environment they originate from plays a factor in how they are viewed socially. if a family resides in a low-income community, i am charging outsiders williams 6 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 (service organizations, district residents that do not reside in inner-city communities, etc.) to look beyond the financial status and living conditions of inner-city community members, and portray the community in an appropriate and realistic manner. by understanding the connotations associated with communities and that the problems that plague them can be inaccurate depictions, a plan can be made to shift the outreach efforts of organizations from educating residents on how to adapt to the situation to learning how to support a community in transforming its reality. instead of leading with the disadvantages of the mentees and community members that are served by the program, i believe that the benefits of being part of a service organization should be highlighted first. strive is a program that creates a welcoming, supportive, and comfortable environment, but this reality is not readily conveyed through the program materials. i believe that by displaying the accomplishments of the mentees, highlighting what aspects and contributions they make to the program, and explaining what strive has to offer will move away from placing blame on the mentees as community members and debunk the stereotypes that surround them that are forwarded by their environment. when i let my supervisors know how my first impression of strive nextstep dc contradicted the reality of my exceptional experience mentoring there, they were taken aback about how their organization was being marketed to potential volunteers. i was soon asked to find new ways to address the situation and create a more positive solution. i am still in the process of collaborating with the coordinators at strive, but i have a general idea of how i believe the website and overview documents should look. my proposed rhetoric of “urban realism” encourages service organizations to not forward the rhetoric of tragedy, but instead to extend the rhetoric of politics of conversion in order to portray the inner-city communities that are served appropriately. in order to ensure that the rhetoric of urban realism i am proposing is clear, i will provide an example of how i am planning to reconstruct the language present in strive nextstep dc’s program materials. as i have made clear already, strive nextstep dc utilizes the following phrase in all of the program materials that i have received and evaluated: low-income adolescents with sickle cell disease, an incurable genetic disorder predominantly affecting african americans and latinos, are among the most vulnerable youth living in urban areas. strive provides intensive one on one academic tutoring, mentoring, peer support, and disease management education to low-income minority teenagers in washington, dc living with sickle cell disease. (1) i have identified how and why this language is inappropriate to use, and now i will provide an alternative that strive nextstep dc can use as it moves forward. in its website, overview documents, and advertisement materials, the following can be utilized to accurately describe the program and realistically discuss the participants: strive nextstep dc is a service organization located in the washington d.c. area that engages adolescents from the children’s national medical center sickle cell outpatient clinic with undergraduate tutors and mentors. george washington university students are recruited to provide intensive one-on-one academic tutoring, mentoring, peer support, and disease management education for the duration of the mentees’ academic school year. in addition to these williams 7 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 activities, the mentors and mentees collaborate on art projects, participate in guest workshops, and culminate the end-of-the-school year with a field trip. if you are interested in joining the strive family and participating in so much more, you can contact our volunteer coordinators below! the example i provided above not only effectively describes the mission of the organization, but also discusses the mentees more realistically, not tragically. it is important that the words printed in strive nextstep dc’s program materials are an accurate depiction of the reality of the program and what occurs during the school year. however, the revisions that i have suggested to strive do not fully encompass what the rhetoric of urban realism is and stands for. the collective overhaul and reconstruction of the rhetoric used by service organizations are only the start to a larger transfiguration that must occur in media outlets, literary works, and other sources. my work in strive nextstep is a great step in the right direction, but more work must be done to ensure that the language used to describe inner city communities and their members in all regions, areas, and organizations present within the united states is befitting. in analyzing strive nextstep dc, several inappropriate rhetorics that are currently being used have been addressed and dissented, while a new framework has been offered. the rhetoric of tragedy and conservative behaviorism often depict inner-city communities and minority groups as partially realistic, but mainly tragic and destitute. in order to create a more positive outlook and perspective on inner-city communities, we must draw from west’s (2001) proposed rhetoric of the politics of conversion and my proposed rhetoric of “urban realism” to move beyond placing blame on inner-city community members only, and examine how a partnership can be formed to create change within the entire community unit. when we can develop a society where all types of service are placed on the same level and concern for the community and root issues increase, practical and real rhetoric can be used to describe and advocate with inner-city communities in a way that does not make the situation a tragedy. in this way, we can portray inner-city communities as strong entities that work with organizations to tackle and fix larger problems, not the members of the community. i charge you to take the initiative within your own neighborhoods, and stand for the use of appropriate rhetoric. we must work together to ensure that the rhetoric used by service organizations to describe those that are served is appropriate and realistic, not tragic and condemning. ~ i would like to acknowledge dr. paul feigenbaum of florida international university and dr. phyllis ryder of the george washington university for their unwavering support and guidance, and my family for their love and encouragement. williams 8 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 references american community survey. 2014. “2014 acs data.” social explorer http://www.socialexplorer.com/aeb2f0e4a7/edit nextstep. “sickle cell disease.” sickle cell disease: nextstep. http://www.nextstepnet.org/node/54 patterson, orlando. 2015. “the real problem with america’s inner cities.” new york times, may 9. http://www.nytimes.com/2015/05/10/opinion/sunday/the-real-problem-withamericas-inner-cities.html?_r=0. schell, eileen e. 2007. “the rhetorics of the farm crisis: toward alternative agrarian literacies in a globalized world.” in rural literacies: 76-119. carbondale: southern illinois university press. strive. 2014. “strive program.” paper presented at the service learning open house, washington, d.c., september 2. strive. 2014. “the dc strive site.” paper presented at the service learning open house, washington, d.c., september 2. u.s. census bureau. 2000-2010. “dc wards data 2000 and 2010.” washington, dc: government printing office. west, cornell. 2001. race matters. boston: beacon press. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 the creation and implementation of an electronic exercise prescription at an ontario family health team aaron gazendam and erica pascoal queen’s university introduction recent evidence shows that 85% of canadian adults do not meet the recommended physical activity (pa) guidelines set forth by the canadian society for exercise physiology (colley et al. 2011). in kingston, ontario, canada 66% of males and 50% of females are overweight or obese, which may be associated with decreased pa levels among the kingston community as compared to previous years (vital signs 2012). there is unequivocal evidence regarding the importance of physical activity in the prevention of a wide variety of diseases and obesity. regular pa is inversely related to the occurrence of obesity, cardiovascular disease, type 2 diabetes, hypertension, and other common lifestyle related diseases. csep’s suggested 150 minutes of weekly pa is a guideline to help canadians achieve the health benefits and disease prevention associated with regular pa (haskell et al. 2007). at queen’s university, located in kingston, senior students in the school of kinesiology and health studies have been given a chance to make an impact on the pa levels of kingston residents through the community-based physical activity promotion course. by connecting students with a community-based group or organization, the year-long course provides an opportunity for students to practically apply the theories, evidence, and skills discussed in course seminars to the promotion of community pa involvement. in collaboration with the exercise is medicine (eim) at queen’s initiative established by graduate students at the queen’s school of kinesiology and health studies, we have actively participated in the creation, implementation, and evaluation of a computerized exercise prescription program (exercise-rx) to be used by the loyalist family health team in amherstview, near kingston, on. this initiative aims to increase pa discussion and prescription by health professionals on this team to ultimately increase pa levels amongst patients in the amherstview and kingston communities. previous research has shown that receiving written exercise advice from a physician can significantly increase the number of people participating in pa when compared to receiving verbal advice alone (swinburn et al. 1998). in new zealand, exercise prescription interventions have been implemented and analyzed on a large scale. general practioners provided written advice on physical activity, leading to significant increases in pa and quality of life over 12 months (elley et al. 2003). although the majority of canadian physicians (85%) report asking patients about their pa levels, only 16% report using written exercise prescriptions (petrella, lattanzio, and overend 2007). increasing the use of written pa prescriptions by physicians in the kingston area is therefore warranted. in the following report, we will present an overview of the activities involved in the development of the exercise-rx and explain how these relate to various concepts and evidence covered in our course. we will draw insight from our experiences as well as literature in the area to explain our various successes and challenges faced in creating, implementing, and evaluating the exercise-rx. lastly, we will suggest directions for change in future projects and identify next steps in improving written exercise prescription methods. gazendam and pascoal 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 project activities and their relation to course concepts formative evaluation when beginning our placement with the exercise is medicine initiative, our original goal was to conduct a process and outcome evaluation of the written exercise prescription referral form (eprf) that had been implemented at the queen’s health counselling and disability services (hcds) centre on campus. this center serves the queen’s student population. the original eprf (figure 1) involved physicians writing their own exercise prescriptions according to the fitt principle, which stipulates the frequency, intensity, type, and time (duration) of exercise to be taken. this method has proven effective in other similar programs (petrella et al. 2003). the eprf also provided an opportunity for the physicians to refer student patients to various pa consultants and resources on campus. we promptly developed a brief questionnaire to assess the frequency of use of the eprf by the physicians as well as its effectiveness in increasing pa participation of queen's students. from this questionnaire and individual meetings with physicians at the hcds, we quickly realized the shortcomings of the eprf and its lack of effectiveness in encouraging student pa. the physicians raised many concerns about and barriers to using the eprf and exercise prescriptions in general at hcds. for example, one respondent explained that physicians do not have the training or the time to be writing exercise prescriptions based on the fitt guidelines. although the physicians remained optimistic about the potential for exercise to be prescribed within the hcds, they did not see the current version of the eprf as feasible or effective. we thus decided to treat the eprf implementation at the hcds as a pilot project and as a formative evaluation for our larger exercise prescription initiative project within the loyalist family health team (fht) in amherstview. formative evaluation is generally any evaluation that takes place before, or in the early stages of, a project’s implementation with the aim of improving the project’s design and performance (dehar, casswell, and duignan 1993). although in many cases it requires time and money, it should be viewed as a valuable investment that has the potential to improve program appropriateness and effectiveness (petosa 2001). our formative evaluation continued in our first meeting with the health professionals of the loyalist fht. at this initial meeting, one of our goals was to explore how exercise discussion, prescription, and programming were currently being implemented within the clinic. we sought to understand the health professionals’ opinions of our current eprf form and how it could be tailored to the needs of the clinic and its patient population. at the end of this final meeting, we invited eight physicians to complete a short questionnaire to gain insight into the feasibility and requirements of implementing a prescription at this clinic. through feedback gained from our pilot project, our meeting with the loyalist fht, as well as through a critical review of the literature, we gained valuable insights that allowed us to refine our approach to exercise prescription development and implementation. we recognize that our formative evaluation could have been improved. in similar interventions that have used formative evaluation to inform implementation of pa programs, researchers conducted interviews with both program staff and participants (milton et al. 2011; grim et al. 2013). if we had gathered patient feedback, in addition to meeting with various health professionals, we would likely have further ensured that the exercise prescription was appropriate and effective from a patient’s perspective. although our formative evaluation was not originally intended as such and could have been improved, we see it as a valuable process gazendam and pascoal 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 that helped to inform the creation of the exercise-rx at the loyalist fht. creation of a logic model the purpose of intervention mapping, or creating a logic model, is to provide program planners with a framework for effective decision-making at each step in the intervention development process (bartholomew, parcel, and kok 1998). logic models have been used as a tool for planning and evaluating effectiveness in many pa promotion programs. for example, researchers in curitiba, brazil worked with two organizations to create logic models for their pa promotion programs (ribeiro et al. 2010). the creation of the logic models allowed the program managers to refine program goals as well as to identify areas of overlap and gaps within the programming. the logic models also helped to frame the evaluation questions, identify data sources, and describe realistic outcomes. logic models serve as a means of communication that enables all stakeholders to understand how activities link to anticipated program outcomes and which allows program staff to track the progression of the plan. in collaboration with the occupational therapist, executive director, and several physicians at the loyalist fht, a logic model was created. it outlines the overarching goals of our program, specific activities involved, as well as short-term (three-six months) and long-term (one year) specific outcomes that allow us to assess whether or not these goals are being reached (figure 2). various “inputs” are also listed; these help outline the sources of information and people who will be involved in the various program activities. this model was created following our initial meetings with the health professionals at the loyalist fht. this is in line with the practices of ribeiro et al. (2010), who suggest that the logic model should be created following initial engagement of stakeholders, so that a clear understanding of the overarching goals and intended program activities can be developed. program planners who create logic models for pa programming generally use them as iterative tools, which enable them to return to initial goals and to evaluate whether ongoing activities and outcomes are in line with the original program goals (ribeiro et al. 2010; fielden et al. 2007). the exercise-rx is in the early stages of implementation, and therefore not many outcomes and activities have been evaluated thus far. however, we hope that the healthcare professionals at the loyalist fht will use the logic model as an iterative tool and make adjustments to ongoing activities when they are not in line with the original goals of the program. participatory approach the participatory approach to community-based pa programs is one that seeks involvement of all stakeholders through the entire process of program creation and implementation (israel et al. 2001). such an approach is beneficial as it allows for various stakeholders to contribute their expertise and to create a program that is tailored to the intended benefactors. a participatory approach has also been shown to increase ownership among those involved in the planning process, thus increasing enthusiasm and dedication to the program (tufte and mefalopulos 2009). our program has utilized a participatory approach as we actively sought to include as many stakeholders as possible through the planning process. in our initial planning meetings, we invited all physicians at the loyalist fht as well as the clinic’s nurse practitioner, registered gazendam and pascoal 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 dietician, occupational therapist, and executive director. it was important to include the health professionals at the loyalist fht throughout the creation of the exercise-rx because they are the experts on patient-prescription adherence and would be regularly utilizing the program. for example, the physicians identified that the prescription needed to be electronic for it to be practical for their health team. they also indicated that the fitt guidelines should be predetermined according to specific exercise clinical guidelines for each disease status as the physicians lack the time and training to tailor prescriptions to different patient populations. an example of the final prescription for patients with diabetes is found in figure 3. through consultation with the occupational therapist, we discovered that an “introduction to exercise” program was already in place at the clinic for diabetic patients. the occupational therapist suggested that an optional referral to this program should be included in our exercise prescription. considering the information gained, seeking involvement of all stakeholders within the clinic was crucial in creating a prescription that was appropriate to the needs of the health care professionals and their patients. regrettably, we did not include the actual patients who would be benefitting from the program in the development stage of our participatory approach. this has been shown to be effective in creating health promotion programs and should be considered the gold standard in community-based participatory approach planning (plaut, landis, and trevor 1992). considering the implementation of this program was time-sensitive and that the patients involved in planning must accurately represent a large population, including patients would have been difficult. although patients of this clinic have been informed of the program through various media outlets and by the physicians, it is recommended in the future, if time allows, to include the patients themselves in the creation of such exercise prescription programs. although our approach to the creation of the exercise-rx did not reach all stakeholders, we found that involving many healthcare professionals from the loyalist fht played a role in generating enthusiasm and helped to create a program that was based in evidence and tailored to the needs and capabilities of the clinic. outcome evaluation as of june 2014, the exercise-rx is currently being implemented at the loyalist fht and outcome evaluation methods have been put into place. outcome evaluation is an important step as it allows us to assess the effectiveness of our intervention to alter pa behaviors of patients in a clinical setting, as well as to determine if our model could be used in other fhts in ontario. evaluation additionally allows us to detect the potential positive and negative outcomes associated with pa in this population (dollman et al. 2009). in line with the above objectives, our outcome evaluation is two-fold. first, our evaluation intends to measure the uptake of the exercise-rx prescription by physicians and its effectiveness in actually increasing pa levels of patients. the clinic has set a goal for 40% of the general clinic population (11,000) and 75% of the diabetic and hypertensive population (approximately 2,600 patients) to be prescribed exercise within the first year of use. through electronic chart audits, the team will be able to obtain an accurate understanding of exercise-rx use by the physicians. to assess patient adherence, each patient who receives an exercise prescription is also given a pa log to record his or her weekly exercise participation. upon return visit, the information in this log will be recorded into the patient’s chart. secondly, this evaluation will quantitatively measure the effects of physician administered exercise prescription gazendam and pascoal 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 on risk factors for health outcomes. the clinic has decided on two clinically relevant health markers (blood pressure and glycated hemoglobin, known as hba1c), which will be measured in follow-up appointments in select patients who have been prescribed exercise. other pa interventions have used similar objective and subjective measures of pa adherence and health outcomes to evaluate the effectiveness of their programs. in an evaluation of the “first-step” program for persons with diabetes, researchers objectively assessed cardiovascular health and glycemic control by measuring the resting blood pressure and hba1c levels respectively (tudor-locke et al. 2004). the first step program also assessed exercise adherence through pedometer use (tudor-locke et al. 2004). it has been repeatedly found in the literature that objective measures of pa, such as pedometers and accelerometers, are more accurate in describing pa behaviors as compared to self-reported measures (prince et al. 2008). however, due to the large size of the patient population at the loyalist fht (12,000) and the lack of funding for pedometers, subjective measures were deemed appropriate. the lack of objective measurement for pa behavior may be considered a limitation of our evaluation. evaluation is an important part of any program and, at the loyalist fht, a combination of subjective and objective measures of pa and health outcomes will determine the effectiveness of the program. critical reflection this experience has taught us about the practical considerations involved when creating and implementing community-based pa programs. we learned that many practices based on theoretical concepts, as discussed in our course, are often in reality difficult to implement. here, we will discuss the elements that helped to make this program successful, as well as reflect on some of the challenges that we faced. successes many different factors played a role in the success of our program. first, we recognize that this program was created under a larger movement, namely “exercise is medicine.” creating the exercise-rx in association with eim at queen’s and with the support of eim canada, added credibility and legitimacy to our proposal and efforts. the vast amount of current evidence and clout behind the idea that exercise can and should be part of a treatment plan, and be specifically prescribed by a physician, provided momentum to our initiative. secondly, it was critical that we had the opportunity to involve a number of individuals from a variety of backgrounds within the healthcare field. the wide range of expertise at our disposal not only provided us with a wealth of knowledge on exercise prescription, but also provided insights into the specific needs and capacities of the fht. we recognize that the physicians within the clinic who championed this movement were instrumental to its success. implementing such programs in family health teams that lack the enthusiasm and support of the physicians would be very difficult; a prescription can be created, but ultimately it is the doctors who must believe in the potential behind it. multimedia promotion, aimed both at the health care professionals and the patients, was an effective way to create momentum and excitement about the program. for example, the loyalist fht hosted an internal health challenge, which encouraged the team members to become more physically active. additionally, the clinic has posted motivational exercise posters gazendam and pascoal 6 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 in waiting rooms that are aimed at increasing awareness and discussion of pa. “how to” resistance band exercise videos, that we created, have also been posted on the clinic’s website, which is public to patients. externally, the program has been receiving attention via newspaper articles and radio talk-shows. together, these factors have helped to promote the principles behind our program, and will hopefully increase patient and physician willingness to participate. challenges faced although overall we feel that our program has been successful, we faced several challenges along the way. our lack of financial resources throughout this process meant that we relied mainly on volunteer efforts. the creation of the electronic prescription was beyond the realm of the expertise of individuals within exercise is medicine or the fht. thus, volunteers at the queen’s fht took on this task. although we greatly appreciate their efforts, this process was frustrating at times as the creation of the exercise-rx was not a top priority for these volunteers and took a long time to implement. additionally, the lack of funding limited the amount of additional resources we were able to provide to the patients. for example, we would have liked to provide pedometers to the patients, but instead were limited to subjective measures of pa. future recommendations for future projects similar to this one, using a true participatory approach by involving patients in the planning stages would be advantageous. for example, performing pilot work with a small group of patients prior to the creation of the prescription would allow for it to be directly tailored to the specific target population. additionally, performing a process evaluation of similar programs in the future is warranted. a process evaluation could come in the form of a survey to the patients and physicians during the implementation stages of the program in order to gain feedback on what is working well and what needs to be improved (linnan and steckler 2002). the next steps of our program specifically involve data collection to evaluate the effectiveness of the program. one year following implementation, the clinic will perform a chart audit to determine physician uptake and patient adherence as well as to determine changes in quantitative health markers in individuals who have been prescribed exercise. the results from this evaluation will help determine if the original goals set by the team have been met. we believe that this program, if found effective, can be used as a model for prescribing exercise in primary care clinics that utilize electronic medical records in canada. ~ we would like to express our sincerest appreciation to dr. lucie levesque at queen’s university for her words of advice and provision of independence in this project. additionally, thank you to the exercise is medicine at queen’s group and the loyalist family health team for their involvement and continual support. gazendam and pascoal 7 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 appendix figure 1: original (paper version) exercise prescription referral form (eprf) created by graduate students from the exercise is medicine at queen’s group. the form was introduced in the hcds center on campus on written prescription pads. figure 2: loyalist fht logic model created by healthcare professionals at loyalist fht in collaboration with members of exercise is medicine at queen’s. the logic model outlines project goals, activities, and outcome gazendam and pascoal 8 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 evaluation both three-six months and one year from the date of implementation. figure 3. exercise-rx type ii diabetes prescription form. when brought up in the electronic medical record system, the prescription auto-populates with an individual patient’s information. the physician then “checks” the disease profile of the patient and the corresponding exercise recommendation is printed. seen here is the exercise prescription for a type ii diabetic patient, based on the fitt principle. gazendam and pascoal 9 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 references bartholomew, l. kay, guy s. parcel, and gerjo kok. 1998. “intervention mapping: a process for developing theory and evidence-based health education programs.” health education & behavior 25 (5): 545-563. colley, rachel c., didier garriguet, ian 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j., john j. koval, david a. cunningham, and donald h. paterson. 2003. “can primary care doctors prescribe exercise to improve fitness?: the step test exercise prescription (step) project.” american journal of preventive medicine 24 (4): 316-322. plaut, thomas, suzanne landis, and june trevor. 1992. “enhancing participatory research with the community oriented primary care model: a case study in community mobilization.” the american sociologist 23 (4): 56-70. prince, stéphanie a., kristi b. adamo, meghan e. hamel, jill hardt, sarah c. gorber, and mark tremblay. 2008. “a comparison of direct versus self-report measures for assessing physical activity in adults: a systematic review.” international journal of behavioral nutrition and physical activity 5 (1): 56. ribeiro, isabela c., andrea torres, diana c. parra, rodrigo reis, christine hoehner, thomas l. schmid, michael pratt, luiz r. ramos, eduardo j. simões, and ross c. brownson. 2010. “using logic models as iterative tools for planning and evaluating physical activity promotion programs in curitiba, brazil.” journal of physical activity & health 7 (2): s155-s162. swinburn, boyd a., lisa g. walter, bruce arroll, murray w. tilyard, and david g. russell. 1998. “the green prescription study: a randomized controlled trial of written exercise advice provided by general practitioners.” american journal of public health 88 (2): 288-291. tudor-locke, c., r. c. bell, a. m. myers, s. b. harris, n. a. ecclestone, n. lauzon, and n. w. rodger. 2004. “controlled outcome evaluation of the first step program: a daily physical activity intervention for individuals with type ii diabetes.” international journal of obesity 28 (1): 113-119. tufte, thomas and paolo mefalopulos. 2009. participatory communication: a practical guide. world bank working paper no. 170. vital signs. 2012. community foundation for kingston and area. assessing community engagement (ace) @ the dimock center a community-based participatory research (cbpr) project april 30, 2015 community-academic research team team members (from left to right): dr. shalini tendulkar, scd, scm, charles wiebe chioma woko valeria ruelas michael wang shane visram faryal jafri frederick lu sahil shah not pictured: alice chan dr. nandini sengupta, the dimock center introduction/overview ● ace @ dimock was a joint research project carried out by undergraduate students in a course at tufts university in the community health program and the dimock center. ● undergraduate students participated in a community-based project over the course of the year to learn about the value and conduct of cbpr as a tool to improve community health. ● our research team was led by dr. shalini tendulkar, tufts faculty and our community partner at dimock, dr. nandini sengupta, director of medical services. research design ● provider interviews ○ 7 participants selected by dr. sengupta ○ included doctors, nurses, nutritionists, psychiatrists ○ followed standard interview protocol developed by the research team. ● patient and parent surveys ○ survey was developed by the research team ○ eligibility requirements ■ patients 18 years old and older ■ parents of patients of all ages ○ irb approval obtained from the dimock center and tufts university provider interview and patient/parent survey tools provider sample interview questions (13 total questions): focused on defining patient engagement and perceived factors that facilitate and hinder patient engagement. ● who is a typical patient at dimock? ● what are the usual problems that are faced by you as a provider? ● is there anything you wish dimock could do differently? etc. parent/patient sample survey questions (22 total questions): focused on patient engagement with their providers, feedback on care etc. ● demographic information ● how comfortable do you feel with your healthcare provider? ● overall how satisfied are you with the health care service you/your child received at dimock? interview tool/survey development process ● the research team crafted interview and survey questions to align with project goals. ● questions were developed through group brainstorming sessions with input from our community partner. ● each interview and survey question was debated over and revised by the team several times before finalizing the tools. community involvement: dr. sengupta was sent copies of the interview and survey tool and helped us refine questions. for example, she provided input on the appropriate reading level for the survey tool. provider interviews data collection and analysis ● interviews conducted in pairs by student researchers ● interviews were recorded and transcribed ● research team reviewed transcripts and created a code book ● code book were applied to transcripts ● themes were extracted community involvement: dr. sengupta chose the providers for the research team to interview. she also provided feedback on the interview tool. patient/parent surveys data collection and preliminary analysis ● collected from seven visits to the dimock center ● consent form was obtained before participation ● basic summary statistics were generated using stata ic13 community involvement: dr. sengupta notified the research team of times when the highest volume of surveys could be collected based off of volume of appointment times. provider interview results provider interview results: definitions of engagement how providers define patient engagement sample quotes its about building rapport “um, and a lot of our patients are families that have been living in roxbury and coming to this clinic for 30 years, so, myself and some of the newer staff have a harder time maybe making a connection with the families right away. they don’t trust us right away, which is understandable.” engage with patients around issues beyond their health care "i don’t jump right into the content, i try to find something to make the patient comfortable… you read; you read faces, you read actions, you read how someone is in the moment. and even if you have a rapport with someone, if you've seen them several times, there might be something going on their day that makes them present very differently… provider interview results: factors that influence engagement in health and nutrition services factors sample quotes social determinants of health “... so our patients generally come from a lower socioeconomic status, which you guys probably already know, so, um, there is a lot of, a ton of issues outside of their health that are kind of, um, just, [pauses] i don’t know, like on top of their life. just every part of their lives, so they may not have the of um, the strategies, and the, um, abilities to manage their health like other people may be able to, if that makes sense stigma (specifically around engagement in nutrition services) "“and i think we see a lot of kids that are bullied and that may not come out until future visits. they may not want to talk about it because they are super embarrassed by it” provider interview results: barriers to engagement in health and nutrition services factors sample quotes difficulty patients have following up/coming in to multiple visits “... so our patients generally come from a lower socioeconomic status, which you guys probably already know, so, um, there is a lot of, a ton of issues outside of their health that are kind of, um, just, [pauses] i don’t know, like on top of their life. just every part of their lives, so they may not have the of um, the strategies, and the, um, abilities to manage their health like other people may be able to, if that makes sense stigma (specifically around engagement in nutrition services) "“and i think we see a lot of kids that are bullied and that may not come out until future visits. they may not want to talk about it because they are super embarrassed by it” provider interview results: facilitators to engagement in health and nutrition services factors sample quotes provider strategies -focusing on face time -goal setting/small steps -providers coordinating with each other during patient visit “if i’m here and i’m available i’ll go in, i’ll meet with them and try to schedule them an appointment at that time or at the very least if they’re not interested in scheduling today, i’ll at least give them my card and say give us a call…if i’m not available ideally they would make an appointment at the front desk before they leave and if that doesn’t happen i’d have to follow up for them…call and reach out to them.” “i recommend kind of small steps that they can take and realistic changes because especially when you’re working with a family let’s say you have a kid who’s very overweight and you wanna really come at get them making changes if you try to say things like ‘hey let’s change everything’ it’s overwhelming and it’s not gonna happen also especially with children focusing less on weight and more on just no their lifestyle habits is definitely helpful just because it can you know weight is a touchy subject especially with kids and a lot of times if parents get defensive they kind of shut down” “we do umm try to overlap services for example if a patient is coming for an asthma check or a flu shot or you know a behavioral health visit or something that’s unrelated to that comprehensive exam we do try to kind of overlap services so we save them extra trips” patient/parent survey results (please note, due to time constraints only limited findings are available. we hope to fully analyze the survey in the near future) parent survey results: demographics total number of parent participants (n=16) race gender black 37.5% (n=6) female 81.25% (n=13) white 0% (n=0) male 18.75% (n=3) two or more races 18.75% (n=3) prefer not to say 6.25% (n=1) years a patient at dimock other 37.5% (n=6) 0-2 43.75% (n=7) 3-5 18.75% (n=3) hispanic 6-9 6.25% (n=1) yes 37.5% (n=6) >9 12.5% (n=2) no 62.5% (n=10) parent survey: satisfaction with child’s health care services (n=16) figure 1: overall, how satisfied are you with the health care services your child has received at dimock? (scale of 1-5 with 1 being “not at all satisfied” and 5 being “very satisfied”) parent survey: comfort discussing child’s health with provider (n=16) figure 4:overall, how comfortable do you feel discussing your child’s health with their healthcare provider at dimock? (scale of 1-5 with 1 being “not at all satisfied” and 5 being “very satisfied”) patient survey results: demographics total number of patient participants (n=5) race gender black 60% (n=3) female 100% (n=5) white 0% (n=0) male 0% (n=0) two or more races 20% (n=1) prefer not to say 20% (n=1) years a patient at dimock other 0% (n=0) 0-2 0% (n=0) 3-5 0% (n=0) hispanic 6-9 0% (n=0) yes 20% (n=1) >9 60% (n=3) no 80% (n=4) no response 40% (n=2) patient survey results: satisfaction with health care services received (n=5) figure 3: overall, how satisfied are you with the health care services you receive at dimock? (scale of 1-5 with 1 being “not at all satisfied” and 5 being “very satisfied”) patient survey results: comfort with discussing health with provider (n=5) overall, how comfortable do you feel discussing your health with your healthcare provider at dimock? (scale of 1-5 with 1 being “not at all satisfied” and 5 being “very satisfied”) overall recommendations from provider interviews: ● continue to emphasize providerprovider coordination ● continue to address social determinants of health for patients ● continue to emphasize face to face interactions and focus on trust and rapport building ● the role of stigma in preventing engagement particularly in nutrition services is important ● providers have great strategies that they are using that should be shared (if they aren’t already!) from patient/parent surveys: ● patients/parents are quite satisfied with the care they are receiving at dimock however it would be helpful to continue to some of the comments raised in the qualitative portion of the patient/parent survey ○ address logistical concerns such as wait times and scheduling (raised in the qualitative portion of survey) ○ work to provide more clarity around communication of health terminology limitations we recognize the following limitations of our research process: ● small sample size for provider interviews and parent/patient surveys ● mostly female parent/patient respondents (n=18) ● each sample was convenient ● patient and parent data was self reported ● missing data (came in the form of lack of completion of all questions in each survey) cbpr lessons learned ● set a timeline and keep to deadlines ● keep each other (members of the research team) accountable ● maintain communication with community partner ● be flexible ● be patient; there will be disagreements but this happens everywhere ● listen to all who have something to say ● be professional but approachable ● keep community needs in mind at all times thank you! thank you so much for support of our work this entire academic year. dr. nandini sengupta dimock staff and providers patients and parents surveyed jonathan m. tisch college of citizenship and public service at tufts university tufts university spirit (students and professors integrating recreation, intellect and teaching) fund undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 assessing community engagement at dimock: reflections on community partnerships in health research michael wang, alice chan, faryal jafri, frederick lu, valeria ruelas, sahil shah, shane visram, charles wiebe, chioma woko tufts university delivering high-quality, low-cost health care to countless bostonians, the dimock center provides support, treatment, and preventive services to mitigate the health inequities experienced by many individuals in boston’s communities. the dimock center, established in the mid-19th century as the new england hospital for women and children, has experienced drastic changes in its patient population since it first opened its doors, but the health center’s mission, “to heal and uplift individuals, families, and our community,” has remained constant (the dimock center). it is a community institution that has been recognized nationally as a model for providing low-cost, comprehensive healthcare services to the urban communities of roxbury, dorchester, mattapan, jamaica plain, and hyde park. in addition to primary care, the dimock center delivers programs in women’s health, ob/gyn, hiv/aids, eye care, and dentistry to thousands of individuals and families each year. its vision is to treat and support individuals, families, and the wider dimock center patient community and to redefine the model of a healthy community by creating equitable access to comprehensive health care and education. through direct health services, community-based interventions, and collaborations with many of boston’s community organizations, the dimock center seeks to reduce racial health disparities by addressing patients’ individual and social health. it was through collaboration like this that a leader at the dimock center sought to better understand how patients engage with the health center, as described in this manuscript. in the 2014-2015 academic year, a group of nine students enrolled in a tufts university community health program (chp) seminar class collaborated with the dimock center in a yearlong community-based participatory research (cbpr) project called ace: assessing community engagement at dimock. informing and supporting us in our project with dimock was dr. nandini sengupta, the dimock center’s medical director, who played a vital role in the structuring and implementation of our research. at the dimock center, dr. sengupta wears many hats, as she serves administrative, research, and clinical roles. she emphasizes the importance of communication and teamwork with her staff and prioritizes the cultural knowledge of the patient community to engage individuals and families. regarding the patients as the managers of their own health, dr. sengupta empowers her patients by validating their health practices. dr. sengupta developed the impetus for our project, which focused on how dimock patients engage with their healthcare providers, what strategies are currently in place to facilitate patient engagement, and how these methods can be improved. along with our research team supervisor and professor, dr. shalini tendulkar, dr. sengupta co-facilitated this project to emphasize the value and conduct of community-based and community-engaged research as a tool to improve community health. this manuscript reflects our experiences over the course of the academic year. the research team, referred to as such throughout this manuscript, was composed of dr. sengupta, dr. tendulkar, and the nine tufts undergraduate students. the research aimed to learn more about how dimock center staff members define patient engagement, assess their wang, chan, jafri, lu, ruelas, shah, visram, wiebe, and woko 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 perceptions of patient-provider relationships, understand patient perspectives related to trust and confidence in the healthcare staff, and the barriers to accessing health services. since 1975, chp has provided students with a diverse, integrative experience in learning. the program’s relatively small size encourages a sense of community among fellow students, faculty, and staff. as a multidisciplinary program, chp touches on diverse aspects of health and society, and encourages the exploration of health issues from a variety of perspectives. chp is an ideal major for students interested in pursuing careers in health-related fields, including but not limited to: public health, health policy, health economics, social work, health care, or medicine. students gain an understanding of factors that shape health policy and the institutions that plan, regulate, and deliver healthcare services. through classes and fieldwork, chp exposes students to the major health issues of today and of the institutions that plan and deliver services, the variety of social, psychological, environmental, cultural, and political factors that influence decision-making about health and health care, as well as the ways people maintain health and cope with illness. the program is multidisciplinary in nature, drawing students from all academic majors, and includes courses in economics, public health, epidemiology, medical ethics, history, and sociology as they relate to health and health care. chp students analyze the factors that determine health and illness, how communities define and try to resolve health-related problems, the formation of healthcare policy in the united states with a comparative look at other countries, and the institutions that plan, regulate, and deliver healthcare services (tufts university 2015). the ace project was initially focused on understanding patient engagement specifically in the context of pediatric nutritional services; however, with the input of dr. sengupta, we expanded our objectives to encompass patient engagement in pediatric services in general. the research team identified the appropriate methodology to understand the questions of interest and developed two data collection instruments – a provider interview guide and a patient survey – after: numerous tool development conversations, a review of the literature, and a tool piloting process. the student researchers subsequently conducted key informant interviews with seven dimock healthcare providers and administrators and collected surveys from 21 patients in english. through our engagement in a cbpr project with dimock, we as a student research team experienced many of the benefits and challenges of implementing this type of project and this particular approach to research. we describe our key reflections below. reflection #1: the value of cbpr for the upperclassmen in our research group who had conducted research in the past, whether health-based or not, the cbpr method provided a new lens through which they viewed research. in looking back on her year in the research group, one student commented, “i was very excited about this course when we first met last fall and it has thus far exceeded my expectations because i have finally connected my in-class academic learning with hands-on community-based learning.” grounding our prior knowledge gained from other community health courses in our work with dimock served as a transformative experience for us. rather than basing our project goals on our own assumptions, involving our community partners at dimock in every step of the project process provided us with a more informed approach to conducting our research. unlike a traditional research approach, cbpr enabled us to incorporate our community partner’s knowledge, opinions, and values into our work to inform our decisions. this sort of approach also provided dr. sengupta with the opportunity to be involved in the entire research process. wang, chan, jafri, lu, ruelas, shah, visram, wiebe, and woko 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 cbpr is about combining different perspectives to inform research and ultimately create social change in communities. reflection #2: the importance of building rapport our student team, consisting of undergraduates ranging from college freshman to seniors, developed an efficient and collaborative dynamic in the year. early on in the process, we divided group roles and assigned tasks to provide every team member with the opportunity to be a leader and gain new skills. the seniors in the course served unofficially as mentors to the underclassman. this mentorship manifested in the form of sharing skills and provision of support related not only to the project but also to general mentorship related to extracurricular activities and internships. one of the underclassmen student researchers reflected, “i think the team works really well together. we are really good at building off of others’ ideas and creating a quality product. everyone is very receptive to criticism and suggestions because we all know that our primary objective is to provide the best and most thorough research. without the research team dynamic, i think that we wouldn’t be as cognizant of factors that we didn’t realize were important.” for example, while our focus was on directing our efforts to the health center, this project also provided us with an opportunity to engage in difficult conversations around race and privilege. these conversations emerged in discussions, such as those we had around the development of tools, when we were considering issues related to language and literacy. our instructor recognized that in order to effectively engage in these discussions, developing rapport and trust among each other would be necessary; there were efforts throughout the year to provide us with opportunities to have meals and classes together specifically to share our own personal and professional interests and life experiences. this allowed us to build connections with each other and provided a framework to discuss racial equity in community health research. ultimately, for many of us, the research never actually felt like work because we saw how our involvement in this project reflected on our own lives and families and because we were able to build such great rapport with each other. cbpr grounded our personal experiences to our research project. unlike what a traditional approach would offer, cbpr enabled us to personalize the research and put faces to the people that we were working with. reflection #3: comfort with discomfort in addition to building rapport with each other, cbpr is also about building rapport with our external partners. many of us were apprehensive but excited and optimistic about embarking on a research project that involved a high level of engagement with a partner outside of tufts. for most of us, this was our first time implementing a cbpr project. initially, students expressed concerns about being viewed as outsiders by both the healthcare providers and the patients. assuring us, dr. tendulkar emphasized that discomfort and uncertainty were natural parts of the cbpr process and encouraged us to work through the discomfort in order to develop our methods and goals and better support our community partner. we also implemented several strategies to acquaint ourselves with the community environment and minimize the discomfort of the experience. for example, we conducted observational site visits to the dimock center and practiced how we would approach staff and patients at dimock. we also created scripts to help us have these conversations more systematically. dr. sengupta encouraged us to explore these hesitations throughout the process as she provided us with direction in our project and collaborated with the research team to create goals, which guided us in the already difficult task wang, chan, jafri, lu, ruelas, shah, visram, wiebe, and woko 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 of defining abstract concepts, such as patient engagement. she also took great care to ensure that every visit to dimock was structured and that we felt supported while on the premises. reflection #4: time and distance challenge student engagement in cbpr as part of our work, we also reflected on the challenges that are inherent with cbpr and identified two specific things that challenged our ability to engage with our partner, namely time and distance constraints. as a student research group involved with the dimock center for the 2014-2015 academic year, we often struggled to balance our many school commitments with our desire to form a strong relationship with our community partner. many of us would have liked to visit the dimock center more frequently; however, the distance and scheduling issues posed a great challenge. we found that meeting in-person with our partner was very difficult to schedule, especially because we are not only 45 minutes away from the dimock center via public transportation but are also full-time college students. we were also mindful of the fact that our partners at the dimock center could not drop everything that they were doing to help us with our research project. many members of the group were unable to spend large amounts of time physically at the dimock center. in regards to her experience with these difficulties, one student researcher stressed the value of setting realistic goals. she stated, “more often than not both parties were busy doing other things, so it was hard to meet. although i know it was completely necessary to get dr. sengupta’s input to make sure the surveys were the best that they could be, it still felt like a very slow process.” despite our best efforts, it was difficult to find the opportunity to engage as closely and frequently with our community partner as we would have liked. if we were to improve this process, more efficient scheduling practices would be necessary. many of us felt that spending more time at the dimock center would have provided us with more opportunities to form stronger relationships with a greater range of dimock center staff and patients and develop a more holistic understanding about the organization and its impact on the surrounding neighborhoods. likewise, more in-class discussion about our impact on the dimock center population and background on successful cbpr projects in the past would greatly facilitate the research process. despite these barriers, working closely with our community partner, dr. sengupta, reinforced the collaboration between our research group and the dimock center and it was an integral component to the success of the project. this collaboration is an inherent component of cbpr that makes this type of research unique and well-received with community members. this successful process is very much due to dr. sengupta’s experience not only with her organization, but also with the neighborhood and patient community. conclusion in summary, our research project, ace: assessing community engagement at dimock, provided us insight to the values of cbpr and tied our classroom learning to hands-on learning. ace offered us new perspectives to the benefits and challenges of this alternative method of research. overall, our work with dimock throughout the year was incredibly enjoyable and rewarding, and our partners at dimock were essential in pushing this project forward. ~ wang, chan, jafri, lu, ruelas, shah, visram, wiebe, and woko 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 we would like to thank our community partner, dr. nandini sengupta, md and our professor, dr. shalini tendulkar, scd, scm for their continuous support, guidance, and dedication through this project. we would also like to extend our thanks to shirley mark, the tisch college of citizenship and public service, and the tufts spirit fund for their encouragement and commitment to our efforts. lastly, we would like to thank the patients and providers of the dimock community health center for their collaboration and hard work that made our research possible. references the dimock center. “the dimock center: our vision and mission.” http://23.229.189.65/aboutdimock/our-vision-and-mission/. tufts university school of arts and sciences. 2015. “about community health.” http://ase.tufts.edu/commhealth/about/. assessing community engagement at dimock research assessing community engagement at dimock reflection undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 belaina anneke doeve belmont university in october 2014, i was assigned a partner through a service-learning course at belmont university in nashville, tennessee called writing in the community. this class was centered on the idea that writing is a powerful tool for healing, and that in sharing one’s story, everyone is less alone. the class was supplemented with writings by authors who were confronting aspects of their identity such as age, ability, economic status, and race. we discussed in class how knowing and studying these memoirs guide us in conversation for understanding of and awareness for the authors’ circumstances, and for our place in the midst of these stories. the service-learning aspect meant that we would in someway interact with a community outside of our course, which is a required form of study for students at belmont, a private, christian university. service-learning gave the class the unique opportunity to take a writing course combined with first-hand experiences related to the topics; these experiences would guide our critical thinking about the issues that were being read and researched. it was an active and engaging way to broaden my understanding, particularly in how economic status effects an individual, as it related to the woman i was eventually partnered with. there is an argument that writing courses such as this “raise issues of class distinctions and replicate divisions between the service provider and the service recipient … [students] replicate condescending models of charity and missionary work that do more to undermine than advance the goals of multicultural education and social transformation” (julier 2001, 142). however, in this course i discovered that my fellow students and i were not so much focused on making social changes or counseling as we were in being able to articulate well what we were learning about social mindfulness. the passion for this stemmed from our desire to write the stories of our partners honestly. awareness is a powerful ability, and what struck me throughout this project was realizing what an asset it is. i grew up in a predominately white, middle-class suburb in the south. my sheltered and safe upbringing is something i try not to take for granted; i’ve had a wonderful and privileged life, and am truly thankful. however, it did shield from me the roughness life can hold for people in different circumstances and thus stunted my perspective. simply being aware calls me to action and encourages me to decentralize my own experiences in my life and make room for people who have been pushed to the margins. this assignment to express a person’s perspective of her life on paper puts her circumstances in my reality. it is intimate work that cannot be done without one another. in the case of this assignment, i was able to use my privilege and education to work collaboratively with someone who had neither. at the time i was in this class, i had just begun participating in a group of women that take homemade meals once a week to the strip clubs in the nashville area to share in community and build relationships. i became a part of this group through classmates of mine, who had established this routine over the previous four years. after going for just a few weeks, i was overcome by the voices and stories that i might have never heard, and inspired by the common ground of humanness. this work echoed what i had been learning at belmont, a school that strongly values being in community and demonstrates that through the classes available, community service requirements for graduation, and opportunities for student involvement. being in a community, in my experience, means listening and giving weight to every voice and doeve 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 supporting that weight with love. it means honoring individuals in a way that can make an impact. this work was inspiring to me, and the more voices i heard, the more i was led to advocate for them. when the oral history project was assigned in the writing in the community course, we were given the opportunity to tell our professor what community we felt inclined to work with. based off of my recent experiences connecting with women who are in very distinctly different settings than me, i felt drawn to work at a rehabilitation center for women in nashville called the next door. this is where i met belaina, who understood the project and volunteered to be a part of it before we even met. for the project, every student was aligned with a community partner in various locations: hospitals, nursing homes, primary schools, etc. in addition to our time in class, students met the individuals they were to collaborate with on the project. in my own time, i began to write about my experiences in class, which became “…an ongoing, recursive process in which self and community challenge, affirm, serve, and extend each other in the drama of personal and public history” (anderson and maccurdy 2000, 17). that is, to have an ongoing conversation with belaina led to understanding another level of community that was bigger than the two of us. it extended to the women i met with weekly at the clubs, to my professor and fellow students, to the citizens of nashville: the list goes on and on. to record it week to week and to add to history through writing is a glimpse of what writing is all about. we each had to remove ourselves from our own worlds to meet, extend ourselves towards one another, and affirm one’s place in the family of things. here i was, giving validation and affirmation to belaina’s story, and in return she validated me as a student and writer. together, belaina and i wrote the story of her life through weekly conversations, crafting her memoir one day at a time. coming from a past community were her reality was minimized, she was eager to tell me all that had happened to her. i asked her permission to record audio of our time together, and would take it home to construct something i hoped she would be proud of. her tragic story was difficult to listen to over and over in my home, and she had given me all the details. for weeks, the heaviness of it filled me with compassion for her and anyone with experiences like hers, and drove me to write her story well. i felt passionately that this should be mine and belaina’s most honest work. belaina was special because she was determined to have the stamp of her name on this piece. she fervently told me what has happened in her life, speaking openly of the tragedies and the joyful moments. simultaneously, i was in class reading and discussing the beauty and enlightenment of telling one’s stories. when reading the extraordinary maya angelou, this quote stood out: “if growing up is painful for the southern black girl, being aware of her displacement is the rust on the razor that threatens the throat. it is an unnecessary insult” (1969). i came to realize the importance of this project and of the woman vulnerably sharing her identity with me. it was a safe place to expose her story, because belaina had control over what she shared, how it would be interpreted, and how it was told. we worked together on the wording and clarifications needed to make her understood. i learned from this strong woman that writing can help heal even the deepest of wounds, as she courageously wrestled with her life, trying to make sense of how far she’s come. being a witness to the self-awareness she was discovering was beautiful. the work we shared made me feel not only more connected to her, but to the women i visit in the strip clubs week to week. i was stretched to analyze my own place and displacement in the communities i am involved in. this project quickly, as tears fell together on our first meeting, doeve 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 became a meaningful experience for both of us, which resulted in the peace that sharing one’s story makes everyone less alone. in addition to the impact she had on me as a student, belaina’s story contributes to the conversations involving class and gender escalating in society today. she had passion that verberated off of her for making her story known, and made it clear from the beginning that it was hers and meant to be shared with the stamp of her name. you could feel her conviction and desire to contribute in every word she spoke. it was an honor to sit with her and to watch the layers of her story, her personhood, unfold – so very real in the window of her eyes. it didn’t matter who was sitting in front of her, this was something she was determined to share so that others wouldn’t feel isolated in their experiences similar to hers. researcher judith herman supports this idea that sharing an experience, such as belaina did with me, begins to rebuild a sense of community and social ties. “traumatic events destroy the sustaining bonds between individual and community …trauma isolates; the group recreates a sense of belonging. trauma dehumanizes the victim; the group restores her humanity” (herman 1997, 214). belaina’s hope, she expressed to me again and again, was that others would read her story, and experience freedom by sharing their own. i watched the color return to her cheeks as she narrated her life to me, releasing any power it had over her. i took my audio clips of her story home and transcribed them, making as few edits as possible to make it cohesive and organized. these are belaina’s experiences, in her words, her voice, her phrasing. these are tragedies and memories that this sheltered, middle-class girl at a private university has mourned and celebrated for the woman who survived and became my friend. it was a privilege and enlightening experience, and one that i will always cherish. belaina well, my name’s marie. well, belaina marie, but i go by marie. i’m 24 year old. my birthday’s may 7, 1990. i have a little boy, he’s five year old, his name’s christopher. or cj. i have two sisters and a brother. my brother’s birthday was yesterday, and me and him’s really, really tight. i’m the oldest outta four. they’re all half, but we don’t look at it like that. my favorite color’s black and pink. i’m tellin’ my story, cause i think it could help somebody, comin’ from someone who’s been through it. i been through it. i grew up in east tennessee. it’s a little town, but you won’t believe how much stuff goes on. the drugs, the violence. i been surrounded by it my whole life cause my mom done it. yeah, my mom done it. and i done it, too, cause of her. the first time i ever smoked pot i was five year old. i’m not even playin’. my mom gave it to me. i come home from school, from kindergarten, i remember it to this day. i mighta been six. i come in from kindergarten and i said, “mommy, you gonna have to quit. you gonna have to stop. it’s gonna kill you, blah blah blah.” i was cryin’, i was so upset. she was always just layin’ there on the couch, an’ bein’ so little, it made me so scared. she’s like, “no, it doesn’t. it’s not gonna hurt you. i promise.” she said, “here, i’m gonna show you it’s not gon’ hurt you. it’s like a cigarette.” so my mom gave me some pot, tryna show me that it wasn’t bad. well, i got it in my mouth – i didn’t inhale, i was little, i didn’t know. she was like, you gotta – and she showed me to take a big, deep breath – and i started coughin’. it felt like it was burnin’ me. i puked and some more stuff. i was feelin’ so sick, so hurt. and she left me. out in the yard, layin’ on my back, just starin’ because i was so messed up. and i liked the way it made me feel. i couldn’t feel a thing. i wasn’t worried, i wasn’t upset, it just pushed all them bad things…away. doeve 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 and i was usually feelin’ all that cause i had to be... mom. and i was so little, and had so many worries. but yeah, i had to be mom. my mom she was gone all the time even if she was sittin’ right there. i started takin’ care of my sisters and brother ’cause she would just pass out. my baby brother would be hungry, and i’d have to lift her shirt up and put him on her boob. i had to feed us. i learned how to make eggs in the microwave for my sisters, and i bet they were so nasty, but they ate ’em cause they were hungry. i remember goin’ out in the garden – and watching mom, i knew how to do it – dig up potatoes, and we would eat ’em with the peelin’ on ’em. i didn’t know how to peel ’em. didn’t know how to cook ’em, either, but i made it work ’cause i had to. when harry, which was my stepdad, all left, it was all put on mom. i grew up without a dad, even though he was around all the time. my biological dad left my mom because he wanted her to get an abortion, and mom didn’t want to so she moved back out to tennessee. she got married to my little brother’s dad, harry, when she was pregnant with my sisters, the twins. she stayed with him for seven year, and they partied all the time. and, i mean all the time. and harry was very abusive. very, very abusive. only to me. mom had to pull him off a’ me a couple times. so, it was good when he left but that was a lotta pressure on mom and she couldn’t really take it. so she started drinkin’ even more, she started usin’ even more. she just done pot and pills every once and a while before that. but i was, i was around it. and that was not good for me. when she would pass out, with a joint or somethin’, i would take it, and i would hit it, or i would eat it if it was not lit. i didn’t know; i was little! i would eat it! she would give us, when she was rollin’ a joint, she would give us the seeds and stems out of it. said, “here, here ya go, that won’t hurt you.” i would take it away from my sisters, and i would do it, just because i didn’t want them to do it. i didn’t wanna risk them findin’ it later and doin’ it on their own. i was mom, bein’ so little. and when i got older…. umm, my mom... i remember pullin’ women off of her. because they be gettin’ in a fight. they’d be redneck. and i remember pulling them off of her desperately cryin’ and sayin’, “please don’t hurt my mom. please.” i would have to follow her around when she got drunk because she always wanted to leave. we lived in a neighborhood of trailers. a trailer park. and she would always wanna leave, and she would always want to go start somethin’. or wanna walk down the road and lay in the middle of the road. and i had to watch out for her. i had to drag her out of the road, me bein’ little, cause she passed out on me one night. and i prayed harder than i ever have. i said, “god, please don’t let a car come.” i probably had never been that scared. and a car did not come for, like, i know she lay there for two hours. and i was tryin’ to get her up, but the liquor and the beer when she mixed it – it hit her. she would pass out all the time, i would wake her up layin’ next to different men most mornin’s. i would have to tell her to get up, we’re hungry. she wouldn’t even look at me. she’d tell me to go the fuck on, that she wasn’t cookin’. so, i’d have to do something. when i learned how to make ramen noodles, i burnt my arm, which i have these scars all up ’em. and i was little. i burnt my arm cause hot water fell on me. i remember pushin’ a chair up to the stove, and cookin’ ramen noodles for my brother and my sisters. cause we didn’t have nothin’ to eat in like three days. cause she wouldn’t do anything. i was there for my sisters and brother a lot. and i didn’t get to be a child. i didn’t get to be a teenager. i was doin’ drugs by the time i was twelve. not excessively. i didn’t really like alcohol because of what i went through. absolutely, i hated it. i hated a drunk cause of what they put me through. all them drinkin’ friends my mom had, all doeve 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 them drunks always tryin’ to start somethin’, or start somethin’ with me. and my dad, my sperm donor, was a drunk. and he didn’t want me. period. when i would say, “mama, what does my dad look like?” she said, “go look in a mirror. that’s what he looks like, you look just like him.” that hurt my feelin’s. my dad didn’t want me, and my mom didn’t care at all. my papaw raised me, and my mamaw. my papaw was my everything. i loved stayin’ with him and mamaw cause i was his girl. his and mamaw’s. they were mom’s foster parents. i stayed with them all the time when i could. i loved it. i was little and i hated goin’ home. there was yellin’ and screamin’, and drugs and drinkin’. but i felt bad cause i left my sisters and brother there, too. they was little, and i guess mamaw and papaw took up with me. i was the oldest, and when i was a baby mom left me there and then partied all the time, so they just took up with me. i bet they woulda taken my brother and sisters, too, ’cept they never even met them i don’t think. i would throw fits not to go back home. i didn’t wanna go. i hated leavin’. we, me and papaw and mamaw, lived on top of a mountain, so it was really cool. people would come up there and try to pay him to see his view. for fireworks, or just to come up there and look, but he wouldn’t charge ’em nothin’. he’d tell ’em to just go on ’round the porch. he had like a big wrap around porch. it was like… beautiful. very beautiful. and we used to go to church. it was baptist. it was called little cove. i felt love and peace in there. me and papaw would start off walkin’ cause he’d say mamaw takes too long to get dressed. she would get me ready, and we’d start off walkin’, and she would come in the car an’ come pick us up. cause he loved to walk, he got me walkin’. we would walk eeeeeeverywhere, i mean everywhere. papaw liked wrestlin’, too. we went to church, we went to wrestlin’ games, er, matches, like ufc. we went there. and he would give me any kind of animal. i had ducks, i had rabbits, i had dogs, cats. i had... i think it’s called a guinea pig? it was huge, and i had it. i had gerbils. i had possums, yes, i had like, twelve of ’em. they were little. you could curl them around your finger, you had to help ’em. they would just hang there like, all the time! it was so cool! i had a raccoon, i had a baby deer, anything i wanted. he spoiled me bad. and he taught me how to drive. he taught me how to shoot guns. he lived in sevierville, he and mamaw. it was almost like two hours away. they would come and get me every weekend. yes, every, every weekend. i loved it. yes, i loved it. i felt like it was my hideaway. when mamaw died i couldn’t really go to papaw’s house anymore. he got sick, went to a retirement home. i’d call him, and tell him how much i loved him. and he couldn’t hear really good, and he would say things over and over. he would ask me who i was, over and over. and after i’d tell him he’d say, “oh, belaina!” and then he’d repeat it, and would start all over. and it was hurtin’ me so bad i couldn’t be there with him. then i was in jail when he passed away. and i still haven’t mourned over it, because i couldn’t be there when it happened. i couldn’t be there to tell him i loved him. i couldn’t be there to say goodbye. and he literally waited on me to get there to do that. he was holdin’ on, and my mom told me later he asked “where’s belaina?” he wanted me to be there. and mom said, “she couldn’t make it, i’m sorry.” she started cryin’ because he asked for me, and that i couldn’t be there was just too much… so she left the room. it didn’t take much to know that this was gonna change my life, that papaw died, she knew that. and when she left, jim come out, which was his son, and said he’s gone. so, he literally waited on me to be there. i blame myself, because if i wouldn’t have been on drugs, if i wouldn’t of been in trouble, i woulda been there. he was my everything. i shoulda been there. doeve 6 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 they raised me, until i got to about seven. well, i mean back-forth. when i was at school i had to stay at my moms. i hated leavin’ that mountain house, i didn’t wanna go back to my life at home. i hated it. there, i was by myself. i couldn’t be a kid. goin’ to my mom’s was horrible. which, they was big parties at her place, and i would drink out of their glasses so i wouldn’t feel… left out. i always hung out with the older ones. i always wanted acceptance from them, from my mom. or attention. my brothers and sisters, i would put them to bed, and i would turn the music on to keep ’em from hearin’ them in the other room. their words and the music and the craziness of all them. i remember layin’ there once with my sisters, and a drunk man came in there. his name was ben, he was my mom’s good friend, partyin’ friend. and my stepdad’s when he was around. and um, he come in there, and he pulled the covers off, and he started touching me. and he said, “if you don’t let me do this, i’ll tell your mom and she’s gonna beat you.” cause my mom was very violent at the time. and i was just seven and it happened. they would have parties all the time. i was molested from the parties they had. not just once. more than once. and i laid there and i cried, because… i didn’t feel like nothin’. i didn’t feel like nobody. i still don’t understand it, why that would happen to me. i was so alone. i guess i rebelled because i never got none attention except from my papaw. when i couldn’t stay with him anymore, i started gettin’ in trouble. i’ve been the kid that’s been in trouble, cause i had to grow up too fast and i couldn’t handle all of it. i’ve been the kid that’s the outcast, i been that kid doin’ everything she’s not supposed to do. my sisters, they do their own thing. they do no wrong. they’re like, miss perfects, okay? my brother, he’s been through it. and, he just, he knows. he knows everything. he knows what it feels like, knows what i been through. i miss him all the time. he picked up and moved, got away from it all. but i was getting’ desperate back home. so, i stole from my family. i robbed my aunt three or four times. i mean, i put my family through it. and like i said, i was doin’ drugs by the time i was twelve. i got pregnant at 19. i had my boy, cj. i got real close to linda, my baby daddy’s mom. she cared about me, and i’d missed that feelin’. linda was there when cj was born, cause my mom left the room on me, left me in there. mom was sayin’ things like, “oh my god!” and flippin’ me out. sayin’ stuff like, “you have green stuff comin’ out, oh my god!” she was tryin to be funny, but i start flippin’ out cause i was so scared. i was so young and havin’ a baby and she was makin’ it so much worse, and then she went and left the room. my heart goes up, my heartbeat goes up and the baby’s goes down, and i coulda lost cj because of mom and she left the room on me. then linda come in there and took my hand, and she was like “it’s okay, you gon’ be okay.” and she held my leg, along beside of chris, cj’s dad. she calmed me down. i really don’t know if i woulda made [it] without her, and not just when cj was born. linda, she didn’t really get to spend time with cj, though. i got woken up one morning. amber, the little girl, which is, might as well say my neice, she come runnin’ up there. she come runnin’ up there and she was cryin’ and upset and jerkin’ me outta bed and i said, “what’s wrong?” she said, “mamaw’s not breathin’,” talkin’ about linda. so i go down there, and i’m tryin’ to do cpr on this woman. and every time i breath air into her, i can hear her lungs been filled up with water. and i’m prayin’, and i’m beggin’ for her to come back because she was the mom i never had. she passed away. i, um, started shootin’ up on drugs, right after i had cj. i’m, um, embarrassed of that. i, um, would go to mom’s and get stuff for him, and i started not to buy stuff for him, knowin’ when i had money but i wasn’t usin’ it for cj. i remember, layin’ in bed sick, him bein’ so little doeve 7 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 right beside a’ me. and him wantin’ a bottle, and i would like, ya know reach over, bein’ so sick and out of it, and givin’ him a bottle, whether it was warm or cold. and i remember gettin’ high. and him beatin’ on the door. “mommy please let me in, please let me in.” and… i would yell at him and tell him to go away. because i was shootin’ a pill. he would beat on the door and cry…. and he even fell asleep at the door once, cause he cried himself to sleep. i used to go to mom’s and leave him at mom’s and i would sneak out. cause i’d have to. i remember seein’ him, bein’ on the glass door, sayin’, “mommy, please don’t leave me. please!” and i would. i wouldn’t even care. i would just get in the vehicle and take off. and he’d be sittin’ there. and when i get back mom’s like, “he cried himself to sleep. i wanna letchu know that.” i’m like, “he’ll be okay, he just went to sleep.” mom’s like, “okay….” and judgin’ me, as if she done so much better bein’ a mom. and now that he’s five i’m missin’ out on everything. everything i missed out on and i can’t get back. i can’t get when he was a baby back. i can’t get none of that back. i want it back and i don’t even remember half of it. i don’t remember the first day he walked. i don’t remember nothin’, and that’s somethin’ a mom is supposed to remember. it’s somethin’ you’re supposed to remember. my relationship with my mom, it’s changed a little bit, but i still keep my distance. and my mom changed, she started goin’ to church, now she’s married again. lookin’ back, ya know, she was more of a friend to me than a mom. she told me everything. i didn’t wanna know, but she told me everything, which, i knew about all of the secrets. i knew my stepdad was not my dad. i always knew it. and just things like that, i mean, she told me, me being young. knowin’ it was messed up, but yeah. she told me. i was mad at her for a long time. i told her she killed my brother. she said, “baby, i didn’t know i was pregnant.” it hurt my feelings, i couldn’t understand it. i had an older brother an’ he died. yeah, that hurt to find out. i didn’t get to meet him. his name was michael... i think it was michael marshall or somethin’. mom was namin’ him after his dad. she had him in oklahoma, but she was on drugs so bad she lost him. he was older, he was big enough so she could to tell it was a boy and all this. but… i blamed her a lot for doin’ that. blamed her for killin’ my brother. she just didn’t get how that hurt me. but, i always said i’d never be like my mom, whatsoever, and i feel like i been worse. i’m mad at god, you can say. i’m havin’ doubts. i’m… just cause of all the trauma and stuff’s happened. i don’t understand a lot of it. i don’t understand why bad things happened to me, why papaw had to die, or linda, or my big brother. i don’t understand why my mom left me on my own. i don’t know if i’m supposed to understand, but i feel like i need to. and now my mom’s different and she’s going to church and i feel like god’s forgetting me. going to church everyday, i mean every wednesday and every sunday, was with mamaw and papaw. now that they’re not here, i don’t really wanna go. i’m mad, okay? because he took one person i love away, papaw, and then he gave me a child i couldn’t even take care of, cause i couldn’t even take care of myself. i fell away from god, just because of it. i find myself goin’ to this catholic church whenever the gates are open, downtown. and i go in there and pray. but… not always. i feel sad going through the emotions. it’s a rollercoaster. loss of my friends, of my family, is somethin’ that i used to feel comfortably numb to. and now that i’m not comfortably numb anymore, i goin’ through it. it’s a good thing to get your feelin’s back, as they say. but it’s also a bad thing, that you get your feelin’s back. cause it hurts, cause they all hit you at once. now that i’m in rehab, i’ve learned a lot of structure, i’ve learned how to do things on my own. i’m not used to it, i’m used to bein’ dependent on someone. i’m working, and i’m so tired. and then when i get back from work, i gotta go to group, and then i gotta go a meetin’, and i have to go to bed, and then i got to get up and start my day all over again. it’s, oh my god, it’s somethin’ doeve 8 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 else. it’s six months of it. it’s a long run. but i really want this. and i’m tired. i’m tired of doin’ it. i’m tired of not bein’ there for my son, not knowin’ him. there was circumstances that led me here, and i’m thankful for it. cj is why i’m doin’ this, cause i’m supposed to be there for him. i’m supposed to be better than my mom, and remember more than his name. i’m doin’ this cause maybe i can understand it better, and maybe i can have a life that’s more than what i know. maybe i can help somebody who’s goin through it and then they’ll know they’re not the only ones. cause i’m tired. i’m tired of wakin’ up and chasin’ something that’s not even mine. conclusion belaina’s narration of her story reveals not only herself, but also larger systemic, socioeconomic, and gender issues. she is contributing to her community by making her struggles known and available for a larger audience and conversation. this kind of work that my classmates and i did with our partners was a beautiful experience in watching communities lean on one another for greater understanding of one another. while the collaboration between belaina and me revealed a tragedy that’s unfortunately too common, other students returned with the dreams of fifth graders at a local school, stories of strives toward racial justice in the 60s from the nursing home down the street, and the heartbreaks of slowly losing someone in the care of a hospital unable to keep up with the costs. through this work together, we created a new community of students and individuals throughout nashville who are now more capable of seeing and respecting the humanity of every person they encounter. opened was a space for writing, healing, sharing, and a fresh perspective. it was an honor to do this work with my fellow students and with belaina, all of whom were so gracious to me. i clumsily approached a project that felt overwhelming at the beginning of the semester, and walked away more aware, more focused, and with a peace that when we share, no one is truly alone. ~ i would like to express my gratitude to dr. amy hodges-hamilton at belmont university for her inspiring spirit, the stream of encouragement she offers all, and her wise advice. references anderson, charles and marian maccurdy. 2000. writing and healing: toward an informed practice. urbana, il: national council of teachers of english. angelou, maya. 1969. i know why the caged bird sings. new york: random house. herman, judith. 1997. trauma and recovery: the aftermath of violence. new york: harper collins publishers. julier, laura. 2001. a guide to composition pedagogies. “community-service pedagogy”. new york: oxford university press. wendel ra accepted edit ay undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   tools vs. textbooks: comparing the impact of alternative break trips and classroom-based learning annie wendel providence college mixing and pouring concrete for the foundation of a house in tijuana, mexico is not your typical college spring break experience. neither is hiking through fair trade coffee co-ops in nicaragua or weatherproofing trailer homes on a lakota american indian reservation in south dakota. however, students on college campuses across the country have increased opportunities to participate in and develop leadership skills on these alternative spring break (asb) programs. while students often return home saying, “the trip changed my life!” there is a need to examine what elements make the experience transformational and if the same learning experience can be transferred to students in a classroom environment. the purpose of this study is to examine the learning outcomes of student participants in a providence college asb program compared to students in classroom-based instruction with a focus on intercultural service and global citizenship. interviews of preand post-trip participants were analyzed using five different learning objectives defined in the course curriculum to identify what program elements were most effective in achieving student learning. participants showed differences in cognitive and psychological outcomes, demonstrating the importance of both traditional classroom-based and experiential learning as well as the benefit of developing students as coeducators both in and out of the classroom. global service-learning: an introduction the increase of global service-learning programs on college and university campuses across the united states is being used as a method to enhance classroom participation and understanding, civic engagement, and overall student development. while the term lacks a formal, universal definition within the international education field, hartman, kiely, friedrichs, and boettcher (2014) offer one definition of global service-learning as: a community-driven service experience that employs structured, critically reflective practice to better understand common human dignity, self, culture, positionality, social and environmental issues, and social responsibility in global context. it is a learning methodology and a community development philosophy. it is also a way of being in that it encourages an ongoing, critically reflective disposition. (11-12) benefits the opportunity for critical reflection, when paired with experiential service, allows students to confront assumptions, ultimately leading to changed perspectives (kiely 2004) and on the global level, encourages learners to develop a sense of shared global citizenship (annette 2002). this global perspective is a necessary proficiency for college students, researchers say, to effectively live and work in a world with diverse cultures (prins and webster 2010; braskamp, wendel 2   undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013     braskamp, and merrill 2009). not only does this ability help develop broad personal skills and attitudes but it also addresses the specific need for “intercultural maturity” and the ability to communicate effectively in pluralistic and diverse environments (braskamp, braskamp, and merrill 2009, 102). in addition to increased global citizenship, the benefits of global service-learning include an educational element as it provides “a holistic and integrated academic program for participants wherein there is direct correlation between what is experienced through participation and what is learned theoretically” (woolf 2008, 29). service-learning programs, like the one offered through the department of public and community service studies at providence college, requires students to complete a certain number of hours of community service throughout the semester. this hands-on community work introduces students to real life application of themes discussed in class, enriching their classroom experience with yet another “text” to use in discussion and reflection. participants are therefore involved in a continuous cycle of experiential and reflective learning, where one informs the other (berry 2002), allowing participants to revise perceptions and beliefs throughout the process. perhaps most importantly, however, global service-learning allows for “border crossing” and understanding between academia and the outside community. community engagement opportunities provide students and community members with an environment in which they can break down barriers and enhance interaction and communication between the two parties (woolf 2008). short-term immersion: alternative breaks while heavy course loads and full academic schedules pose a challenge for students who seek these hands-on, out-of-the-classroom experiences, short-term “alternative breaks” offer students another opportunity to develop their sense of social responsibility, global competence, and civic engagement. break away, a national nonprofit organization that supports the development of quality alternative break programs, defines such a program as a service-learning trip, typically a week in length, for college students to engage in voluntary community service (break away 2012). over the past two decades, these alternative break programs have been growing in popularity in an effort to establish the presence of community service on college campuses; statistics from 2010 show that over 72,000 students participated in these programs in that year alone (2012). by partnering with local nonprofit organizations, students also fulfill the academic component of service-learning by examining a variety of social issues, including topics such as poverty, education reform, refugee resettlement, and the environment, while also critically thinking and reflecting on service. research by eyler, giles, and braxton (1997) supports this claim that essential transformational learning occurs when students are involved with people experiencing the social problems they study. in comparison to other types of service trips, alternative break programs place a heavy emphasis on pre-departure preparation and “learning about the social issues addressed during the trip, learning about the community, becoming oriented with the mission and values of the organization, training for any skills [the students] may need while on the trip, and team building” (break away 2012). this program model is validated through research by weiler, lagoy, crane, and rovner (1998) that calls for pre-service activities and reflection in a sustained immersion experience to achieve desired learning outcomes. this deeply reflective and participatory approach therefore marks a shift away from “service-only” programs and instead embraces a more critically engaged method of learning from community interaction. wendel 3   undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013     transitioning towards a critical approach one of the biggest criticisms of service-learning programs is that the experience replicates and perpetuates, rather than challenges and reverses, perceptions of hierarchical power and privilege in traditional service practice (catlett and proweller 2011; green 2001; ash and clayton 2009; camacho 2004). however, in an effort to combat these weaknesses, practitioners have developed a critical service-learning theory, which requires participants to reexamine accepted roles of power and privilege in service-learning relationships (rosenberger 2000) through dialogue and discussion of those power dynamics (mitchell 2008). this can cause participants discomfort as they explore the intersections of race, class, and service (green 2001) and ultimately “it requires confronting assumptions and stereotypes, owning unearned privilege, and facing inequality and oppression as something real and omnipresent” (mitchell 2008, 56). the process of recognizing the privileges of a specific lifestyle leads to transformation as participants begin to question their previously accepted cultural norms (kiely 2004). furthermore, this intentional learning is an ongoing process throughout the service-learning experience as students recognize their role as learners, rather than experts contributing to the community (woolf 2008). global service-learning and the classroom in addition to examining the perception of power between participants and community members at service sites, noting the power hierarchies within the classroom is also necessary. because of its nature, service-learning challenges the labels of “students” and “teachers” and works to de-center authority in a classroom setting (butin 2005). addes and keene (2006) even go so far as to suggest a “professor-less” environment where students and community participants confront issues of power dynamics, knowledge, and identity without being pressured or influenced by a classroom instructor. however, research on student study abroad learning outcomes presents conflicting evidence about the role of teachers and classroom facilitators in international education. because students find themselves in new and unfamiliar environments while abroad, teachers and classroom facilitators provide essential support for student transition and learning. a study conducted by vande berg, paige, and hemming lou (2012) shows that learning does not happen automatically while students are studying abroad or immersed in another culture. instead, these researchers call for intentional, strategic, and well-designed interventions from an educator to help students with their intercultural development, which only then leads to effective learning. ultimately, the results show “that students learn and develop considerably more when educators prepare them to become more self-reflective, culturally self-aware, and conscious of “how they know what they know”” (vande berg, paige, and hemming lou 2012, 21), proving the need for educator-led instruction in a global context. engle and engle (2003) also report the need for cultural mentoring and “guided reflection on the students’ cultural experience” to effectively cultivate this idea of intercultural development. this research leads to the following questions: can global service-learning programs that do not have the accompanying required course component be as effective in helping students achieve the desired learning outcomes? conversely, how do these learning outcomes compare to wendel 4   undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013     students with exclusively class instruction on intercultural service and global citizenship? is a faculty-led course the only way to develop intercultural competency in student participants? research design in order to address these questions, this study focuses on the learning outcomes of providence college students participating in asbs compared to the outcomes of students involved in a structured curriculum centered on service immersion experiences. case studies of individual participants were used to collect their perspectives and analyzed to explain the impact of certain learning outcomes of global service-learning experiences. due to the small sample size, preand post-trip interviews gave qualitative information to evaluate students’ learning outcomes against curriculum objectives. about asb programming fifty providence college undergraduate students, including seven student coordinators, and four faculty advisors participated in various week-long service trips, working with local nonprofit organizations in one of four locations: pine ridge, south dakota; tijuana, mexico; monte cristi, dominican republic; managua, nicaragua. each asb program had a unique social issue as its focus. in the weeks leading up to the immersion experience, asb student participants prepared during weekly group meetings consisting of fundraiser planning, orientation, and teambuilding exercises. about global studies course the semester-long course was designed for students to consider power, positionality, history, and policy in relation to the south dakota and nicaragua communities that the asb participants visited during spring break. a strong emphasis was placed on communicating effectively about relevant social justice issues and integrating lessons learned with global citizenship philosophy and habits. study subjects the group of participants within the study was comprised of students involved in the providence college feinstein asb program as well as those enrolled in the global studies course. participants were chosen from 3 groups: • one student participant from each of the four asb locations • two students exclusively enrolled in the global studies class • three students enrolled both in the class as well an asb program students participating in the interviews were selected from their appropriate groups as those with the least amount of previous international travel experience, excluding the three students involved in both classroom-based instruction and immersion experiences. methodology wendel 5   undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013     the central hypothesis in this study is that there would be greater gains in learning outcomes for the students participating in both the formal class setting and immersion experience than for the other study participants. pre-trip interviews with asb participants were conducted prior to departure to inquire about expectations and anxieties of the trip. for those enrolled in the class, the interviews were also used to identify a baseline understanding of students’ perceptions about international communities. these pre-departure interviews were used to establish a researcher-subject relationship that would allow the participant to open up more in the later interview and result in deeper reflection (mcelhaney 1998, 76). individual follow-up interviews were conducted with all study participants within two weeks of returning from the asb, arranged so that the class-based students had time to reflect in class on the first-hand experiences of their peers. findings/results the information gathered from the individual interviews was evaluated against the five academic objectives of the global studies course in order to compare learning outcomes between students who participated in an asb, those who were enrolled in the course, and those who were involved in both programs. objective 1: develop understanding of and competency with intercultural service findings suggest the class experience offered opportunities for individuals to make meaning of intercultural service and put these students at an advantage over those not enrolled in the course. two participants noted how they specifically chose the course to “extend the asb learning experience beyond a week” or to “compliment my participation in the asb” to understand the implications of intercultural service. one participant reflected on how the course “reminded me of my personal privileges which prompted me to ask my host family about how they felt having students come to serve.” even without the experiential service piece, students made cognitive gains regarding intercultural service through class discussion. a class-only participant reported a change in how he felt connected to this type of service, saying: initially i associated international service with bigger scale projects and therefore the need for money and large institutions. it just seemed logical. however, after our class discussion i recognized the importance of asking the community members what they wanted out of it and find the root of the problem. however, for those participating solely in an asb program without a classroom component, there was a struggle to give an explicit definition of intercultural service. one student summed up these feelings of uncertainty saying, “i’m still not sure how i feel.” these results suggest that students in a curriculum-based course aimed at increasing the understanding of intercultural service made greater cognitive gains than those who were not enrolled in the course. objective 2: increase the ability to identify connections between history, policy, identity, and culture wendel 6   undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013     this objective was evaluated through self-reporting of how students felt they made these connections through either traditional class-based or experiential learning methods. interviews showed that while students recognized the importance of being informed before engaging with a new community, they did not usually seek out academic resources (books, articles, news sources, or documentaries) unless it was required. those in the course reported increased cognitive learning from classroom instruction, noting, “i didn’t know a lot of what i’ve learned so far. what i’ve learned about the culture of nicaragua, especially the political implications, i’ve found through the required reading.” another shared how “i was completely unaware of some of the social statistics and now through the materials provided in class i’m continuing to find out more.” in comparison, an asb-only participant admitted prior to leaving on the trip, “i should probably know more. i don’t know much about the area.” although all asb trip participants noted that their weekly pre-departure meetings were “helpful,” they were “mainly used for logistics, planning, and fundraising,” rather than in-depth discussion and orientation to the culture. one member shared that “the pre-trip meetings prepared me for what to bring, but i could never fully anticipate what to expect. i was thrown completely out of my comfort zone and was shocked when i witnessed the poverty.” after returning, however, interviewees commented that the experiential component of the asb offered participants something that traditional classroom learning could not – specifically the physical connection to the community and a first-hand understanding of the culture. a nonclass asb participant shared how “my asb experience allowed me to see how [the history] played out in the community. i witnessed first-hand the rivalry between haiti and the dominican republic and the resulting economic disparities within the schools.” additionally, an asb participant working on the pine ridge reservation reflected on the challenge of confronting historical wrongdoings within another culture, saying “during the pow-wow, our host was making comments about the white culture and how ‘we’ brought alcoholism into ‘their’ culture. it was unsettling.” furthermore, during the post-trip interviews, many asb participants compared community life they experienced on the immersion trip to their daily life at home, reporting experiencing strong social bonds within their host community and an intention to adopt these practices once back at home. one student shared: i felt genuinely welcomed there when people came out of their homes to thank us. this made me recognize how community oriented the culture is there, versus my neighborhood at home, where i only talk to a few people. i came to see the importance of appreciating the people around you. analyzing the interviews based on this objective suggests the benefits of requiring students to be engaged in an academic setting to effectively prepare for a cultural immersion experience. however, while not an explicit cognitive outcome in the course, students who participated in an asb reported greater gains in developing a connection to the community and an intention for personal development through experiential learning. objective 3: develop an enhanced understanding of global citizenship wendel 7   undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013     participants were asked to give their definition of “global citizenship” in both the pre and post-trip interviews in order to analyze changes in their perception of this term. the post-trip conversations showed that the class-based participants felt more comfortable and confident in offering a definition. they reported having reconsidered their initial understanding they held before taking the class and additionally noted how the class helped them broaden their conception of global citizenship. a class participant explained: i initially thought this referred to a sort of “dual citizenship” for all countries, yet after our class discussion i see it as being aware that not everyone is from the u.s. and not everyone has been through the same things as you. so, it is necessary to be aware and open. there is no “normal.” after engaging in class discussion over the course of the semester, students reported feeling more aware and prepared to discuss this concept. in comparison, the pre-trip interviews were the first time the asb-only participants had been asked to explicitly define the term “global citizenship.” the responses gathered were vague and the interviewees reported with little confidence. yet in the post-trip interviews, when asked again about global citizenship, asb participants chose to elaborate on their experiences with diversity. this was not a substantial point of reflection for those enrolled exclusively in the class. participants shared their initial discomfort of being viewed as “the other,” reporting: being the only white people, being stared at, took some getting used to. when we were walking on the sidewalk, people who drove by stared. a girl in our group was pulled aside in the airport and was told she was “beautiful” because she had the fairest complexion. it was easy to be aware of the personal differences. we experienced being called “gringo” and hearing catcalls when we walked around but it didn’t seem to be a big deal as long as you didn’t flaunt your privilege. for another student who identified as african american, this feeling of “otherness” was a critical moment of her asb experience. prior to departing to the pine ridge reservation, she anticipated being “a person the community members could empathize or identify with because of similar forms of historical discrimination.” however, upon her return home, she shared: i was surprised at the reaction i received. when i was working in the elementary school, this was the first time many had seen an african american and called me “freaky looking.” this used to happen to me when i was little and this experience kind of brought me back to that. the kids didn’t identify with me like i expected. even at the pow-wow recognition ceremony, the comments made by the host made me feel uncomfortable. at times it seemed like i was being exploited because of my skin color. i really felt like an outsider and that i didn’t belong. the participant reported that the interview was the first in-depth reflection of her “otherness” she experienced while on the trip. “i didn’t bring it up during evening reflections wendel 8   undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013     because i didn’t want to seem like a distraction. although we were there to experience different things, i didn’t want it to be all about me.” this evidence suggests the need for deeper integration of intentional academic reflection before, during, and after service immersion experiences to uncover all implications of intercultural service and global citizenship. the success of understanding academic concepts is a strength of the classroom environment and can be mirrored in experiential learning programs, just as sharing these realizations from direct service can offer another angle for cognitive learning in a class. objective 4: enhance their abilities to apply global citizenship theory to their lives the post-trip interviews regarding this objective imply a greater emotional connection to the community member’s point of view, as well as a recognition of one’s own privileged status for asb participants compared to class-only students. asb students told how experiencing the living conditions of people in the community were pivotal moments and many noted the disparities in comparison to the culture they were familiar with. students reported their initial shock upon witnessing these conditions, reporting: i’ve never seen a trailer in that kind of condition – tires were used to keep the roofs from blowing off and trash was used as skirting. one of the days we were building an outhouse and it bothered me to do this because they didn’t have electricity or running water. i was shocked and upset to see the landfill built up behind the health clinic and the houses that were perched on top. it’s not fair. experiencing economic disparities was also a means of engaging with the concept of global citizenship. in an exercise where participants were told to purchase food in a local nicaraguan market to experience the challenges of feeding a family on a limited budget, participants were confronted with the striking contrast to the lifestyles promoted by the “ritzy” shopping center located nearby. a student who was involved in the exercise reflected, “i recognized that we stood out as american students. we were in a place where i could spend someone’s entire wages for the day on souvenirs.” these pivotal moments proved to be catalysts in changing trip participants’ intentions and perceptions. one nicaragua asb participant noted how she understood her role as a “global citizen,” reporting: it was really interesting to be in the local community when chavez died. people there were genuinely concerned, even though they were not venezuelan. i put myself in their shoes and it was the first time i was forced to think about a global event impacting my own personal security in that way. another student recognized a change in mindset when she noted: i learned that i took too many stereotypes at face value. before the trip, my friends and i would joke about the “danger of tijuana,” but after coming home, i couldn’t respond to these jokes the same way. it also makes me think about other wendel 9   undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013     things that aren’t true that i take for granted. although class-only participants lacked an intercultural service component, the post-trip interviews suggest that they benefitted from the “second-hand” experiences of the asb participants. after classroom presentations of asb trips, a class-only student remarked, “hearing about people’s personal experiences has been helpful due to their emotional value and understanding the point of view of the community member. after this, i have been trying to put myself in their shoes.” others reported that these accounts complemented the required readings and documentaries, offering a more personal connection to social issues. another remarked how these accounts “made me think how my life would be different if i had been born into this situation.” even as second-hand experiences, these pivotal moments inspired the class-only students to pursue a similar transformative experience for themselves. objective 5: strengthen the capacity and disposition to contribute as active members to a community of learners a dominant theme that reoccurred throughout the interviews was the role of students as co-educators. one class-only participant predicted in a pre-trip interview, “i think the kids that are going on a trip will get more out of the course.” the findings above suggest marked differences in experiential learning outcomes for those who participated in an asb. however, there were also positive reflections of classroom engagement once the asb participants returned to class. a student enrolled in the course without asb experience shared his preference for a student-led class stating, “i find student perspectives more relatable.” another reported how he was impacted by hearing an asb participant share her experiences saying, “i found that the books i read focused more on the past history and tended to be negative. her accounts were much more touching and positive.” students returning from a trip also had favorable reactions to their role as co-educators, sharing they felt like mentors for those in the class who did not have the immersion experience. they also had a strong desire to share the stories of the community members they met. the findings suggest that students can be effective mentors outside of the classroom setting as well. all trip participants gave positive feedback on having students as trip leaders and their effective role before, during, and after the trip. asb participants appreciated the autonomy of a student-led trip and the ability to help prepare the itinerary leading up to departure, which they reported made the process seem “more organic.” students valued faculty advisors’ “insightful perspectives,” and viewed them more as an “equal” or “just another participant” rather than experiencing a traditional hierarchical structure. participants acknowledged the role of the trip leader, expressing: “if i had a question, i’d ask the student leaders, rather than the faculty advisor.” student leaders also served as motivation for future student involvement, for a number of asb participants returned and reported interest in becoming a future trip leader. the findings also suggest the importance of having classroom space for weekly reflection and discussion, especially for students returning from an asb experience. for the asb participants who were not enrolled in the course, all shared in their post-trip interview that they were “still trying to make meaning” of the experience. one reported: getting things out in words during the evening reflections on the trip helped solidify the experience and brought to light new perspectives from others that i wendel 10   undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013     may have forgotten throughout the course of the day. however, now that i’m back i’ve found it hard to talk about it with friends and figure out how to split my time between old habits and new ones. in comparison, asb participants enrolled in the course noted how they have used the class as a debriefing tool to help them articulate their experience. in particular, these students reported learning how to communicate with others who didn’t share their experience. one student explained, “this is something i’ve always struggled with but being forced to explain it in 30 seconds has helped me learn how to convey these meaningful experiences. i don’t think i would have learned how to convey these experiences without the class.” discussion and implications benefits of a structured curriculum overall, the findings show that students with a structured curriculum made more cognitive gains in the objectives as defined in the course syllabus, specifically in understanding the concepts of intercultural service and global citizenship. as a result, these gains suggest the need for facilitated discussion for all asb participants to understand intercultural service and impact on the community. these discussions would prove to be especially helpful for those students participating in their first service-immersion experience. while it is unrealistic to assume that the implications of intercultural service would be completely revealed and understood through one semester of classroom instruction, it provides students with a structured and intentional opportunity to discuss and make meaning of these concepts. based on the feedback from both groups of students, participants recognized the need to be more informed before participating in an immersion experience. yet they also acknowledged the challenge of voluntary preparation, suggesting that more structure is needed for pre-departure orientation to hold them accountable. it may prove beneficial to future asb participants, particularly those with limited knowledge of the host culture, to require a cultural orientation prior to departure. additionally, based on the assumption that an increase in awareness leads to an increase in effectiveness, this type of preparation would encourage deeper understanding not only of intercultural service but also of one’s role as a global citizen. benefits of experiential learning while cognitive classroom-based learning is a necessary component to understanding intercultural service and global citizenship, experiential learning of asb trips also had a positive impact on students who participated in a trip as well as on those whose experience was solely classroom-based. asb participants expressed the transformative psychological impact of their immersion experience, particularly their feelings of connection to community members and exposure to diversity. while this psychological learning outcome is not explicit in the course syllabus, it can be argued that it is just as important for student learning and development, especially in regards to their participation as a global citizen. implications for the classroom wendel 11   undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013     as a result, the personal sharing that occurred in the classroom can be modeled to engage students who experienced pivotal moments with those who lacked the immersion experience. the findings show that there is significant potential for in-depth cognitive reflection to accompany students’ experiential learning. further consideration should be given as to whether students must experience this connection to community and exposure to diversity for themselves or if this “second-hand” experiential learning in the classroom has as great of a psychological impact. the findings also prove that the classroom has the advantage of being a space for debriefing for asb participants who might not have been able to previously fully reflect on the experience. furthermore, there is a need to consider the role of the faculty advisor on the immersion trip. recognizing that not all asb participants can fit this type of cognitive reflective class in their schedule, the faculty advisors may be able to help bridge this gap. while asb participants noted the importance of students retaining their autonomy as trip leaders, there is also potential in using the faculty advisor to address the above course learning objectives in group reflections before, during, and after the immersion experience. discussion of limitations regarding these findings, it is important to note a number of potential limitations that may have impacted the study. in addition to the risk of self-reporting biases that are inherent in interview methodology, there was also the challenge of working with a small sample size. as a result, the findings in this study are individualized to the structure of providence college asbs and the particular learning objectives as defined by the global studies course. throughout the interview process, it was evident that there were varying degrees of exposure to diversity and previous service experience within this sample. providence college’s catholic and dominican identity therefore promotes engagement with the community and service to the common good in an effort to foster more well-rounded and civically aware and engaged students. in addition, the results were collected within a limited time frame before the end of the course and therefore have the potential to lack the complete representation of semester-long expectations. there is also the challenge of distinguishing between what perceptions students held prior to taking the class and what additional gains they made, particularly for students with a global studies background who may have previously encountered these themes. finally, the extent to which the students were emotionally and physically engaged in the immersion experiences is another variable; due to the fact that each asb site had a particular focus, participants were engaged in a variety of ways and not all may have experienced the same frequency and intensity of interactions with community members. conclusion this study has given further insight into the importance of mixed classroom instruction for student engagement, the use of experiential learning in service-immersion programming, and the role of students as co-educators. although this study addresses a small population of students at providence college, there is the potential to hold larger implications for other asb programs and the resulting learning outcomes. additionally, if this study is continued, it will be interesting to identify what long-term impact of these asb immersion experiences and classroom wendel 12   undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013     discussions have on student cognitive and psychological development, particularly how it relates to future application of intercultural service and global citizenship to their lives. ~ i would like to express my gratitude to dr. joe cammarano and dr. eric hartman of providence college for their guidance and support throughout the research and writing process. references addes, danyel and arthur keene. 2006. “grassroots community development at umass amherst: the professorless classroom.” in students as colleges: expanding the circle of service-learning leadership, edited by edward zlotkowski, nicholas v. longo, and james r. williams, 227-240. providence, ri: campus compact. annette, john. 2002. “service learning in an international context.” frontiers: the interdisciplinary journal of study abroad 8 (1): 83-117. ash, sarah l. and patti h. clayton. 2009. “generating, deepening, and documenting learning: the power of critical reflection in applied learning.” journal of applied learning in higher education 1 (fall): 25-48. berry, howard a. 2002. “the global voices: is u.s. higher education listening?” frontiers: the interdisciplinary journal of study abroad 8 (winter): 231-234. bowman, nicholas a., jay w. brandenberger, connie snyder mick, and cynthia toms smedley. 2010. “sustained immersion courses and student orientations to equality, justice, and social responsibility: the role of short-term service-learning.” michigan journal of community service learning 17 (1): 20-31. braskamp, larry a., david c. braskamp, and kelly c merrill. 2009. “assessing progress in global learning and development of students with education abroad experiences.” frontiers: the interdisciplinary journal of study abroad 18 (fall): 101-118. break away. 2012. “frequently asked questions.” break away. http://www.alternativebreaks2013.org/faq/. butin, dan w. 2005. “preface: disturbing normalizations of service-learning.” in servicelearning in higher education: critical issues and directions, edited by dan w. butin, vii-xx. new york: palgrave macmillan. camacho, michelle madsen. 2004. “power and privilege: community service learning in tijuana.” michigan journal of community service learning 10 (3): 31-42. catlett, beth s. and amira proweller. 2011. “college students’ negotiation of privilege in a community-based violence prevention project.” michigan journal of community wendel 13   undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013     service learning 18 (1): 34-48. engle, lilli and john engle. 2003. “study abroad levels: toward a classification of program types.” frontiers: the interdisciplinary journal of study abroad 9 (fall): 1-20. eyler, janet and dwight e. giles jr. 1999. where’s the learning in service-learning? san francisco: jossey-bass. eyler, janet, dwight e. giles jr., and john braxton. 1997. “the impact of service-learning on college students.” michigan journal of community service learning (4) 1: 5-13. green, ann e. 2001. “‘but you aren’t white:’ racial perceptions and service-learning.” michigan journal of community service learning 8 (1): 18-26. hartman, eric, richard kiely, jessica friedrichs, and christopher boettcher. 2014. building a better world: the pedagogy and practice of global service-learning. sterling, va: stylus. kiely, richard. 2004. “a chameleon with a complex: searching for transformation in international service-learning.” michigan journal of community service learning (10) 2: 5-20. mcelhaney, k.a. “student outcomes of community service learning: a comparative analysis of curriculum-based and non-curriculum-based alternative spring break programs” (ph.d. dissertation, university of michigan, 1998). mitchell, tania d. 2008. “traditional vs. critical service-learning: engaging the literature to differentiate two models.” michigan journal of community service learning (14) 2: 50-65. prins, ester and nicole webster. 2010. “student identities and the tourist gaze in international service-learning: a university project in belize.” journal of higher education outreach and engagement 14 (1): 5-32. rosenberger, cynthia. 2000. “beyond empathy: developing critical consciousness through service learning.” in integrating service learning and multicultural education in colleges and universities, edited by carolyn r. o’grady, 23-43. mahwah, nj: lawrence erlbaum associates. vande berg, michael, r. michael paige, and kris hemming lou. 2012. “student learning abroad: paradigms and assumptions.” in student learning abroad: what our students are learning, what they’re not, and what we can do about it, edited by michael vande berg, r. michael paige, and kris hemming lou, 3-28. sterling, va: stylus publishing. wendel 14   undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013     weiler, daniel, amy lagoy, eric crane, and abby rovner. 1998. an evaluation of k-12 service-learning in california: phase ii final report. emeryville, ca: rpp international. woolf, michael. 2008. “not serious stuff? service-learning in context: an international perspective.” frontiers: the interdisciplinary journal of study abroad 17 (fall): 21-32. the malaysian police and domestic violence azusa pacific university kuala lumpur, malaysia andie tucker senior global studies andie tucker is a senior global studies major at azusa pacific university. in 2012 she spent 5 months living and working in kuala lumpur, malaysia with a women’s rights organization in the advocacy department. while in malaysia, she conducted research concerning the malaysian police force’s response to domestic violence. abstract: the malaysian police force has a history of poorly responding to domestic violence crime, but this poor response has never been academically discussed or studied. interviews were conducted with malaysian domestic violence victims, local women’s rights ngo leaders, malaysian social workers, lawyers, and police officers to better understand this problem, and this study seeks to identify specific problems and potential solutions. the problems identified by this study were rooted in poor understanding of domestic violence crime among the police force, and a systemic unwillingness to respond to the problem. the suggested recommendations come from social workers and domestic violence victims, and all highlight the role of the police force in domestic violence response and prevention in malaysia. 1. summary of findings problems the malaysian police force is not effectively responding to domestic violence situations. poor understanding of domestic violence and how it should be combated among the police force is preventing victims from receiving help, and in some cases, is leaving them in even greater danger. police inaction or detrimental action in domestic violence cases is preventing women from turning to the police, leaving them without legal recourse and forcing them to handle domestic violence themselves. recommendations the police need to examine and change the way they handle domestic violence cases and work with domestic violence survivors. some changes are legal and bureaucratic and will take time and great amounts of effort, but many changes are minimal, ideological, and could be changed quickly and individually. recommendations are subdivided into three categories: prevention: preventative work should be increased through partnerships with other governmental bodies and non-governmental organizations. 2 response: police should adopt a trauma-informed and survivor-friendly model of response and victim care. services: police should comprehensively assist victims and offer easy and stressfree assistance to victims. 2. study limitations the populations surveyed for this report were from a specific group of people that may have been predisposed to have difficulties with the police and police response to domestic violence. the women in wao’s shelter often seek help there because they have had problems with the police and need assistance with moving their cases forward. none of the domestic violence survivors interviewed had worked exclusively with the police, so that may account for some bias. only a small population of victims, lawyers, social workers, and police officers were surveyed for this report. no major widespread survey has been conducting to asses the effectiveness of police response to domestic violence, so there is only the information compiled in this report and the experience of wao to attest to the scope of this problem. there are no numbers on how widespread the problem might be, and it would be very difficult to conduct a survey of such a sensitive nature. 3. interviews with women the women interviewed are current residents of wao’s shelter and are all survivors of domestic abuse. the interview was conducted the 7 th of september 2012, in a focus group of twelve women. eight of those twelve women are also refugees. interaction with the police only two of the twelve domestic violence survivors interviewed had made police reports to report their abuse. the rest of the women were either unaware that they should make a report, or did not for a particular reason. of these women that were aware they should make a report but did not, all expressed concern that the police would be uncooperative, unwilling to help them, and felt that the police would be unable to protect them from their perpetrators. of the two women that made reports, only one was assisted by the police. one of the women said the police were, “very friendly, very helpful” and that she had been satisfied with her interaction and their response to her domestic violence situation. the other woman that made a report was told by the police, “if anything happens the next time, come back,” and the police offered her no immediate protection. they did not provide her with information on how to obtain an interim protection order, and left her to handle the abuse herself. she said that she feels like the police should have taken immediate action to protect her from later attacks. 3 general perceptions of the police when asked if the police protect domestic violence victims, only one woman said yes. one of the women said, “they didn’t come and do anything actually,” describing the negligence of the police in following-up with her and her domestic violence case. eleven of the women did not express any trust in the police’s ability to help or protect them, but expressed a desire to be listened to and assisted by the police. they reported that foreign women or women that are upset are refused help because the police are unwilling to try to understand and help them. one of the women said that she was afraid to leave her abuser and go to the police because she does not speak bahasa malaysia and did not think they would help her. when asked where they turn in domestic violence situations, the women reported that they try to endure the abuse for as long as they can, sometimes by hiding from their perpetrators, and that they seek the assistance of other organizations, like the un. when asked what they would advise another woman in a domestic violence situation to do, the women recommended the hypothetical victim go to the police and make a report, but if the victim was afraid of the police they recommended the victim go to the un. i the twelve domestic violence survivors also offered suggestions to help the police improve their response to domestic violence. these are detailed under the recommendations section. 4. interviews with social workers four social workers were interviewed and all are currently employed by wao. all of the social workers interviewed have at least a year of experience with wao and working with domestic violence victims. the social workers were interviewed individually between the 31 st of july and the 2 nd of august, 2012. police do not take domestic violence seriously some clear reoccurring issues with the police arose in discussions with the social workers at wao about police response to domestic violence. many of the issues stemmed from the idea that the police “do not take the cases seriously.” ii all of the social workers expressed concern that police officers do not consider domestic violence to be as serious as other crimes. in their experience working with the police, different officers had told many of their clients, “ini adalah masalah keluarga,” calling the domestic violence victim’s abuse ‘a family problem.’ iii this constant dismissal of domestic violence as a family problem and not a serious crime within the police force illustrates the police force’s unwillingness to take domestic violence and domestic violence survivors seriously. all of the social workers felt like their previous clients had been delegitimized by the police’s unwillingness to take their cases seriously. 4 police are sexist all four social workers reported that their clients, and they themselves, had been treated misogynistically and prejudicially by the police. they said that the police regularly attempt to dissuade their clients from making police reports because they assume the victims will make and then withdraw their police reports, resulting in more work for the police officer. a police officer working with one of our social workers described the domestic violence victims that filed reports as being emotional and unstable, and as not knowing what they want. the police officer described a victim’s desire to seek action against a perpetrator as reactionary and uncalculated and assumed that women that made reports would inevitably withdraw them. iv one social worker reported she had clients that had been asked by their investigating officer why they didn’t report previous abuse in order to make them feel guilty about reporting present abuse and to prevent them from making a report at all. all of the social workers had experienced police officers denying their clients’ abuse, especially in cases of psychological abuse, telling them that it was not abuse because “they could not see any physical evidence of it.” v this denial of psychological abuse occurred even after the domestic violence act was amended to recognize psychological violence. vi the social workers said that while the police regularly demonstrate an unwillingness to help a female victim, male police officers are often willing to help the perpetrator if he is also male. they said that they have seen police officers become friends with male perpetrators and sometimes even assist the perpetrator in finding or contacting the victim. vii police are not survivor-friendly the majority of the domestic violence survivors reported that they felt like they were not treated in a manner that was sensitive and appropriate to a trauma situation, and all of the social workers interviewed expressed the same concern. one of the social workers said that she feels that the police see her clients as numbers and cases that they need to classify, instead of treating them as humans. viii while helping a client at the police station, she heard a police officer say in front of the client, “this woman [the client] is such a headache for me,” which openly and needlessly insulted the client. however, another social worker said that she was seeing improvements in the way police officers interact with victims and while there used to be almost no sensitive police officers, that now approximately two out of ten interact with the victims in a way that is sensitive and appropriate. ix police are poorly trained all of the social workers expressed concern that the police are often not adequately trained in how they should handle domestic violence victims and cases. they reported that police officers are often unaware of the steps that need to be taken in 5 domestic violence cases to help the victim obtain protection. on an observational trip to the police station to make a police report with a social worker and a client, the client’s investigating officer did not know how to write a referral letter to help the victim obtain an interim protection order, or where to send the letter. the social worker had to provide the officer with a sample referral letter and the address of the welfare office. without the guidance of the social worker, the investigating officer would not have known how to do his job and would not have been able to assist the client in obtaining protection. the social workers had all experienced difficulties with obtaining interim protection orders (ipos) as well. they said that they felt the police were not aware of their role in helping women obtain ipos, or that the police were unwilling to help women obtain the protection orders until half of the investigation was completed and they were sure the case would go to court. x one of the social workers reported that the police she has worked with have been inflexible and unable to consider the different aspects of domestic violence cases and the different facets of the law. she feels that they could be more effective at protecting women if they approached the law more creatively and tried to consider different aspects of the law as well as different aspects of a crime. xi inflexibility was also reflected in the social workers’ concern for the way the police treated their foreign clients. they had all experienced previous clients being refused help by the police or having been discouraged from working with the police because they did not speak bahasa malaysia. 5. interviews with the malaysian police the police officers that participated in this study were interviewed in a focus group. a division chief was interviewed, as well as two investigating officers, and another two senior officers. the interview was held on the 19 th of september, 2012 at the police headquarters. police opinion of response the police offered their perspective on how they respond to domestic violence. they reported that all police officers are adequately trained in handling domestic violence crimes. the police personnel interviewed felt that all police officers have a good understanding of domestic violence and protocol, and said that police officers receive inservice training to continue their domestic violence education and ensure they are informed about new developments in protocol. responsive training and protocol the police officers walked through the protocol they have in place to help shield domestic violence survivors from greater trauma while they are dealing with the police. the police officers reported that all police are “sensitized” during in-service training to help them relate empathetically with domestic violence survivors. they said that 6 investigating officers for domestic violence cases are 90% women and they wear civilian clothes and drive unmarked cars while working with domestic violence survivors, to put them at ease and make working with the police less stressful. they discussed some initiatives they are working on to reach out to domestic violence victims and help them comprehensively: a victim care centre with a psychologist and collaborations with ngos and other branches of government to offer other services, but these efforts are not widespread and are only reaching a very small population. the collaborative efforts with ngos and other government branches are also select and limited. police attitude toward domestic violence cases and survivors the investigating officers reported that domestic violence cases are more difficult to investigate than other cases and require more work of the investigating officer. they said that domestic violence cases are “more emotional” and procedurally more complex because they have to work with other government bodies to help women obtain interim protection orders and to investigate. they said the cases are more work because women often lodge reports and retract them. when questioned about how this affects the police, their superior reported, “when faced with this [women lodging and then retracting reports], it is quite frustrating as a human being.” when questioned about police cooperation with domestic violence survivors, the police said that there is mandatory reporting for domestic violence cases and that if an officer refuses to report a domestic violence case, they are subject to disciplinary action. they reported that their police officers “try to persuade them [the victims] to take action [against the perpetrators].” they said that women that retract their police reports do not retract them out of fear of the perpetrator and an uncertainty that the police would be able to protect them from their perpetrator. they believed that women withdraw reports for personal emotional reasons only, one of the officers adding, “women don’t think, they only use their hearts.” there is no current collaborative effort between the police and domestic violence survivors to discuss police protocol and address potential issues and solutions. when asked about the limited nature of the police efforts to respond to domestic violence, and the unfortunate circumstances that have arisen from police negligence, a superior told me, “it is impossible for us to sensitize all the police on the domestic violence act,” contracting her statement about training earlier in the conversation, and demonstrating a refusal of police leadership to take responsibility for police failings. 6. consequences of problems the police force response to domestic violence is an important issue for the police, but the direct recipients of police action or inaction are domestic violence survivors. they are the group most strongly impacted by police response to domestic violence, so it became relevant to explore what happens to domestic violence survivors that experience poor police response to domestic violence. 7 police denial of domestic violence each of the social workers with was able to recall a client that they had helped that had been turned away by the police, or had been so discouraged by the police officer from making a police report that they left the police station without making a report. all of them had previous clients that had been told that domestic violence “is a family problem” and not a crime, and all of them had previous clients that were made to feel delegitimized by the police’s denial of the violence they had experienced. the police that refuse to recognize domestic violence as a legitimate crime discourage or even prevent victims from reporting the crime, getting protection orders, and prosecuting their perpetrators. xii this delegitimizes the suffering of victims, and when victims know that they are not likely to be helped by the police, they are less likely to go to the police for help. this keeps victims from receiving the justice they deserve. xiii police insensitivity and unprofessionalism one of the social workers said that a previous client had been asked by a police officer upon arriving at the police station to file a report, “is it okay to put your husband in jail?” she feels that the police officer asked this question to intimidate the client and discourage them from making a police report, and that the police officer’s insensitivity prevented her client from getting the help they deserved. xiv this insensitivity to timing and language especially impacts victims that do not want their perpetrators prosecuted or are afraid that their perpetrators will seek revenge for prosecuting them. they are already worried about the outcome of the investigation and are not convinced the police will be able to protect them, so they are dissuaded from making police reports when the police tell the victim they will punish the perpetrator before the investigation starts. all of the social workers interviewed cited specific cases where police officers were untactful and insensitive, which scared their clients and often prevented them from making police reports. one of the social workers took a client to the police station and the police officer used vulgar language while questioning the victim. the social worker described the police officer’s language as offensive and as demonstrative of their blatant lack of concern for the client’s comfort or their stressful situation. xv one of the social workers reported that she had just visited the police station to file a police report. the client had previously gone to the police station to file a report but was unable to file a report because she does not speak bahasa malaysia fluently and no one at the police station was able to help her in english. xvi without the assistance of the social worker, the client might not have made a police report and begun the investigation of her case. her social worker said that the police’s method for dealing with women is “inhumane” and demonstrates a lack of respect for the women. she and all the other social workers had helped multiple clients make police reports that had been turned away by the police because they were foreign and didn’t speak bahasa malaysia, or because they were crying, or in some way challenging to assist. xvii when the police are inhospitable and refuse to help women that they consider to be difficult, they are 8 preventing women from receiving protection and perpetrators from being held accountable for their actions. police insensitivity, inflexibility, unwillingness to help victims, and widespread police denial of domestic violence as a crime keep domestic violence victims from getting the help they need. the police reputation for being unwilling to help domestic violence victims is keeping victims from even attempting to make police reports, which is further diminishing the police’s effectiveness in responding to domestic violence. xviii police attitudes and lapses in protocol and training are preventing women from receiving help, which is hurting an already vulnerable population. 7. recommendations this section proposes some recommendations to begin the conversation about how the police can improve their response to domestic violence and offer women the help they want and need. these are to be used as conversation points, to begin to talk about what a more comprehensive and mutually satisfying police response to domestic violence would look like for victims and for the police. prevention domestic violence is an enormously difficult crime to prevent because it is such a multi-faceted and complex crime, but steps toward preventing domestic violence should be increased. xix studies have shown that exposure to domestic violence can negatively impact a child’s perception of violence as an appropriate means to resolve conflict, and can increase their willingness to engage in violence themselves. xx an increase in preventative measures could lessen the prevalence of domestic violence cases for the police in the future. there is already some counseling in place for victims of domestic violence, but further steps should be taken. xxi education and treatment for victims and persons at risk of becoming abusers could help to reduce the prevalence of domestic violence. programs could be established through partnerships that already exist between the police, the educational sector, other government sectors, and ngos. these partnerships could be used to augment the energies of the police force and to offer services the police force is unable to provide. an increase in the commitment and effectiveness of these partnerships could allow for more collaboration, which could offer victims more comprehensive care, and because abuse is often learned through family behaviour, treatment for children and victims could prevent future abuse. an example of this could be the establishment of male treatment facilities for abusers and centres for abused children that could be run by an ngo and supported by the police. xxii 9 response one of the quickest and most feasible things the police could do to improve police response to domestic violence would be to change police inaction in domestic violence cases. domestic violence cases are difficult for police, but if there were some small improvements in the way cases are received and handled, it could help a lot of victims obtain protection, and move forward with their cases, and would make domestic violence cases easier for the police as well. this section begins with the specific requests of the domestic violence victims interviewed, and then explores those and other ideas in more detail. suggestions for the police from domestic violence victims: the women said that the police should be helpful, should make full and timely investigations, and should hold the perpetrators responsible for their crimes. they said that they would like the police to assist women in making police reports and to be helpful in the reporting process, to “really write down what the woman says,” expressing a desire for collaboration between the victim and police. they want to be listened to by the police officers even if they are foreign or are emotionally shaken from their abuse. one of the women said, “if someone is crying and telling you a story, you must try to help that person.” the women also expressed a desire for the police to give each domestic violence victim a full investigation and take immediate action to protect the victim and hold the perpetrator responsible for their crime. they felt that the police should offer correct direction to victims and sound advice to help them decide what to do next, and the women felt that if the police were unable to fulfill any of these duties that they should refer the case to someone else that would be able to give them assistance and a fair investigation. improvements in the understanding of domestic violence: establishing a police-wide precedent that domestic violence is a crime and should be investigated like one could change the urgency with which police officers investigate domestic violence cases and police willingness to assist domestic violence victims. if victims and perpetrators knew their case would not be dropped or stalled without their prompting, but knew instead that it would be investigated thoroughly in a timely manner, more victims might be willing to turn to the police for assistance, and more perpetrators might be deterred from committing crimes they know they will be held accountable for. improvements in protocol: misdemeanours are not seizable offenses under the penal code, but if the police understood domestic violence to be as serious as any other crime, and arrested perpetrators of more serious domestic violence crimes xxiii the way they would arrest perpetrators of comparable non-domestic violence crimes, that would do a great deal to instil public confidence in the police. xxiv mandatory reporting, while protocol, is not widely practiced. if it was universally adopted, it could help the police help victims by giving the victim confidence in police involvement, even if they do not choose to 10 prosecute. reports could also be used as evidence in later court proceedings, which could help victims offer a more comprehensive picture of their abuse and assist them in obtaining justice. improvements in survivor-centred care: an increase in trauma sensitivity among the police could also go a long way to improve police response to domestic violence victims. an increase in collaborative policing where the police work with the victims and the victims feel engaged and listened to by the police officer would increase victims’ confidence in the police and make them more willing to engage with the police force. the police should set the precedent of engagement and sensitivity because they are on the front lines of combating domestic abuse. xxv very simple measures, like making sure victims feel like they are being heard, could drastically increase police rapport with victims, which could influence victims’ desire for police involvement and in turn, prevent police reports and domestic violence cases from being withdrawn. services survivor-friendly services: improvements in police services could also increase the police’s effectiveness in domestic violence response by eliminating obstacles that keep victims from engaging with the police and obtaining protection. under the current system to get an interim protection order, victims must obtain a police report and a referral letter, physically take the letters to the welfare office, and then take their reports and their case file from the welfare office to court to go before a magistrate. ferrying paper from one office to another is not a survivor-friendly process, and places additional unneeded stress on victims. it also poses what could be an insurmountable obstacle for victims that do not have the financial resources to go from place to place. the police should send their reports to the welfare office electronically and should devise a recording system that works for both making a police report and for the welfare office so victims are not required to go to many different offices and repeat the same information over and over. language services: the police should also make an effort to employ translators or police officers that are able to speak multiple languages to assist victims that cannot speak bahasa malaysia. malaysia is a multi-cultural nation with many people that do not speak bahasa malaysia and to only operate in bahasa malaysia prevents non-speakers from receiving assistance. the police cannot expect victims to accommodate their language preferences; they need to be accommodating to the victims. collaboration with other agencies: an effort to work with ngos and other government offices to surround victims with a wide rage of comprehensive care could also augment the police’s effectiveness in assisting domestic violence victims, especially immediately after the crime and during the investigation. 11 8. conclusion the police are not responding to domestic violence in a way that is helpful for the victim. this systemic inability to effectively respond to domestic violence is a serious issue because the police are not doing their job, but more importantly, because domestic violence victims are being affected. domestic violence victims are unable to rely on a police force that they feel will not help them or will even discourage them from getting help. this is leaving a vulnerable population even more vulnerable and is taking away what could be the victims’ strongest ally. positive police action and attitude is so important because it is the power of the victim. without it, the victim is left with no recourse to right what has been done to them, and is trapped as a victim. when the police act justly in favour of victims of domestic violence, they give them power to seek protection and justice, but without the police, they do not have the power to protect themselves. if the police would take a hard and honest look at the way they are responding to domestic violence and would begin the conversation with survivors, ngos, and other authoritative voices, it could help everyone move forward toward making the police an effective tool that satisfactorily serves domestic violence victims. i the majority of the women interviewed are refugees that are working with the unhcr, or the un refugee agency, to return to their home countries. the unhcr is a major resource for these women, which is why so many of the women said they would go to the un or unhcr. ii sivanyanam, y. (2012, july). personal interview. iii sivanyanam, y. (2012, july). personal interview. iv devi, u. (2012, july). personal interview. v devi, u. (2012, july). personal interview. vi act a1414 under section 2. act was amended in february 2012. vii it should be noted that sometimes this assistance is secured through pretense. the perpetrator may lie about the situation to employ the help of a police officer in finding or contacting the victim. viii sivanyanam, y. (2012, july). personal interview. the client went to the police station right after she had been attacked. they would not provide her with water and treated her in a way that was insensitive to her traumatic experience. ix devi, u. (2012, july). personal interview. x wong, s. (2012, july). personal interview. xi sivanyanam, y. (2012, july). personal interview. 12 sivanyanam, y. (2012, july). personal interview. 13 sivanyanam, y. (2012, july). personal interview. 14 devi, u. (2012, july). personal interview. 15 sivanyanam, y. (2012, july). personal interview. 12 16 sivanyanam, y. (2012, july). personal interview. 17 sivanyanam, y. (2012, july). personal interview. devi, u. (2012, july). personal interview. wong, s. (2012, july). personal interview. 18 interviews with women: only 2 out of 12 women made police reports, and those that did not make a report chose not to because they did not think that the police would be willing to help them. 19 grogans, b. (2012, august). personal interview. 20 melissa m. stiles, m.d., university of wisconsin-madison medical school, madison, wisconsin am fam physician. 2002 dec 1;66(11):2052-2067. 21 prevention is most effective when it is addressed on three levels: primary, secondary, and tertiary. a primary solution would be to train community members to be more prosocial and intervene when they believe violence could occur (or “bystander intervention”: http://www.know-your-power.org/about.html). a secondary solution would stop violence from happening again, like immediate care for victims to prevent future harm in an emergency centre. tertiary solutions would be to offer therapy to redirect offenders, and long-term care for victims. harwell, c. (2012, september). personal interview. 22 for example, the men's project, where men who were victims of violence as children are given comprehensive treatment that includes addressing their own violence, substance abuse, and trauma reactions. (http://www.themensproject.ca/home) harwell, c. (2012, september). personal interview. 23 not necessarily implementing a mandatory arrest policy, which may deny the autonomy of the victim and disempower the victim from dealing with situations of violence, but implementing a “pro-arrest” policy. a pro-arrest policy and responsible prosecution of domestic violence perpetrators would take into account the wishes of the victim while holding perpetrators responsible for their crimes. un development fund for women (unifem), domestic violence legislation and its implementation: an analysis for asean countries based on international standards and good practices, june 2009, available at: http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/4c299f652.html 24 misdemeanour domestic violence crimes can also lead to more violent domestic violence crime. effective police forces are taking misdemeanour crimes seriously and doing threat assessment with victims to determine the likelihood of future violence. in the event of a domestic violence related death most jurisdictions in the us have death review teams that critically review the multidisciplinary response of all system agencies to learn from their own region's mistakes so that future victims are not failed. harwell, c. (2012, september). personal interview. 25 sivanyanam, y. (2012, july). personal interview. http://www.know-your-power.org/about.html undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   lessons in insignificance andie tucker azusa pacific university i conducted a service-learning semester during the summer and fall of 2012 in kuala lumpur, malaysia. while in kuala lumpur, i worked for an anti-domestic violence organization called women’s aid organisation (wao), which offers a shelter to domestic violence victims and their children. i spent my time at wao working within the advocacy department and conducting research for the organization. i expected to give wao my time and to learn more about advocacy and avenues for advocating human rights. i also expected to learn about the inner workings of a women’s rights organization. when i entered into the service learning semester, i assumed that my presence, skills, and expertise would positively influence wao and that both the organization and i would gain something from our partnership. although i was not sure how, i believed that i would be able to help wao in solving the problem of domestic violence and that my input would better the lives of current and future women in wao's shelter. during my time at wao, i gradually came to understand that my presence was superfluous at best, and that i was barely able to understand the complex problem of domestic violence, which i had not sufficiently researched or considered before joining wao. i came into my service learning semester certain that i would be helpful in addressing the problem of domestic violence, even though i had no previous experience with domestic violence work or women's rights and little other experience with which to validate that assumption. my time at wao illustrated how little i truly understood about domestic violence, the difficulties of operating within the legal system in malaysia, and the complex cultural realities of patriarchy. realizing that i could not end domestic violence was not the victory lap i had anticipated. however, my service learning semester demonstrated my own personal insignificance in addressing the problem of domestic violence and freed me so i could truly see and understand the complex realities of domestic violence survivors’ lives. i did not know much about domestic violence prior to working with wao, and every day at the organization, as i learned a little more about the problem, i also realized how little i still knew. the turning point in understanding my involvement with domestic violence crime in malaysia was listening to the experiences of women in the shelter, and helping them seek justice for domestic violence crime. i began to be drawn into the lives and the stories of the women who stayed in wao’s emergency shelter as i spent time with them and read and recorded their histories of domestic violence. these stories were compiled into accounts with hundreds more like them, and as i began to hear more of them the individual storylines became increasingly blurred, until i felt as though i was listening to a varied but unified narrative. i realized that i had begun placing myself inside of this narrative when i was thinking about domestic violence, asking myself what i would do if i were in a domestic violence situation. as i was documenting a case of a woman who was not only a domestic violence survivor, but also an immigrant, the gravity of the situation that this woman and all of the women in the shelter were facing really impacted me. she had faced domestic violence and was now confronting even more fear and uncertainty as she tried to find a way back to her home country. as i heard this story and so many others like it i began placing myself in the women's shoes, and trying to understand their stories from their perspective gave me a different view of not only their stories, but also their futures. tucker 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   as i continued working with domestic violence survivors, i became increasingly aware of the limited options available to women in domestic violence situations in malaysia, and with the prompting of wao, began studying the legal recourses available. none of my research would have been possible without the assistance of wao, but working at wao also gave me a reason to invest in the research because it had the potential to impact women in the shelter and the lives of other domestic violence survivors in malaysia. this was my first experience serving an organization with scholarly work, and it became one of the richest experiences i have had volunteering at an organization, conducting research, or doing scholarly work because the two reinforced each other’s purpose and necessity. it expanded my ideas of service and the utility of academic work, and made my work easier and more engaging because i was studying something i cared about and believed in. while at wao i engaged with a process of service that was abstract and yielded intangible results, which forced me to reconsider service and what serving can look like. i was forced to reevaluate how i could serve and the boundaries of "service work." expanding my definition of service was a positive step because it allowed me to reconsider my future career goals and options and the way i think about the value of work, but ultimately i had no breakthroughs or successes with my work beyond personal ones. i came to realize partway through my service learning semester that i was not going to be able to change anything. i was one person with an incomplete understanding of the problem, with a limited understanding of the culture, and i was not in a position to make things better. i was only in a position to assist the people that are there doing the work. my ineffectuality became something that i had to reckon with, and was something that i expected as an outsider coming in for a short amount of time, but wasn’t something that i expected to be emotionally taxing. i knew these women. i wanted to do something for them, but i grew to understand that i was fundamentally unable to deeply change anything. the only quantifiable result of my research and time at wao was the report i produced, but there was also some progress made that was harder to measure. the ultimate objective of my research was to contribute toward the creation of a new system of domestic violence response for the police. there was not enough time, expertise, or resources available to begin any of that work while i was at wao, but toward the end of my time in malaysia i noticed among my coworkers a renewed interest in discussing the complexity of addressing the domestic violence response of the malaysian police. in my report i was able to document conversations that had been happening for years. while i was merely helping to repeat what had been said before by many social workers and domestic violence survivors, writing those conversations down renewed interest and, importantly, helped to legitimize it. i also came to realize after interviewing a group of women staying in the domestic violence shelter that by approaching these women as experts i was making a statement about the importance of their stories and the importance of this problem. after one particular interview, a domestic violence survivor told me that she was interested in taking her case to the police again after a failed attempt at seeking justice against her perpetrator. when i asked her why, she told me that she felt that it was important enough to try again because she might obtain justice and she might be able to help the police understand how to properly assist domestic violence survivors. i certainly did not begin my interview with the intention of convincing the woman to go to the police. i was simply trying to give voice to the actors in the story that i felt needed to be heard the most, and by doing so had helped a woman gather the confidence to go to the police. even though there was no grand result of my time at wao and i was unable to change systems tucker 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   of oppression and exploitation, i was able to make some people feel heard and important. this was not a job i set out to do, but became my most important work while at wao. i left with the knowledge that i had given wao my time and my research, but that i had completed a project that might only be minimally helpful to my friends, the organization, and the domestic violence survivors of malaysia. the project had truly been helpful to me, and i left with a sense of my indebtedness to wao and the malaysian people, and a greater understanding of the overwhelming complexity of domestic violence. my experience at wao convinced me that my coworkers there were the perfect people to be addressing domestic violence in malaysia because of their skill, competency, and cultural relevancy, which i lacked. i feel now that there was a place for me at wao, but it was not instrumental and i am conscious that it ended up being more for my benefit than for theirs. i learned the depth of my own insufficiencies in addressing the problems of the world through my semester of service learning. this was a positive step in the process of dismantling the savior complex in my own life. it allowed me to recognize the great work that my malaysian co-workers are doing. i was able to really listen to the women in the shelter when i removed myself and my desire to make an impact, because i was no longer hearing their stories through a filter of personal motive. a healthy knowledge of my own insignificance allowed me to step outside of my perspective and attempt to understand the problem through different perspectives and really see what was happening. if i were to go back to wao and continue my work discussing the police force's response to domestic violence, i would spend more time listening. my strongest recommendation for the malaysian police would be to listen. the people that need to be heard are speaking, and there are solutions to be reached, but an unwillingness to listen is keeping the system from hearing those that have been hurt by it. i would also go without a goal for personal accomplishment. imposing my own desire to accomplish something was not helpful to my work and did not lead me to more answers, to better relationships with the survivors and my coworkers, or to a more useful report. i would attempt to participate in a way that sheds light on the great work that is already being done by people far more qualified than myself, instead of seeing everything through a lens of self-promotion. in the future, i hope to carry with me a diminished understanding of my own self-importance and a humbler understanding of service. ~ i would like to thank paul hertig for his encouragement and the global studies department at azusa pacific university for its support and guidance. the malaysian police and domestic violence andie tucker azusa pacific university undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 an evaluation and analysis of issues confronting homeless lgbt youth from the perspective of social service agency providers julia collins saint joseph’s university literature review homelessness is an acute condition of poverty that has been a continuous concern in the united states. while single adult men account for the majority of the homeless population, the number of children, youths, single mothers, and poor or working poor experiencing homelessness in the united states is steadily increasing, making it an even larger social problem for the future of this country (hernandez jozefowicz-simbeni and israel 2006, 37). in the midst of the recession following the financial turmoil in 2008, poverty and unemployment increased more tremendously for young adults ages 18 to 24 than for other adult age groups in the united states (toolis and hammack 2015, 50). likewise, unaccompanied youth are a continuously growing portion of the vulnerable homeless population. by definition, unaccompanied homeless youth are younger than the age of 22, live without any variation of parental guidance on a daily basis, and lack a fixed and regular shelter complete with care and supervision (massachusetts appleseed center for law and justice 2012, 2). records from 2008 indicate that over 1.6 million united states youth under the age of 18 experienced some form of homelessness annually, while the number of young people in general experiencing an episode of homelessness in a year is estimated at 750,000 to 2 million (massachusetts appleseed center for law and justice 2012, 2; toolis and hammack 2015, 50). in addition to this, a study from the national health care for the homeless council found that young adults also, on average, have less income, fewer benefits, less saved money, less support socially, and little to no knowledge about housing benefits and resources in comparison to older adults (toolis and hammock 2015, 50). aside from striving to survive daily and a lack of belongings, homeless youth also inherit a number of psychological issues, often to the socially constructed view of homeless individuals in general (toolis and hammack 2015, 50). in a psychological study evaluating the neural patterns when viewing images of “extreme out-groups,” it was found that homeless individuals were perceived as disgusting. this same reaction of disgust came from an image of an overflowing toilet and vomit, indicating the innate tendency to dehumanize homeless individuals (harris and fiske 2006, 848). the negative public perceptions, stigma, and inherent stereotypes about homeless youth are born from a society that culturally believes that poverty is equated to individual failure (toolis and hammack 2015, 51). this contributes to the criminalization and ostracizing of impoverished youth, leading to an overall decrease in quality of life and chances of success; often, the criminalization leads to a lack of placement, unwarranted searches, and police brutality (toolis and hammack 2015, 51). thus, “in constructing a coherent narrative identity, these youth likely confront the difficult task of negotiating stigma as well as making meaning of traumatic and disruptive life experiences” (toolis and hammack 2015, 51). stigmatization has the potential to push youth into dangerous spaces where they face the possibility of abuse, injury, and ultimately, death (toolis and hammack 2015, 51). homeless youth are hyperaware of the stigma they face (kidd 2007, 292). thus, psychologically, these experiences of stigmatization result in negative mental health outcomes for homeless youth, including, but not limited to, lowered self-esteem, feelings collins 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 of alienation, major depression, posttraumatic stress disorder, victimization, hopelessness, and helplessness (kidd 2007, 252; massachusetts appleseed center for law and justice 2012, 2). aside from mental health detriments, homeless youth are at a greater risk of contracting sexually transmitted diseases given their vulnerability to sexual exploitation and sexual contact (toolis and hammack 2015, 51; massachusetts appleseed center for law and justice 2012, 2). in addition to sexual exploitation, homeless youth are “disproportionately affected by abuse, poor health, mental illness… and unplanned pregnancy” (toolis and hammack 2015, 51). poor health is often a result of inadequate sleep and poor dietary patterns (massachusetts appleseed center for law and justice 2012, 2). moreover, homeless youth are also more likely to engage in substance abuse, likely as a means of maintaining an alternate reality (toolis and hammack 2015, 51; shillington, bousman, and clapp 2011, 34; massachusetts appleseed center for law and justice 2012, 2). these challenges faced by homeless youth daily can likely be accredited with the dramatic barriers placed on necessary services, such as education, housing, food, clothing, shelter, and healthcare. as a result, in order to secure these basic necessities, homeless youth are often forced to barter sex acts, which is considered criminal behavior (massachusetts appleseed center for law and justice 2012, 2). oftentimes, this is driven by a lack of strong adult support both emotionally and financially and the few opportunities to receive a legal income (massachusetts appleseed center for law and justice 2012, 2). in addition, they have a much higher chance of encountering arrest, violence, and hiv (massachusetts appleseed center for law and justice 2012, 2; shillington, bousman, and clapp 2011, 29). at particular risk for homelessness is the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgendered (lgbt) youth. research shows that lgbt youth face far greater adversity and victimization on the street in comparison to heterosexual homeless youth (kidd 2007, 292). although the lgbt population only constitutes for 3 to 5 percent of the general population, about 35 percent of all homeless youth are found to be lgbt (yu 2010, 341). likewise, 26.9 percent of all street youth identify as “nonstraight,” while 2.7 percent identify as transgendered (gattis 2013, 38). lgbt youth comprise approximately 30 to 45 percent of clients served by homeless youth agencies, drop-in centers, outreach, and housing programs (keuroghlian, shtasel, and bassuk 2014, 66). while literature on lgbt homeless youth varies in relativity to age parameters, some studies indicate that youth on the streets are as young as 10 years old (keuroghlian, shtasel, and bassuk 2014, 67). at green chimneys, a shelter in new york city, an overwhelming 11 percent of residents identified as transgendered (yu 2010, 341). the most common reason indicated by lgbt homeless youth for leaving the home is fleeing uncomfortable or violent living situations with families who reject their sexual orientation or gender identity. moreover, the second most common reason cited is being forced out of the family upon disclosure of their sexual orientation or gender identity. the third most common reason cited by lgbt youth on the streets is escaping the foster care system, where harassment and violence against lgbt youth is a frequent occurrence (keuroghlian, shtasel, and bassuk 2014, 67). the average age of becoming homeless for the first time is 14 years and many of these youth do not choose to disclose their sexual identity until they are already on the streets (keuroghlian, shtasel, and bassuk 2014, 67). this data suggests that “running away from home may be a coping strategy complicated by the stressful process of lesbian, gay, and bisexual identity development in early adolescence” and these youth are being evicted by guardians for non-conformity to gender norms even prior to disclosing their sexual identity (keuroghlian, shtasel, and bassuk 2014, 67). collins 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 lgbt homeless youth, in comparison to their heterosexual peers, have higher rates of mental health problems, including psychiatric disorders, anxiety, depressive symptoms (41.3% vs. 28.5%), posttraumatic stress disorder (47.6% vs. 33.4%), suicide ideology (74% vs. 53.2%), and at least one suicide attempt (57.1% vs. 33.7%) (keuroghlian, shtasel, and bassuk 2014, 67; gattis 2013, 39; yu 2010, 342; rosario, schrimshaw, and hunter 2011, 55). this may be a result of the disproportionately higher rate of victimization (i.e. physical, mental, and sexual) and discrimination faced by lgbt homeless youth (keuroghlian, shtasel, and bassuk 2014, 68; gattis 2013, 39). lgbt youth that are homeless are also at a higher risk to experience premature death and infectious diseases, especially hiv, while living on the streets (yu 2010, 342; gattis 2013, 43; keuroghlian, shtasel, and bassuk 2014, 66). premature death and infectious diseases are oftentimes a result of sexual risk behavior, which lgbt homeless youth are more prone to engage in (keuroghlian, shtasel, and bassuk 2014, 66; gattis 2013, 38; kenney et al. 2012, 212). this survival sex has the potential of being with a prostitute, iv drug user, or an hiv positive individual (gattis 2013, 43). premature death and infectious diseases also come as a result of substance abuse, which lgbt homeless youth have higher rates of in comparison to their heterosexual homeless counterparts (rosario, schrimshaw, and hunter 2011, 545; gattis 2013, 39; keuroghlian, shtasel, and bassuk 2014, 68). according to research, sexual minority youths use more types of drugs than heterosexual youth (cochran, stewart, ginzler, and cauce 2002, 774). lgbt homeless youth aged 13 to 21 years old are more likely than straight homeless youth to use cocaine, crack, or methamphetamines (keuroghlian, shtasel, and bassuk 2014, 68). among all homeless youth, the transgender youth populations face the most precarious situation. the unmatched struggles faced by homeless female-to-male and male-to-female transgender youth often go completely unaddressed (keuroghlian, shtasel, and bassuk 2014, 68). transgender youth often will identify as gay before deciding to identify as transgender, which becomes a much more complex developmental process. these youth will face much higher rates of victimization in school than non-transgender gay and lesbian youth (keuroghlian, shtasel, and bassuk 2014, 68). even within homeless shelters, transgender youth will face much more complex issues, including the “humiliation and physical or sexual victimization that occur at shelters,” where transgender clients are forced to use communal bathrooms, showers, or bedrooms based on their birth sex, rather than the sex they identify with (keuroghlian, shtasel, and bassuk 2014, 68). it is also likely that transgender youth are not even welcomed into a shelter. in addition to this, homeless transgender youth transitioning into the gender desired do not get adequate medical attention, including unmonitored hormone and silicone injections obtained from street dealers (keuroghlian, shtasel, and bassuk 2014, 68). despite the disproportionate number of lgbt homeless youth, this population is typically excluded in policy making (rosario, schrimshaw, and hunter 2011, 546). gay homeless youth are at a significant risk of many negative outcomes while living on the streets and therefore are in great need of services that adequately accommodate their needs. ideal and effective services must somehow guarantee safety, security, and liaisons to a network of other support (kenney et al. 2012, 213). oftentimes, lgbt homeless youth face a great deal of discrimination within shelters and foster homes, breaking down the home as a system of support. likewise, faith-based organizations can staff individuals who are intolerant of the lifestyles of gay homeless youth (yu 2010, 342). therefore, help programs are typically required to include mental health and trauma treatment, substance abuse treatment, medical services focusing on drug use and risky sexual activity, and educational and career-placement programs (yu 2010, 343). collins 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 however, these help programs do not fully address the needs of this marginalized population. some studies indicate that the center of gay homeless youth’s internal and external issues is lack of family communication and therefore, family therapy seems to be an appropriate point of intervention (gattis 2013, 47). seventy-seven percent of clients at the ali forney center, a housing initiative for youth in new york city, reported experiencing familial abuse. likewise, foster parents are more likely to request that lgbt youth be removed from their home and placed elsewhere; staff is also less likely to intervene (kenney et al. 2012, 209-210). the family acceptance project is a community research, intervention, education, and policy initiative working to decrease risks related to the lgbt youth (the family acceptance project). this initiative focuses on rebuilding family ties in order to increase support and decrease negative outcomes for lgbt youth by promoting overall wellbeing (gattis 2013, 47). essentially, it has been found that interventions that promote family acceptance often reduce risky behavior and increase positive health states (kenney et al. 2012, 209). methodology to conduct research on how lgbt homeless youth cope within the framework of the various agencies implemented to meet their needs, the qualitative method of conducting interviews was employed. interviews were conducted over a four-month span and each lasted 35 minutes on average. eight of the nine interviews took place over the telephone; the ninth was done in person at an agency. the target population for interviewees was staff and adults employed at agencies that work to promote assistance to either gay youth, homeless youth, or gay homeless youth. therefore, from relationships formed through contacts at saint joseph’s university, the interviewees were two mentors at an lgbt youth center, a staff member at a youth housing agency, a director at an lgbt youth center, a staff member at a healthcare provider for lgbt, a staff member at a youth organization, a director at a volunteer organization, a legal advocate for lgbt youth in the foster system, and a program coordinator at a homeless shelter. staff members at these agencies were able to give their perspective on the social issue as a whole, either through their firsthand experience or from experience assisting youth battling homelessness and sexual minority status. all individuals interviewed were adults, although some staff members interviewed identified that they had previous personal experience with the social issue. minors were not interviewed in order to protect their identity and well-being, while also being conscious of their status of vulnerability. the agencies interviewed were from two major cities on the east coast and one in the southwest of the united states. i had no previous developed relationships with any of the agencies interviewed. interview questions (appendix a) centered upon the services each agency provides, the presence of foster care within the gay homeless population, familial abuse (emotional, physical, and sexual), prevalence of mental illness and suicide ideation, the level of promoted acceptance among agencies, discrimination, family engagement after leaving the home, and the prevalence of substance abuse. each of these subtopics were found to be integral in analyzing gay homeless youth and how the level of assistance offered plays a role in their societal survival. within these questions, an in-depth analysis of the effectiveness of interventional programs for the gay homeless youth population can be provided, therefore evaluating how lgbt homeless youth are able to function within the framework presented by agencies and programs. collins 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 results prevalence of foster care youth in the lgbt homeless population one of the most common reasons lgbt find themselves on the streets is due to a desire to escape the foster care system, as a great deal of youth experience harassment and violence in their foster homes (keuroghlian, shtasel, and bassuk 2014, 67). likewise, through the nine interviews, a consistent trend found was the amount of foster children within the lgbtq homeless youth population. according to a staff member at agency 3, about 36 percent of the homeless youth seeking services at different agencies were or are part of the foster care system; of this 36 percent, 53 percent of these individuals aged out of the foster care system and ended up homeless. due to the overrepresentation of lgbtq youth in the homeless youth population, this trend continues in the foster care system. as a staff member at agency 1 stated, a lot of our lgbtq kids have been in the [foster care] system. sometimes they are in the system at a later age because of how they identify and families cannot handle that situation. other times, kids have just grown up in the system… some kids have reported having very bad situations, whether it’s with foster families who are not lgbtq-friendly or with group home staff that are not lgbtqfriendly. i will say there is some institutionalized trauma with those experiences around lgbtq issues and a lot of trauma from their own families around the issue. within these foster homes, it was found that some families do not react well to the child’s sexual identity and as a result, he or she may have faced antagonism from his/her foster family. likewise, a member of the staff at agency 2 expressed the abrupt ending of foster care benefits: “kids that have been in the care of the department of human services are at a disproportionately higher risk of becoming homeless when they graduate out.” thus, youth were found to either leave the foster care system as a result of facing this antagonism or they turned eighteen and lost the benefits. in addition to this, a staff member at agency 9 stated that oftentimes the live-in staff at foster and group homes can be the issue. she states, “they tend to turn a blind eye to uncomfortable environments. it’s almost like a ‘don’t ask, don’t tell’ mentality among the staff.” foster parents are more likely to request an lgbt youth be removed from their home (kenney et al. 2012, 209-210). abuse another prominent issue that lgbt often experience in their families and foster care settings is abuse. homeless youth are disproportionately affected by abuse, oftentimes due to the stigma associated with being both gay and homeless (toolis and hammack 2015, 51). thus, of the nine interviews, each interviewee noted that the lgbtq youth served at his or her organization had experiences of abuse. in many cases, trauma is an aftereffect of the abuse an lgbtq youth endures as a result of his or her sexual orientation. as staff member at agency 5 states, “the vast majority of our clients have experienced some kind of trauma.” likewise, a staff member at agency 6 echoed this sentiment: collins 6 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 i would say there is an overwhelming number of young people who experience trauma from physical, sexual, and verbal abuse. for the lgbtq youth i work with, an overwhelming amount of the abuse situations are due to somebody’s either perceived or actual sexual orientation. many young people have undergone a great deal of trauma and families are unable to respond in a way that is conducive to the progression of the child; one support area lacking in this area is minimal training by the department of human services. however, it can be difficult to obtain information regarding abuse because an lgbtq youth may or may not disclose whether or not he/she has endured abuse due to fears of where he/she may end up in the foster care system. a staff member at agency 1 stated that he has encountered many gay youths who have been sexually abused. he states: i think the trend is that these kids may look like they are different or there is something different about them, making them a target. there is a connection that needs to be made rather than the connection that they are only gay because of the abuse. trauma does not create homosexuality. this perpetual abuse further illustrates the need for counseling pieces geared specifically towards addressing trauma among lgbtq youth. acceptance gay homeless youth, especially in comparison to their heterosexual homeless counterparts, face much higher rates of discrimination on a daily basis (keuroghlian, shtasel, and bassuk 2014, 67; gattis 2013, 38). in the nine interviews, there were no consistent findings about experiences with discrimination. because it is apparent that discrimination exists within and against this population, it is noteworthy that no consistent findings were found. this could be accredited to the fact that actual homosexual youth were not interviewed, but rather those who interact closely with the youth. in the terms of discrimination, there were no consistent responses regarding both verbal (slurs and abusive words) and inadvertent (aggressive looks and ignorant questions about gender). less consistent were the responses regarding physical discrimination because most accounts go unreported, which warrants a limited amount of data about this field. because lgbt youth face a great deal of abuse, acceptance at agencies becomes an integral piece of lgbt youth’s development. lgbt youth are hypersensitive of the stigma they face (toolis and hammack 2015, 51), the promotion of acceptance in the agencies interviewed emerged as an extremely important tenet. of the nine interviews, all agencies represented expressed that they promote acceptance of each lgbtq youth both internally and externally. to promote this acceptance, diversity of age, gender, race, ethnicity, and sexual orientation is often found among staff to make the cultural climate more conducive to a struggling lgbtq youth. a staff member at agency 2 discussed the common themes or internal and external acceptance among the lgbtq community. internal acceptance essentially is projected to gay youths through the encouragement of self-expression and full self-exploration. on the other hand, acceptance is promoted at most agencies externally by engaging outside communities in positive and proactive conversations about homosexuality. in this sense, acceptance is fostered externally through the normalization of these conversations about sexual orientation and gender collins 7 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 identity, rather than hearing conversations about this in response to a negative or violent event. the staff member explained, “internally, one needs to promote acceptance of self by allowing lgbtq youth to explore all those different dynamic parts of themselves, rather than existing solely on stereotypes… we see a lot of youth with internalized homophobia and their gay identities have been shaped by this.” it is essential for gay youth to construct their narrative identity separate from the stigma and negative life experiences (toolis and hammack 2015, 51). the idea is to encourage other agencies to incorporate such positive conversations into their own programming in order to begin changing the climate of the lgbtq community. the negative public perception and the inherent stereotypes that exist among the gay homeless population makes it increasingly important that staff is explicit in their expression of support for the youth (toolis and hammack 2015, 51). a staff member at agency 7 stated that a place where “youth can feel comfortable expressing themselves” is key to success. youth are less apprehensive about opening up about their experiences if it is to an elder who may be able to relate; staff members who identify as lgbtq have shown to be more approachable and accessible. this encouraged communication allows a youth to find acceptance through normalized conversation and positive interactions. in addition, it can be noted that the cultural climate is more comfortable and accepting in agencies that have lgbtq individuals on staff. a staff member at agency 6 expressed this, “we have many staff members who identify as gay and that has helped our staff members who have not been previously exposed to the gay community become more comfortable with something that might have been unknown at the time.” in relation to the transgender population, acceptance often comes in the form of appropriately recognizing a youth’s desired gender. in this sense, agencies indicated that they have staff meetings discussing possible changes in clients’ appropriate gender pronouns or if they are in the process of transitioning, addressing his or her new name. in addition, a new policy being adopted by various agencies is placing transitioning youth on the floor that houses their desired gender, regardless of their birth gender. this makes it easier for staff to use correct gender pronouns and decreases unintentional insensitivity towards transitioning youth. family engagement in the nine interviews, all agencies represented confirmed that there was no set protocol on family engagement. most agencies do not require family reunion or engagement in any form; this may include encouraging a youth to return to his or her family’s home, contacting his or her family, or attempting to bridge any gaps with his or her family. oftentimes, youth have never experienced any type of strong support from their parents or legal guardians (massachusetts appleseed center for law and justice 2012, 2). running away from an unsupportive home environment is a common coping strategy for homeless youth (keuroghlian, shtasel, and bassuk 2014, 67). therefore, agencies noted that family dynamics are different across socioeconomics statuses, family structures, religions, and other characteristics that make a family unique. a staff member at agency 2 expresses this: “the existing lgbtq youth family support network is not unlike the rest of the lgbtq movement that seems to be geared towards white middleclass framework… it is not of much service to families of color.” this illustrates a need for a shift in language and approach to more adequately accommodate the lives of families from all backgrounds. however, if an lgbtq youth expresses that he or she would like to reunite with the family, staff will readily support and counsel that youth through this attempt. counseling to the collins 8 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 youth is often offered before and after an attempted family reunion. staff members indicated that they recognize that the youth themselves know their familial situations better than anyone at the agency. therefore, family engagement is rarely forced or overly encouraged. mental illness mental illness is a direct result of the disproportionate amount of discrimination that gay youth face (keuroghlian, shtasel, and bassuk 2014, 67; gattis 2013, 38). in comparison to their heterosexual peers, they have higher rates of mental health problems, specifically depressive symptoms, ptsd, and suicide ideology (keuroghlian, shtasel, and bassuk 2014, 67; gattis 2013, 39; yu 2010, 342; rosario, schrimshaw, and hunter 2011, 55). in the nine interviews, all interviewees corroborated on the evidence that mental illness is prevalent in the majority of gay homeless youth. depression, anxiety, bipolar disorder, adjustment disorder, and post-traumatic stress disorder are the most frequently noted mental illnesses; however, there were no consistent findings regarding suicide or suicide ideology among the nine interviews. the mental illnesses among this population were found to be mostly crisis-oriented and situational, but some are longterm; long-term mental illnesses may include those that were diagnosed prior to homelessness. a staff member at agency 4 echoes this by indicating that “a lot of the mental illness we see can be crisis-oriented, but the majority are identity development-related.” foster families, biological families, and other caregivers often do not know how to recognize mental illness in a youth and therefore, do not seek access to professional treatment, which often precipitates homelessness of an lgbtq individual. once homeless, the street environment exacerbates the mental illness symptoms. overall, as a staff member at agency 5 states, “the rate of mental illness is going to be more than you would find in the general population and even more that you’re going to find in the general homeless population if you pull out the lgbt kids.” therefore, most agencies perform psychological evaluations at intake, which then places a youth into needed counseling and therapy. if the agency does not offer in-place therapy, staff at these agencies will refer a youth to another agency that has stable and consistent counseling. substance abuse another issue faced by homeless youth is substance abuse. data suggests that lgbt homeless youth have higher rates of substance abuse in comparison to heterosexual homeless youth (rosario, schrimshaw, and hunter 2011, 545; gattis 2013, 39; keuroghlian, shtasel, and bassuk 2014, 68); gay homeless youth are more likely to engage in hard drugs (keuroghlian, shtasel, and bassuk 2014, 67). however, of the nine interviews, it was indicated by all interviewees that substance abuse among the lgbtq homeless youth was prevalent. oftentimes, substance abuse is a reaction to stress, as it provides an alternate reality and a source of community for those struggling with both their sexual identity and homelessness. the most common types of substance abuse found were alcohol, marijuana, and smoking cigarettes in a social capacity. oftentimes, however, youth who are just discovering their identity as a gay male or female turn towards the party scene to acclimate themselves. a staff member at agency 4 states, “the only visible support scene is the network of bars. when you think about the ‘gayborhood,’ you think mainly about bars. when you see gay pride, you see a party. so that becomes the first stop for a young person first entering the lgbtq community.” therefore, the use of mainly collins 9 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 alcohol and softer drugs acts as a pathway for young people first being introduced to the gay community. in addition to this, a staff member at agency 5 indicated that some gay homeless youth use drugs as a means of remaining alert and safe from attack. she states, “if you’ve been assaulted on the train because you fell asleep, then who is to say that doing speed isn’t the safer thing to do to keep yourself awake all night until you get somewhere safe?” thus, multiple agencies indicated that they do not require their gay homeless youth to be entirely clean if that is not what they interpret as being best for their life situation at that time. instead, agencies use a “harm-reduction method,” which essentially encourages moderation and safe use if at all. however, overall, it was found that there is no correlation between sexual orientation and substance abuse. most agencies indicated that homosexual homeless youth do not use any more than heterosexual homeless youth. limitations there were multiple limitations to this study. one limitation for this study is the sample size. if more than nine agencies were interviewed, it may be more representative of the entire population. in addition, these agencies were self-selected and based on which responded in a timely manner. moreover, all of the agencies were different and sometimes yielded inconclusive results. in addition, the majority of the staff members interviewed were not necessarily firsthand sources because they do not have any experience in being part of the gay homeless population directly. finally, geographic area is not necessarily representative of all of the united states. discussion it was found that the reported abuse often occurred within foster homes; therefore, it is necessary to point out that potential foster families are not heavily screened or trained before intake of a child. thus, it can be inferred that if families have preexisting stigmas or discrimination towards the homosexual population, they may consequently lack the necessary training skills to cope with a homosexual foster child. this abuse and the inadequate responses to an lgbtq child in the home further necessitate a screening and training piece. in addition to this, statutes in 18 states and puerto rico require any person who suspects child abuse or neglect to report it to authorities (child welfare information gateway 2013, 3). in the event that this abuse is high risk, the child is removed from the home and placed into foster care where he or she is supposed to receive all of the services required for his/her success. however, if abuse is occurring in the biological home because of the disclosure of sexual identity, it cannot be guaranteed that the foster home will be any more or less abusive or discriminatory. therefore, prevalence of abuse among lgbtq homeless youth underscores the need for a counseling piece that each of the interviewed agencies provided in some sense. however, to avoid abuse altogether, counseling should be offered to both biological and foster families who have an lgbtq individual in the home. a staff member at agency 2 states: foster care families do not receive any training. there’s no prior training about lgbtq youth and no screening about whether a family is able to take an lgbtq youth in. and currently, the department of human services (dhs) does not, as collins 10 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 part of their regular intake form, screen for whether or not a youth is lgbtq. so, it’s all sort of a gamble, unless the youth decides to disclose. counseling for both biological and foster families should take place in a safe space and should address 1) identity development, 2) acceptance, 3) discipline, 4) identification of posttraumatic stress disorder, anxiety, depression, or any other mental health issues, 5) reacting to discrimination, and 6) self-awareness of both parents and gay youth. this counseling should provide the tools needed for creating a safe space where a gay youth can flourish. ideally, it should also address treatment for trauma. a staff member at agency 2 also states, “we find that foster families are not 1: screened super heavily and 2: are not heavily engaged in the dynamics of the young people that have undergone trauma and therefore are not trained in responding appropriately to trauma.” implementing this counseling piece and making it publicly available for all families struggling with an lgbtq child has the potential to eliminate all possibilities of abuse and therefore, can keep gay youth from becoming homeless. furthermore, another issue is the criminalization of homeless youth in the united states, which places a major barrier on services for this population. when a homeless youth further identifies as also being gay, the already minimal services are even more so minimized. there is a widely spread stereotype that all homeless youth are deviant and non-law-abiding citizens, which is why they have become homeless. in addition to this, according to the massachusetts appleseed center for law and justice, eleven states legally criminalize running away from home and teens can therefore be taken into police custody if caught (2012, 7). it goes relatively unnoticed that many youth are fleeing an unsafe and uncomfortable environment. decriminalization of homeless youth, both legally and socially, can be done through widespread education among schools, law enforcement, government leaders, and the general public. it should be indicated that many homeless youth are on the streets due to circumstances out of their control and therefore, should not be considered deviant members of society. thus, the language centered upon homeless and unaccompanied youth needs to be changed and conveyed to policymakers. therefore, often due to repeated discrimination and forms of victimization, mental illness was found to be an incredibly prevalent aspect of the lgbtq homeless population. thus, there is an increasingly stronger need for the counseling aspect that the majority of agencies interviewed provide. this service provided to the youth is pivotal in their success within the community, as it can be the leading force behind overcoming both long-term and situation mental illnesses. in addition, the readiness for many agencies to perform psychological evaluations either upon intake or when found to be necessary can prevent a youth’s inclination to experience suicide ideation. however, if an agency cannot provide the long-term mental health assistance that a youth may need, it should refer the youth to an agency that can. this should be done for all services, whether it is health insurance and medical coverage, shelter, meals, education, or any other necessity. services tend to be skewed and not inclusive because the definition of a homeless youth varies from state to state, an issue that must be addressed. however, interestingly, the lack of consistency in response to youth suicide ideation necessitates the need to normalize the conversation around this issue. interviews were strictly conducted with the staff at agencies; therefore, staff, if they are not directly involved in the psychological betterment of youth, cannot necessarily be considered a firsthand source, which may be a limitation to this study. however, there was a high correlation found between suicide collins 11 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 ideation and untreated depression among lgbt homeless youth. this again necessitates the need for agencies to refer youth out to other agencies that can fully assist them. discrimination comes in many forms within the homeless lgbtq population due to the double marginalization. however, it was either underreported or inconsistently cited in the nine interviews. this may have been due to the fact that the staff at these agencies is not the one technically experiencing the discrimination. youth may underreport faced discrimination, which gives a skewed perspective on the subtopic as a whole. however, among agencies, there should be a training piece for all staff members that make them competent in assisting lgbtq youth after experiences of discrimination, victimization, or abuse. many lgbtq youth are hesitant to access services due to previous negative experiences. therefore, agencies should be overly accommodating towards lgbtq youth seeking services in order to boost confidence and morale, which has been found to be extremely important in reintegrating. while all agencies interviewed did convey a sense of acceptance, an additional training in which agency members are informed of the lgbtq culture and common misconceptions would make for an extremely effective and positive experience between youth and service providers. this acceptance aspect that was conveyed is readily promoted in each agency interviewed and it was reported that agencies are working towards integrating this piece into the community to decrease outward discrimination and victimization. agencies are also working towards integrating acceptance pieces into the community; if all agencies worked to do this, the communities in which gay homeless youth live would be healthier and more positive environments. however, within the transgender population, it was reported that a better relationship is developed and fostered through renewed policies that also promote a sense of acceptance. the policy that has specifically bettered an agency’s relationships with the transgender population is one that states that youth transitioning can live on the floor with their desired gender. a staff member at agency 1 states: “once we made the housing policy change, staff using the appropriate pronouns became much easier… it’s just an easier mindset shift.” therefore, this is a policy that all agencies should consider adopting in order to create a more comfortable environment for transgender youth. ~ i would like to express the sincerest gratitude to my mentor, ann marie jursca-keffer, at saint joseph's university, whose wisdom, kindness, and encouragement guided me through this project from start to finish. i'd also like to deeply thank dr. robert greene of the university of wisconsin-whitewater for patiently reviewing my paper and providing added insight to the final paper. lastly, i would like to thank the individuals who courageously contributed to this study by partaking in an interview. collins 12 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 appendix a interview guide 1. what services do you feel your organization offers the gay homeless population? 2. do you offer counseling services to these individuals? 3. do you find that foster children often come in seeking the services at your organization? 4. if yes, do these gay homeless youth find that their foster home was an uncomfortable environment? 5. did he or she experience any type of emotional abuse? 6. did he or she experience any type of physical abuse? 7. did staff in these foster homes attempt to protect the well being of him or her? 8. did their foster parents ever request that he or she be placed in another home after disclosing his or her sexual orientation? 9. how did his or her foster siblings react to the disclosure of his or her sexual orientation? 10. do you often hear of familial abuse? 11. what are the main tenets of your organization? 12. does your organization promote acceptance? 13. how does your organization promote acceptance? 14. in relation to the family, does your organization encourage reunion with the family? 15. do you often see any type of discrimination within the dwellings of your organization? 16. who does this discrimination often come from? 17. if your organization does not deal exclusively with gay homeless youth, do heterosexual homeless youth show any type of defiance towards those who identify as gay? 18. have any gay homeless youth seeking services at your organization mentioned any thoughts of suicide? 19. have any gay homeless youth seeking services at your organization mentioned any attempts of suicide? 20. have you interacted with any gay homeless youth who sought services at your organization commit suicide? 21. did these gay homeless individuals have any type of counseling? 22. do you often find that the gay homeless youth seeking your organization’s services abuse any substance? 23. do you find that the gay homeless youth seeking your services at your organization suffer from depression or any type of mental health issue? 24. does your organization make an effort to reach out to parents for individuals under 18 years old? 25. do you run background checks? 26. does your organization allow individuals who are currently addicted to a substance continue using a substance or is there an intervention process? 27. do these individuals ever keep in contact with family members, in particular, siblings? 28. do these individuals form relationships within your organization? 29. how many times a day would an individual seeking your organization’s services hear some type of derogatory slur in relation to their sexual orientation? 30. what do you feel their reaction is most of the time? collins 13 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 references child welfare informational gateway. 2013. “how the child welfare system works.” children’s bureau 2013: 1-9. https://www.childwelfare.gov/pubpdfs/cpswork.pdf# page=5&view=what%20happens%20to%20parents. cochran, bryan n., angela j. stewart, joshua a. ginzler, and ana mari cauce. 2002. “challenges faced by homeless sexual minorities: comparison of gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender homeless adolescents with their heterosexual counterparts.” american journal of public health 92 (5): 773-777. family acceptance project. “overview.” http://familyproject.sfsu.edu/overview. gattis, maurice n. 2013. “an ecological systems comparison between homeless sexual minority youths and homeless heterosexual youths.” journal of social service research 39 (1): 38-49. harris, lasana t. and susan t. fiske. 2006. “dehumanizing the lowest of the low: neuroimaging responses to extreme out-groups.” psychological science 17 (10): 847853. hernandez jozefowicz-simbeni, debra m. and nathaniel israel. 2006. “services to homeless students and families: the mckinney-vento act and its implications for school social work practice.” children & schools 28 (1): 37-44. kenney, rachael r., sylvia k. fisher, megan edson grandin, justine b. hanson, and laura pannella winn. 2012. “addressing the needs of lgbt youth who are homeless.” health & mental health treatment & prevention 2012: 207-21. keuroghlian, alex s., derri shtasel, and ellen l. bassuk. 2014. “out on the street: a public health and policy agenda for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender youth who are homeless.” american journal of orthopsychiatry 84 (1): 66-72. kidd, sean a. “youth homelessness and social stigma.” 2007. journal of youth and adolescence 36 (3): 291-99. massachusetts appleseed center for law and justice. 2012. “unaccompanied, unidentified, and uncounted: developing strategies to meet the needs of america’s homeless youth.” appleseed. http://www.massappleseed.org/pdfs/ma_appleseed_uhy_policy_brief.pdf rosario, margaret, eric schrimshaw, and joyce hunter. 2012. “homelessness among lesbian, gay, and bisexual youth: implications for subsequent internalizing and externalizing symptoms.” journal of youth & adolescence 41 (5): 544-60. shillington, a.m., c.a. bousman, and j.d. clapp. 2011. “characteristics of homeless youth attending two different youth drop-in centers.” youth & society 43 (1): 28-43. http://familyproject.sfsu.edu/overview http://www.massappleseed.org/pdfs/ma_appleseed_uhy_policy_brief.pdf collins 14 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 toolis, erin e. and phillip l. hammack. 2015. “the lived experience of homeless youth: a narrative approach.” qualitative psychology 2 (1): 50-68. yu, van. 2010. “shelter and transitional housing for transgender youth.” journal of gay and lesbian mental health 14 (4): 340-45. running head: dialogic connections 1 dialogic connections: an analysis of groundwork anacostia river, dc’s use of facebook and twitter madeleine shaw the george washington university dialogic connections 2 abstract the recent development of social media websites makes it much easier for organizations to interact with the community they are trying to reach. research has been done regarding the most effective types of social media for this task, as well as how those websites can be used best to benefit the organization. this essay analyzes the facebook posts and tweets of groundwork anacostia river, dc (gwardc) and uses frameworks laid out by lovejoy and saxton to determine whether or not gwardc is creating dialogic connections with their audience. to do this, the lovejoy and saxton framework, originally designed to analyze tweets made by organizations, is applied to facebook posts. i analyze groundwork’s use of facebook and twitter and determine that they are on the right track to forming dialogic connections with their audience, however their practices still need to be refined for dialogic connections to occur. dialogic connections 3 introduction the presence of social media in the nonprofit communication sphere has increased dramatically over the past decade. the development of platforms such as facebook, twitter and instagram has made it easier to communicate a large amount of information to lots of people within a short period of time. as these new platforms gain popularity among the masses, the use of conventional websites is being questioned. companies and organizations, both for-profit and not-for-profit, utilize websites extensively to communicate with their audience. for nonprofits, which will be focus of this essay, the three groups that compose their audience are volunteers, donors, and other organizations similar to them. websites act as a hub of information for an organization, allowing them to create a central location from which their audience can learn more about their practices and ideas. with the emergence of social media in the last couple of decades, nonprofits are moving towards using sites such as facebook and twitter to connect with individuals. while most nonprofits utilize social media in some way, there are still the questions of which of these sites they should use and, furthermore, how they can best use those sites. are there more efficient ways to use twitter and facebook than not? should organizations operate these accounts based on frameworks laid out by scholars? in order to attempt to answer these questions, i will study the social media habits of an environmental nonprofit organization called groundwork anacostia river, dc (gwardc). this is a small organization based in anacostia, dc, which focuses on environmental education and recreation for high school students. they rely mostly on their website to relay information to their audience. however, more recently groundwork has been utilizing their facebook and twitter pages to communicate more with their desired audience. whether or not they are using these pages effectively, however, is not entirely clear. overview of social media nonprofits have used websites to communicate information to their audience since the creation of the internet itself. however, as the world rapidly approaches a time in which the internet is no longer seen as revolutionary, there is a question developing regarding the relevance of websites. the generation born after generation x, also known as the millennial generation, has not known a world in which the internet does not exist. when the internet first went public it was such a different concept than anyone had ever imagined. one of the biggest fundamental differences between generation x and the millennials is that the internet did not exist for all of generation x’s lifespan. the millennials, on the other hand, have been using the internet for their entire lives as they have grown up. many teenagers and children these days are much more technologically savvy than their generation x parents because they have used the internet all their life. in the past two decades, social media has become a ‘fact of life for civil society worldwide” as more people and organizations use it as a communication tool 1 . as the proportion of the world population that has grown up with the internet increases, the need for innovative technology increases with it. people who have used the internet for their entire lives are no longer intrigued by websites or social media platforms. it takes much more creativity and innovation to impress the millennials, especially because they have grown up in a technological 1 clay shirky, “the political power of social media: technology, the public sphere, and political change,” foreign affairs, (2011): 1. dialogic connections 4 world that is constantly being renovated. in order to counter this insensitivity, new social media sites are being created regularly. pre-existing sites are also being updated so that user interest does not deteriorate. while they are technologically more knowledgeable, the millennial generation is also lazier than previous generations. they have become accustomed to having the world at their fingertips through the development of laptops and smart phones. for many of these individuals, the information must be practically placed in front of them in order for them to absorb it. they are, generally speaking, less driven to acquire new information unless it is very easily accessible. social media sites, such as facebook, compact information into one place where a user can quickly learn about an organization. due to the constant revitalization of social media platforms, other types of websites are beginning to fall behind. social media platforms make it easier for organizations to compile their most crucial information in one space, such as a facebook page or twitter bio. it is extremely easy to go onto facebook or twitter and type in the name of an organization, pull up their page, and scroll through the most recent posts. through this process individuals can obtain large amounts of information about an organization very quickly. if the organization has attached a link to their website through the social media site, the individual may then visit the website. along with the aforementioned differences between social media platforms and other websites, the difference most relevant to this particular analysis is that sm platforms create a space in which dialogic connections can occur. they allow for interaction between members of a community in an organized and monitored fashion. the importance of dialogic connections a topic that has become increasingly prevalent in the literature surrounding social media and nonprofit organizations is the importance of dialogue, specifically the formation of dialogic connections between organizations and their audiences. dialogue can occur in various social media sites in a number of different ways, depending on the features of the site. with twitter, users have the option of retweeting, hashtagging, or replying to a public tweet to connect with other tweeters. facebook allows users to like, share, or comment on the posts made by other organizations or people. dialogic communication can be defined as “a process of two-way, open, and negotiated discussion, where participants are able to exchange ideas and opinions freely, acknowledging the value of each other.” 2 possibly the most important portion of dialogic connections is that they must be two-way. in order for interaction to be an actual dialogue between two or more parties, there must be input from either side to the conversation. if there is not input from both parties, what results is the dissemination of information from one group to another. while this type of information exchange is necessary in order for organizations to make themselves known to their audience, it does not constitute dialogic connection. dialogic connections between organizations and their audiences are crucial to their evolution as an organization within an increasingly social media-oriented world. with this essay, i will attempt to determine whether or not gwardc is using facebook and twitter to foster dialogic communication between itself and its audience. 2 daejoong kim, heasun chun, youngsun kwak & yoonjae nam, “the employment of dialogic principles in website, facebook, and twitter platforms of environmental nonprofit organizations,” social science computer review, no. 32 (2014): 591. dialogic connections 5 information, community and action framework in order to review and analyze gwardc’s use of facebook and twitter, a framework will be necessary to make sure that the analysis is done in a fair and un-biased manner. to do this i will use the framework lovejoy and saxton presented in 2012 for viewing and analyzing the twitter habits of nonprofit organizations 3 . lovejoy and saxton are both researchers at the university at buffalo, suny in the department of communication. their research focuses on social media and nonprofit organizations specifically. the framework they laid out is in relation to the types of tweets sent out by organizations, and subsequently the type of dialogic interactions those tweets then promote. most organizations send out tweets that can be categorized as “informational.” 4 these tweets contain information about “the organization’s activities, highlights from events, or any other news, facts, reports, or information relevant to an organization’s stakeholders.” 4 these tweets do not foster much of a dialogue between the audience and the organization itself; instead, they function mainly as a “one-way information exchange.” 5 lovejoy and saxton then go on to discuss the next level of tweets an organization can send out which are “community” tweets 4 . these are tweets made by an organization to facilitate “the creation of an online community with its followers.” 5 this group consists of tweets that are made in order to encourage direct dialogue between the two parties, and those whose purpose is to “[strengthen] ties to the online community” without necessarily involving an explicit interaction 6 . finally, “action” tweets consist of messages intended to spark mobilization among the organization’s followers 5 . these tweets involve “promotional” uses of messages in which users are seen as “a resource that can be mobilized” to help the organization with the work they need to do 7 . tweets falling into the action-based category promote involvement with the organization that occurs outside the realm of social media. although it seems that organizations should be very focused on creating a dialogic connection between themselves and their audience, the majority of the organizations analyzed in this study fell into the “information” category 4 . this may be because this is the easiest type, of the three types listed here, of tweet to send out. information-based tweets are very onedimensional and do not require a follow-up by the community organization. groups can send out tweets as they wish to and do not have an obligation to interact with the community. however, this does not help the organization to foster relationships with their audience members. the case is the same for the “community” and “action” based tweets. when used singularly the individual paradigms are not strong enough to adequately communicate all that an organization wishes to. 3 kristen lovejoy & gregory d. saxton, “information, community, and action: how nonprofit organizations use social media,” journal of computer-mediated communication, no. 17 (2012) 4 kristen lovejoy & gregory d. saxton, “information, community, and action: how nonprofit organizations use social media,” journal of computer-mediated communication, no. 17 (2012): 341. 5 kristen lovejoy & gregory d. saxton, “information, community, and action: how nonprofit organizations use social media,” journal of computer-mediated communication, no. 17 (2012): 343. 6 kristen lovejoy & gregory d. saxton, “information, community, and action: how nonprofit organizations use social media,” journal of computer-mediated communication, no. 17 (2012): 344. 7 kristen lovejoy & gregory d. saxton, “information, community, and action: how nonprofit organizations use social media,” journal of computer-mediated communication, no. 17 (2012): 345. dialogic connections 6 using twitter in a solely information, community, or action-based way is not the most efficient way to utilize the resource. lovejoy and saxton argue that the paradigms should be used hierarchically instead of individually 3 . in their study, they discuss that when used orderly and precisely these types of tweets can work together to the organization’s advantage. first, the organization should use tweets categorized as “informational” in order to make them better known within the twitter sphere. once they have established themselves, the organization moves to community-based tweets. these help foster involvement and begin to connect the organization to their audience. finally, the organization should employ tweets that promote “action” among the community they are targeting. by this time, the audience that has been following the twitter behavior of the organization will be invested and willing to act for the benefit of the organization. lovejoy and saxton do not stop their discussion of the framework at this step. they continue on to state that in order for organizations to use twitter to its maximum capacity, they must employ all of these steps at once. they essentially argue that the whole is greater than the sum of its parts. community organizations are constantly growing in size and, subsequently, are increasing their connection to the community. they must employ tweets regarding “information” to not only grab the interest of new audience members, but also to update their current followers on information regarding the organization. the situation is similar in regards to the “community” paradigm. this portion of the interaction is the beginning of audience involvement. once followers feel that they are involved and participating in the work of the organization, they will respond even more to calls to “action” by the organization. these calls to “action” must occur frequently enough to maintain the interest of the audience, however not to the point at which their meaning is lost. lovejoy and saxton, at the end of their discussion, emphasized that these techniques be used as a “ladder” instead of individually 8 . they specify that the information is used to “attract” followers, who are then engaged with the organization through the community-based tweets, and go on to mobilize through “action” after building up that knowledge base through information and community. when these three categories of messages are used hierarchically and simultaneously, they can create the dialogic connections that organizations need in order to successfully connect with their audience. applying lovejoy and saxton’s framework to facebook lovejoy and saxton employ the three categories – information, community and action – to analyze the twitter rhetoric of community organizations. these categories can also be used to analyze facebook posts of nonprofits. for the purpose of studying groundwork’s social media habits, both facebook and twitter need to be analyzed in order to gain a complete view of their use of social media. the framework can be directly applied to facebook while maintaining the information, community, and action categories. the information category, when applied to facebook, includes posts made that do not foster any type of dialogic connection between the organization and the audience. these are posts that are solely used to inform the public about the workings and happenings of the organization. the community category consists of posts that encourage interaction and involvement through facebook by the target audience and the organization itself. finally, the posts categorized as “action” encouraged involvement with the organization outside of the realm of facebook. these posts are used for calling the community to 8 kristen lovejoy & gregory d. saxton, “information, community, and action: how nonprofit organizations use social media,” journal of computer-mediated communication, no. 17 (2012): 350. dialogic connections 7 participate with and for the organization. with this framework we can look at the facebook and twitter practices of groundwork anacostia river, dc in order to determine how efficiently they are using these tools. overview of groundwork anacostia river, dc (gwardc) groundwork is an organization based in anacostia, dc that functions as a smaller trust of groundwork usa. they are a small nonprofit focused on increasing the environmental awareness, education and recreation of high school students and their communities. gwardc’s largest program is their green team initiative. this is an after-school program for which high school students apply and are selected. the students work with dominique skinner, the gwardc programs coordinator, and learn about different environmental issues facing their community along with ways to counteract those issues. the students then perform some of the work within the community necessary to combat these problems. groundwork also hosts various events throughout the year, such as hikes and days in the park to engage the community and encourage interaction through environmental work 9 . within the past couple of years groundwork has moved towards using their social media websites more regularly. their most frequently updated sites are their facebook and twitter pages. gwardc posts to twitter frequently, usually at least multiple times per week. their facebook posts are slightly more sporadic, often manifesting as multiple posts in one day followed by a period of no posts. this piece is not attempting to analyze how frequently gwardc posts on their social media pages and whether that is efficient, but rather the type of posts they are making and whether their posts are targeted towards forming dialogic connections. further, i will attempt to answer whether or not groundwork is fostering dialogic connections within their social media platforms, and if not, in what ways they could change their practices in order to do so. groundwork’s use of facebook to begin the analysis of groundwork’s social media practices i will analyze their most recent facebook posts to gain an understanding of the way they use this website. the majority of groundwork’s facebook posts fall into the “information” category laid out by lovejoy and saxton 4 . over a three month time period from august 8, 2014 to november 8, 2014, groundwork posted to their facebook page a total of fifteen times. of those fifteen posts, twelve fall into the information category. however, while the majority of their posts were information based, groundwork’s “information” category was still more interactive than it may seem at the surface level 4 . the majority of groundwork’s information posts on facebook involved photographs of green team events. these were usually created as photo albums and then posted onto their main facebook page, or the photographs were attached to a post made to the main page. posts with photographs attached to them were categorized as informational because they are relaying information about the events that occurred at the green team meeting. part of the groundwork audience group is high school students who have some sort of previous connection to the organization, most likely through peers at school, and who may be interested in working with the green teams during their high school career. uploading the photos to facebook allows people looking into groundwork from the outside sphere, whether they are donors, potential volunteers, 9 groundwork anacostia river dc, website, www.groundworkdc.org dialogic connections 8 or people trying to learn more about the organization, to physically see the organization at work. photographs of the green team at work allow groundwork to present arguably the best program of the organization in a manner that utilizes more involvement that just text on a screen. over the three-month period groundwork made one post categorized as “community 5 ”. the post was made to promote an online fundraising campaign in which groundwork was partnering with the johnsonville sausage company. the post included text encouraging readers to follow the link to the campaign website where they could support groundwork at no personal cost. it is categorized as community because while it does not explicitly begin the creation of an online community, it encourages community members to participate in an activity benefitting the organization online. groundwork’s two action posts are technically two separate posts made by the organization on separate days; however, the posts contained the exact same wording. the posts consisted of a text paragraph about volunteering to “clean up our waterways” accompanied by a graphic, essentially an online flyer, explaining the details of the event 10 . the posts were encouraging participation in these events by volunteers, donors, and other community members connected to gwardc’s facebook page. while the event was primarily to improve the river, it was also an opportunity for attendees to gain insight into the inner-workings of groundwork. once people had the opportunity to see the organization in action, they would be more likely to contribute their time or money to the cause. groundwork’s use of twitter the same three month time period of august 8, 2014 to november 8, 2014 used to examine groundwork’s use of facebook was also used to evaluate their twitter habits. groundwork’s twitter posts during this time were much more evenly spread across the three categories of information, community and action. over the three month time period gwardc had seven tweets categorized as information, six categorized as community, six categorized as action, and one that did not relate to the work they were doing as an organization. all but one of groundwork’s “information” tweets contained a hyperlink to another website 4 . most of them were articles on various topics that relate to the environment in and around dc or environmental education. while these were categorized as “information” because they did not foster direct communication between entities, they are still encouraging online activity 4 . many of groundwork’s information posts on facebook did this as well, by posting photos online for people to look through. while this does not directly correlate to an increase in the amount of communication between the two parties, it helps create the platform within which that communication has the potential to grow. approximately half of the tweets by gwardc that were categorized as “community” involved the direct, online action of community members 5 . two of the tweets included hyperlinks to an online sponsorship campaign groundwork undertook with the johnsonville sausage company (the same campaign as in the aforementioned facebook posts). followers could click on the link and would be taken to a page on which they could donate to gwardc without needing to contribute any money personally. in order to fundraise on the behalf of groundwork, individuals had to simply follow a few basic steps, such as signing up for a newsletter and answering a few questions. this made the campaign much more popular among 10 groundwork anacostia river dc, facebook post, september 19, 2014 dialogic connections 9 individuals because it did not require them to spend any of their own money, nor did it involve the hassles that come with donating money online. one of the tweets included in this category was an example of inter-organizational interaction on twitter. groundwork retweeted one of the potomac piranhas tweets, an organization that works to “bring together the business and environmental communities 11 ”. the tweet was originally made to @potomacpiranhas by the prince george’s green (pgg) twitter page. pgg is an organization invested in growing the green economy in prince george’s county, md 12 . therefore, this interaction involved three environmental organizations in and around the dc area. the “community” paradigm involves fostering interaction between the organization and their audience, which for all organizations involves other groups performing similar work to their own 5 . interaction online between organizations is as important as communication between organizations and potential volunteers or donors. organizations, especially nonprofits, are constantly growing and evolving, part of which is due to learning from other organizations like them. one of the tweets in this category was a small piece of text asking individuals to sign a petition that was to be sent to the epa, asking them to cut carbon pollution. signing the petition was as easy for online community members as typing their name and email address when redirected to the website. while this post did not encourage direct communication between the organization and members of its audience, it fulfills the portion of the “community” paradigm that is focused on the beginnings of mobilization 5 . the “action” posts are those meant to directly encourage mobilization of resources and individuals for the cause 5 . however, the communitybased posts can begin this process by increasing mobilization efforts online, which this tweet does. the majority of groundwork’s posts within the “action” category were invitations to events 5 . four of the six tweets either included an address and time period for an event or had an attached hyperlink to a page where individuals could register. these events were the washington post award application session, a business opportunity reception, celebrating the future of the anacostia, and a coalition international leadership training team event 13 . followers of the twitter account were invited to attend the events and connect in person with the groundwork management team. the other two events that were promoted on the twitter page were both encouraging gwardc followers to vote in the election on november 4. while this does not encourage interaction between groundwork as an organization and their audience, it nevertheless involves audience members interacting with the community, which is part of groundwork’s mission. groundwork’s inherent goal is to make their community more connected, which they choose to encourage through environmental activities and awareness. voting encourages individuals to have input into the way their community will function; therefore, these tweets can be categorized appropriately as “action 5 ”. analysis of groundwork’s use of twitter – are they fostering dialogic communication? after looking at gwardc’s facebook and twitter posts we can begin to notice patterns within their use of these sites and subsequent consequences from those patterns. groundwork’s 11 potomac piranhas, website, www.potomacpiranhas.org 12 prince george’s green, website, www.pggreen.org 13 groundwork anacostia river dc, twitter feed, 2014 dialogic connections 10 twitter page does an excellent job of presenting all three paradigms evenly. lovejoy and saxton emphasize that when this framework is being employed by an organization, it should be employed as an entire system. an organization cannot focus directly on making one type of post and be successful in their use of social media. they must consistently utilize all three as equally as possible. groundwork’s twitter page not only uses all three categories of posts equally, but also successfully interchanges the order of the types of posts made. the tweets are not always in an information, community, action order; often there will be multiples of one type of tweet made in a row followed by multiple tweets of another type. randomizing the order of the tweets sent maintains the interest of all groups of individuals following groundwork’s twitter account. if too many of one type of tweet was sent out in a period of time, audience members who identify more with one of the other types may become disinterested and cease to follow the account. despite the face that groundwork is using their twitter in the way that lovejoy and saxton recommend for organizations of this type, ie by incorporating all three types of tweets, there is still not the presence of dialogic connections. one of the most crucial components of these connections is that the result is an exchange between the community partner and the audience members. groundwork, through its twitter account, does an excellent job of reaching out to the community and attempting to interact with them through social media and subsequently in person. however, there is little to no response being made by the audience members. the conversation is one-sided and because of this cannot be categorized as dialogic connection. there needs to be more exchange and interaction between gwardc and their audience for their practices to be considered “dialogic connection 3 ”. this can occur in a number of different ways, such as community members retweeting, hashtagging, or favoriting tweets that groundwork sends out. a possible area of study for future research within this field could be that given these conditions, how could nonprofits of gwardc’s size effectively foster dialogic connections between themselves and their audience? groundwork is clearly putting in the effort with their twitter account to create these connections, and no more can be done on their side. however, the involvement by the community members is not as prominent as it needs to be in order for these connections to come to fruition. therefore, the lack of interaction could be the result of a failing on the part of the organization or the community as a whole. overall, gwardc is using their twitter account in the way that lovejoy and saxton recommend in their study. they are incorporating all three types of tweets and are interchanging the types of tweets they send out regularly. groundwork’s facebook, however, is not being used as efficiently as their twitter. the facebook account does not seem to receive as much attention from the organization itself as the twitter account does, from an outsider’s perspective. many of the posts made to the facebook account occurred on the same day, whereas tweets seemed to be more spread out. analysis of groundwork’s use of facebook when just looking at gwardc’s facebook posts, the organization’s social media presence comes across as very information-oriented. their facebook activity does not indicate the strong presence of dialogic connections. the majority of groundwork’s posts on their facebook page consist of textual excerpts with attached photos of green team events. while these encourage people to find out more about the organization and see the students in action, it does not allow for much active participation by the audience. dialogic connections 11 in order to successfully form the dialogic connections that they need to form in order to function on social media successfully, groundwork needs to utilize their facebook page to its full capacity. to do this they must increase the amount of community and action posts they are making. if possible, they need to make a community post and an action post each time they post an information post before they make another information post. in other words, the amount of information, community and action posts made needs to be equal. this is the only way to build upon the knowledge and relationships being formed through these online interactions. once groundwork increases their community and action-based posts, they will have reached the same point with their facebook page that they are currently at with their twitter account. once this point has been reached, if there is again a lack of interaction with the community members, the question of whether or not this is the fault of groundwork may again arise. the interaction with members of the community on facebook will be more difficult to gauge, considering that many of the individuals may look through the photo albums or read all of the posts without explicitly taking action themselves. however, unless actions such as liking, sharing or commenting on posts or photographs that are posted occur, the relationships gwardc is fostering cannot be classified as dialogic. groundwork has the potential to be very dialogically connected to its audience members. their twitter account has already created a space for online interaction and community involvement by their audience members. by increasing their facebook posts and encouraging more community involvement through their facebook page, groundwork will become an even better known name within the social media world of their audience members. their follower base will continue to grow as will their presence in the social media world. gwardc may be a small nonprofit, however they have the capability to be very influential in the district of columbia environmental education world, granted they can utilize social media to foster the dialogic connections necessary to reach that point. bibliography groundwork anacostia river dc website: www.groundworkdc.org kim, daejoong; chun, heasun; kwak, youngsun & nam, yoonjae. “the employment of dialogic principles in website, facebook, and twitter platforms of environmental nonprofit organizations.” social science computer review, no. 32 (2014): 590-605. lovejoy, kristen & saxton, gregory d. “information, community, and action: how nonprofit organizations use social media.” journal of computer-mediated communication, no. 17 (2012): 337-353. potomac piranhas website: www.potomacpiranhas.org prince george’s green website: www.pggreen.org shirky, clay. “the political power of social media: technology, the public sphere, and political change.” foreign affairs, february 2011. http://www.bendevane.com/frdc2011/wpcontent/uploads/2011/08/the-political-power-of-social-media-clay-sirky.pdf groundwork’s facebook –august 8 2014 november 8 2014 posts: 1. 11/6/14: gwardc (groundwork anacostia river dc): hello groundwork supporter. if you have not had a chance to support the youth in our green team program, you still have time. just click on the link below and follow the few steps. it is quick, easy, and free! we just need you to "support this group" and johnsonville will donate the money to our program. thank you for your dialogic connections 12 continuous support!https://www.pearup.com/groundworkdc/rally?og=329421&fb_action_ids=101528254969 82154&fb_action_types=pearupapp%3ashare link: “groundwork anacostia river dc” + johnsonville sponsorship 2. 10/21/14: gwardc (groundwork anacostia river dc): the district department of environment has completed yet another wonderful stream restoration project. broad branch stream has been day lighted and on it's way to being restored. during the celebration of the project, the green-teamers from groundwork anacostia river dc was able to complete a water quality demonstration for the community members and partners. our young people did an amazing job explaining the importance of monitoring the stream and how we all can help to increase the health of the stream. #sustainabledc#greenteamrocks plus 23 photos added 3. 10/16/14: gwardc (groundwork anacostia river dc): green-teamers touring the fort circle trail and learning about invasive plants with julie kutruff from the national park service. photos: 14 photos 4. 10/8/14: gwardc (groundwork anacostia river dc): water monitoring training with green-teamers at dunbar high school. — atdunbar high school plus 7 photos 5. 10/8/14: gwardc (groundwork anacostia river dc): http://www.potomacpiranhas.org/ 6. 10/8/14: gwardc (groundwork anacostia river dc): thanks to the shenandoah national park trust, the green-teamers from groundwork anacostia, groundwork richmond, and groundwork hudson valley were able to experience week long adventures in the beautiful shenandoah mountains. during their time in shenandoah national park, they were able to help maintain trails and remove invasive plants, hike the appalachian trail, and learn about the history of the park. thanks again snapt! this summer was a great one. http://us1.campaignarchive1.com/?u=15b87fa36996ffa4059f7b57e&id=29f3fdb20b&e=d8666ebd85 link: “snpt awards nearly $200,000 to shenandoah national park” 7. 10/3/14: gwardc (groundwork anacostia river dc): the work the anacostia watershed society does is incredible. check out the anacostia river through the years in honor of their 25th anniversary! link: “visions of the city’s “other river” throughout history” 8. 9/22/14: gwardc (groundwork anacostia river dc): the "clean waterways" cleanup with anacostia riverkeeper and groundwork anacostia river dc! 9.20.2014 photos: 37 photos 9. 9/19/14: gwardc (groundwork anacostia river dc): come out to volunteer!!! we need your help to clean up our waterways! come out to volunteer this saturday, sept 20th from 9am-12:30pm to the clean waterways cleanup at kenilworth recreation park in northeast d.c. we hope to see you there! photo: flyer explaining the event 10. 9/16/14: gwardc (groundwork anacostia river dc): we need your help to clean up our waterways! come out to volunteer this saturday, sept 20th from 9am-12:30pm to the clean waterways cleanup at kenilworth recreation park in northeast d.c. we hope to see you there! photo: same as previous 11. 9/12/14: gwardc (groundwork anacostia river dc): yesterday was the first green team outing with our new green teamers from washington math science (wmst) public charter at the washington youth garden in the national arboretum. they were able to plant radishes and beets, pick vegetables, and help make a dish in just one visit. what a great way to start off the year. photos: 37 photos https://www.pearup.com/groundworkdc/rally?og=329421&fb_action_ids=10152825496982154&fb_action_types=pearupapp%3ashare https://www.pearup.com/groundworkdc/rally?og=329421&fb_action_ids=10152825496982154&fb_action_types=pearupapp%3ashare https://www.facebook.com/hashtag/sustainabledc https://www.facebook.com/hashtag/sustainabledc https://www.facebook.com/dunbardc?ref=stream http://www.potomacpiranhas.org/ https://www.facebook.com/pages/groundwork-richmond/158905174133811 https://www.facebook.com/groundworkhv https://www.facebook.com/groundworkhv http://us1.campaign-archive1.com/?u=15b87fa36996ffa4059f7b57e&id=29f3fdb20b&e=d8666ebd85 http://us1.campaign-archive1.com/?u=15b87fa36996ffa4059f7b57e&id=29f3fdb20b&e=d8666ebd85 dialogic connections 13 12. 9/9/14: gwardc (groundwork anacostia river dc): green team kickoff event this past sunday with art, poetry, and music with women of ecohermana! what better way to start the school year off than with some fun near the anacostia river. #greenteam2014/2015 is ready for an amazing year. photos: 20 photos 13. 9/9/14: gwardc (groundwork anacostia river dc): george washington university freshman day of service with groundwork anacostia river dc on september 6th. these gw freshman students did an amazing job cleaning trash from the bandalong litter trap in watts branch stream and the anacostia river. thanks for the great work gw the george washington university photos: 26 photos 14. 8/28/14: gwardc (groundwork anacostia river dc): green team camping and working in photo album title: shenandoah national park 2014 trail maintenance and at hiking photos: 29 photos 15. 8/28/14: gwardc (groundwork anacostia river dc): groundwork usa and anacostia in yellowstone 2014 photo album title: groundwork’s green teamers ground workin’ it in yellowstone national park photos: 20 photos groundwork’s twitter – august 8 2014 november 8 2014 posts 1. 11/7/14: @gwardc: engaging the east side http://wapo.st/1tjlsrs dc, we can do this! our elected leaders need the will and the residents deserve to have this. 2. 11/7/14: @gwardc: i'm going to "the washington post 2015 award application information session md". see you there? http://www.eventbrite.com/e/the-washington-post-2015-awardapplication-information-session-md-tickets-14049567635?aff=estw … via @eventbrite link: registration for event 3. 11/3/14: @gwardc: on tues. nov. 11 at 6:30pm you’re invited to a life changing business opportunity reception at 3939 benning rd. ne. limited seating! byob! 4. 11/3/14: @gwardc: vote november 4th, 2014! your vote counts! http://lnkd.in/drrcxk8 link: california greenworks inc., your vote counts 5. 11/3/14: @gwardc: vote november 4 th 2014! 6. 11/2/14: @gwardc: eepurl.com/6-b-l the community foundation announces second round recipients of the city fund grant. groundwork anacostia awarded. link: the city fund article about the grant recipients 7. 11/2/14: @gwardc: help groundwork anacostia river dc score sponsorship support on pear https://www.pearup.com/groundworkdc/rally … via @pear_says link: pearup groundwork anacostia river dc + johnsonville sponsorship 8. 10/31/14: @gwardc: twitter buttons https://about.twitter.com/resources/buttons … via @twitter 9. 10/31/14: @gwardc: help groundwork anacostia river dc score sponsorship support on pear https://www.pearup.com/groundworkdc via @pear_says link: same as before 10. 10/29/14: @gwardc: thanks @marycheh & @cmdgrosso for leading the charge to secure safe & affordable transportation options for dc riders! @uber_dc #uberdclove 11. 10/27/14: @gwardc: video http://blog.childrenandnature.org/video/ask yourself, what is nature deficit-disorder? i wonder why? link: children and nature website https://www.facebook.com/hashtag/greenteam2014 https://www.facebook.com/georgewashingtonuniversity https://www.facebook.com/georgewashingtonuniversity http://t.co/jbayemhei5 http://t.co/xpegpeajmg http://t.co/xpegpeajmg https://twitter.com/eventbrite http://t.co/trnfihu2ml http://t.co/adjr7cf0f4 https://t.co/jhpknnghsv https://twitter.com/pear_says https://t.co/ys4yaluz00 https://twitter.com/twitter https://t.co/g7rx4yutkt https://twitter.com/pear_says https://twitter.com/marycheh https://twitter.com/cmdgrosso https://twitter.com/uber_dc https://twitter.com/hashtag/uberdclove?src=hash http://t.co/aou0ojnemd dialogic connections 14 12. 10/26/14: @gwardc: growth is good! smart growth is better! be a part of the growth. 13. 10/26/14: @gwardc: the "green" movement has moved a a level far beyond its infancy days. now, billions of dollars are being invested. get on board! 14. 10/25/14: @gwardc: @potomacpiranhas: thank you all for coming to hackathon 1.0 !! @alexandriaetc @livabilityproj http://www.pggreen.org/ link: prince george’s green photo: group photograph 15. 10/21/14: @gwardc: the little-known tool republicans will use if they win the senate | http://moveon.org | democracy in action http://front.moveon.org/reconciliation/#.vezg8tu33jg.twitter … link: video about “reconciliation,” moveon.org 16. 10/19/14: @gwardc: i'm attending celebrating the future... – https://www.eventbrite.com/e/celebrating-the-future-of-the-anacostia-tickets13525865227?ref=estwenivtefor001 … link: celebrating the future of the anacostia, eventbrite 17. 10/19/14: @gwardc: the most tremendous opportunity to change the course of your family's future for generations. make the decision, check out acn! 18. 10/15/14: @gwardc: this cause is close to my heart, please sign: http://action.groundswell-mvmt.org/petitions/deadline-soon-tell-the-epa-to-cut-carbonpollution-now?bucket=&source=twitter-share-button … via @groundswellmvmt link: groundswell: tell the epa to cut carbon pollution now petition 19. 10/7/14: @gwardc: study: bay cleanup would bring $22b boon to states dc, md, va all connected by the water http://www.heraldmailmedia.com/news/local/study-bay-cleanup-wouldbring-b-boon-to-states/article_fdbb0b4c-856e-50c6-aafacff69bf853ad.html#.vdpoyjvynkm.twitter … via @heraldmailnews link: study: bay cleanup would bring $22b boon to states; herald-mail media 20. 10/5/14: @gwardc: i'm attending coalition international regional event http://conta.cc/1nuuogi #constantcontact are you looking for an opportunity? here it is! link: event registration https://twitter.com/alexandriaetc https://twitter.com/livabilityproj http://t.co/ypgxye27vc http://t.co/d4hud1cafq http://t.co/ahxaa8g969 https://t.co/ft2jzzn4hk https://t.co/ft2jzzn4hk http://t.co/fase1kwmpw http://t.co/fase1kwmpw https://twitter.com/groundswellmvmt http://t.co/we4mqg9xyd http://t.co/we4mqg9xyd http://t.co/we4mqg9xyd https://twitter.com/heraldmailnews http://t.co/vypx2xeepv https://twitter.com/hashtag/constantcontact?src=hash undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 learning through social media: how a nonprofit’s use of facebook and twitter turned into research maddie shaw the george washington university during my freshman year of college i enrolled in a service learning-based, first-year writing course. all first-years at my university, the george washington university in washington, d.c., are required to take this course. the program, called university writing (uw), focuses on teaching students how to write academic research papers to prepare them for their futures in academic learning. each uw has its own topic about which the students write; however, the format for the classes is similar across the different sections. my uw professor, dr. phyllis ryder, is a published scholar in her field of study— academic writing about service learning, specifically how service can be used to teach students writing skills and where exactly writing and service intersect. her uw course, titled writing for social change: writing with dc community organizations, teaches students how to conduct research and present their findings in conjunction with volunteering at a local community organization. at the beginning of the course students select an organization with which to work; they then begin volunteering while at the same time beginning to learn how to write academically. i decided to work with an environmental nonprofit called groundwork anacostia river, dc (gwardc) for the duration of the semester. groundwork focuses on environmental education and recreation for high school students in the d.c. area, specifically in ward 7. students are usually involved with groundwork for a year or two. the executive director and volunteer and events coordinator construct a curriculum each semester that they then teach the students each week. their goal is to teach the students about the environmental problems facing their communities as well as how to combat those problems. once the students complete the academic portion of each module, they go out into the communities and practice what they learned. this can be anything from cleaning out a litter trap in the anacostia river, to creating a vegetable garden at one of the schools. while at groundwork, i worked in an office setting, coordinating volunteers and helping to create the curriculum. i was also in charge of the social media accounts of the organization. when the time came for us to write our research papers, we were instructed to find a topic to research that was interesting to us and that was also applicable to our community organization. the research topic selected did not need to affect or influence the organization or its work in any way; however, it was required that there was some connection between the two. at that point i had worked with groundwork for about a month, and had recently begun work on its social media accounts. the volunteer coordinator asked me to “revamp” the twitter account and facebook page for the organization; however, i did not know how to go about doing that since i wasn’t sure exactly where the problems were. it was clear to both of us that the accounts needed reforming; however, the next steps in how to do that were unclear. i wanted to help groundwork move forward in any way that i could. when told i needed to choose my research paper topic, i decided almost immediately to focus on social media and whether it was an effective method of communicating information. as i began the research process and realized that there was more literature on the subject than i had initially anticipated, i narrowed my focus to just facebook and twitter. i wanted to know if groundwork was using its shaw 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 facebook and twitter accounts in the most efficient way to communicate with its audience members and to spark interaction with them. fairly early on into my research process i discovered kristen lovejoy and gregory saxton’s research, which became essential to my research and paper. lovejoy and saxton are professors in new york whose research focuses specifically on the use of social media by nonprofit organizations. they created a framework to use when analyzing an organization’s social media that can help determine whether or not the social media platforms are being used as effectively as possible. they based the design of the framework on twitter; however, in my research i also applied it to facebook. lovejoy and saxton’s framework lays out three types of tweets that an organization can use. each type of tweet is associated with a level of interaction that the organization is engaging its audience in by posting that tweet. the first level is information, which is the most basic type of tweet and the organization interacts with its audience the least by using this type of post. an organization will send out information posts to communicate some sort of information with its audience. these often describe the details of the organization’s work and provide updates on progress it is making with projects. this type of post does not engage the audience and doesn’t lead to any type of conversation between the organization and the people with whom it is communicating. community is the second level of tweet an organization can post as a way of communicating with its audience. community posts will engage the audience in a way that requires little effort on the part of the participants. some examples of this type of post are asking followers to sign an online petition that the organization is related to, or asking them to watch videos and make comments or suggestions afterwards. this is an important step in the organization’s communication process with its audience because it initiates the audience to take physical action. the final type of tweet in the framework is action. these tweets are a sort of call to those that follow the organization to come and actively take part in working towards its cause. action tweets almost always ask followers to participate at a particular event, usually some sort of volunteering day or activity with the organization. followers have the option to make a personal connection with organization members and speak with them about the work being done in the organization’s day-to-day practices. these tweets are the highest level of engagement the organization can partake in on a social media platform with its audience. one of the key elements of lovejoy and saxton’s framework is that they explain how to use these different types of tweets, not just what they are. when used incorrectly, the three types of tweets are not as effective as they are when used properly. lovejoy and saxton explain that all three types of tweets must be used, and in a varying order. an organization should not post one type of tweet a few times in a row, then another type, then another type. the framework does not work best when used strictly in the information, community, action order. instead, tweets should be posted in no particular order. the three types of tweets engage audience members at differing levels of involvement with the organization. an audience member who is just beginning to learn about the organization will need to see a few information posts while deciding if he/she wants to become more involved or not. however, someone that has worked with the organization for a few years will be more inclined towards action posts, as those outline how the participant could be more involved. since the three types of tweets target different audience members, it is essential for an organization to use all three types regularly. otherwise, it will only target a few members of its follower base rather than as many as possible. shaw 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 when i conducted my research, i found that groundwork’s twitter account was being used correctly according to the framework, but its facebook account was not. it was posting almost exclusively information posts that were not engaging its audience at all. i met with the executive director and volunteer coordinator of groundwork and explained this to them, while laying out a potential course of action for how to change groundwork’s social media habits to make them more effective. combining my service at groundwork with my research paper made me much more inclined to complete the research and find a solution to the organization’s social media problems. since i had an active stake in the organization i was researching, i was even more driven to find the answers i wanted because i knew that they would be directly benefitting groundwork. i realized that by performing this research and finding a way for the organization to interact with its audience more effectively, i had performed a service that otherwise it would not have received. going to groundwork each week while i completed my research and updating the organization on the progress i was making fueled my passion for completing the project even more. the volunteer coordinator and i began to make some adjustments to the social media websites while i was still completing the research. i was able to see the changes made in realtime and how the application of the framework really affected the levels of engagement received from its followers. this was a crucial step in the process as it showed me that the work i was doing was important and was directly impacting the difference groundwork was making in its community. groundwork’s twitter use has continued to improve almost a year after i proposed my changes. it posts even more frequently and is adjusting the types of posts in the way suggested by the lovejoy and saxton framework. there is increased engagement from the community through retweets and favorites as well. its facebook use has also changed and improved. it is engaging its followers more, by creating events for people to rsvp to as well as posting links to websites people can visit to get involved and donate to the organization. groundwork is also posting different things on its facebook and twitter pages, which was a change i proposed when i presented my research. groundwork is clearly evolving its use of social media tools to work in its favor. it seemed that at the beginning of its twitter and facebook use, groundwork had accounts on these websites because all other nonprofits like it did and in order to be competitive and current it needed to have them as well. now, it seems that it is moving to the next step of social media use; it is beginning to use these platforms to create a space for engagement and evolution of its organization. before beginning this research for groundwork i used all social media platforms for enjoyment. while i knew that these platforms – twitter especially – are used for activism, i didn’t realize that this activism could take place at different levels of platform engagement. i use twitter minimally, checking it once or twice a day and rarely posting or actively engaging. i believed that the only times twitter and facebook could be used for activism were during rare occasions, such as the arab spring or inner-city riots and protests. in reality, social media platforms can be used for activism every day in various circumstances. they can be used for bigger movements involving more people, but they can also be used to inspire and engage members of the local community to rally behind a cause, as they do with groundwork. ~ shaw 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 i would like to extend my thanks to dr. phyllis mentzell ryder of the george washington university for encouraging me to pursue my academic ambitions, and for her continued support, and to dennis chestnut and dominique skinner at groundwork anacostia river, dc, for the vital role they played in my research. references lovejoy, kristen and gregory d. saxton. 2012. “information, community, and action: how nonprofit organizations use social media.” journal of computer-mediated communication 17 (3): 337-353. madeleine shaw, the george washington university research madeleine shaw, the george washington university reflection haley_et al o accepted edit ay undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013 empowering haiti from a different perspective darrell haley jr., amirah bohler, jessica watts, attallah muhammad, mariam nadri, zelquaysha hawkins, ena ampy, latessa miracle allums, and brea mangrum virginia commonwealth university introduction: port au prince and lambi village, carrefour, haiti these analytical and reflective essays are about our experience in psychology 340 (service learning/global education). the course was an upper-level undergraduate psychology course on the helping relationship, with an emphasis on service-learning in a global setting and its effects on mental health workers in their practice with families, communities, and individuals. this course is intended for students strongly considering a career in the human services field, such as psychology, social work, nursing, medicine, and teaching. the course was offered as a virginia commonwealth university (vcu) service-learning and global education course. service-learning at vcu is a course-based, credit-bearing educational experience in which students participate in an organized service activity that meets community-identified needs (virginia commonwealth university 2013). students reflect on the service activity to increase understanding and application of course content and to enhance a sense of civic responsibility. as a vcu service-learning and global education course, psyc 340 (sl/ge) was designed to offer students an opportunity to explore critical self-awareness issues involved in cultural emersion and engaging global cultures. students applied what they learned in the classroom to meet real needs in several haitian communities. we traveled to haiti on may 18, 2013 and returned on june 8, 2013. the cost for the course was $2,999. this price included airfare, vcu tuition, accommodations, meals and water, translators, ground transportation, and security. our course had two service-learning and global education partners: lott carey foreign mission board and grace international, inc. according to the lott carey website (2009a), african-american baptists who were committed to a substantial foreign mission thrust, especially on the african continent, founded the lott carey mission convention in 1897. they believed that nothing should distract the church from executing its primary objective of advancing god’s mission throughout the world. since its founding, lott carey foreign mission convention has intentionally and sustainably invested in christian missions around the world. lott carey mission convention bears the name of the rev. lott carey, who was one of the first american and baptist missionaries to west africa. born enslaved in 1780 in charles city county, virginia, lott carey purchased his freedom in 1813. he led a pioneering missionary team to liberia in 1821 that engaged in evangelism, education, and healthcare. rev. carey became a well-respected and gifted government leader as well as missionary until his death in 1828. he was also the organizing pastor for the first baptist church in liberia – providence baptist church in monrovia (lott carey 2009b). in haiti, lott carey supports 28 churches of the union strategique des eglises baptistes d’haiti (strategic union of baptist churches in haiti), many of which seek to operate elementary and/or secondary schools for hundreds of children who otherwise would not have the opportunity to attend school, with additional grant support for micro-enterprise loans. our second global education and service-learning partner was grace international, inc. it provided the placement and the language interpreters. grace international, inc. is a non-profit haley jr., bohler, watts, muhammad, nadri, hawkins, ampy, allums, and mangrum 2   undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013 (501c3) organization registered in the state of florida with its main operations in the island of haiti for almost 40 years. the mission of grace international is to “rescue, relieve, and restore by providing health-care, education, spiritual guidance, feeding programs, and empowered living to those in need within our reach” (grace international 2013). bishop joel jeune and doris jeune are the founders of grace international. they have been operating since 1974. together, they oversee and lead the organization as president and vice president. for the past 30 years, grace international has been impacting lives through the oversight and management of 270 churches, 65 schools, 3 orphanages, as well as a medical clinic, a hospital, and a home for elderly widows. within these programs and facilities, grace international also operates a feeding program and various learning centers as well as seasonal and annual conferences. the home base of the organization’s work in haiti is grace village, located in the county of carrefour. after the earthquake, more than 25,000 people sought refuge at grace village, transforming it into the second largest refugee camp in the greater port au prince area. grace international is now working to resettle many of the people living in this camp and to create small communities that are models of holistic, sustainable, and industrious living (grace international 2010). while in haiti we spent the first week in a private haitian school. we were involved with students in ninth through twelfth grades. we “ministered” to the students and taught various skills (stress management, emotional self-regulation skills, problem solving skills, basketball skills, and mindfulness exercises). at times we shadowed our professor, and at other times we taught in a classroom. we also taught large group recreational activities. we had to adapt culturally and dress conservatively as missionaries, meaning no pants or shorts. during the second week of the class we spent mornings teaching smaller groups psychoeducational lessons. during the afternoons we visited two orphanages. the women on our team visited the girls’ home of grace international. the girls’ home is a beautiful home for over 40 girls between the ages of one and ten, all of whom have been orphaned or abandoned. the men in our group spent their afternoons at the boys’ home. the boys’ home of grace international houses 30 boys ranging from two to 21 years old. most of these boys lost their birth parents in the early stages of their lives. the home attempts to give them essential life skills to become strong men and leaders in the haitian and world society. our focus in the group activities was: helping, mentoring, connecting, getting the children to open up and share with us, teaching lessons about hygiene, sharing wisdom and life lessons, and sharing our personal narratives with the children. we spent our final week on the island of haiti working and serving in lambi village. lambi village is a sustainable community at lambi in gressier county, haiti. when completed, the complex, which is on seven acres, will house 76 homes, a market area, community center and place of worship, a communal water well, and bathrooms. currently, the complex has approximately 56 homes, a community center, and outdoor latrines. during our week at lambi village we broke rocks on a rock pile, shadowed families, counseled families, helped with children, completed home repairs and chores, and shared in the culture of the residents. one of the highlights of the course was holding group reflections each evening after the day of service and learning at our hotel. we also read and reflected on readings assigned by the professor: blink by malcolm gladwell, four agreements by miguel ruiz, and way of the peaceful warrior by dan millman. haley jr., bohler, watts, muhammad, nadri, hawkins, ampy, allums, and mangrum 3   undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013 upon our return to the united states, we spent two weeks in reflection and discussion around the experience and the assignments. we then presented our reflections to family and friends, community partners, and the virginia commonwealth university community. what follows are a few of our experiences. language and culture: attallah muhammad when traveling to haiti, so much can have a profound effect on one’s self. to me, it primarily revolved around the people and the environment, with a more respective focus on the culture and language specifically. these aspects of haiti made my experience truly one of a kind; it changed me in ways that i could not have possibly anticipated. the language of haiti was one of my favorite interests. their primary language is creole, sometimes spelled as kreyole by the haitian natives. the language is unique to the lands of haiti. you will not find a language quite like it anywhere else. creole has a base of french language with strong west african influences. my particular interest in the language arose when working with secondary students at the grace international school. one young lady in particular asked me if i spoke her language; i informed her that i did not. she then asked me why had i come to her country and not learned her language. i was dumbfounded; her question was more than legitimate. how could i come to another country just assuming language accommodations would be made? from that point, my mission became to familiarize myself with creole so that i could enhance my ability to help. by taking the initiative to learn creole, the connections i made with the people of haiti were natural and open. individuals were more eager to interact and open up to the help i was offering. a sense of comfort was established that might not have been present when other foreigners came to visit. haiti was beginning to take me in as one of its own. i could not have been more receptive to this newfound connection. culture is the quality in a person or society that arises from a concern for what is regarded as excellent in arts, letters, manners, scholarly pursuits, etc. (culture 2005). traveling to haiti enabled me to appreciate the culture for all that it was. the haitian people are very vibrant, in terms of music, singing, dancing, and art. almost every corner highlighted some form of this in one way or another. while working with the youth, no matter where we ventured, they were constantly asking us to sing or dance. it was as if they thought, “of course everyone can sing and dance.” we gave our best attempts, but our artistic talents, unfortunately, failed in comparison to theirs. aspects of their culture, such as those mentioned above, were different from what i was used to; however, the haitian people had a welcoming, communal nature. traveling to haiti will remain one of the most impactful experiences of my life. i can now see the changes that i want to make in my community as well as in myself. for that, no greater gift could have been received. haiti from a different perspective: darrell haley jr. haiti was quite a memorable trip. the haitian culture, the people, and environmental factors greatly impacted my experience. i was inspired by the country's resilience; i saw all of its beautiful pieces. while in haiti, i saw pieces of a beautiful but broken country. my perspective of the country was initially bad. before i arrived, i had classified haiti as a violent country and was reluctant to go on the service-learning experience. however, my passion for helping others haley jr., bohler, watts, muhammad, nadri, hawkins, ampy, allums, and mangrum 4   undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013 diminished my initial fears and i decided to go. the moment i stepped off the plane, i saw why haiti means “land of mountains.” before i embarked on this journey, i brainstormed possible strategies to truly help the haitian people. after much thought, i knew that i wanted to help haiti develop a plan for creating a sustainable environment. however, i found that there were three main problems preventing the haitian people from truly becoming sustainable: the 2010 earthquake, emotional trauma and pain, and a lack of education. these three factors, from my perspective, were the culprits responsible for a broken haiti. haiti experienced a devastating earthquake in 2010. it killed 220,000 people, injured 330,000, and displaced 1.3 million (usaid 2013). the effects of the earthquake still can be seen, architecturally and psychologically. buildings are still destroyed, construction is progressing slowly, and many people still live in tents. the earthquake and its aftermath have caused the haitian people a lot of psychological distress. on our visit, we were able to help the haitian community psychologically. more specifically, my peers and i focused on helping children and young adults cope with their problems. most of our activities involved mindfulness techniques, but also ranged from discussions to games. we soon found out that the haitian people are very resilient. most of them were able to continue their lives effectively, but it was obvious they had pain bottled up inside of them. many had no idea how to express their feelings. these problems were illuminated through their behavioral reactions, feelings, and thinking patterns. the children had a lack of confidence to discuss their issues. even in a one-on-one environment the activation of defense mechanisms was present when trying to address issues about the earthquake. in addition, many people in haiti choose to live in tents, fearing another earthquake. individuals were traumatized from collapsing buildings to the extent that it still prevents them from entering structural buildings. the devastation from the earthquake astounded me. i feared mother nature and her untamable ability. after i returned to the united states, however, i was taken aback from information i learned about the chile earthquake. one month after the haiti earthquake, chile experienced an earthquake that had devastating qualities as well. although still high, only 525 people died in chile as a result of the earthquake and 25 people were reported missing (usaid 2013); these numbers pale in comparison to the haiti earthquake. however, the magnitude of the chile earthquake was 8.8 compared to haiti’s earthquake magnitude of 7.0. technically speaking, the chile earthquake was 500 times more powerful than the haiti earthquake. so how did only 525 people die in an earthquake that was considered 500 times more powerful than an earthquake that killed 220,000? this leads to the final roadblock in haiti’s journey to sustainability: a lack of education. although there are many factors that contribute to the devastation of an earthquake, one of the main factors responsible for the death toll in haiti was building collapse. most buildings were not structurally stable and crumbled once the earthquake started. the chile earthquake signifies that there has already been progress in creating earthquake-resistant buildings. the buildings constructed in chile were built to support each other in the event of an earthquake; they are more resistant and are more likely to tear apart and stay structurally stable than crumble entirely (haas 2010). the earthquake served as the catalyst to the trauma and pain in the haitian community. the lack of education magnified the destructive power of the earthquake and has become detrimental to the sustainability of the country. in order to create a sustainable environment, haley jr., bohler, watts, muhammad, nadri, hawkins, ampy, allums, and mangrum 5   undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013 knowledge must be turned into wisdom. in order to accomplish this, the haitian people need education. the best strategy in helping the haitian people is by providing methods to support them and guide them in changing and shaping their country in their own image. there is a chinese proverb that says, “give a man a fish and you feed him for a day. teach a man to fish and you feed him for a lifetime.” this is essential in order to create a sustainable environment. my initial thoughts about sustainability were to establish a program that keeps americans coming back to haiti consistently. however, true sustainability lies in the hands of the haitian people. we have to help the haitian people convert knowledge into wisdom. if we continue to give the haitian people “a fish” every day, then they will never acquire the wisdom “to go fishing.” if we do not teach and have them apply what they have learned, how can they ever hope to be self-sufficient? how will they have the power to reshape their country? currently, education is being emphasized in haiti. efforts are being made to establish free education, and this will be very beneficial to the haitians. but, right now the literacy rate is just over 50%. on top of that, only roughly 50% of school-aged children are enrolled in school. if you take into consideration that 40% of haiti’s population is under the age of 14, essentially half of the next generation will be illiterate (usaid 2013). if we can find methods to change these numbers, then haiti will be in a position to truly make a significant change. if i could suggest anything, it would be to continue attending service learning and community-based research opportunities. however, on top of giving them a fish, why not teach them how to fish as well? wisdom is self-obtained; there is no way to teach it. however, we can teach and pass on the information and education needed to obtain wisdom. teaching and education come in many forms, and if we can give the haitian people wisdom to continue using the methods provided to them, it can be greatly beneficial. if we can use education as the doorway to giving the haitian people wisdom, it will enable the haitian people to take control of their country, shape it according to their culture, and be the glue that is needed to restore their country back to its wholesome beauty. reflections on the structure of education as witnessed in carrefour, haiti: amirah bohler for the past seven years i have increasingly found myself interested in work that involves children. i have gravitated towards community service as well as professional work in the area of nurturing and cultivating children. i presently work as a pre-kindergarten teacher, stimulating the minds of future business owners, community leaders, political activists, and educators. when presented with the opportunity to travel to another country and continue to do what i love, i thought i'd be foolish to let it pass me by. the time we spent at the school of grace international, inc. was the experience i found myself reflecting on the most. coming from a pretty well-rounded upbringing and working for a group of people with a large amount of resources allowed me to make the stark contrast between what i knew and what i would soon learn. our first week in haiti was spent in service to the students in their classrooms. we visited each grade level and shared with them our purpose for being there. we were able to teach healthy coping and relaxation skills as well as teach the secondary students the three important components of emotions: they are composed of thoughts, feelings, and behavioral reactions. upon stepping foot onto the school’s campus, it was quite clear how vastly the environment we were in differed from the schools we attended growing up in the united states. these differences became more apparent once we entered the classrooms. haley jr., bohler, watts, muhammad, nadri, hawkins, ampy, allums, and mangrum 6   undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013 at first sight we were greeted by a locked iron gate that separated the school’s campus from the surrounding community. there were a total of five locked gates throughout the property, all which had to be unlocked by a school staff member. the perimeter of the school also consisted of concrete walls with barbed wire at the top. where there was no barbed wire, there were glass bottles cemented into the wall upside down and broken. these features were put in place to secure the school from outsiders. the grounds were mostly dirt and rocks with some patches of grass here and there. the students were in three different locations: a two-level building for lower primary, the church building for upper primary, and a number of cement classrooms towards the rear of the property for the secondary students. each building lacked walls that connected to the ceiling or functional doors for classroom privacy. entering the first classroom, we found one teacher leading a group of 48 students, and some of her students were absent. one chalkboard was filled with information, and the chalk in the room was scarce. the students sat on wooden benches connected to wooden tabletops. there were about six to eight students per bench, creating very close quarters and limiting elbowroom. the only form of ventilation came from the gaps between the walls and the ceiling. taking into consideration the structure of these classrooms and buildings, one can only imagine how the classroom functioned. the three lowest grades of the primary school were all housed together on the first floor of the building; none of the rooms had walls to separate it from the others. observing the school’s physical structure led me to wonder, “where do they use the restroom?” the answer to that question: outside. everyone used the restroom outside, wherever they could find some privacy away from the building and other people. the only age level that had a designated area to use the restroom was the secondary students. more specifically, the females had a concrete wall to step behind that offered privacy. the males utilized the side of the wall or building. there were outhouses present, but strictly for use by faculty, as they had locks only faculty could access the key to use. experiencing the american school system and then seeing first-hand how this school in haiti was structured and operated, i was left speechless. to top it all off, i envisioned my own classroom and the copious resources present. my pre-kindergarten students have access to an array of things to help stimulate their minds, including: manipulative toys, trucks, puzzles, a dramatic play area, a library, computers, and regular meals. structurally, they have a private classroom with a ratio of ten students to one teacher; the class size does not exceed 25 students. the classroom has walls that reach the ceiling, windows that can serve as a second source of ventilation, two doors for exiting as well as privacy, and gender specific restrooms with a door for privacy. sadly the list of haves and have not’s is quite lengthy between these two groups. when i stepped into the lower primary classrooms i saw classes of students the same age as mine, but twice the size as mine, with one teacher. almost each student had a notebook and pencil or ink pen to write with. almost. the teacher’s supplies were limited compared to what i have access to. so i asked myself what are the major differences between the two environments. from my observations, i was able to come up with four things: capital, staffing, physical structure, and community support. these are very important components to a flourishing school. without these four categories being strong in what they offer, how successful can a school be? not only is the success of the school affected, but so are those directly involved with the school as well. the psyche of these individuals eventually becomes impacted when the school becomes ineffective and no longer able to function. haley jr., bohler, watts, muhammad, nadri, hawkins, ampy, allums, and mangrum 7   undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013 to begin, the first component of a fully functional educational facility is that of capital. the school we spent time at, like many of the haitian schools, is a private educational institution. parents pay a yearly tuition rate that covers education costs as well as uniforms. since only 10% of schools in haiti are public, a majority of parents and guardians have to pay tuition (office of the secretary-general's special advisor on community-based medicine and lessons from haiti 2013). higher tuition costs are associated with a higher quality of education, better trained teachers, and better in-school teaching resources and supplies. the school’s educators were not only teachers, but served in other capacities in the community as well. “the country suffers from a lack of qualified teachers and inadequate curricula.” (office of the secretary-general's special advisor on community-based medicine and lessons from haiti 2013). also, a number of educators teaching in haiti do so without adequate training. without the proper training and resources, staff members are forced to utilize what they have. for many, this includes what they have been taught by someone else with limited resources and insufficient learning. “a coordinated effort is emerging to improve teacher training, student enrollment, attendance, and completion. often the teachers are not only unqualified but also face extremely difficult work environments, with little to no access to school materials and very inadequate salaries” (hope for haiti 2013). the physical structure of the school is the third important factor i feel affects school success in haiti. i observed four walls that did not connect to the ceiling and a lack of doors. “school structures range from being made out of coconut and banana leaves to corrugated metal roofs and concrete blocks. many lack electricity, bathrooms, clean water, food, first aid, benches, chalkboards, and daily classroom necessities” (hope for haiti 2013). one can only imagine how greatly the physical structure affects the learning process as well as the retention of students and staff. while in our designated classrooms teaching, we could certainly hear what was going on in other rooms. not only was it heard, but it distracted the students as well. once there was an uproar next door and immediately students popped out of their seats to see what was going on. this happened a number of times during my experience in the haitian classroom. also, i observed how freely students roamed the school grounds while classes were taking place. some students left their classroom or had break-time, walking over to another class and standing outside the “doorway.” not only does this impact the experience for the students, but for the teachers as well. “it is well acknowledged that the haitian education system is far below international standards and that the majority of school ‘facilities’ are beyond inadequate to provide a suitable learning environment.” (hope for haiti 2013). when i reflected on the structure of the school, i thought how much the lack of access to a private restroom can impact the retention of female students. female students as early as the upper primary level are beginning to experience physical changes with their body. the lack of restroom privacy coupled with feminine growth and development can surely impact a female student’s desire to attend school regularly. the final component i observed that has a major effect on the education of haitian students is that of community support. support begins at home with the parents’ desire to send their children to school, and then support must come from within the haitian community. a number of u.s. school systems have parent teacher associations as well as school boards. with the involvement of these two organizations, schools and school systems have the added outside support needed to help effectively run schools. looking at the initial support from parents, the need for financial stability is the core hindrance to educational support for students and schools. “the probability of a child attending school is positively associated with the household’s haley jr., bohler, watts, muhammad, nadri, hawkins, ampy, allums, and mangrum 8   undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013 education and wealth levels” (demombynes, holland, and leon 2010, 11). parents send their children to school when they have the adequate resources. what can a person thousands of miles away do to benefit the four issues that weigh greatly on education in haiti? be consistent in any capacity you serve. if it involves giving, continue to give. if it involves doing, continue to do. if it involves being, continue to be. continue to give monetarily if your resources allow, continue to do work from a distance or in haiti, and continue to be an advocate either locally or abroad. i learned that whatever you begin to do as an advocate for this issue, or any issue of importance to you, you must be consistent. positive changes do not come without persistence and commitment. and for the people receiving what you have to offer, it makes a great impact seeing and knowing it comes from a dependable source. children in haiti: mariam nadri during the three weeks i spent in haiti, i learned endless lessons about the culture, language, people, schools, families, and children. i also learned many things about my personality and myself. we spent three weeks in haiti and each day was spent with children. whether it was in a school, an orphanage, a village, or the streets, we were in constant contact with children. these children all come from different backgrounds and all have endless talents and desires to achieve their goals; i had an attraction towards these children. maybe it is my natural motherly instinct that pulled me towards these children or the fact that i saw my own reflection in their faces. the reason is not that important. i just felt a strong urge to help them. the motivation present in their hearts is incredible. each and every child i came across had a dream. if i could help in any way, i would be more than happy to do so. my love for these children grew stronger by the day. some of the children i only saw once, but that was enough to make me want to provide them with all that i could. food was one of their biggest needs. from my observations, their nutrition was not adequate. they may or may not get food in school. in the u.s. efforts are made to feed children so that they can think and do their best in school. in haiti efforts are made to feed the children, but these efforts are not always successful. the retention rate in haitian schools is very low. the lack of steady, nutritious meals for the children could be a possible contributor to this rate. if the schools were able to provide meals for these children on a daily basis, the student attendance rates could possibly spike. food is the source of energy needed for these children to be able to perform to the best of their abilities. they need the education to be able to help themselves, their families, and their country. however, in order for them to be able to think, study, and focus on school, they need a full stomach. this energy is needed not only to fuel their bodies but minds as well. everyday we had three meals. it was a routine for us; we were fed no matter what. during the week in the school and the orphanage we had our meals in the van across the gate from the school children. one day i found out that the children were not on a regular eating schedule; lunch is only given to them occasionally, depending on the accessibility. learning this blocked my stomach. i could not get myself to enjoy my food anymore. every time i looked at the food i would think of the hungry children across the gate. i knew i was going to get a meal later in the day, but i was not sure if they would be able to eat. these thoughts constantly ran through my mind. it got to the point where i would take one bite of food and that would be enough for the day. haley jr., bohler, watts, muhammad, nadri, hawkins, ampy, allums, and mangrum 9   undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013 how could i eat when these children are suffering from malnutrition? how could i eat when i know the pain they are going through? i considered these children as my own; how could i eat when i know my own children are hungry? i have been raised with the concept that we have to feed our neighbor before we eat. it is a part of my culture and beliefs. going on this trip made me realize how strongly i felt about this issue. i realized how strong my love is for children. i found myself in haiti; i found out what i really want to do in life. i went on this trip because i wanted to give back to my community and help others. i succeeded, but this trip also helped me discover who i am and what makes me really happy. this was one of my most important experiences and i would love to go back again next year. until then, i would like to participate in organizations that provide food for the children and raise awareness for aid. these children are the future of haiti and if we want haiti to prosper, we have to help these children get on their feet. the downward spiral: jessica watts “you don’t want to regret not experiencing a once in a life time opportunity out of fear and the opinions of others,” is by far one of the best pieces of advice i received from a friend before going on this trip. i’ll admit that at first i was hesitant about going to haiti because of all of the negative stereotypes surrounding the country, including its health problems, crime, and poverty. i’m so thankful for the friend that gave me that advice because i would not have learned as much about myself, service, and other people as i did in my three-week stay in haiti this summer. i would say overall my trip was an eye-opening experience. you always hear that you never know what is really going on in someone’s life; someone can be the happiest person and you would never suspect that they are dealing with pain. this trip gave me a chance to see that first-hand. i have a newfound appreciation for all of the things i used to take for granted, such as: air conditioning, clean water, plumbing, and electricity. these are things i would have viewed as trivial until i went to a village where the people had no running water or electricity. one of the most poignant things i found myself thankful for after being in a culture surrounded by poverty is the opportunity in america to have good healthcare. as a nursing student at virginia commonwealth university, health was naturally one of the main things that stuck out to me. i was a little embarrassed that it had never occurred to me just how poor healthcare is in other parts of the world. this experience made me more appreciative, although it was hard to see the darker side of the field i plan to go into. it made me think about incorporating a cultural aspect into my future career as a nurse. i never realized how hard it is in some countries to see a doctor or get proper treatment for health problems until it was right in front of me. in america we are extremely lucky to have an abundance of doctors, medical technology and equipment, immunizations, the list goes on and on. by contrast, haiti’s healthcare is on a downward spiral. we toured a hospital in haiti that was technically shut down but i still noticed a few people being treated there. i was completely blown away to say the least. each room we passed was essentially four white walls and two hospital beds. no more, no less. a scale, a stethoscope, and two wheelchairs at most were the extent of the medical equipment in the entire building. i was no longer unaware that haiti had a huge lack of resources in the medical field. pastor francois, one of the people we worked closely with throughout our stay, told us that there is a very long wait just to be seen by a doctor in haiti. he mentioned that a sick person can go to the hospital and wait two hours at minimum to be seen and can still be waiting there after a week. haley jr., bohler, watts, muhammad, nadri, hawkins, ampy, allums, and mangrum 10   undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013 this is partly due to the minimal amount of nurses and doctors available in the country. many doctors are sent to haiti from cuba for a period of time because haiti has very few of its own doctors. this also represents a lack of educational resources because there isn’t proper training or money to send people to school to learn about medicine. as an example, there is a hospital in carrefour with 275 beds serving about 400,000 people (ekine 2013). one of the most striking moments of the trip was when we were at lambi village. the following is a quote that captures the experience i am discussing, taken from the blog i wrote everyday while i was there: right before we left i noticed a lot of commotion going on by a truck. a bunch of people were lifting an older woman into the truck and she looked very upset. one of the translators told me that she had vomit and diarrhea on her and that she had cholera from drinking the water. that same group of people gathered money together to send her to the hospital and then she left on that truck. that was really sad for me to see. especially knowing how hard it is for a lot of the people here to have access to clean water. i wondered how often that happens because based on the behavior of the people after she left i got the impression that it is the sort of thing that isn’t really new to them anymore or they didn’t seem to see it as big of a deal as we did. i’m really glad lambi village has the community center area that holds classes about cholera prevention after seeing this today. later on we were told that she may not have even had cholera because she was under a lot of stress; those are some of the same symptoms as dehydration. but this showed me how much stress and strife poor health brings to the haitian people. the money that the woman needed to go to the hospital was about 40 haitian dollars. according to pastor francois, most of the haitian people only make two dollars a day. therefore, on top of the costs to feed their family and send their children to school, most people likely do not have the money to visit the hospital, which is part of the reason why the death rate from cholera is so high. the cholera outbreak has been ongoing since october 2010 and began by the united nations peacekeepers. as of march 31, 2013, 652,730 cases and 8,060 deaths have been reported since the epidemic began (centers for disease control and prevention 2013). one of the most important things that can be done for the country as far as prevention goes is to teach the people techniques such as boiling water to kill germs before they use it and to bury waste far away from bodies of water. one day when we were visiting the orphanage we were playing with the girls and noticed the youngest one had a bump on her stomach when we were tickling her. she lifted up her shirt to show us. it was then that we figured out she had a hernia. i started to see more and more children and adults with the same problem. i actually didn’t know what a hernia was until i researched more and learned that it is when an organ or tissue squeezes through a weak spot in a surrounding muscle or connective tissue. it can be caused by anything that increases pressure in the abdomen such as lifting heavy objects, diarrhea, or sneezing (webmd 2013). i thought about some of the things i saw there daily and understood why this is a common problem. many of the merchants on the street carry big baskets on their heads, children carry buckets of water to their homes after pumping it from a well, and diarrhea is common due to dehydration. it bothered me knowing there was hardly any money or knowledge about treatment, which usually involves surgery. if a hernia is left untreated, the protruding organ’s blood supply can become cut off and haley jr., bohler, watts, muhammad, nadri, hawkins, ampy, allums, and mangrum 11   undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013 infection and tissue death may result (webmd 2013). raising funds for medical care could be a solution to this problem. i feel i am a stronger person from this trip after hearing about all of the hardships the haitian people have gone through. all of the things i would worry about before going to haiti seem miniscule in comparison to the stories i heard while i was there. the overwhelming amount of stress in every age group made me think about the stress management class i took at vcu. i took a look at some of the root causes of stress in the country. these causes ranged from death or illness of a loved one, loss of a support system, financial worries, inability to finish school, and other family conflicts such as infidelity. when we were at the school i decided it would be a good idea to teach the kids some of the stress relief techniques i learned in my class. i taught them three basic techniques that i felt were easy for them to practice. the first one was simply deep breathing, where you focus on bringing the air from your stomach to your chest as you inhale through the nose, hold the breath, and then exhale through the mouth. i told the children this one is my favorite because i can do it wherever i am and it even helps me when i have headaches. the second one i taught them is called progressive muscle relaxation. in this technique each muscle is tensed one by one and held for about ten seconds; as you release this tension it is easy to take note of which body parts hold the most stress. many of them really enjoyed this technique because it is so interactive. the third one i taught was called mountain meditation. i felt it was perfect because haiti means “land of high mountains.” during this technique, you envision yourself as a mountain, thinking about how the mountain has been there through everything and endures all the bad weather that surrounds it. the kids sat, looked out the window, and saw the mountains as i walked them through the meditation, enabling them to better visualize it in their minds. with more and more practice, this technique has been proven to improve self-confidence and resiliency. teaching these lessons was one of my favorite parts of the trip because i was able to see how much of a difference the things i learn in school can make in other people’s lives. it showed me how important it is to take advantage of america’s great education system and use it to help others who do not have the same learning opportunities. the kids telling me which technique was their favorite was very motivating. i felt that they may practice it more and it is something they may find they can teach others as well. it also showed me they were paying attention and understood my message. it may sound cliché to say this trip was life changing, but it truly was an unforgettable experience. it changed the way i think about everyday things, my future, my culture, and other cultures. i have always wanted to help other people and make a difference in someone’s life. that is part of the reason i chose to study nursing. my trip to haiti showed me how to help people in a variety of ways. for one, i have always been the type of person who does not want to ask for help because i want to be proud of myself for being able to say i did something on my own. this trip showed me that this is not always realistic and asking for help does not make you a vulnerable person. i also saw that in helping others you also help yourself. the message i would really like to send to others going on a service or mission trip is how important it is to continue to help even after you come back. many countries have the impression that we forget about them when we come home. i really want to make the same lasting impression the haitians made on my life to their lives as well. beautiful pieces of a broken country: themed commentary haley jr., bohler, watts, muhammad, nadri, hawkins, ampy, allums, and mangrum 12   undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013 our learning experience in haiti was very rich and rewarding. during the trip, we became culturally aware of the haitian people and were able to appreciate their culture. although many aspects of their culture were different from ours, we were able to adapt and become better in tune with the lifestyle changes. this service-learning experience not only allowed us to understand the haitian people, but also empowered us to become aware of ourselves. each one of our experiences was life changing; the dynamic of helping and teaching others in need also enabled an environment in which we learned. education can serve as a catalyst for development. this development is empowering; it extends across the entire learning environment. if education can be used as a tool of empowerment, then the haitian people will be able to develop into a selfsustaining country. by traveling to haiti after the haitian earthquake, we were able to see a different type of haiti. we were able to see the pieces that are in the process of being put back together. seeing the separate pieces of a whole helped us to understand it better. similar to the beautiful pieces we observed in haiti were the pieces of our personal reflections, which combined to equal our whole experience, and in this case have been presented here through this reflective process and our reflective artifacts. like the beautiful pieces of haiti, the combining of our pieces of experiences, reflections, and observations has come to equal a whole that is greater than the sum of its parts. essentially, the reflective essays discussed here address three emergent themes relevant to our learning and development from our time in haiti. those themes are: • cultural awareness • personal awareness • experimental education (as service-learning) as a tool for development (of those serving/learning and those being served/taught) in order to truly help the haitian people, cultural awareness is required; it makes the experience truly one of a kind and enables change in unimaginable ways. many aspects of the culture are different, but the haitian culture is very welcoming and communal in nature. personal awareness and growth also occur on the journey; it is essential in the discovery of effective ways to make a difference, whether it is brainstorming possible strategies for sustainability or simply comforting those in need. the experience will be the key to encouraging education; learning about the country, the people, the culture, and the roadblocks is important. we know that in this process of teaching and educating the haitian people, personal growth is prone to occur, which we found was one of the greatest gifts of our trip. the process of lending a helping hand towards a sustainable haiti produces a breathtaking result; we witnessed the beautiful pieces of a broken country steadily mending together and experienced a glimpse of true beauty. we hope that through collaboration and education, haiti will be seen once again in its wholesome beauty. conclusion as stated previously, we traveled to haiti as a part of a vcu service-learning course. to paraphrase our professor, dr. micah mccreary, we stopped using embedded psychology, where you simply believe and affirm that hurting people will get better because they are resilient, and began using a deliberative psychology where we applied psychology to the life, situation, condition, and culture of the individual, family, community, and organization. we hope that our reflections have conveyed the life changing experience we shared as a community of scholars. haley jr., bohler, watts, muhammad, nadri, hawkins, ampy, allums, and mangrum 13   undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013 ~ we would like to express our appreciation and gratitude to dr. micah mccreary of virginia commonwealth university, for all of the hard work and dedication he put into guiding us on this trip. references centers for disease control and prevention. 2013. “cholera in haiti.” centers for disease control and prevention. http://wwwnc.cdc.gov/travel/notices/watch/haiti-cholera. culture. 2005. dictionary.com. the american heritage® new dictionary of cultural literacy, third edition. houghton mifflin company. http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/culture.   demombynes, gabriel, peter holland, and gianmarco leon. 2010. students and the market for schools in haiti. world bank policy research working paper series no. 5503. http://www-wds.worldbank.org/external/default/wdscontentserver/wdsp/ib/2010/ 12/13/ 000158349_20101213134039/rendered/pdf/wps5503.pdf.   ekine, sokari. 2013. "haiti's struggling healthcare system." new internationalist blog, february 25. http://newint.org/blog/2013/02/25/haiti-healthcare/.   grace international. 2010. “haiti empowerment program.” grace international. http://74738.inspyred.com/images/haitiempowermentbooklet%20%202nd%20version.pdf.   –––. 2013. “who we are.” grace international. http://www.graceintl.org/ pages.asp?pageid=97482.   haas, peter. 2010. “haiti's disaster of engineering.” tedglobal 2010. http://www.ted.com/talks/peter_haas_haiti_s_disaster_of_engineering.html. hope for haiti. 2013. “education program.” hope for haiti. http://www.hopeforhaiti.com/education.html. lott carey. 2009a. “lott carey: transforming lives with transforming love.” lott carey. http://lottcarey.org.   –––. 2009b. “history of the lott carey movement.” lott carey. http://www.lottcarey.org/history.         haley jr., bohler, watts, muhammad, nadri, hawkins, ampy, allums, and mangrum 14   undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013 office of the secretary-general's special advisor on community-based medicine and lessons from haiti. 2013. “lessons from haiti.” office of the secretary-general's special advisor on community-based medicine and lessons from haiti. http://www.lessonsfromhaiti.org/lessons-from-haiti/.     usaid. 2013. “haiti.” usaid. http://haiti.usaid.gov/. virginia commonwealth university. 2013. “service learning: our mission and vision.” virginia commonwealth university. http://www.servicelearning.vcu.edu/about/ourmission-and-vision/.   webmd. 2013. "understanding hernia – the basics." webmd. http://www.webmd.com/digestive-disorders/understanding-hernia-basics. ducker et al ra edit ay   undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   toward critical service-learning: alternative breaks at uc berkeley sarah ducker, katharine hinman, chika kondo, danielle ngo university of california, berkeley alternative breaks is a service-learning program that began in 2001 as part of the uc berkeley public service center. the program has changed considerably over the last 12 years, fluctuating in trip locations, issues of focus, and participant numbers. currently, we have ten service-learning trips that occur over spring break, two of which are accompanied by a winter break service trip and a summer internship program in the same location and with the same issues of focus. our trips visit communities principally throughout california, in addition to trips that visit arizona, oregon, and the gulf coast. our current issues of focus range from homelessness and poverty and immigration to animal welfare and environmental justice. currently, we work directly with approximately 170 students per year. each year, we are able to strengthen our program because we stand on the shoulders of the giants who have led it before us. specifically, our 2012-2013 cohort read and discussed tania d. mitchell’s “traditional vs. critical service-learning: engaging the literature to differentiate two models” and subsequently, we have worked to grow in a direction that better embodies the critical approach to service-learning she describes. we believe strongly that this approach is the most accountable and justice-oriented way to engage in the work we do. we believe that we cannot effect real social change if we do not understand the systems that perpetuate oppression, if we do not understand and work to redistribute power in the unjust hierarchies that support these systems, and if we do not build deep, authentic relationships within our own communities and with the community partners doing this important work everyday. inspired by mitchell’s article, our community partners, and everyone who has been a part of alternative breaks, past and present, we have made conscious strides in the last year with the goal of more fully embodying the components mitchell describes as crucial to critical servicelearning. much of this attempt to practice critical service-learning is encompassed within our program theme, solidarity in action, which informs our commitment to taking action guided by genuine community wisdom. this article is our attempt to document and share some of the strategies and facets of our program that best showcase the strengths and limitations we’ve encountered. we hope this article can serve as a companion to mitchell’s “traditional vs. critical service-learning,” a resource to other public service communities in higher education, and a continuation of the dialogue focused on strengthening our work towards a more just, equitable world. traditional vs. critical service-learning i started college knowing with great clarity that education was my passion, that i wanted to teach high school, and that i would probably spend college working with tutoring and mentoring programs outside of my coursework. but during my first semester of college, i applied to go on an alternative breaks trip to new orleans. this program has been the focal point of my college experience ever since. i am immensely grateful for having found alternative breaks and for the growth and learning i have experienced as a result of my participation in this program. ducker, hinman, kondo, and ngo 2     undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   alternative breaks was the first space where i was confronted with the fact that the “social justice” i had talked about for years, in large part through reform jewish youth groups and teen philanthropic foundations, was not even close to the whole picture. it provided a supported forum for me in questioning my own place in power and privilege dynamics, in exploring different parts of my identity and how they coexist with one another and with those of the people around me. it brought me face-to-face with realities so different from my own, in partnerships delineated by the simple truth that all lives are bound up with one another, no matter how different our experiences. it forced me to begin to consider my own role in perpetuating systems of injustice, to think critically about apparent social injustices and realize that the solutions are ever more complicated than paternalistic and dichotomy-reinforcing “band-aid” service projects. alternative breaks has and continues to serve as both a grounding space and stepping stone to my involvement in other spaces that have challenged, provoked, and inspired me consistently through my entire college experience. it is through my involvement in these spaces that i have begun and will continue indefinitely on my journey towards understanding and being an ally as best as i can. growing in these ways has been central to the development of my personal teaching philosophy, of the expectations i have for myself as an aspiring educator. i don’t think i would have experienced this same kind of growth had i been strictly involved in tutoring and mentoring programs, and i think these lessons and experiences are invaluable for any student who aspires to live a justice-oriented life. -sarah ducker mitchell (2008) defines traditional service-learning as “community service action tied to learning goals and ongoing reflection about the experience” (50). critical service-learning, however, takes this methodology several steps further and has the ultimate goal of “[deconstructing] systems of power so the need for service and the inequalities that create and sustain them are dismantled” (50). the three most significant distinguishing factors, she explains, are “working to redistribute power amongst all participants in the service-learning relationship, developing authentic relationships in the classroom and in the community, and working from a social change perspective” (50). critical service-learning programs, mitchell (2008) argues, must acknowledge and confront the inevitable power differentials that characterize service-learning relationships. all too often, service-learning programs are constructed from an “us-them” viewpoint, in which students, prepared with university-level knowledge and experience, enter “broken” communities to “fix” them. rather, in order to address these power issues and move away from dichotomous, hierarchy-reinforcing ways of thinking, critical service-learning “requires confronting assumptions and stereotypes, owning unearned privilege, and facing inequality and oppression as something real and omnipresent” (56). these discussions must characterize both the servicelearning classroom and the community-based components of the program. service should involve working alongside community members, not for them, in whatever ways they determine to best serve community needs. sometimes, these community needs may not align exactly with what participants expect their service to be. one year, our urban health in los angeles trip participants were engaged in a one-day service project with a free clinic. their service involved moving boxes and furniture for the day, as the partner had just received new equipment and needed assistance moving it all into place. at the end of the day, some students felt they were not doing “real work,” that as uc ducker, hinman, kondo, and ngo 3     undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   berkeley students, their service should be more “intellectual.” together, the breaks leaders facilitated a discussion challenging participants to question what it means to be a berkeley student. does it make us “above” doing manual labor? for them, it was an important learning moment, a realization that community partners are best equipped to determine what is most helpful to them. spending their day moving the equipment freed up hours that staff could spend on other work, work our students could not do because it required a deeper understanding and longer commitment than we could offer during just one week. mitchell (2008) also explains that critical service-learning must work to build authentic relationships based on connection, which work with difference and not in spite of it (58). to avoid service-learning relationships characterized by domination and subordination, an environment of reciprocity, in which all parties are learning from and teaching one another, must be created. in developing a social change orientation, mitchell (2008) emphasizes that the focus of service-learning programs must be redirected from solely the student experience to a balance between student outcomes and social change. critical service-learning, mitchell says, “[encourages] students to see themselves as agents of social change” (51). in order to do this, we argue, students must begin to understand the systems that perpetuate social injustice, as well as the ways in which they are implicated in those systems. mitchell states: critical service-learning pedagogy fosters a critical consciousness, allowing students to combine action and reflection in classroom and community to examine both the historical precedents of the social problems addressed in their service placements and the impact of their personal action/inaction in maintaining and transforming those problems. (54) students must be challenged to realize, acknowledge, and take responsibility for the roles they play in perpetuating injustice. arguably the most challenging aspect of social justice work, taking responsibility for one’s privilege and role in systemic inequity, is crucial to developing the understanding that one can play a role in dismantling those very systems. in what follows, we detail the ways in which uc berkeley’s alternative breaks program strives to maximize the potential of our university’s resources and academic privilege to effect positive social change and engage students in what is hopefully the beginning of a lifelong commitment to this work. we work towards these goals through doing our best to embody each of mitchell’s three characteristics of critical service learning. a social change orientation when i was 13, i was sure i had all the answers. i knew there was always a clear right and wrong way to approach any issue. this naïve assumption was challenged for the first time when i left my small-town bubble in new england to go on a service trip to philadelphia. there i met liz, another volunteer, at the inner-city day camp we were working with. the first thing i saw her do was yank a little boy’s arm and scream into his face. this was enough to convince my friends and me that she was a monster. positive we were doing the right thing, we reported her to be removed from the camp immediately because someone so “dangerous” clearly did not belong there. though the camp management did confront her, they also informed us of her story. she had been abused again and again by people she trusted, and after leaving the last man who ducker, hinman, kondo, and ngo 4     undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   abused her, she and her three children had become homeless. she strived not only to keep her family sheltered and together, but also to give them the education she never had. i immediately felt foolish for assuming that i had the answer to a problem i knew nothing about. although liz’s behavior was inappropriate, i had no right to jump to conclusions about her character. as i have continued to engage in public service over the years, i have realized this is a common occurrence. often “service” does little more than reinforce the idea that a particular community is “bad,” “poor,” or “dangerous” because those “serving” have little understanding of the community’s history, culture, or the unique challenges it faces. fast forward to my second year of college, when through alternative breaks, i worked with a community health organization in los angeles to map empty lots and community resources in an attempt to determine potential future uses for the lots. at one point, we were taking pictures near one lot and a man driving by rolled down his window to ask, “why are you taking pictures of all the bad parts of the neighborhood?” his tone expressed his frustration with people like us, outsiders entering his neighborhood and portraying it as “that bad part of l.a.” without ever giving the people who lived there a chance to advocate for themselves. these moments have stuck with me and continue to remind me that it is not my place to point out the flaws of another community. every person and every community has a right to define its own goals and pursue its own methods to achieve them. to serve in solidarity, we must listen first and then act alongside the people with whom we are serving. it is in large part because of this program and moments like these that i have changed my career path from medicine to public health and social work. while working with different community partners through alternative breaks and learning about their approaches to empowering communities and creating change, i realized i have much more passion for this work than for medicine. i see my path as an opportunity to engage with communities and support people’s growth in a holistic way, something i could not do as a doctor. i am so grateful that i was able to be part of this program and that it has led me, hopefully, to a truly fulfilling career. -katharine hinman mitchell (2008) explains that the main difference between a program with a social change orientation and a traditional program is an emphasis on service for an ideal, rather than service for individuals. in addition, the social change orientation challenges students to recognize the injustice of systems and use that knowledge to tap into the power of communities and address root causes of the issues, thereby working to create real change. this goes far beyond the traditional model, which functions to meet learning goals and help students challenge their own assumptions and grow as people, but not support change in the community (52). to implement this social change orientation, students first must recognize themselves not only as agents of change, but also as embedded within current systems of oppression. students are asked to recognize the implications of their identities and backgrounds, how they manifest in terms of societal positionality and how they can play out in the classroom or while working with community partners. this can be difficult for students who have never thought deeply about identity and privilege, and the large range of experiences students bring to the program can make these moments tense and uncomfortable. we support our students in working through this dissonance because we believe understanding and awareness of these dynamics is crucial for students to become more accountable and strive towards partnership with community members and with one another. ducker, hinman, kondo, and ngo 5     undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   in order to create an environment for critical service learning and for students to interrogate their roles in oppressive systems, there must first be space allowing for education about difficult topics and acknowledgement of both the dominant and targeted aspects of our identities. like mitchell, we believe that working for social change also requires an understanding of the deeply-rooted systemic issues that have created inequalities and put us in a position to serve in the first place. we utilize our student-designed and facilitated courses, which lead up to spring and winter break service trips, to begin to establish this learning and build upon the knowledge that participants bring into the space from their various backgrounds and lived experiences. while this learning continues and perhaps occurs most meaningfully during the trip itself, we strive to prepare students as much as possible to enter communities humbly and with a solid foundation of understanding about the systemic issues they are working to address. we find that participants are more likely to find their trips transformative after they have experienced challenging moments throughout the semester and worked through them, both as individuals and supported by their peers. growth is an outcome of discomfort, and we ask participants to embrace that discomfort, to take healthy risks, to challenge themselves by confronting their assumptions and reevaluating their understanding of the world. doing this throughout the semester better prepares them for the 24/7 immersive experience these trips entail and better enables them to recognize ties between people’s stories and identities and the life circumstances they face. the more students are willing to work at understanding their own identities, experiences, and circumstances, the more open we find they are to doing the same for others. break leader retreat our weekend-long intensive break leader retreat takes place during the first two weeks of the fall semester. the retreat includes training around logistical responsibilities, introductory workshops on social justice concepts like power and privilege, opportunities for deep reflection, direct service with a long-term community partner, and social bonding with an eye towards relationship and trust-building, not just accomplishing tasks. it serves to set the tone for the rest of the academic year and jumpstart toolkit-building for the many responsibilities break leaders encounter in their new roles. break leader trainings after the retreat, break leaders (two per trip) continue training in biweekly sessions led by four student directors. the trainings focus on different topics throughout the year, ranging from class facilitation preparation and strategy to recruitment and selection to risk management. they also provide a consistent forum for group bonding and learning from the many skills and experiences leaders bring to the cohort. these trainings allow for break leaders to deepen their own understanding of root causes and recognize the connections between trips and issues, so that they can share this knowledge of intersectionality between issues and communities to their participants. decals ducker, hinman, kondo, and ngo 6     undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   during the spring semester, all program participants enroll in a weekly decal (democratic education at cal), a student-facilitated, for-credit seminar that meets throughout the spring semester of their trip. these semester-long classes include education about social issues and community partners relevant to each specific trip, a space to build relationships among participants, and facilitated critical dialogue and reflection. topics also include cultural humility in trip-specific communities and broader social justice concepts. our goal is to prepare participants to enter their trip communities ready to engage and serve in productive ways that build community and partnership, and are not harmful to the communities we work with. we take time to address questions and concerns that arise throughout the semester, often concerning anxiety about interacting appropriately with community partners. our understanding of cultural humility emphasizes that it is a process and emphasizes the humanity of all individuals. we discuss what it might look like to ask respectful questions, to offer criticism that is constructive, self-reflective, and that comes from a place of humility. we discuss risk management as a method of keeping ourselves safe, but also as crucial to serving community partners in the ways they need. the decal also offers a space for participants to reflect on their personal experiences and think about what a just society might mean for them, their families, and their communities. anchor organizations in order to deepen our work as an aspiring social justice program, each trip chooses an “anchor organization,” an organization with which we choose to commit a longer period of time because it effectively represents the community and its genuine interests. we ask break leaders to consider who works for an organization, how and when it was created, and who has the opportunity to be part of the decision-making process for its projects and procedures. finding organizations that are run by people who live in the community is an important aspect of the social change model, and it helps ensure that the projects students are involved with are truly in line with community goals and needs. to this end, we have created guidelines for our students to help them find partners that share our beliefs and respect for community wisdom and are interested in working with our students in an intimate, reciprocal manner. moreover, we encourage our leaders to discuss any potential new partners with trusted partners we have worked with in the past. as our trusted partners are active in the community year-round, they have a better sense of an organization’s position in a community and its relationships with other organizations than we can obtain from perusing a website or mission statement. in this way, we make sure that our limited time with communities is spent with organizations working for real social change, supporting this work rather than engaging in transactional service projects that can only create short-term, surface-level solutions or even harmful circumstances. community advisory group making a long-term commitment does not guarantee a social change orientation. we consider the community’s input about our work essential to supporting social change. therefore, we are currently working to establish community advisory groups (cags) in each of the communities with which our program partners. we have been working with our cag in new orleans for seven years now, and we plan to have cags established for the rest of our ducker, hinman, kondo, and ngo 7     undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   communities in the next few years. these carefully and intentionally-constructed advisory groups will offer us feedback on our work and help us decide on our yearly issues of focus, lesson plans, and changes to our housing or community partners. they consist of trusted members of the community and leaders working with our long-standing community partners. our hope is that this helps us to stay ever more accountable to the communities we serve. winter trips and summer internships social change is also about creating sustainable movements. one of the limitations of our program is that weeklong service trips are not nearly long enough to create the sort of social change we wish to see. social change is a long and difficult process to which people often devote their entire lives. as a program, we work to commit to this longer process through sustained partnerships. as our program grows and we increase our sources of funding and efficiency, we are beginning to offer winter service trips and summer internships, a recommendation originating from our new orleans cag, within the same communities as our ten current spring break trips. in this manner, while individual students may not be making a long-term commitment to our community partners, our program’s year-round commitment to communities allows us to better support the sustainability of their work, carry out more in-depth projects, and move past a model of one-time, short-term transactional service. in making these changes and working to further practice what mitchell describes as a “social justice orientation,” we have come to find that the most valuable parts of the alternative breaks experience for people at every level of participation is the opportunities we have for deep interaction and dialogue with community members and the authentic relationships we are able to build with them and among each other. these interactions offer a platform for idea and resourcesharing that cannot exist in transactional service experiences. students consistently refer to these moments of interaction as the most impactful parts of their trips. as our program grows, we hope to deepen relationships with our community partners and allow even more space for dialogue and work truly focused on social change. working to redistribute power growing up, i was often the only asian person in a given space. at school, i was always embarrassed to bring my bento box lunches and opted instead for the classic ham and cheese sandwich. i often had a hard time relating to others and was quite used to keeping my guard up whenever anyone asked about my personal or family life. however, the spring break of my sophomore year turned out to be the “game changer” that shaped the rest of my undergraduate career. before my experience with the new orleans alternative breaks trip, i never had conversations with people who were so open about understanding the roots behind personal experiences and struggles. these dialogues helped me check many of my assumptions and beliefs around social issues, people, and the concept of difference. hearing others share stories about their personal struggles, especially around their experiences during hurricane katrina, helped me to better understand structural inequality and what the impacts of that can look like. being in this space and participating in this program showed me that not everyone is able to live the life i was able to live, and that the reasons for that are not ignorance, laziness, or any of the other stereotypes people make about those who are “different.” rather, structural inequality results from the intersection of institutions and policies ducker, hinman, kondo, and ngo 8     undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   and the ways they can disproportionately or negatively impact people’s experiences. in the case of new orleans, remnants of slavery manifest today through segregation, achievement gaps, food deserts, and other structural inequities. i truly came to understand that history does, in fact, matter immensely, as it shapes and influences circumstances that exist today. the alternative breaks program was one of the first instances where i started to “unlearn” the way i had always operated, particularly how i understood power and how my individual privilege can impact power dynamics. it was my first step in unpacking what working to redistribute power means to me. alternative breaks helped me to push past the blinders i had on before to try and really understand the many faces of social problems and their many root causes. however, trying to navigate through all of these complicated layers has made me realize that i need to better understand where i come from and see how i am personally implicated in systems of oppression. in my efforts to think more critically of the world, i have reflected on my own personal history and become more aware of what power and privilege i carry in relation to others. i identify as a cisgender-woman, nissei japanese american, able-bodied, and raised with a middle class upbringing. my path to developing my identity was and still is a slow-brewing process, in which i acknowledge the different tensions that exist at the intersections of my identity. i have dedicated myself towards working to redistribute power because of all the lives that have touched me through this program. i strive to contribute to a world in which everyone is treated with dignity and respected with human rights. observing and listening to all the various stories from people of all walks of life, in new orleans and in other communities, has really showed me that no issue is ever black and white. i truly value the relationships that have shaped my understanding of social justice and my ability to ask difficult questions of myself and the people around me to work towards a more equitable society. having just graduated from uc berkeley, i find myself in a transitional place as i try to continue to live out my social justice vision against the waves of pressure coming from my family, school debt, an uncertain future, and societal perceptions of what a college graduate’s life should be. my next game changer is to move to new orleans to continue working with one of our long-standing community partners, the lower 9th ward village, to help strengthen the community’s ability to return. finding ways to work at redistributing power is a continual process and something i am always mindful of as i transition out of the academic bubble and into the next phase of my life. -chika kondo the second component of the critical service-learning model entails working to redistribute power. mitchell (2008) elaborates on the unseen power dynamics that exist in service, where privileged students enter into communities less fortunate than the ones they came from. she cites scholar-activist lori pompa: if i “do for” you, “serve” you, “give to” you that creates a connection in which i have the resources, the abilities, the power, and you are on the receiving end. it can be—while benign in intent—ironically disempowering to the receiver, granting further power to the giver. without meaning to, this process replicates the “have-have not” paradigm that underlies many social problems. (56) here, pompa highlights the possibility of inadvertently reproducing power hierarchies. these hierarchical relationships can be problematic, as they do not comprehensively address the issues ducker, hinman, kondo, and ngo 9     undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   that make a service a need in the first place. for this reason, mitchell insists on working to redistribute power as a crucial part of the critical service-learning model. in order to deconstruct the problematic paradigm that is often reinforced by service transactions, those engaged in direct service must be actively mindful about finding pathways to redistribute power. while a week of service cannot possibly accomplish this, our program continuously strives to take small steps that work to redistribute power in various facets of our work, recognizing that we will always be in process. we do this by recognizing the agency students carry, incorporating advocacy into our work, conducting equitable selection processes, facilitating power and privilege workshops and cultural humility trainings, and connecting trips back to the bay area or home community. sustained partnerships alternative breaks at uc berkeley is rooted in the belief that sustained partnerships help leverage the power and resources that the university holds in order to support community-driven projects and programs. all established trips are asked to maintain a majority of their community partners from the previous year to ensure we are solidifying existing relationships. trips are also required to fill out a community partner learning agreement with each of their community partners before the trip, which entails a discussion outlining, in great detail, the expected conduct of participants when they serve, what they should accomplish by the end of service, and what the participants will learn from working with this organization. community partners are asked to fill out a post-service feedback form, as well, as a way for us to measure whether their expectations were met. as we recognize that we only have a week to serve in these communities and we are often outsiders, we emphasize the importance of “bringing it back to the bay,” so that participants see how these social justice issues relate not only to the communities they serve with during spring break, but also to their communities at home and in the berkeley area. we aim to expand our program so we can commit to our community partners year-round. this helps to maintain long-term partnerships, build trust, and develop a better bridge between the university and the community. we hope this kind of expansion will allow us to build opportunities for advocacy and better collaboration. advocacy we do our best to veer away from service of a transactional nature because we believe transactional service perpetuates power dynamics and fails to address root causes of injustice. we value the wisdom and knowledge held within communities and know that their wisdom cannot be shared without first building relationships. sustaining communication and building trust helps us to value and give power toward community wisdom and the alternative forms of knowledge each community holds. part of building relationships and internalizing community wisdom is then working to disseminate this knowledge and spread awareness about systemic inequity and the work being done in communities to address it. students who have had service-learning experiences have the capacity to raise immense awareness among their family, friends, and peers. disseminating knowledge is one form of advocacy that encourages others to begin to value community wisdom and question their own assumptions and beliefs, widening the scope of impact we are able to have as a program. ducker, hinman, kondo, and ngo 10     undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   power and privilege this year in alternative breaks, we aimed to delve deeper in our advocacy efforts. we realized that many might not recognize how service can be problematized. in a speech to a group of students about to participate in the conference on interamerican student projects1, philosopher ivan illich (1968) emphasized that a “savior complex” can emerge when servicelearners immerse themselves in a community less fortunate than their own, only to ultimately benefit themselves and not the community. the invisible power relations that exist already are often perpetuated further when a service group enters into a different community, as those with less privilege serve the educational needs of students. we see this often when students’ applications and pre-program reflections use language around “helping” communities and “fixing” problems they face. in order to step back and move away from perpetuating hierarchical power dynamics, we focus on creating experiences in which students are able to begin unpacking their own power and privilege and recognizing how both personal and institutional structures contribute to social issues, both on small-group and societal levels. two of our break leaders this past year, who were simultaneously employed by the university’s multicultural community center, led a workshop which included an overview of basic terminology for folks who had never had these conversations and a component that asked our leaders to reflect on the intersections of their own identity categories and how those manifest in different settings. the facilitators of this workshop helped created a space of deeply insightful dialogue about the significance of power and privilege. many of the break leaders found it very useful and went on to carry out their own training for their respective participants. cultural humility we also conduct cultural humility training for trip leaders and participants before they depart. the concept of cultural humility offers an alternative to cultural competence in the field of medicine. in this context, tervalon and murray-garcía (1998) describe how cultural humility is a process involving constant self-reflection and self-critique, checking power imbalances in the physician-patient relationship, and being humble as a vehicle to developing authentic partnerships” (118). our cultural humility workshop centers on the notion that upon entering different communities, we must be respectful and consciously practice humility because of the invisible cultural differences that exist and power dynamics that can manifest unintentionally. we recently consolidated this training onto an online presentation platform, allowing it to be used and improved upon each year so that our study and praxis can continue to grow and develop. the training is intended to push participants to begin asking the deeper questions about why they are engaged in service and to help them further develop their relationships with social justice. recognizing our own beliefs and assumptions is one step towards working to unpack the many layers of power inequality and their roles in perpetuating social injustice. disorientation guide                                                                                                                           1 the conference on interamerican student projects (ciasp) sent canadian university students to do service in rural mexican communities (2006). ducker, hinman, kondo, and ngo 11     undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   we explored another form of sharing our ideas this past year with our development of a “disorientation guide” to service learning. the guide includes short pieces written by break leaders and directors accompanied by infographics to provide participants and anyone else engaged in service-learning projects with ideas and insights about how to deepen and complicate their thinking about service. article topics include “voluntourism,” critical reflection, cultural humility, how to think about choosing service partners who are truly working in solidarity with community, and overviews about critical service-learning more broadly. our program hopes to continue to build off the work and improve the guide so it includes more voices and insights. one goal we have in mind for next year is to create a video that helps to deconstruct service and provides a visual for how critical service learning can be put into practice. in addition, we broadened our scope of raising awareness about our practices when several student break leaders and directors presented at the national impact conference in albuquerque, new mexico. their presentation discussed how service learning can work to move away from voluntourism towards a more critical service-learning model. our students facilitated informative, critical dialogue with others engaged in leading and developing higher education service-learning curriculum to collectively discuss best practices and projects that help to promote a more social justice-oriented approach to service. post-trip solidarity lastly, in order to continue to strive towards our vision of “solidarity in action,” we continuously try to strengthen our sustainability efforts so that participants do not see their service-learning trip as an isolated experience. our goal is for these trips to serve as a platform for participants’ continued commitment to working for social justice. working to redistribute power requires consistent effort, much more than just a weeklong trip. for this reason, each trip organizes a service project in the bay area to help draw connections between the issues of focus in their specific trip communities and in their home communities. this not only supports better connections and relationships for students to continue their work, but also serves to highlight that virtually none of the issues we face are isolated in one geographic area. working to redistribute power serves as one of the visions guiding us in this work. we aim to consciously think about how we can better our program and curriculum to truly live into the values and practices of critical service learning. every year builds upon the strengths and progress of the previous years to innovate and implement better ways of putting theory into practice. developing authentic relationships growing up, i lived in an atypical household of a working mom and stay-at-home dad. my dad spends much of his time cooking, and he loves feeding our family of five plenty of dishes influenced by our vietnamese heritage or his “experiments.” to him, having a good cook in the house is like having a doctor; proper food translates to healthy living. i would always have the most delicious leftovers to bring to school for lunch, while i would walk by the cafeteria at the end of the lunch period to see that there were lines of students still waiting to buy their food. i ducker, hinman, kondo, and ngo 12     undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   would ask, why would anyone want to wait in line that long for food, food that is decidedly gross, bland, and greasy? since those times, i have come to realize the questions i could have asked instead. my circle of friends brought their lunches from home just like me, and i cannot recall the name of anybody i knew who bought our school’s lunches. social inequity and intersections of resource acquisition were staring me blank in the face, but i had no idea. i began learning what kinds of questions i could have asked myself after serving with the alternative breaks food justice trip. it is not just about having food and not having food, but to me, it is about access to resources for healthy lifestyles. who should get those resources, and where do they come from? what do these resources cost families, and are there strings attached? as someone who comes from a place of privilege, such as my status as an undergraduate at uc berkeley, should i know the people on the “other side” when i care about these questions? alternative breaks has given me the space to question what position i have in society and what “community” is to me and to others. more importantly, it has taught me how to build relationships with community members in all directions. when i serve with a community that is not my own, the importance of building authentic relationships with people is invaluable. my world becomes more colorful with the addition of more acquaintances, partners, allies, and friends. collectively visioning a shared future for our communities is like building a kaleidoscope of our hopes and dreams. each piece may be a little different and it looks like chaos from afar, but once i focus in, i see the intricate patterns that connect the pieces and the beauty it makes. i do not want to be disconnected from those around me, as i believe in our common goal of happy wellbeing and healthy lives. after graduation, i am most interested in working towards a collective vision through environmental policy and law. as i pursue my goal of influencing the rules which govern our society, i will remember that it is humans that make up humanity, not just names, figures, and actions. every line of governance affects groups of people, whether or not it is intentional. alternative breaks has taught me to be conscientious of the relationships that bind people together, and relationship-building is one major tool that i will carry on with me from my time at uc berkeley. life after graduation looks unpredictable and puzzling from my vantage point, but i am comforted by my knowledge that society is made up of networks of people and their authentic relationships with one another. -danielle ngo alternative breaks at uc berkeley strives to build what mitchell (2008) calls “relationships based on connection,” which includes appreciating, acknowledging, supporting, and learning from one another (58). these relationships can develop through a multitude of permutations between individuals. it may be between a pair of break leaders, a participant with a community partner, an alumnus with a community member, etc. these status identifiers in the alternative breaks realm are not meant to enforce any sort of power dynamic, but instead, to inform what experiences and insights a person might bring to the table. in building authentic relationships, we agree with mitchell that it is not just about noticing the commonalities between one another. our program works to bridge folks across differences in a meaningful way that translates to a coalition-based commitment to solidarity. we recognize that the relationships we aim for require time and space to develop. the growth of our community partnerships can take several years to develop, but the effect is astounding. the growing understanding and trust between our trips and community partners ducker, hinman, kondo, and ngo 13     undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   strengthens the work immensely, as each party involved can look back on positive memories that have defined their time spent together. shared beliefs are reinforced and visions become clearer. during this time, the space to provide feedback and dialogue with each other has proven essential to strengthening our partnerships. patiently allowing for such time and space to germinate relationships within alternative breaks also helps us recognize how to adapt to the changing needs and situations of the community. we aim to continue growing the authentic relationships developed through our program, as this only continues to strengthen the work we do. in authentic relationships, individuals are open about their identities, assumptions, biases, and emotions. individuals on either side can be honest about what they know and do not know, understand the perspectives that counter or build upon theirs, and challenge each other in critical moments that require every voice involved. many students are involved with our program each year and go through the motions of our service-learning model. most are evidently transformed by the experience, but some are not. time and time again, it is those students who speak highly of the deep, authentic relationships they have built that continue to be involved, either through our program in leadership positions or through other methods of continuing their work in their trip’s community or with a particular community partner. dialogue dates throughout the academic year, each of our break leaders participates in short, informal one-on-one meetings with break leaders from other trips. each pair of break leaders is tied to its trip’s particular social justice issue, but we believe it is essential for our leaders to explore the intersections of justice and community. much of our break leaders’ time throughout the year is heavily structured, often in their trip pairs, to meet program goals and accomplish tasks. so dialogue dates also serve as an opportunity to meet others in a casual setting and experience the humanness that operates behind all of their impassioned work. these dialogue dates help strengthen their awareness outside of their individual trips, form meaningful relationships, and engage in critical dialogue about the broader ideals which guide our program. all-community meetings we hold three all-community meetings (acms) during our program’s year. these events involve participants, leaders, faculty advisors, community partners, campus partners, and friends. at acms, we highlight the breadth and depth of our program’s history, excite students about their commitment to serve, and celebrate our community’s accomplishments. we hold the first acm in november to introduce our vision and model of social justice to newly admitted participants. it is the first chance for all participants and break leaders to meet each other and welcome each other into the space. our second acm is in january, the start of the spring semester, and marks the start of participants’ weekly decal seminars. this acm energizes the participants as they embark on the education component of our critical service-learning model. at our final acm held in april, the program and community reconvene to reflect upon their experiences, discuss intersections between those experiences, and celebrate what is hopefully just the beginning of a journey and lifelong commitment to social justice work. while participants spend most of the year meeting with just their trip peers and community partners, the ducker, hinman, kondo, and ngo 14     undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   consistency of our acms helps further our goal of coalition and community building across difference. community dinners during the weeklong service trips, break leaders coordinate with a director to organize one evening for a community dinner. the guest list includes alumni who have previously been involved with alternative breaks or the public service center, community partners, and community members; local residents are also enthusiastically invited to join. these community dinners highlight the people with whom we are working in solidarity and mutuality. it is a chance for participants to mingle, network, and bond with community and alumni. more recently, these dinners have also become hotspots of collaboration between alumni, many of whom work in professional sectors, and community partners, furthering our goal of connecting resources to people working to serve community needs. these dinners invite everyone to the table, allowing for dialogue, friendship, and meaningful collaboration. fundraising as organizing with the goal of keeping our trip costs and program expenses low, employing a strong fundraising model is critical. the entirety of our $50,000 annual budget is fundraised each year, thanks to our diversified and constantly improving model. a handful of campus grants and our highly-subsidized participant trip fees generate a sizeable portion of our revenue, but without program-wide fundraising, we could not manage this program each year. in the past, participants and leaders have sent letters to our friends and family, requesting donations to support the program. this year, we successfully piloted a partnership with piggybackr, a san francisco-based crowdfunding start-up. using piggybackr has helped our program fundraise with manageable effort in a way that is fun, easy, and effective, in addition to spreading awareness about the work we are doing. we also maintain a relationship with an oakland-based, women-led small business that makes cookie dough that we sell as another source of fundraising. in all parts of our fundraising model, we aim to build solid relationships with partners that share our ideals of economic empowerment and community building. financial aid compared to similar service-learning programs and trips around the country, our trip fees are some of the most affordable and subsidized we have seen. but in addition to this, it is highly critical for us to offer financial aid to support those who would be unable to participate in our program otherwise. our financial aid system operates independently of the university, and considers holistically the socio-economic and circumstantial situations of each individual applicant. this financial aid system allows students from all socio-economic backgrounds to partake in our program, which diversifies the perspectives in our trips, allows for the development of relationships that might not otherwise occur, and works towards actualizing our vision of equity. conclusion ducker, hinman, kondo, and ngo 15     undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   today, i am urgently concerned with making sure that once my time with this program ends, i have concrete knowledge and understanding that will allow me to continue “living” the things i have learned. in the field of education specifically, this means figuring out how i will materialize my goal of teaching critical history and herstory within a rigid public education system that is based and evaluated upon a broad but incomprehensive set of bullet-point standards. it means finding ways to earn the trust of and be an ally to students from all backgrounds, always conscious of my whiteness, my middle-class upbringing, my education at one of the most prestigious universities in the world, and the privileges that come with each of those backgrounds. and all the while, as i try to be the very best i can be within the four walls of my classroom, how do i make sure i continue fighting for justice at all levels of educational and social policy, working to dismantle the systems that oppress my students, and ensuring that my students are empowered to do the same? these are lofty goals, i realize, and perhaps “goal” is not even the right word because these objectives are not realistically attainable for one teacher, or even one school or district. and though i feel nervous because of the high stakes and importance of education, because i know how incredibly influential one single teacher can be in a student’s life, i also feel excited and hopeful because i know i take my next steps well-equipped with tools, understanding, and passion that are so important to this work. and i know, largely due to my own journey of the last few years and my work with alternative breaks, that i will spend my career tirelessly striving as though these goals are attainable because that is what my interpretation of “living social justice” looks like. -sarah ducker this companion piece to mitchell’s literature review is four students’ attempt to encapsulate the journey of a program working to embody the ideals mitchell discusses as the most crucial defining aspects of critical service-learning. this journey is occurring simultaneously on many different levels. programmatically, we are journeying to improve the work we do, to make firmer our commitments to community partners, to better train our leaders and participants to engage with social justice orientations, work to redistribute power, and build authentic relationships. individually, we are journeying to grow in the ways that we interact with this work, the ways that we exist within this program and outside of it. we are journeying to figure out how we can incorporate the invaluable lessons we have learned, lenses we have formed, and relationships we have built into living social justice-oriented lives beyond the scope of this program. in our personal narratives, we have tried to encapsulate the manifestations of these questions in each of our lives, as well as the processes we find ourselves engrossed within as we attempt to resolve them. ideally, these questions are on the minds of everyone who comes into contact with these experiences. how can we put into practice the things we have learned in such a structured, supportive environment? how can we stay involved and engaged with the community partners we have met, the social injustices we have begun to explore and address? how can we apply the principles and ideals we’ve come to value when we are no longer university students? as doctors, teachers, advertisers, farmers, researchers? although most participants are only part of this program for one semester, we aim to build a space for students to contemplate the urgency and importance of their own roles in relation to social justice work. at our final all-community meeting at the conclusion of each alternative breaks year, we encourage participants and leaders to see this experience as a ducker, hinman, kondo, and ngo 16     undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   starting point – a diving board, if you will – into a pool of passionate, committed, and long-term dedication to working for social justice. we ask them to continue asking difficult questions, pushing themselves out of their comfort zones, reaching out to build relationships across and inclusive of difference. we ask them to notice the structures and systems that underlie the world around them, wherever they go and whatever they do when they are no longer students of the university. to question those systems, to dialogue with the people affected by them, and to never stop working to make them more just. we ask them to stay involved with our program, either directly or through continuing to work with the community partners who have given them so much. moreover, students on each trip brainstorm ways to stay involved and in touch with their community partners via email, events, internships, or future service collaborations. this is one way we strive to build accountability and continuity into our program and to support one another in living out these ideals even after leaving the program. there is certainly discomfort in being faced with so many questions to which we cannot articulate answers. but perhaps, this is one way of measuring the success of the critical servicelearning model. even if we can empower students with the tools and supportive space to engage critically, to develop what a social change orientation means for them, to begin to understand structures of power and how they might be dismantled to successively dismantle systems of oppression, and to develop and nurture authentic relationships based in similar values and passions, we cannot expect them to finish the semester with everything figured out. moreover, if students leave our program and uc berkeley with these kinds of questions, what choice do they have but to continue to engage, to continue to search for answers to their questions? if our application of this model works, participants will continue through their lives embodying the principles that make up the critical service-learning framework and it will far outlive their semester-long classrooms and week-long service trips. ~ many thanks to our wonderful mentors at uc berkeley who inspire, challenge, and motivate us through and beyond this work and who helped us dream big enough to inspire, write, and improve this article: sunshine workman, megan voorhees, mike bishop, professor victoria robinson, and professor keith feldman. to all of the public service center professional and student staff, thank you for your ongoing dedication to public service and addressing social injustice. thank you to the 2012-2013 cohort of alternative breaks leaders, who have borne with our incessant pushing and helped us see where our plans and ideas could grow even bigger. thanks especially to those who provided feedback on this article: jonathan baio, jesse dutton-kenny, and omri avraham. thank you to all of the directors and break leaders who have come before us, the “giants” upon whose shoulders we all stand: asha choudhury, rica garcia, emily loh, and justin rausa. we thank you especially for your support and guidance as we transitioned into these roles. and thank you to all of the community partners who have worked with alternative breaks at uc berkeley. your dedication to your work moves and pushes us to do our work better. thank you ducker, hinman, kondo, and ngo 17     undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   for building relationships with us and allowing us to work side by side with you, learn from you, and grow with you. references conference on inter-american student projects. 2006. ciasp/cepia revista. http://www.ciasp.ca. illich, ivan. 1968. “to hell with good intentions.” speech presented to the conference on interamerican student projects (ciasp) in cuernavaca, mexico, april 20. http://www.swaraj.org/illich_hell.htm. mitchell, tania d. 2008. “traditional vs. critical service-learning: engaging the literature top differentiate two models.” michigan journal of community service learning (spring): 50-65. murray-garcía, j. and m. tervalon. 1998. “cultural humility versus cultural competence: a critical distinction in defining physician training outcomes in multicultural education.” journal of health care for the poor and underserved 9 (2): 117-125.   spera r edited ali undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013 service learning: bringing awareness to interventions needed within the aging community miranda spera virginia commonwealth university using service-learning activities in a dental hygiene program allows students to experience oral health promotion within a local, community setting. the students provide nonsurgical periodontal treatment to a variety of populations, including elderly individuals with limited access to these services. the school of dentistry’s dental hygienist program at virginia commonwealth university utilizes service-learning activities to allow students to expand their clinical experience. working off-campus under direct supervision of a dentist, students complete needed oral healthcare services. during my senior year in the dental hygiene program, i had an opportunity to participate in a service-learning activity that profoundly highlighted poor oral health conditions within the elderly population. assisted-living facilities offer a variety of therapeutic options addressing residents’ medical needs. medical professionals work directly with residents to improve their quality of life. services offered to residents include exercise programs, arts, crafts, and health monitoring. these services encourage creativity, socialization, and continued learning. in a collaborative effort to meet dental needs, students from virginia commonwealth university extended dental hygiene services to help residents maintain and improve their periodontal health. during one of my visits to the assisted-living facility, i was deeply saddened by the lack of daily attention given to residents’ oral health, mainly removal of food through brushing. medical conditions such as dementia challenge the caregivers and the residents. many of these residents are unable to recognize the need for dental attention. if caregivers attempt to offer routine dental care, the residents can become agitated, causing safety risks to the caregiver and the resident. when oral care is not provided, residual food debris accumulates. heavy plaque and calculus accumulations make it difficult to assess the health of residents’ periodontal pockets. a caregiver would have to brush residents’ teeth prior to performing periodontal assessments, including probing depths. in an effort to share my experience with fellow students, i suggested through a blog that they brush the residents’ teeth prior to recording those assessments. the levels of plaque and food debris are a hindrance to providing oral hygiene during the appointed treatment time. sadly, many residents refused muchneeded dental x-rays and treatment. while working in this facility, i began to ask myself: who could make a difference in these residents’ lives? are community members aware of the problems associated with dental care in assisted living facilities? if they were aware of these challenges, would members of the community collaborate with individuals in oral healthcare to make the necessary changes? what types of changes are necessary to make a difference? multi-level modifications are necessary to improve the oral healthcare of the aging population in these facilities. the primary level must explore behavior modifications and interventions with the residents’ direct caregivers or certified nursing assistants (cnas). a helpful intervention would be to offer a continuing education course on oral hygiene practices, specifically in residents with dementia or organic brain syndrome. at the academic level, prior to certification, students could complete a presentation on obstacles to providing oral health for all types of patients and how to overcome those obstacles. the lesson should include topics such as oral cancer screenings, brushing techniques, and overall oral healthcare challenges within the spera 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013 specific patient population. on a larger scale, community and statewide awareness is necessary to improve dental conditions in assisted living facilities. education and awareness empower change. service learning provided me with a wealth of education and the awareness i need to make a difference. there is an urgent need for dental intervention within our communities, and discussing and demonstrating proper dental care is one way i can offer to help at the ground level. through service learning, i have found compassion for the geriatric patient with altered mental acuity and have been humbled by the opportunity. ~ i would like to express my gratitude to the following professors for sharing their enthusiasm in the field of dental hygiene: mrs. tammy swecker, dr. joan pellegrini, mrs. anjum shah, mrs. christy casella, and mrs. michelle mcgregor. i am particularly grateful to mrs. kim isringhausen, mrs. coral diaz, and dr. patricia bonwell for opening my eyes to the many unmet dental needs found within our communities. a special thank you to dr. tracy fasolino for reading my manuscript and providing insightful suggestions. vanzanen edit ay undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013 the posture of a neighbor: building relationships through story kathryn van zanen calvin college during my sophomore year at calvin college on the eastern reaches of grand rapids, michigan, i transitioned from the residence halls, alive with energetic eighteen-year-olds, to a creaky century-old parsonage on the west side of eastern avenue, down which emergency vehicles make nightly pilgrimages and sirens provide the evening soundtrack. i was living in project neighborhood, six homes gathered under the banners of intentional living, community engagement, and calvin college residence life. the program attracts justice-minded students and mentors; each house comprises a covenant that centers on concerns of, among others, christian discipleship, environmental sustainability, local activism, and food justice. the most significant component, though, is the commitment each house makes to serve its neighborhood in partnership with a local organization. my house, peniel, which means “to see the face of god,” received support from eastern avenue christian reformed church, so we worshipped there on the occasional sunday, spent a few saturdays at the food truck, and participated in its tutoring program on thursday nights. the program paired eastern avenue congregants with students in the surrounding neighborhood, one in which approximately one-third of the population falls below the federal poverty line and just 12.1% hold more than a high school education (community research institute 2013). “tutoring” involved dinner in the church fellowship hall with all the other tutors, mostly white, and their students, mostly african-american, followed by an hour spent one-onone with my student in some corner of the building, working through class assignments together. the tutoring coordinator assigned students to each volunteer, and i put in a request for a spanishspeaking student. i hoped to practice my language skills with an adorable elementary schooler from the surrounding area. i pictured a pig-tailed eight-year-old lighting up when i sat down next to her for the evening meal. instead, i was assigned to nikia1, a high school senior who had once lived in the neighborhood. she had moved several times in the interim and was now attending a northeast side high school while living a thirty-minute bus ride south of the church, but she still came. she showed up late to dinner, snapping her gum and gossiping with her cousin while i did my best to seem cool. she seemed amused by my earnestness. nikia and her cousins had been coming to tutoring since they were in elementary school. previous tutors had struggled to convince her to stay in school, particularly during a period of familial strife, but i was told she was now determined to graduate. she’s had a few rough patches, the director told me, but she’s grown up a lot. you’ll like her. truthfully, i wasn’t so confident that she would like me. i’d been excited about moving into peniel, living out my values for social justice and community engagement, which all seemed very vegetarian chic. but interacting with other people concerned me a fair bit more than the arduousness of buying locally grown vegetables. as a relatively introverted child, i never developed much in the way of charisma or social grace. now, in our mandated, house-wide, service-learning program, i encountered the awkwardness of meeting new people, my discomfort further exacerbated by socioeconomic and racial differences. my housemates had drawn the 1 name changed. van zanen 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013 names of affectionate elementary schoolers whose homework involved drawing pictures and simple math activities. they were cute, and they adored their tutors. at seventeen, just two years my junior, nikia was sharp enough to see through my air of confidence to the underlying anxiety. i felt woefully unqualified to offer her any sort of help and wildly uncool in my attempts to keep us on track with her school syllabi. nikia was bright, spirited, loyal, and nononsense. i was nervous. all went relatively well for the first few weeks, and i developed confidence as we warmed up to one another. having deemed my earlier worries overblown, and having loosened up about actually accomplishing homework during our hour and a half together, i allowed my conversations with nikia to drift from the canterbury tales to our own stories. i talked a little bit about growing up on the southeast side, about living with four girls in an intentional community, and about my experience as a college student. she talked about her high school, her cousins, and the drama native to twelfth grade. i felt a little awkward, still, but we did okay. she was visibly patient with me, blowing bubbles with her gum while she waited for me to relax. one thursday night, halfway through a half-hearted government assignment, a casual question about where nikia’s mom worked snowballed into an hour-long tour of her family history. i knew, of course, that her family was not the nuclear unit i’d grown up in—when describing her home life, she mentioned mostly her grandmother and aunts. i knew her life wasn’t easy. i understood, more or less, the population eastern avenue’s tutoring program was designed to serve. but surmising the situation from overheard gossip and the comments of other adults did not affect me like hearing it from nikia’s lips. she mapped out the family tree: a brother, incarcerated, whose girlfriend had just revealed her pregnancy by another man. a father with a history of substance abuse and disappearance. an overworked mother, whose own mother did much of the extended family’s childcare. a series of moves that had almost pulled nikia out of school for good. the teachers who had convinced her to stay. nikia was tough—she threatened to fight her best friend’s bullies and was fiercely protective of her younger cousins; she fought to make the dean’s list in a school with a dismal graduation rate. so when she told me she struggled, i knew it was true, and i also knew that she trusted me. she would make snarky comments about her english teacher and complain about her online classes. she’d tease me, and i could tell she watched for my reaction. we circled each other, testing out questions, speaking lightly and waiting for a response, but when she told me about almost dropping out of high school, she broke her fighting stance. when she shared the private shame and struggles of her family, she spoke across the space between us. that night, nikia had to run to catch her bus and i was late to meet my housemates for the walk home from church. when they asked how my night had gone, i beamed. we just talked, i said. we’d left nikia’s homework largely undone, but that didn’t matter. the facts and details of the stories we told didn’t matter. earning nikia’s trust mattered. her display of honesty and vulnerability marked the most powerful moment of my project neighborhood experience. when she told me about herself, she implicitly described all the ways we were different, realities i’d been afraid to acknowledge. sharing our experiences forged a deeper connection between us, and that gave me hope. i’m preparing to graduate from calvin college with an english degree, two years after leaving project neighborhood and moving several blocks west of that creaky old house and the church down the street. from what i know, nikia has recently finished her freshman year at a university just north of here, on her way to a bachelor’s in social work or psychology. we talked a lot about community in my project neighborhood seminar and around the peniel kitchen van zanen 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013 table, and we read articles for class about good practices of racial reconciliation and social justice and civic engagement. i carry those with me into new college houses and plan to take them much further. but it was from my twelfth-grade tutee that i learned the strongest lesson of that year: something fresh about the power of stories to bring people together, to confer friendship, to bestow trust. i learned something about telling them with humility and bravery. i had limited our interactions out of fear that we were too different; we wouldn’t have enough to say to one another. but nikia risked friendship to invite me into her life, and though i’ve long since forgotten the details of our class readings, i hold onto her example of honesty, vulnerability, and courage. she showed me how to be both tough and tender—the posture of a neighbor and a friend. ~ gratitude goes to dr. jeffrey p. bouman for encouraging and affirming me in writing and service and to the spirited women with whom i shared my year in peniel. references community research institute. 2013. “baxter community profile.” johnson center of grand valley state university. http://cridata.org/geoprofile.aspx?type=31&loc= 2634000031003. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 using community-based research principles to guide the collaborative process in health sciences undergraduate education derek manis university of ontario institute of technology group work is frequently used in undergraduate health sciences education to help students become accustomed to working with others because the healthcare industry increasingly values and requires interprofessional collaboration to accomplish its aims. however, many students have reservations about group work, which inhibits a positive educational experience before the group members meet for the first time. in order to achieve academic excellence, most students would agree that group work detracts from having complete control over one’s grades. thus, group work becomes a significant source of anxiety because one must rely on the work of others and relinquish total control over the process used to complete assignments. learning and applying the principles of community-based research (cbr), as presented by hall (2014), in a group work context can offer sound guidance to high-achieving students to help ease their anxieties of having to depend upon others to put in the same effort and perform at the same academic level. this reflective essay explains how the principles of cbr can be used to help guide one’s actions and the collaborative processes required in an online group work assignment. it is anticipated that these reflections offer new ways of looking at group work in an academic context, that they help other students be more comfortable engaging in collaborative assignments, and that they support instructors in providing high-quality education. it can be difficult and challenging to know how to effectively reach out to new classmates. this can become even more challenging in the virtual learning environment because students may lack opportunities to interact with each other in real time and establish common ground with others. therefore, instructors may consider it a good practice to do introductions, such as posting a picture of one’s self with a brief statement of academic and personal interests, at the beginning of the course. otherwise, the only distinguishing factor between people is their names. as societies and communities continue to develop and evolve into highly diverse and multicultural environments, it is important that students and instructors be aware of the unique experiences that each person brings to the course. in this course, group members were randomly assigned. all members were able to review the profiles of their assigned group members and fellow classmates to determine commonalities, which made connecting with them individually and collectively easier. during our initial email exchanges, we agreed to use skype to hold conference calls, as this would be a good strategy for us to meet virtually and to accomplish our work. additionally, to ensure that everyone knew when meetings were scheduled, we used the calendar invite function within our email accounts. we encountered some obstacles using these tools, such as coordinating time zones, but once we established their functionality and how they would be used, we became proficient at integrating them to connect as a group. outlining expectations regarding how work and meetings will be performed is an effective strategy that resonates similarities to the creation of a memorandum of understanding between a university and a community group (ball 2014). one beneficial outcome of using this strategy is that all group members understand and accept the mutually agreed upon methodology for engaging with each other. this understanding facilitated greater transparency in our individual actions and reduced the likelihood of miscommunication. moreover, all members knew how and when they were required to come together to discuss the progress of our group manis undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 2 work. this was a crucial step for laying a foundation to facilitate a productive and streamlined approach to group work. the notion of community capacity building demonstrates that sharing knowledge and learning with, and from, others to master new technologies permits groups to flourish (minkler 2005). furthermore, members should be more capable of producing high-quality contributions to accomplish the group’s tasks. in this particular work, learning how to use new tools with group members to increase the efficiency of our work processes facilitated an easier working relationship, and it benefited everyone because we learned new skills that we could employ during this new collaborative process and in future ones. helping others learn and succeed can produce profound intrinsic rewards, which is one of the well-established benefits of a cbr approach because of its heavy focus on interpersonal interactions (wallerstein and duran 2006). it cannot be assumed that every working group member will share the same opinions and convictions regarding how and when tasks are to be completed. therefore, it was imperative that we decided how decisions impacting our work were made. we agreed to be inclusive in our approach during group meetings by offering everyone present the opportunity to share his or her thoughts prior to the decision going into effect. our decision to use an inclusive approach echoes aspects of cultural humility because of our diversity in individual beliefs and backgrounds (minkler 2005; ross 2010). it forced us to be aware of, and to look deeper at, reasons why others may be in favor of one idea over another because of current academic workload or other personal circumstances (e.g. religion, family, job, etc.). being sensitive and aware of these aspects can help to formulate ideas as to how one could be more supportive to his/her group members. as such, it assists in managing workloads and alleviating unnecessary stress attributed to working with others. when we compared our assignment requirements to our individual workloads, we determined that we needed to break the assignment into smaller and more manageable pieces. this task required us to plan out our entire proposal and divide the workload as evenly as possible. from there, we decided to use a progressive approach, where each person’s contribution built upon the work of others. this is quite similar to the cyclical process used in cbr because the assignment requirements were addressed through the regular review and revision of the contributions of others (ball 2014). by building off of each other’s work, we ensured that our work was progressing in a satisfactory manner and would meet our goals for academic achievement. moreover, this approach ensured that we remained in regular contact and held each other accountable to submitting each individual’s work for group review by the established deadlines in our project plan. we did encounter a situation where we had to significantly revise the work of one group member because it was very poorly written, did not build on the content from previous sections of the proposal, and contained irrelevant information. group work assignments have an inherent expectation that all members will perform at an acceptable academic level. when this does not occur, it can be extremely frustrating and disappointing to other hard-working and highachieving students. these actions could be interpreted as a lack of respect of others’ time and efforts brought to the group assignment, which could have a negative impact on group dynamics and future productivity. upon further introspection, knowing how to tactfully address areas of concern with peers during a group assignment is a critically important skill. ball (2014) writes about the tensions that can occur between a university and community group, which confirms the need and importance of using effective interpersonal conflict resolution skills. if students finds themselves in a similar situation, it is important to confirm that their fellow classmates manis undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 3 understood the required academic expectations, explain where there were deficiencies, and create a plan with the colleague and other group members to ensure that the work was corrected as quickly as possible to mitigate the possibility of negative consequences, such as receiving a poor grade on the assignment. one of the key components in cbr is the drive to produce social change (reid and brief 2005; wallerstein and duran 2006). in our assignment, we decided to create a proposal for a revised sexual health promotion strategy to reduce the rates of sexually transmitted infections among youth in our geographic region. while the project inherently captured the essence of cbr, having group members engaged and willing to work as part of that social change mechanism was an excellent motivator to keep everyone focused and on task. although we do not have the opportunity to implement our work into our community, we were able to complete the task, which can play a role in educating our peers to practice safe sexual behaviors. overall, group work can be a very worthwhile and rewarding experience. but, if everyone involved contributes equally and shares the same academic goals, the intrinsic and extrinsic rewards can be even greater. this group assignment provided a good opportunity to connect with a few other students who also expressed interest in pursuing graduate studies. in closing, it is essential that all students be aware of how to form expectations of their group work outputs with their peers, look for ways of improving the group experience for everyone involved, and be committed to keeping one’s peers engaged and motivated to perform the group tasks. moreover, course instructors should support students in making meaningful connections with their peers, provide them with opportunities to refine the soft skills of collaboration in a nonthreatening environment, and be an academic resource to enhance student learning. these strategies rooted in cbr principles should help other students achieve a more fulfilling collaborative experience within an academic context and in their professional lives. ~ i would like to thank dr. clemon george for his support and guidance in submitting this essay for publication. references ball, jessica. 2014. “on thin ice: managing risks in community-university research partnerships.” in learning and teaching community-based research: linking pedagogy to practice, edited by catherine etmanski, budd l. hall, and teresa dawson, 25-44. toronto: university of toronto press. hall, budd l. 2014. “learning to listen: foundations of teaching and facilitating participatory and community-based research.” in learning and teaching community-based research: linking pedagogy to practice, edited by catherine etmanski, budd l. hall, and teresa dawson, 150-164. toronto: university of toronto press. minkler, meredith. 2005. “community-based research partnerships: challenges and opportunities.” journal of urban health: bulletin of the new york academy of medicine 82 (2) (suppl 2): ii3-ii12. manis undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 4 reid, colleen and elana brief. 2005. “confronting condescending ethics: how communitybased research challenges traditional approaches to consent, confidentiality, and capacity.” journal of academic ethics 7 (1): 75-85. ross, laurie. 2010. “learning cultural humility through critical incidents and central challenges in community-based participatory research.” journal of community practice 18 (2-3): 315-335. wallerstein, nina b. and bonnie duran. 2006. “using community-based participatory research to address health disparities.” health promotion practice 7 (3): 312-323. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 every day earth day amanda otto, jonathan paul, keenan allen, and chad crow university of idaho in the spring 2014 semester, we completed a service learning project as part of a project management course at the university of idaho. this class taught us about non-profits, recycling and reusing waste, how waste disposal works in small communities, and how to work with project team members who are not co-located with our team. service learning is a real-life learning experience that goes above and beyond the classroom learning environment. it involves learning through serving the community, combined with classroom instruction. service learning integrates classroom ideas and curriculum with serving the community (university of idaho 2014). for our service learning project, we worked with idaho county recycling committee (icr) to organize, plan, and host an earth day event. this event was organized to raise awareness about the benefits and importance of recycling within the community. idaho county recycling is a nonprofit organization run by volunteers. it is a recycling program in three of idaho’s small rural communities: grangeville, kooskia, and cottonwood. a very small percentage of families and individuals in the communities participate in recycling because it is inconvenient. most individuals have to drive many miles to bring their recyclable materials to the icr sites. therefore, most individuals do not have the time or energy to recycle. idaho county recycling has worked for two years to raise awareness of the impact recycling can have for the communities and to involve more local organizations in helping the recycling efforts. these local organizations include the high schools and junior highs, clubs, and boy and girl scouts. in icr’s first two years of operation, it collected over 500 tons of recycled material (kp design co. 2013). the project management class has been taught as a service-learning course at the university of idaho since 2009 and is open to any student with junior standing or above. the course teaches tools and techniques to manage projects in any type of organization. students work in teams to complete projects for community partners. all projects fulfill several course learning objectives, including to “participate in a project team which uses the tools, methods, and processes taught in this course to manage a project from initiation through closure.” each student is expected to spend 30 to 40 hours participating in project work over the semester. several project deliverables relate to what is learned in the class, including: a charter, risk register, project plan (using ms project), and a project fair at the end of the semester, where the results of the projects are presented to students, faculty, administrators, and project sponsors. our instructor, professor lee, found four projects for the 2014 spring class. the project sponsors came to class one day and presented their project ideas. we had a chance to talk with sponsors after the presentation and to ask questions and get a better understanding of the project, so we could choose the project that fit us best. these were all large projects; ours was the smallest, with only eight students. professor lee required us to meet with our sponsor within a week of picking the project, to gather information to write our project charter. the charter included the problem statement, the goal, project scope, and other project information that our team could only learn about from the sponsor. the recycling committee was made up of representatives from the three communities, and our sponsor was our only contact with it. with our sponsor living two hours away, we quickly learned there would be unique challenges with otto, paul, allen, and crow 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 our project. for example, most communication had to be conducted over email or phone. it took a while for our team to understand what the sponsor required and agree on a contract. because our sponsor was the only contact with the recycling committee, voids in information between our group and the recycling committee were created. as the project went on, this became apparent. there were multiple proposed changes to the project scope throughout the project. if we had it to do over again, we would find a way to meet with the whole committee. we could have used skype or video conference call, although some recycling committee members may not have had access to some of these technologies. sending representatives from our group to one of the icr committee meetings could have helped as well. the earth day project appealed to our team because it allowed us to help raise awareness and educate communities about the importance of recycling. two of our team members grew up in idaho county, and this project also offered a way to give back to their communities. for these two group members the project was more personal. these two members worked hand in hand with members of their communities who had influenced their own lives growing up. these relationships gave our group a head start. finding locations to hold the events and contacts to help promote the events became easier by knowing who to contact and how to contact them. one of the two members had even helped create a recycling program while in high school. our role as the project management group working with icr was to create a fun interactive learning experience based around earth day for community members. the earth day event was focused on the youth of the communities, but also had information booths and activities geared toward all ages. in the beginning stages of the event preparation, we met with the icr site leaders to learn what their expectations and goals for each event site were. each icr site leader was a local member of one of the three communities where an event site was located. we discovered icr’s main goal was to raise awareness about recycling in idaho county. icr felt one of the best ways to achieve this was by promoting idaho county recycling through the earth day event. we discussed with icr our specific role for the earth day event. from this discussion, we drafted a charter that held us accountable to provide the following at each of the three sites: organize at least one activity, implement two forms of advertising, and help run the earth day event. the event sites were located between one and a half hours and two hours away, which we would have to drive to on the day of the event. a sub group of our project management group worked with each icr site leader to help plan and hold the event. this is where we feel the voids in communication began to become apparent. there seemed to be little communication between the site leaders. this led to different expectations for our project management group at each site. we brainstormed as a group and decided on a few activities such as a recycling game where kids sorted various recyclables as quickly as possible, placing the correct material in the corresponding bin. other activities included soccer bowling and composting booths. we also had craft tables which allowed the kids to make an assortment of crafts from recyclables, such as colored cd wind chimes, recycled magazine bracelets, recycled wine cork key chains, and shopping bags out of old t-shirts. we also had information booths on the benefits of up-cycling and recycling (reduce, reuse, and recycle) showing how everyone can be involved. another event included a photo competition, where people took pictures of the event and submitted them to icr’s facebook page; three winners were chosen and each received a $15 gift card to a local coffee shop. this was a good way to promote icr’s goals and further gain more community involvement because it gave icr a bigger web presence and the ability to reach out to more people throughout the communities. otto, paul, allen, and crow 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 through this service learning project we were able to connect with community organizations including the boy scouts and recycling clubs in the local high schools by working with them to help provide games and activities at the event. we were also able to integrate the classroom objectives into our earth day event. these classroom objectives included using ms project software to create a timeline and assign tasks and identifying and managing project risks with a risk register. while our team understood in theory the benefits of recycling, reducing, and reusing materials, after this project and much discussion with icr committee members, we learned much more about recycling. we learned the sheer volume of recyclable content which is being sent to landfills every year by small communities, and how substantial the costs of taking waste to a landfill are for small communities like those in idaho county. beyond reducing waste in a landfill, reducing the amount of garbage that has to be hauled to a landfill saves money. idaho county charges its residents a fee to collect garbage, which is related to how much trash is collected. any reduction in the amount of trash means the county’s tax bill can be reduced, or the money can be repurposed. although our main purpose for the project was recycling, it is not the first step to becoming a green planet. rather the first two steps are to reduce and reuse. to reduce means to use less of a material, for example instead of using cases of water bottles use one water filter. to reuse means to use an item or material over and over again. an example of this is taking a water bottle and refilling it multiple times. once these two steps are complete and cannot be refined anymore, one can now recycle. these were two points we tried to portray through our information booth at each event site. achieving the classroom objectives allowed us to fully expand on the necessity and purpose of the project. the overall outcome of our project was a success, with a few areas that we need to work on. our earth day event turned out very well with the activities and information booths, but attendance was slightly lower than anticipated. we planned on 60 people at each site and instead had 30-40 people. after reviewing the attendance, we have concluded that we should have advertised more and held the event on a different weekend. on the day of the event two of the communities held easter egg hunts. we hoped the increase of people in town for the easter egg hunt would bring more people to our event. this worked well in one community but had a negative effect in the other two. in the community that had better success, the earth day event was in the same park as the easter egg hunt. this made it easy for people to go to both events. if we were to do it again we would do more research to find out if other community events are occurring at the same time. if so, we could then maybe reach out and combine events. also, after analyzing our event, we concluded that it may have been helpful to research more about these small communities. if we would have interviewed some of the locals and investigated more deeply, we may have learned more about why these communities tend to recycle less and how we can reach them in a more productive way. also, after analyzing our results, we concluded that service learning projects may be more productive if they are in locations closer to campus. this can allow better communication and more marketing capabilities. our team made a difference in these communities by taking valuable time to present information to these small towns about the importance of recycling. the information presented at the event raised awareness of recycling and allowed the communities to begin to think of more ways that they can recycle and more ways to reach their local community members. our team played a key role in setting the wheels in motion for the earth day event to become an annual event. even with slightly lower attendance than our goal, as well as icr’s goal, raising otto, paul, allen, and crow 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 awareness about the importance of recycling was met on a fundamental level. we were unable to immediately see how large of an impact we made in the communities. although we do know we had an impact. we helped icr break the ground in creating an annual earth day event to continue raising awareness about the benefits of recycling and how to get involved in the county’s recycling program; icr opened up its fourth recycling site this summer. we held an event which educated and entertained, helping the people who came to the event understand the implications of recycling within their communities. these individuals can now share what they learned with friends and family, broadening the impact and raising awareness even more. ~ we would like to express our gratitude to professor tracie lee of the university of idaho, for all of her hard work and support. references: kp design co. 2013. “recycling report.” official idaho county website. http://idahocounty.org/planb/wp-content/uploads/2013/10/recyclingmonthlycollection.pdf. university of idaho service learning center. 2014. “service-learning.” university of idaho. http://www.uidaho.edu/servicelearning. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 service learning: reframing perspective on social injustice alex dinsmoor university of pennsylvania service learning forces you to confront a simple fact: much of our blessings or burdens are not earned, but instead are the result of structural factors in society. consequently, the privileged – whether it is financially, socially, or academically – must accept something that might make them uncomfortable: their success is, to some extent, the product of chance. many of the privileged are born into circumstances (for instance, a socioeconomic status or race) that are systematically favored in our society. should we try to uphold a sense of fairness or justice in a world that, by nature, is riddled with this chance? should the privileged work with the disenfranchised to lift their burdens, burdens that belong to our society as a whole? to me, this is what it means to live for the insights you’ve gained through service learning. or, after having an experience with service learning and understanding the truth about how privilege is allocated, the systematically advantaged can choose to ignore the disadvantaged and live with their own burden: the belief that they unfairly reap unearned advantages. hence, service learning reframes the way we view social problems and our role in alleviating them in a way that compels us to uphold a sense of justice, to leverage our privileges in hopes of benefiting the less fortunate. i will share with you how my experiences abroad precipitated crucial questions about how we attribute success or failure in the united states, how my service learning experiences played a role in forming my own beliefs on the matter, and why my new convictions urge me to act to mitigate social injustice. my travel, academic, and service learning experiences have catalyzed such reflection during my undergraduate career at the university of pennsylvania, where i am currently a senior. i can describe my experiences most simply in four parts: 1) i am the co-director for penn reading initiative (pri), a group of approximately 60 tutors that focuses on improving literacy rates at two elementary schools in west philadelphia. 2) i have worked in college access and career readiness (cacr), helping juniors and seniors with elements of the financial aid and college application process. 3) i studied abroad in denmark for the fall 2013 semester of my junior year, where i witnessed an entirely different cultural and social policy approach towards disadvantaged groups. 4) i served as a teaching assistant (ta) for social policy and citizenship at penn, an academically based community service (abcs) course that compared the differing approaches to social policy and citizenship across the u.s. and various european countries, such as the united kingdom, germany, and denmark. for social policy and citizenship, i led a 2½–hour class about denmark’s unique social policy and ideas towards citizenship. one of the readings i assigned was a composition of quotes from interviews with danes; what better way to understand if a political system is working than to ask the people who pay for it, operate it, and benefit from it? one quote reminded me of my experience in denmark while studying abroad: “…there is relatively little stigma attached to unemployment and little sense that unemployment is the result of individual pathology: it is a problem which anyone can experience” (pringle and harder 1999, 128). before sharing my anecdote, i will describe denmark’s social policy and how it contrasts with that of the united states in order to provide formal context. gøsta esping-andersen, a renowned danish sociologist, categorized welfare state regimes into three distinct groups: social democratic, liberal, and corporatist-statist. social democratic policy “promote[s] an equality of dinsmoor 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 the highest standards, not an equality of minimal needs,” whereas liberal social policy’s “entitlement rules are… strict and often associated with stigma… [and] benefits are typically modest” (esping-andersen 1990, 26–27). denmark’s social policy is classified as social democratic, while the united states’ social policy is the archetype of the liberal approach. denmark’s social policy is more extensive and universal than that of the united states, where welfare tends to be means-tested (i.e. qualified by income) and highly stigmatized. these contrasting policy approaches reflect differing cultures and attitudes. demographics plausibly contribute to this difference as well. denmark has a highly homogeneous population; 5.03 million of the 5.63 million residents (89.3%) are ethnically danish, with the other 10.7% composed of immigrants and their descendants (ministry of foreign affairs of denmark). this uniformity of the population likely increases a dane’s propensity to empathize and care for other struggling danes. on the other hand, the united states is composed of an immensely heterogeneous population, which may be responsible – in part – for its more austere approach towards welfare. several of my danish friends demonstrated the tendency to believe that all citizens deserve equal status and that individuals’ situations are often reflective of events that occur outside of their control. this belief percolates through danish society even in small, seemingly insignificant daily activities. one night my danish friend alexander and i were walking home from dinner and a woman who appeared homeless asked alexander to borrow his cellphone so she could call a friend. alexander said yes, and the woman talked with her friend for five or ten minutes while alexander and i waited. as we walked away i had several questions for alexander: why did you trust her with your cellphone? is it common for homeless people in denmark to have a social life like that? do most danes interact with homeless people in that way? alexander was quite casual about the whole interaction, saying sometimes people just are not suited for the jobs that are currently available, may have a psychological issue, or may simply not be able to hold down a full-time job. he said they are still nice people, no different than him or me. and yes, homeless people can have friends, too. instead of further questioning alexander’s generosity or denmark’s culture, i instead began to question why we treat homeless people the way we do in the united states and particularly here in philadelphia. most americans ignore the homeless, distrust them, fear them, or blame the homeless for their problems. this treatment of the homeless can be linked to the fundamental attribution error, a concept i learned in a psychology course last semester. the fundamental attribution error is our tendency to think what happens to others is a result of their personality or internal disposition, underestimating the influence of external factors. a penn student and a homeless person are not as different as we think; maybe external factors – such as family support, structural changes in the economy, or socioeconomic background – are responsible for much of their situation. we often attribute the success of penn students primarily to their internal disposition, when much of it is in fact decided by the flip of a coin: which families were the students born into? what color is their skin? who are their parents? these questions often come to mind as i work in nearby west philadelphia schools. how did i end up on this side of the interaction? why is that i am the one who leaves my ivy league school on fridays to help students become interested in and prepared to go to college? why are those students in need of my help? it is tempting for people to say it is solely their character (namely intelligence or ambition) that has made them successful; it is tempting to believe dinsmoor 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 wholeheartedly in the american dream. but if they believe this, the natural extension is to say that others’ lack of success must be the result of their character flaws (for example, laziness). i am tempted to believe in the american dream. in fact, my college application essays invoked it, and, on the surface, i represent many of its ideals. i came to college from a singlemother household of low socioeconomic status, witnessing my mother’s resilience in the face of medical, financial, and marital problems. my academic diligence and passion for knowledge fueled my success in high school, admission to an ivy league school, and receipt of generous financial aid. however, my service learning work has made me question this alluring story, my alluring story. while i helped students with their college essays, many of them shared their stories: vulnerabilities, family backgrounds, adversities, and dreams for the future. most had minimal parental support when it came to education and attended an underfunded urban school, where the culture did not emphasize academic achievement, for the entirety of their childhood. despite this, some of the students showed great promise and ambition. however, gaining admittance to a university and the financial aid needed to attend is difficult when you have low standardized test scores, no extracurricular activities on your resume (opportunities for such activities are almost nonexistent at severely underfunded schools), and no counselor or parent for encouragement and mentorship. i am humbled each time i go into the schools and am forced to accept that some of my privileges were given to me, not earned. though i faced significant adversities, i was not marginalized in the same way these students are being marginalized. after a service learning experience like this, the person going into the school to help –– in other words the relatively privileged one in the interaction –– will inevitably feel a sense of gratefulness, and this is commonly understood. but what is often overlooked, is the deep sense of injustice one understands in the process. for me, this is what made service learning life changing. when a relatively privileged person has this realization, he or she can respond in one of two ways. the first approach is composed of two options: actively ameliorating the societal symptoms of the injustice or seeking reform to eliminate the injustice all together. the former is commonly done through volunteering or donating, while the latter is more difficult and requires catalyzing political change. i think of this as living for what service learning has taught me. the second approach is to simply ignore the injustice and focus on your own life; it surely sounds like the easier option. but this choice has a burden of its own: moral culpability for contributing to the injustice. i think of this, on the other hand, as living with what service learning has taught me. service learning has fundamentally changed the way i view social issues and my role in reducing them. after an experience with service learning, inaction may produce a moral burden that weighs on the conscience of the non-actor. had i never worked as a literacy tutor or a college counselor in west philadelphia, i would still believe that i had earned all of the privileges i currently have. inaction, on my behalf, might seem fair in this world. but this is not the world i live in anymore; i now feel compelled to act, to use my unfair privileges to help those who inherited disadvantages. had i never studied in denmark, i may not have asked the critical questions about culture and social policy in the united states that led me to see disenfranchisement as the byproduct of societal issues, to see individuals’ struggles and failures in a larger context. every wednesday and friday morning as i bike home from the local elementary school, where i work as a literacy tutor, i feel a genuine sense of hope. i feel hopeful, not just for my student, but for my community, for my society. i think that in some small way, i dinsmoor 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 am working toward relieving injustices that are not just borne by the disadvantaged, but by our society as a whole. ~ i would like to thank antje schwennicke, dr. harkavy, and the netter center staff members of the university of pennsylvania for providing me with the mentorship, inspiration, and support that made my service-learning experiences and reflection possible." references esping-andersen, gøsta. 1990. the three worlds of welfare capitalism. princeton, new jersey: princeton university press. ministry of foreign affairs of denmark. 2014. “facts and statistics.” the official website of denmark. http://denmark.dk/en/quick-facts/facts/. pringle, keith and margit harder. 1999. through two pairs of eyes: a comparative study of danish social policy and child welfare. aalborg, denmark: aalborg university press. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 commitment to the community in community-based research jedidiah barton viterbo university coming in as a freshman student to a university in a new city can be an intimidating situation. i was in this situation two years ago and felt i had no connections to the surrounding community outside of campus. this city was my new home away from home and i did not feel like a part of it. therefore, i got involved in the local neighborhood association as the only student participant. my first night at a meeting included a question and answer session with a representative from the hospital located in the neighborhood, adjacent to the university. there was talk of a neighborhood garden partnership and i was getting the impression that the neighborhood felt betrayed regarding the construction of a sign at this garden. this moment was the beginning of an interesting journey. i learned later that this garden is a partnership between the neighborhood association and the hospital to provide community members the opportunity to lease garden plots. the hospital provides the land, water, electricity, and financial support. the neighborhood association contributes the labor to: advertise, coordinate leases, divide up plots, produce compost, and other gardening work such as tilling and mulching. there are many positive outcomes of this program, chief among them: the gardens are a gathering place for neighbors and promote outdoor activities and support healthy living and eating, rental fees are donated to the local free clinic, and a portion of everyone’s produce is donated to local food banks. as the school year progressed i did not think much more about that first meeting night; however, i was reminded of it when i had the opportunity to complete a community-based research project. the research project explored the concept of an anchor institution by examining how a hospital partners in the local community. i was interested in the project because i am interested in a healthcare career. however, i also felt a connection to the project because i had this connection to the neighborhood association. i had been attending meetings for a year and liked the idea of being able to contribute more than just being a body at a meeting. the process began with a literature review of anchor institutions to better understand the terminology and concepts involved. in the report achieving the anchor promise, anchor institutions are described as “place-based institutions that are tied to their location by reason of mission, invested capital, or relationships to customers or employees and hence have a vested interest in improving the welfare of their surrounding communities” (dubb, mckinley, and howard 2013, 7). noteworthy examples of anchor institutions in the healthcare sector are mayo clinic, gundersen health system, bon secours health system, henry ford health system, and the cleveland clinic (zuckerman 2013, 4). while universities and hospitals frequently meet these criteria, community or national organizations can also be included. my research mentor and i thought the exploration of anchor institution partnerships in our community was important because the literature often considers what and who in partnerships, but neglects to address the how. how are communities being included or excluded from the planning process? how do people in the community feel partnerships and programs interact with their organization? how do people feel an anchor institution is treating them? these are important questions because projects that are done on behalf of people serve to widen the gap between “us” and “them.” johnson, in his book privilege, power, and difference, comments, “in fact, the act of helping – of being able to help – can reaffirm the social distance between the two barton 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 groups and heighten everyone’s awareness of it” (johnson 2006, 72). conversely, projects that are done in a truly collaborative effort bring “us” and “them” closer to “we.” in order to explore this aspect of anchor institutions, i interviewed six key informants involved in one or more of the following groups: the local neighborhood association, a community of catholic sisters, the city government, and the white house office of faith-based and neighborhood partnerships. i was able to find all but one of these key informants because of my work with the neighborhood association. next, i reviewed the interview transcripts and it was apparent that this garden sign was this collaboration’s major negative aspect. the sign has unequally sized names of the two contributing partners. the hospital’s name is significantly bigger than the name of the neighborhood association, which is a point of contention for many of the neighborhood members. additionally, the sign contains an acronym of an initiative started by the hospital to promote healthy living, but the neighborhood association was never contacted to be a partner in this initiative. it was difficult at first to look beyond the lack of communication that could explain the poor outcome of the sign, because i was there to try to better understand the perception and functioning of the anchor institution. i realized that interpersonal relationships surrounding the garden sign played a role in the community members’ perception of the hospital as an anchor institution. community partners conflated their strained relationships with hospital personnel involved in the garden sign project with their relationship to the entire institution. for instance, one past chairperson of the neighborhood association stated, “you know she [a specific hospital employee] doesn’t have a handle on what it takes to be a good partner in the community.” the neighborhood member’s relationship with the hospital liaison changed how he felt the hospital functioned in the community after it formalized its affiliation with a much larger, multicommunity health system. “[y]ou know,” he continued, “the difference between [the old hospital] and [the new health system] was like night and day.” this quote shows how people can expand their opinion about one person associated with an institution to the institution as a whole. economics describes this phenomenon as the fallacy of composition. this fallacy “is the presumption that a relationship that is valid for each individual must automatically be valid for the entire group of these persons” (baumol 2005, 171). i think this conflation’s very existence is detrimental to an anchor institution’s mission. when neighborhood association members are asked to reflect on the hospital’s community involvement they conflate opinions about individuals with the entire organization, therefore impeding the institution’s ability to partner in the community. neighborhood association members are suspicious of future partnerships because as the past chairperson explained, “why should we bother if we’re not getting any support from the organization that’s taking credit for our blood and sweat?” this association member reported feeling like walking away from the garden project several times due to the poor working relationships. he is not alone in his frustration. from informal interactions with people at various neighborhood association meetings, i would say approximately half of the neighborhood association feels similarly disappointed in the partnership. i was in an interesting position throughout this research because i am not only a participant in the neighborhood association, but i am also a volunteer at the hospital. therefore, i had the unique insider perspective from both sides of the conversation. some neighborhood association members felt that the hospital had acted in an aloof, domineering way. there was the opinion that the hospital did not have the best interests of the community in mind. however, barton 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 from my work experience in the hospital i knew that to be untrue. not every employee at the hospital is the same or has the same intentions and i can say that the negative opinion did not accurately describe all of the hospital. therefore, from my perspective the fallacy of composition was clearly at work in this situation. i felt that anchor institutions’ community partnerships’ success and perception rely, at least partly, on the interpersonal relationships institution members have with community partners. thus, i think this understanding has far-reaching implications. for anchor institutions and their personnel it is important to realize when working in the community that relationships are key reflections on the organization as a whole. an individual’s actions, even unintentionally, are representative of the institution. for future community-based research projects on anchor institutions, it is important to consider not only how institutions partner, but also how people who make up the institutions relate to one another. finally, for everyday people who interact or participate in community partnerships, it may help to reflect on this tendency to conflate individuals with institutions because it could prevent one bad egg from spoiling the batch. in other words, an entire community partnership program does not need to suffer or end because of one or two poor working relationships. maybe it seems overzealous to emphasize interpersonal relationships in the functioning of community partnerships. in the grand scheme of things, having good working relationships may not make or break a community partnership. the neighborhood garden, regardless of the sign, has continued to function. however, when community members are asked to reflect on the neighborhood garden and the first thoughts in their minds are the negative ones involving the sign, to me that makes looking at interpersonal relationships worth it. people are focused on the negatives instead of immediately reflecting on the outstanding positives of the neighborhood garden. based on my research experience, i would suggest that considering interpersonal relationships between hospitals and community members is an important, but understudied dimension of anchor institution partnerships. good interpersonal relationships help everyone involved remain focused on the amazing, good work that is being done for the community. keeping the positives and the successes at the forefront make the partnership enjoyable, interesting, and worthwhile to its involved members, and in the process can help to retain collaborators who will ensure the program continues to function. when people are excited about something, they are going to want to be involved. paul born, a global leader on issues of place, collective impact, and community innovation, explains in his book, deepening community, that “through community engagement and collaboration we can create a positive vision, organize ourselves to achieve it, and realize a better future for all” (born 2014, 9). navigating these community partnerships is a challenging yet rewarding collaboration. many programs with amazing outcomes are a result of successful partnerships between community entities. for instance, mayo clinic in rochester, minnesota partners with the rochester area foundation on a community land trust project called first homes, which provides 875 units of affordable housing (zuckerman 2013, 60). to make a program like first homes a productive partnership there are several components that must function well together. because of my community-based research project, i learned that interpersonal relationships are one very important component. in addition to coming to the understanding that interpersonal relationships are very important in anchor institution functioning, i also realized that i would not have had the same experience with this community-based research if i had not been invested in the neighborhood association and hospital. i think it would have been easy as an outsider coming in to see the sign barton 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 incident as a lack of communication between the hospital and the neighborhood association. the value of the project becomes so much more when one is able to see the insider perspective that the opinion is being conflated to unrealistic proportions. i was also able to see how later projects after the garden were suffering because some in the neighborhood association did not trust the hospital. it is a shame to see the neighborhood association feel like it cannot work with the hospital or reach out to it for projects when it is the group that may know better than any other what it is the community really needs. similarly, it is disappointing to watch the hospital that has goals to improve the quality of life of the surrounding community unable to do so because it is seen as a bureaucratic business instead of a well-intentioned and community-invested anchor institution. now moving forward, while working on the front lines for an anchor institution, i keep in the back of my mind how the perception of my actions may effect someone’s perception of the entire organization. ~ i would like to thank dr. matthew bersagel-braley of viterbo university for his support, guidance, knowledge, and passion as a research mentor throughout the course of this research project. i would also like to thank the viterbo university summer undergraduate research fellowship for the opportunity to learn and grow as a student and young professional. references baumol, william. 2005. “errors in economics and their consequences.” social research 72 (1): 169-194. born, paul. 2014. deepening community: finding joy together in chaotic times. san francisco, ca: berrett-koehler publishers, inc. dubb, steve, sarah mckinley, and ted howard. 2013. achieving the anchor promise: improving outcomes for low income children, families and communities (a report submitted to the annie e. casey foundation). takoma park, md: the democracy collaborative at the university of maryland. johnson, allen. privilege, power, and difference. boston, ma: mcgraw-hill, 2006. zuckerman, david. hospitals building healthier communities: embracing the anchor mission. takoma park, md: the democracy collaborative at the university of maryland, 2013. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 from tadpole to king frog chris bremer, aaron cherry, christopher deane, lucas graff, ian kelsey, cody lewis, michelle lewis, chris lorenz, nic magee, tanner sampson, and shorena tatarashvili university of idaho our team completed a service-learning project for bus378 project management at the university of idaho in spring 2014. project management is a service-learning course open to any student with junior standing or above. the course allows students to learn tools and techniques to manage projects in any type of organization. students work in teams to complete projects for community partners, gaining hands-on use of the concepts they learn in class. all projects fulfill several course learning objectives, including partaking in a project team, which uses the concepts taught in class to manage a project from start to finish. each student is expected to spend 30 to 40 hours participating in project work over the semester. in spring 2014, the class had 57 students enrolled; four teams were formed. our service-learning project started in the classroom when mike kinziger, a retired teacher of thirty-eight years, presented his project to our class, asking for our help. we saw four potential projects that day, all of which were designed to strengthen our skill and understanding of project management while helping community partners address a real-world need. our group of nineteen chose the king frog project because we were inspired by mr. kinziger, who had written a book and wanted us to help turn his vision into reality. mike kinziger developed king frog, an aid for instructors based on his experience as a pe teacher. mr. kinziger told us that he wrote this book to help get individuals more active, especially with childhood obesity becoming a national epidemic. in our country, children's lives are becoming increasingly dominated by digital entertainment; in the past, children often entertained themselves by being physically active, which is becoming less and less frequent in the digital age. by targeting the leaders who have an opportunity to instill a passion for play at a young age, king frog aims to bring healthy, productive, and fun activity into the lives of everyone it can reach. this book is also designed to teach any age group the concepts of leadership and team building in a fun and interactive way. this idea can benefit our community by getting our youth to be more active, teaching them leadership and cooperative skills, and demonstrating that learning can be fun. the book provides a variety of the best games for children of all ages. the book gives all of the information necessary for instructors to lead the classroom in a fun and easy manner, while presenting it in a unique and user-friendly template. some of the advice outlined in this book provides insight on how to effectively lead games, how to pick teams, how to maximize the play experience, and how to discuss (or process) the experience. in his presentation to our class, mr. kinziger summarized the current state of king frog, highlighting particular areas which needed significant improvement, including: its lackluster cover and website, need for copyright, and more efficient distribution methods. based on his presentation, the main issues were identified and sorted into three categories for improvement: multimedia, legal/marketing, and information system. our group split into three sub-teams, each taking on the responsibility of resolving one of the categories. group leaders, overseen by the project manager, headed these three groups. by the end of the project, our group was able to meet all of the established objectives, thanks to the constant feedback provided by mr. kinziger. during our first meeting, when we bremer, cherry, deane, graff, kelsey, lewis, lewis, lorenz, magee, sampson, and tatarashvili 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 were creating our subdivisions and identifying deliverables, mr. kinziger helped break the ice by playing games from his book. the games helped us form a close bond with all of the team members and our mentor. the purpose of this project was not only to help educate students at the university of idaho in project management, but to also help the community by changing the way today’s youth interact and play with each other. helping mr. kinziger develop his book provided a service to the moscow community. with a better online presence and an updated book, more schools can use his program. the moscow school district can now use a locally written book in its curriculum that will teach young students how to stay active, leadership skills, and team-building skills. being a nineteen-person team, the primary challenges we faced were organizing and equally delegating tasks to team members who had different or conflicting schedules. in addition, the scope of the project was so large, and the tasks were so specialized, that sub-teams rarely were able to share what they learned about how to complete a task with other sub-teams. in spite of this, there were many valuable takeaways that team members learned and team managers were able to put into practice. the project manager, ian, learned how to manage his time and both of his teams, since he was also working on another facet of the king frog project in another class. as the final presentation for the project neared, ian and two other team members had the opportunity to present king frog at a business plan competition in spokane. since this competition conflicted with another class deadline, ian could not attend the project management class presentation. the rest of the team stepped up to create the presentation and deliver the project status for class. we also learned the value of trust. over the course of one semester, several group assignments were due and graded for the entire team. as the project manager and representative for the whole team, ian was relied on to complete these tasks and inform the rest of the group about what needed to be done. each member of the team contributed to the project in his or her own way, and by the end of the semester, the connections between each member was strengthened. with the help of mr. kinziger's games, each member became an active team player, and through our efforts we were able to produce an improved version of mike kinziger's book, king frog. information systems the information systems sub-group was assigned to design a new, enticing website to replace the old, mundane website. our main focus was to modernize king frog’s web presence. we wanted to focus on earthy colors such as greens, yellows, and blues to go along with the king frog character mr. kinziger had envisioned. although we wanted to incorporate some of the child-friendly attributes of king frog, we realized it was also necessary to maintain a clean and professional aesthetic, as well as provide an interface that allows visitors relative ease in their experience learning about king frog. to allow for accessibility on the website, we compressed some of the pages and revised the information to make it clear and concise. for instance, there is now a page with purchasing options through paypal and another page is dedicated to providing viewers with short instructional videos for each game in the book. some of the obstacles we encountered included how to work together in a group when group members have different levels of skill and experience with web design and coding. everyone in the group was willing to help each other and teach the other members how to code and build a website. one of the challenges this team faced was the time constraint of acquiring bremer, cherry, deane, graff, kelsey, lewis, lewis, lorenz, magee, sampson, and tatarashvili 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 access to the information, passwords, and domains necessary to complete the work. the skill level of the group ranged from low to high, and the learning nature of the project allowed for the team to teach and be taught. through perseverance and trial and error, the website was completed and everyone involved had a positive learning experience. this made for a great experience for all team members. when the design phase was reaching its conclusion, we decided on a new domain name, kingfrogbook.com, and began exploring a variety of host options, such as godaddy.com. once the best host website has been established, the current website can be updated, allowing mr. kinziger to better market his book. the new website will be complete and ready to be launched when he decides on a web host. the work that the is team completed enabled the marketing and legal teams’ ability to work effectively, and allowed the other teams to be more effective, because we now had a physical website to market and protect rather than just the idea of one. marketing and legal the marketing and legal subdivision was the largest, and because of its size, was divided into three more groups. we had a legal team in charge of trademarking and copywriting the book and curriculum, a social media team tasked with creating three social media sites for king frog along with a manual for mr. kinziger on how to utilize these sites, and a marketing team that dealt with operation channels such as production, publishing, and distribution. for the production and distribution aspect of the project, we sought out different publishing and printing companies to analyze their capabilities. through our research, this team identified two companies that had the potential to satisfy mr. kinziger’s goals. the two sites that fit these criteria were outskirtpress and diggypod. after comparing and contrasting each resource, we determined that outskirtpress’ ruby package would provide the most value to king frog. this package provides print options, an isbn number, and distribution channels for the book to be sold through amazon and other companies. this publishing option also allows mr. kinziger to maintain all of the rights to his work, and with the help of the legal team, the marketing team was able to ensure the protection for all of mr. kinziger’s work. the legal team began with little to no experience in trademarks, copyrights, or patents and members chose to be part of this team in order to educate themselves further. as a team of three, they conducted both primary and secondary research to gain the necessary copyrights and legal documents. the first piece that was addressed was protecting mr. kinziger’s intellectual property. the team quickly found that patenting the book material was not as cost effective, due to the high cost for patents. the second step was a trademark. legal used the new logo created by our multimedia team, conducted a trademark search, and finally filed for the trademark. the last task for this team was registering the copyright. under copyright law, mr. kinziger’s material is already protected if it is registered. by registering the material he can receive legal backing if a case is made against him for copyright infringement. without this work done by the legal team, the social media team was fearful to launch the sites because mr. kinziger's work wouldn’t have had that legal backing and could be easily copied and marketed by another. by creating profiles on facebook, twitter, linkedin, and youtube, the social media team was instrumental in creating a strong web presence to help further market king frog. the last task for this group was to write a manual to educate mr. kinziger on how to manage these social media sites. the social media sites were developed to assist the multimedia team in presenting their tasks. bremer, cherry, deane, graff, kelsey, lewis, lewis, lorenz, magee, sampson, and tatarashvili 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 multimedia at the beginning of the project, the multimedia group agreed to produce a considerable amount of deliverables. their first objective was to edit the book. the book was split up among the team members and everyone had their own section to proofread and edit. page templates were changed to make them easier to read and more visually appealing. this team was also responsible for creating a new cover and logo to better portray the book. during mr. kinziger’s presentation, one of his requests was to film some of the games as a way to promote his book. the multimedia team chose to film two games they enjoyed most, one was a low-energy game and the other was a high-energy game. to film these games, the whole king frog group was utilized. the majority of the team was actively playing while several team members filmed and edited the footage to create two concise videos that outlined and demonstrated how to play those games. conclusion we found through this project that while college students learn early how to subdivide a project, truly delegating tasks requires an understanding of how all the tasks are interdependent. even though the main course objective was to be part of a team while completing a servicelearning project, we learned much more. the is team designed and coded a website dedicated to king frog, presenting information and paying options in an effective layout; the marketing/legal group was divided further into establishing copyrights, a social media presence, and an effective publication and production option; the multimedia team worked together to create a new cover and logo as well as instructional videos that are featured on the website. with the contributions of each group, along with the guidance of mike kinziger, the team was able to effectively produce a new vision of what king frog can do for the community. for our team, working on this project has taught us valuable life lessons and skills that we will implement in future projects throughout our careers. having this experiential-learning opportunity has allowed us to apply what we have learned in our college courses to a real-world application. this experience provided each member of our team with a greater opportunity for a successful career, and will hopefully translate into each of us becoming influential community members with a desire for giving back to our communities. ~ we would like to express our appreciation to professor tracie lee of the university of idahomoscow idaho, mike kinziger author and owner of king frog, and our tremendous project team. without their superb wisdom and assistance, this project wouldn’t have been possible. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 the best-dressed man at focus erikagrace davies duquesne university “this is chester, the best-dressed man at focus.” i was introduced to chester on my first day volunteering at focus pittsburgh by miss cheryl, who is second-in-command at focus. focus is located in a two-story duplex in the hill district of pittsburgh. the hill is mainly populated by low-income black families, and the crime rate is high. the median income is less than $15,000 (damewood 2011). in 1950, the city of pittsburgh displaced 1,239 black families and 312 white families to build the mellon arena in the heart of the hill (bauder 2014). the neighborhood still has not recovered from this economic loss and is only now beginning to see the rewards promised in exchange, like the shop ’n save that just opened on centre avenue. before the shop ’n save, the hill district was a food desert, a poor, urban area lacking quality fresh, whole food. residents of the hill come to focus for job training and placement, document recovery, free food, used clothing, and general camaraderie. there is a free clinic, where i help sometimes, and walls and walls of donated non-perishables, which i sort through and distribute when i am not folding or hanging up donated clothing. i have seen many people come in to drop off bags of old clothes for the people of focus to distribute to the needy of the hill, and chester is always the first to pounce on these bags. chester is a volunteer, like me, but he needs things, too. i am a community engagement scholar for duquesne university in pittsburgh. when i walked out on my manager at the upscale downtown restaurant where i was a hostess, i walked out on my source of income. i had felt very ill and it was a slow night, but my manager made it very clear that i was not to go home or to the campus health center until eleven o’clock, which was four hours away. after the excitement of quitting my awful job wore off, i went to the director of the honors college of duquesne and begged her to help me find a small part-time job somewhere on campus. she recommended me for the position of community engagement scholar to the honors college. this job was technically an internship with a “scholarship” rewarded at the end of the school year, which came out to about three dollars an hour if i counted all the required seminars, hours at focus, and independent work for the honors college, which involved work with the hill district childhood home of the playwright august wilson. i accepted the position for the sake of my resume. as a community engagement scholar, one of my duties was to report to focus for a few hours each week and help with whatever was needed. i was to engage the community, literally, and sometimes i would go to focus and do nothing but talk to miss cheryl or watch television with whomever was sitting on the mismatched couches. on friday, i went to visit focus, and chester was there. he was wearing a paisley tie, cowboy boots, and as many pens as he could possibly cram into his shirt pocket. miss cheryl called him over and asked for her pen back, and chester reluctantly took it from his collection and returned it. she rolled her eyes at me and i laughed, “got enough pens there, chester?” “i got enough,” he said, grinning. “you seen my book?” i shook my head and sat on a couch by the entrance, helping people find miss cheryl when they came in to leave clothes or take food, and giving a woman advice on the clothing she was selecting from the donation rack. she said she had a job interview and wanted to look davies 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 professional. she was very tall, like me, and we laughed every time she tried on a coat that left her wrists exposed. “story of our lives, right?” she said. chester had been wandering, looking for what he was calling his “book” this whole time, and her joke reminded me. “chester,” i said, “let me help you. what does your book look like?” “it’s my book.” i left him to his search until, a few minutes later, he dropped a packet in my lap and walked away. chester cannot read or write, and i opened the packet unsure of its contents. inside was a resume outlining all the odd jobs chester had done over the last five years. it listed things like “janitorial services” at a local school, and sometimes simply “odd jobs” for hill district businesses and charity organizations. the most recent job was listed as “focus+pittsburgh: volunteer.” there was his mother’s 2011 obituary, and i counted the number of her surviving children: nine. finally, there was a black-and-white picture of chester standing in front of a poster of nelson mandela. stapled to the cover picture were three pages of small paragraphs written in terrible english. i looked at it for a bit before realizing what i was reading. “chester, is this your book?” he nodded. “it’s about your life?” “yeah.” “would you like me to type it up for you?” “yeah. and make me five copies,” he gestured to the copier, and i did as he asked. as i ran the copies, i read chester’s story as well as i could understand it, and the weight of the task for which i had volunteered settled on my shoulders. chester’s whole life story, as he could relay it to whomever had written this for him, took up three pages. the best-dressed man at focus was sixty-two, had a three-page life story involving violence, homelessness, and racism, and had casually handed it to me to tell. my grand exit from the restaurant—of which i was so proud—seemed spoiled and petty now. i put the copies in the specific order he requested, then i went home and read the pages again, trying to put chester’s thoughts into order. though they had been dictated and though chester can be difficult to understand, there were definite bits of him shining through the words: i attend a baptist church. cook meals for people afterwards. potato salad, green beans, potatos. i walk around, finding furniture for people, finding clothes, lams, tvs. people are shot on a regular basis in mckeesport. my favorite thing is singing, and playing music. ~ i would like to thank dr. lina dostilio for her patience and kindness toward me, the duquesne university community, and pittsburgh's hill district neighborhood. i would also like to thank dr. kathleen glenister roberts for her constant support. davies 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 references bauder, bob. 2014. “many fear pittsburgh’s hill district will never reach another zenith.” the tribune review. february 23. damewood, robert. 2011. “anti-displacement strategies in pittsburgh’s hill district.” pittsburgh: regional housing legal services. coiley edited ali undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   a reflection on service learning, public leadership, and social change gwendolyn coiley mount holyoke college during my four years at mount holyoke college, the community-based learning program (cbl) has given me the unique opportunity to connect with different communities in the area around my college campus known as the pioneer valley. these experiences have had a profound impact on the way that i see myself in the world, my academic and personal interests, and my goals for the future. doing meaningful work in the community and reflecting on what it means to provide service has made me much more aware, critical, and interested in the social challenges our society faces today. my desire to make a positive and lasting impact in people’s lives has grown significantly during my time at mt. holyoke, much of this growth taking place in cbl classes and fellowships. i have learned about privilege, poverty, racism, elitism, and many other societal and structural inequalities that are and will continue to be my driving force in advocating for those who are disadvantaged by the intersecting systems of oppression. i first became interested in this program as a freshman when i took the introductory cbl course engaging the pioneer valley. the next semester i took educational psychology and had cbl placement weekly at a nearby after-school program in holyoke, mass. i continued volunteering at the after-school program my sophomore year and applied to become a cbl fellow as my work-study position for my junior year. for one semester, before going abroad, i worked with another after-school program in holyoke called girls, inc., geared toward empowering young women. when i returned from my semester abroad, i applied once again for a cbl fellowship and began working in a different after-school program, this time at the local middle school in south hadley, just down the street from our campus. i am now in the second year of this fellowship and i have successfully collaborated with mount holyoke faculty and students, a connecticut-based organization that leads diversity workshops with middle schoolaged students, and the local middle school to create a program called mount holyoke allies in mentoring. the idea of the cbl fellowship program is to connect mt. holyoke students with community partners and to apply academic learning to meaningful social challenges. fellows receive federal funding through work-study and can work on a variety of projects that are usually prompted by the student’s desire to work with a specific community or on a specific social issue. over the past few years, my fellowships and volunteer opportunities have allowed me to strengthen my leadership skills, build a foundation for a successful partnership, and gain a better understanding of my role as a mount holyoke student and future alumna, an agent of social change, and an active community member. part of being a community fellow is the mandatory course integrating learning, service, and social action. in this course, i was able to explore critical questions about how to be an agent of social change and how this relates to campus-community partnerships. through readings and class discussions, we brought to the table the difficulties and important lessons of being involved with non-profit work, especially coming from an elite institution. we examined our own backgrounds, assumptions, and assets and also evaluated the assets of our community partners to try and make sense of our roles as fellows and how we could make the partnership worthwhile for both sides. coiley 2   undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   the partnerships that we are building in these communities take time, dedication, and strong communication skills. i have learned that our jobs are not as much about changing the immediate situation, but rather creating a lasting relationship between our institution and community partners that over time will create positive change. this was a challenge for me at first because i wanted to see more results and feel that my time and energy put into starting a mentoring program was beneficial for all involved. our presence at the middle school is very appreciated and now that the teachers know and trust mt. holyoke students to show up regularly and participate in their activities, we are beginning to have a more integral role in the afterschool program. my hope is that next semester mt. holyoke students can effectively collaborate with the middle school staff to lead their own after-school program at the middle school to lighten the load on the after-school teachers, build leadership skills, and create meaningful relationships as mentors for the middle school students. we participate in the after-school club homework club, where we help students struggling with their school assignments. i see how many of the students of color don’t believe they can do well in school and give up on themselves. i have also seen how some teachers reinforce this by giving up on the success of those students and focusing on their “problems” rather than their potential. although teachers should know better than to discourage students who already have low self-efficacy in school, i place less blame on the teachers and more blame on the society that breeds racist attitudes and holds back students of color. in my various experiences interning and volunteering in public school classrooms and after-school programs, i have seen first hand the lack of resources and the way the system sets certain groups of students up for failure from the start. with an education system that has many deep-rooted problems and is part of the larger machine that promulgates racism and inequality in this country, i have made the choice not only to work as a public school teacher but to also be part of a larger movement of social change and social justice. as homework for our class, we listened to a recording of a talk given by anti-racism activist and writer tim wise. wise states that the problem of inequality comes from the top, in the culture of affluence that somehow makes people feel entitled to such privilege. wise also says that in order to create change we must recognize that the history of people of color is a history of displacement and marginalization. thus, failing schools in communities of color is no coincidence. the lack of resources and insufficient curriculum in these communities demonstrate a system that not only creates economic inequality but also solidifies internalized racism as marginalized groups come to believe they are inherently inferior. more than just highlighting the deep-rooted inequality in our society, wise’s talk is also very inspiring and productive in that he breaks down what a relationship that prioritizes and fosters solidarity looks like. instead of a charity relationship, which assumes that the giver has the expertise, solidarity means recognizing that the community members know what’s best for their own good and are an asset to building the agenda of a project. he describes solidarity as a multi-directional force that recognizes the strengths and resources of all parties. out of this approach, communities can realize their power to solve problems and not have to rely on outsiders for support. through advocacy and policy change, key issues are addressed. in contrast, a charity-driven approach would not fix the base of the problem itself but try to remedy the problems stemming from it. although i grew up in a rural, island community where many parents, including my own, are critical of the public education system, i was only vaguely aware of the prevalence of inequality within our society and the way it is reflected and reinforced by our schools. it is only coiley 3   undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   now that i live outside of the isolated bubble where i grew up that i can see just how unique and privileged my childhood and adolescence was. i was constantly supported, rewarded, creatively engaged, and unconsciously drenched in white privilege and cultural capital. there was no question about whether or not i could go to college, especially with grants and loans that landed me in an elite institution. we did the college visits, my mom helped me through each step of the way, and i had no problem adjusting to college life. now i know just how much privilege it takes to make it through that whole process, though for years it never dawned on me because growing up i not only had a supportive family but was also institutionally conditioned to succeed. recognizing my white privilege, cultural capital, and inevitably western view of the world, i feel that i am constantly re-evaluating what it means to do service work within the united states and abroad. i am careful not to impose superiority, be perceived that i am in any place to offer great expertise, or feel like a hero for “saving” anyone from a situation that is purely a result of broken systems that brew inequality. working with youth of all ages, socioeconomic, and ethnic backgrounds has given me a lens from which i hope to launch as a teacher, mentor, learner, community member, and advocate for comprehensive change within the public school system. the common idea of public service is as a weekend activity or a one-time charity project, but i fail to accept this as a model as it is often a temporary solution to a much bigger problem. instead, to me public service is a multi-directional, multi-faceted, and ongoing process of learning and understanding. it is a way to build coalitions and advocacy within communities. i want to learn from the people who actually face such challenges as being a minority, living in poverty, being seen as culturally and linguistically deficient as compared to the dominant white culture, and so on. i do not believe i will be able to affect any change without their guidance, insight, collaboration, and solidarity. keith morton (1995) discusses the “service continuum” in his article “the irony of service: charity, project and social change in service learning.” he puts forward that “most commonly, a service continuum is presented from charity to advocacy, from the personal to the political, from individual acts of caring that transcend time and space to collective action on mutual concerns that are grounded in particular places and histories” (20). thus, in order for service to make lasting change, the initiative for a project has to come from within the community itself because the people who are living the reality of injustice are the ones who will know best how to address the issue and will be the most motivated to see real change. it is easy enough for an outside individual or group providing “service” to an underprivileged community to come, provide temporary assistance, and leave with a good conscience because they believe they have made a difference. however, this method of service is not sustainable because it is not community-led. instead, lasting change comes from collaborating with community-led and community-based organizations. although i am an outsider in marginalized communities, i want to be a long-term ally and advocate, not a shortterm charity provider. i believe in the power of education and the school as a site of social change. i think that schools and community organizations need to work together to address concerns voiced in the community. to be able to organize for change, i want to learn how to be an effective community organizer. for this reason, i interned last summer with the statewide poverty action network in seattle. this non-profit, anti-poverty organization works to eliminate the root causes of racism and poverty by involving low-income people and people of color in advocacy efforts at the state and local levels. through this experience, i gained confidence as a community organizer and learned about the importance of real stories told about and from people living in poverty in coiley 4   undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   affecting policy change that combats racism and poverty. throughout my life, i want to continue to develop skills as a public leader, both as a teacher and as a community organizer, so that i can affect change on a community level and also on a larger scale. working with the community-based learning program, i have learned to look deeper into my own beliefs and actions. it is important that we discuss these issues and continue developing meaningful partnerships. i think that as mt. holyoke students and alumni who call ourselves leaders, we need to evaluate what that means to us on a personal level and as an institution. to me, being a public leader means not shying away from the societal problems i see, reaching out to other people i consider leaders in public service, making connections in the community, and collectively making a change. within the education system, more public leaders are needed to speak out and organize to create a better system that gives equal opportunity for all students to succeed rather than just catering to the dominant culture’s values and interests. as a graduating senior, i want to keep building on my leadership and communication skills to become an effective teacher, advocate, community member, ally, and agent of social change. on a community level as well as on statewide and national levels, i want to build coalitions that start at the grassroots organizing level to bring about justice in our education system. together, we can hold a beacon for social change. ~ i would like to express my utmost gratitude to alan bloomgarden, coordinator of the community-based learning program at mount holyoke, for all of his mentorship and encouragement that has helped me to act meaningfully and reflect deeply. references morton, keith. 1995. “the irony of service: charity, project, and social change in service learning.” michigan journal of community service learning 2 (1): 19-32. wise, tim. 2008. “charity vs. solidarity.” speech given in milwaukee. mp3. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 preconception peer educators: spreading the word zerin kashem cuny hunter college service learning gives students an invaluable opportunity to engage with community members outside of the classroom, allowing them to establish networks within the community. they actively participate in the community and then apply their experience to their personal and academic development. students address a real need of the community and during this process they enhance their social skills and civic responsibility. this essay describes how the two main components of service learning, teaching and learning, are balanced in a hands-on community project involving minority teens. the importance and effectiveness of youth conducting research about youth is emphasized to highlight its benefits. people are more likely to hear and personalize messages from an individual with whom they can relate to through similar concerns and pressures. through a role which was less than that of a teacher and more of a facilitator, i learned that establishing such strong connection facilitates the modification of attitudes and behaviors in relation to sexuality as well as violence and substance abuse. i assisted in a training session with teens to connect them to the information, tools, and resources needed to make healthier choices so that they can promote wellness within their community through peer education. the most important part was to engage with community leaders and members to build a rapport. it was important to build a trusting relationship with community members because they are the key to gaining acceptance from the community. from my experience, i learned that i had a personal responsibility to my students and that i had a shared responsibility to my community. this opportunity to connect community members to the community has allowed me to take on a leadership role and has enhanced my skills as a leader. since fall 2012, i have participated in a research traineeship offered through the brooklyn health disparities center (bhdc). the bhdc represents a partnership between suny downstate medical center, the arthur ashe institute for urban health, and the brooklyn borough president’s office. in addition to obtaining didactic lectures on biostatistics, epidemiology, and research methods, my traineeship also involved a service learning experience that included designing and implementing a community-engaged research project to further enhance my research skills. as a requirement for my traineeship, i participated in a service learning class which focused on the significance of community-based participatory research (cbpr). cbpr makes researchers and community members partners at an early stage of the research to counter the suspicions that communities, especially disadvantaged communities, have toward researchers. involving community members by educating them about health is an effective approach to implement changes in the community because new information is given to those who need to make changes. my service learning experience was with brooklyn perinatal network (bpn), a nonprofit community organization whose purpose is to prevent and reduce infant/maternal illness and death in at-risk communities. based on a model developed by the office of minority health, i worked closely with bpn to implement a preconception peer educator (ppe) program that recruits high school students to serve as peer educators and mentors on the topic of preconception health for other students within their schools and community. preconception health encourages women to engage in healthy lifestyles before they become pregnant. the high kashem 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 school targeted for our ppe program is located in brownsville. brownsville had the second highest infant mortality rate (7.4 per 1,000) from 2010-2012 among all brooklyn, ny community districts, a rate that is considerably higher than that of nyc (4.8 per 1,000) as a whole. my involvement with bpn has taught me the importance of truly understanding a community before implementing any change. it is important to reach out to community members and obtain their approval before proceeding with an initiative to disseminate health information. to help ensure both ongoing and high-level community involvement and that the ppe program was consistent with the values and priorities of the targeted community, several community members were involved in the planning process. the community members were able to contribute constructive feedback and offered invaluable advice on the development and execution of the training. i reached out to ms. c., one of the high school’s guidance counselors to assist us in the recruitment of students who were interested in taking leadership roles in their school/community as peer health educators. ms. c's personal connections with the students facilitated our recruitment in that she was able to reach out to interested students in an effective manner. i also contacted mr. l. who is a health educator at the high school and has experience in training students to be peer educators in their school. i had the opportunity to learn more about his role as a leader in peer education with this specific group of students and that allowed me to build on to the development of the training. i felt that it was important to build connections with these community leaders who were already involved with the group of students that we were targeting for our project. by including a community leader like ms. c in our planning process, we allowed for the community to learn about the program and through this connection, the community became more aware of the goals of this program. it is important that the community feels and understands the need to make a change in the community because without its consent, the program could fail. as project assistant on bpn’s ppe program, my responsibilities included: assisting in interviewing potential high school students as future peer educators, participating in group activities, collecting survey data, and analyzing results. the goal of the interview was to assess students’ interest in becoming peer educators and playing an active role in their community’s health. all of the interviewees were students ages 15-17. they had a good idea of the role of a peer educator and recognized the importance of peer education. however, many of them did not know the definition of preconception health nor the reproductive life plan (rlp). in our aim to promote awareness about preconception health in the community, it was important to address the need of a rlp for everyone. a rlp is set of personal goals about having or not having children. it is important because planning ahead can help an individual make healthier behavioral choices. it did not surprise me that all of the trainees never considered a rlp, though some reported to be sexually active at present. nor was it surprising that none of them had shared this information with their family members or family physicians. the only people they had shared such information with were their friends and peers with whom they felt more comfortable to confide in. i was able to share that i had felt the need to confide in only my peers about such personal information and to avoid sharing with my family. coming from a religious and deeply cultured household, i never found it appropriate to talk about sexual matters in any occasion. it is considered to be inappropriate and a taboo in my culture. in addition, i have also never shared such personal information with my family physician as he is a physician for all my other family members and i always feared there would be an issue of confidentiality. some of the students stated very similar reasons for being discrete in discussing sexual matters outside of their groups kashem 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 of friends and peers. being able to relate in such manners with the students has certainly facilitated the flow of our discussions. they became more engaged in discussing their own experiences. for the most part, the trainees reported not wanting children at the present time but took no additional measures, besides wearing condoms, to reduce their risk for pregnancy. a main purpose of the ppe training initiative was to empower teens to take an active role in their health and to make positive behavioral choices. i felt that i was able to connect with the students because they saw me as an empowered young person. i was there to help them make better and healthier choices about their health and the students felt that these positive messages were valuable. having the students feel ashamed for being sexually active or taking part in tobacco use would not make them comfortable, but rather much more guarded. it was important to make them feel proud of taking an initiative to improve their choices and become a role model to other peers. they were able to relate to the topics that were discussed and therefore were very engaged in the training. in addition, they appreciated the personal experiences that i shared with them which clearly allowed them to contribute their own experiences to the group and that allowed me to gain a better understanding of how they make choices about their health. i was able to relate to the students because i also attended a high school serving mostly a minority population. similarly, my high school did not offer any health education courses and the physical education courses included a brief 30-minute physical activity. outside of school, most students did not seem to engage in physical exercises nor in healthier behavioral choices. there was a favorite spot near the school that all the students referred to as the “madison deli.” students would gather near the deli after school to purchase junk food and have a smoke with their friends. i was one of the students who bought my breakfast and after school snacks from that deli almost every school day. at the time i didn’t think much about the choices i was making about my food. i didn’t have the education to notice that the contents of my purchases were high in sugar, fat, and carbohydrates. i just went with the flow. also, not having gained noticeable weight in high school gave all the more reason to not question my choices because i believed that as long as you are slim, you are healthy. clearly, i was wrong. i ignored the signs of fatigue i experienced when climbing two flights of stairs or when playing basketball for fifteen minutes. perhaps, if i had the right education about my health, i would have made better and healthier choices. the students i interviewed for the ppe program were very eager to share their similar experience of having an usual deli near the school from which they made most of their food purchases during school days. they revealed that they did not care for the nutritional labels and for those who did, they did not know how to read them correctly. some of the students also expressed their want to fit into groups by engaging in similar activities such as smoking. coming from my background, i knew how influential peer pressure can become and how tempting it is to give in to the convenience of the neighborhood deli. it was very clear to me that these kids needed to be educated about how to make better choices about their health. i felt that it was important for me to take advantage of my role in this training to guide them and encourage them to be healthier and having this role made me feel motivated. a three day interactive training session was held a few weeks after the recruitment. the training consisted of handouts and oral discussions on preconception health, infant mortality, hiv, and stds. in addition, it also included teaching sessions, skits on peer pressure and tobacco use, videos, and group exercises. i felt that the teaching style was very effective in gaining the students' attention. it was different from what is typically found in high schools where the teacher has difficulty capturing students’ attention. my supervisor, ms. w, led most kashem 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 parts of the training session while i assisted in leading some of the oral discussions—which was the most enjoyable part for me. i led a discussion at the conclusion of the training. the students were asked to reflect on the structure of the training and their learning experience. this was an opportunity for the students to voice their thoughts. students were asked what they liked most about the training and stated that “the skit was engaging and interactive” and that “the video was informational.” this feedback demonstrates that the students who attended the training learned valuable lessons and focused on making themselves more knowledgeable to new information. my role was more of a facilitator. i allowed the students to lead the discussion in their own way. those students who were initially reserved or shy to speak became more comfortable with the environment and began to take part in the group discussions. our goal was to avoid conducting this training in the manner which they are familiar with in a classroom setting. rather than presenting myself as a teacher, i wanted to approach them in a less authoritative manner in an effort to make the environment more friendly and comfortable. i believe that this approach certainly played a role in gaining the attention of the students and making this training more effective. after being involved in the training of high school students i have realized the importance of youth conducting research about youth. i believe that we learned more in depth about the interactions that teenagers have among each other in regards to health because they felt more secure in sharing personal information with someone who is more closely related to them in age. i believe that such detailed information on sensitive topics such as sexual activity and tobacco use would not have been easily collected by an older researcher. i feel that the teenage trainees were able to relate to me and were able to confide in me once i shared my own personal experiences (to ensure a level of comfort in our interactions), which would most likely have not been present with an adult. in general, people are not very likely to openly discuss their sexual life or their use of tobacco to strangers, especially not in person. i did get a sense of discomfort and guardedness from the students during their interview when they were asked about personal information. however, since they were group interviews, when one interviewee engaged in answering the questions, the others were more easily influenced to add their own personal experience to the group. this demonstrates how significantly one’s attitudes and behaviors can be influenced by his/her peers. having a service learning opportunity helped me develop a sense of both personal and communal responsibility. i had a personal responsibility to help my trainees complete their assigned tasks and responsibilities in a timely and effective manner. we worked together to complete group assignments and i facilitated their respective assignments by handing them the required information and resources. in addition, the students also learned that they have a responsibility towards themselves and their peers and that effective communication is important in successfully completing a team project. the students and i have also begun to understand the responsibility that we have toward our community. we realized how important it is to promote health education to address an important health topic in a community which is largely affected by it. this sense of responsibility is certainly difficult to fulfill but it is very rewarding at the end. my personal growth also included improving my leadership skills. i encouraged students to think creatively and critically and i learned to be open and accepting of new ideas. my confidence as a leader has greatly improved. having done community-based research prior to the ppe program, focusing on a population of african americans has facilitated my approach to addressing a health concern among teenagers of a minority population. i have always had a strong belief in a communitykashem 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 based research model because actively reaching out to the targeted community and teaching the people how to take control of their health is much more effective than handing out brochures or flyers on how to make better behavioral choices. building a rapport with community members allows for a trustful connection with the community. the knowledge learned by one member can easily spread to other members of the community and hearing the message from someone you trust holds a lot more value than hearing it from a stranger. thus, building a trusting relationship is always the first and most prioritized step to engaging in community-based research. ~ i would like to sincerely thank brandy watts at brooklyn perinatal network for inspiring and encouraging me in my community-service learning experience. i would also like to thank dr. michael a. joseph, director of the training core at the brooklyn health disparities center and assistant professor at the department of epidemiology and biostatistics in the school of public health at suny downstate medical center, for his mentorship. this service-learning experience was supported by a cooperative agreement from the national institute on minority health and health disparities (5p20md006875-04). undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 building critical consciousness through community engaged learning naveeda hussain university of toronto introduction an experience is not necessarily inherently valuable in and of itself, but becomes so because of the meaning the individual involved in that experience is able to make from it. the community engaged learning (cel) program at the university of toronto gives students the unique opportunity to implement and build upon the theoretical knowledge learned in class through practical experiences. students intern with various community-based organizations on social justice initiatives. these internships are complemented with bi-weekly seminars where students develop theoretical grounding in social justice concepts and are given a space to discuss, decompress, and reflect on what they have learned through their experiences. my internship placement was as a student blogger for a non-profit community media organization that seeks to present diverse perspectives on african issues. in reflecting on my experiences with this organization, i was able to develop a better understanding of the various ways that we can work towards social justice and explore many avenues through which we can leverage our unique capabilities, experiences, and perspectives to strive towards it. the immersion in the practical pursuit of social justice served to provide me and my peers with meaningful personal and professional insights, knowledge that would have been more difficult to learn exclusively in the classroom. in this paper, i will be reflecting upon the ways in which the cel program challenges students to think critically in order to develop a greater awareness of themselves, the various ways they interact with their local and global communities, and the means through which they can leverage their unique skill sets and assert their agency to further social justice imperatives. i will do so by discussing five categories: the nature of the placement, social justice learning, the challenges of the non-profit world, the enhancement of academic knowledge, and personal learning and self-authorship. nature of the placement every student was placed in an organization that engaged in a unique mode of activism. the organization i worked for focused on furthering social justice initiatives through media. i managed a student blog for a grassroots media hub whose mission was to disseminate and bolster african perspectives and alternative dissections of economic and human rights issues in africa. at the outset of my placement, the implications and inherent assumptions of this mission statement were unclear to me. my supervisors explained that we were seeking to counter mainstream media depictions and narratives of africa. this clarification raised several questions: 1. is there a specific african perspective, and, if so, what is it? 2. is there a mainstream media perspective, and, if so, what encompasses such a perspective? 3. what does “alternative” perspective or analysis entail? when i first saw the term “african perspective,” i was a little confused as i was fairly certain that it was part of my job to counter the notion that africa is one mass that speaks with a unified voice. another concern was that when looking at the objective of countering or nuancing hussain 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 a mainstream perspective, i was initially uncertain about what exactly that entailed. i was of the naïve impression that since news outlets that are considered “mainstream” have a monopoly on how the news gets conveyed, they ought to be doing a decent job of effectively and objectively covering the news. when contemplating what “alternative” meant, only unpopular fringe blogs and news agencies lacking credibility came to mind. however, by exploring and writing about a number of african issues, the specifics of what both an african and mainstream perspective might entail gradually became more evident. the african perspective need not be, as i had previously assumed, a monolithic voice that the entirety of the continent speaks with, but instead a perspective that emphasizes the importance of presenting african voices in both academic and non-academic spaces. in conducting research for blog posts, the mainstream depiction of africa that the organization was seeking to counter became more easily identifiable. this perspective tends to privilege and emphasize certain narratives and issues while diminishing or excluding others. this might occur for several reasons, including that mainstream media outlets are predominantly western, and thus the balance of reporting caters more to the appetites and sympathies of predominantly western audiences or that the media is largely financed by large corporations and thus, issues that are harmful or not salient to those corporations are often manipulated or excluded. for example, in the same week that the shootings of twelve journalists occurred at charlie hebdo in paris, there was a massacre of an estimated 2,000 civilians in a town in nigeria called baga. while the world stood in solidarity to mourn the loss of the twelve lives in paris, very few people were even aware that a massacre had occurred in baga. explanations for this disparity in media coverage range from the fact that since there was a loss of journalists in paris, journalists all over the world were acutely affected and therefore increased their reporting on the incident. with respect to baga, audiences could easily dismiss the massacre as the predictable consequence of just another african war (flitton 2015). social justice learning one of the most profound lessons that students learned from their internships and the seminar, is that the efforts for “social justice” encompass a broad range of categories and initiatives, and that there are a number of ways to effectively engage in advocacy and be an activist. over the course of my internship, i came to realize that the dissemination of the “alternative” perspective i was attempting was a mode of striving towards social justice in and of itself. my analysis of african reporting in the media caused me to realize that this perspective was one that involves shedding light on issues: that do not fall neatly into mainstream media narratives, that challenge these narratives, that bolster voices that do not get heard, and that recognize and give importance to the fact that there are many viewpoints that require consideration. through my experience, i was able to see that just because a select few media outlets maintain a monopoly on the production of news, that does not necessarily render them impervious to criticism. conversely, just because certain blogs or news agencies are less commercially popular, that does not necessarily detract from their credibility. people must maintain a critical eye while consuming the news. i came to understand that the social purpose of the organization was to critique the way that knowledge is produced and the actors that are considered relevant and prominent in the production of this knowledge. the organization responds to this critique by recognizing and giving voice to a number of alternative actors in hussain 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 order to enrich the knowledge of existing issues and to report on issues that receive relatively little coverage. the concept of “allyship” enabled students in the program to make sense of their positions of privilege relative to social justice work. the practical application of this concept enabled me to overcome the anxiety i felt about how to approach the issue of my authority and place in writing about africa. i was initially nervous about writing on behalf of a continent that i was not acquainted with nor identified with personally. however, in hindsight, even if i was from africa, it is difficult to argue that an individual from a single african country could comprehensively speak on behalf of all africans. the concept of allyship transformed the way i viewed my placement and assuaged the burden i carried about writing for the blog. an ally is someone who is not a part of a disadvantaged group, nor someone who has personally experienced the disadvantaged position of the members of that group, but stands in solidarity with them and works to bolster their cause. as a student of international politics, seeing myself as an ally allowed me to make sense not only of my position as an intern, but it also brought into focus my current academic and career path. identifying as an ally allowed me to reaffirm my motivations for studying and seeking to address conflict and injustice worldwide. difficulties of non-profit work through their placements, students were able to gain a practical understanding of the constraints that can force non-profit organizations to choose between competing objectives. in an initial brainstorming session, my supervisors recommended that i write on everything from culture to conflict, which, from my perspective, did not exactly align with the mission statement of the organization. in one particular instance, i found myself debating whether to write about a movie i had just seen on a heart-warming story of education in kenya or on a tragic suicide bombing by boko haram. one of the explicit aims of the organization is to counter a notion of afro-pessimism by shining a light on african achievements and successes. i feared inadvertently perpetuating the very depiction that i was seeking to work against by writing about boko haram, but i also struggled with discussing a film when 60 lives had just perished. the organization’s mission clearly states that the primary focus of its online content is human rights and economic justice, yet i was being asked by my supervisors to write on a much wider scope of issues. a lack of clarity in objectives led to inefficient work on the part of interns as expectations were broad and at times contradictory. in my case, this lack of clarity may have been a sideeffect of the fact that the organization is managed by a team of volunteers who engage in this work in their spare time. meetings between me, the supervisors, and my fellow intern occurred only whenever the supervisors could find gaps in their schedules. all of the organization’s members only meet once a month. this fact forced a sustained and concerted effort to engage in the discussions required to elucidate the mission of the organization. the time needed by the organization is something that many volunteers simply do not have. a reorganization of priorities may be required in order for the organization to ensure its work has impact. nevertheless, this experience showed me and many other students how time constraints can cause many non-profit organizations to prioritize certain imperatives over others. students realized that in spite of the constraints faced by non-profits, there are often many inefficiencies preventing them from realizing their objectives. i believe that because the organization i worked for failed to clearly define a target audience, it lacked an effective engagement strategy, which undermined its efficacy in realizing its mission statement. because hussain 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 the organization operates entirely online, i was surprised that its website was relatively dated and cluttered, making the content that it published difficult to access. i often felt like i was writing into an abyss as the relative inaccessibility of the website, coupled with the fact that the organization is not very well established, resulted in a sparse readership. while the organization reported lacking adequate funding to finance revitalization efforts, i believe it would have been beneficial to redistribute funding to serve different needs. had funding been re-allocated to redesigning its website, i believe the organization could attract a far greater readership. the mandate of the organization to give voice to various constituencies that are often unheard was undermined by its lack of a clear strategy as to how to do so. academic knowledge enhancement through the community engaged learning program, the knowledge students gained in the classroom was reinforced and nuanced via practical application and real-world comparisons. as a student of international politics, i was able to draw parallels between some of the conditions that facilitate and influence the success of international institutions, as well as those that inform effective community-building processes. concurrent with the cel program, i was taking a course that examined justice mechanisms that were instituted in the period of a country’s transition from a conflict to post-conflict society. the course stressed the importance of including the voices, experiences, and needs of the victims in the aftermath of a conflict so that they are able to receive a measure of justice that they want, and not justice that is imposed on them or fails to address their concerns. through an article read in the seminar-component of the cel program, the class looked at how environmental policy is sometimes formulated in a way that excludes affected communities, and how there can be dissonance at the local community level similar to many discourses on post-conflict transitional justice. there are many instances where previously adversarial communities are entirely excluded from the process of determining the externally imposed mechanisms to reconcile them. the significance of incorporating voices and narratives as comprehensively as possible to institute effective, productive, and relevant policies became more meaningful to me because of seminar discussions and my internship work. i was implicitly working to give voice to perspectives, individuals, and stories that do not often get heard in everything from academic debates to local reconciliation processes. through my internship experience, i developed a first-hand appreciation for the way that both dialogue across perspectives and the sharing of narratives can empower communities and give them a say in the outcomes that affect them. the cel program pushed many students out of their comfort zones and challenged many long-held assumptions. the numerous perspectives that this program explores and dissects gave me the opportunity to develop my own well-founded opinion based on which lines of argumentation i found to be most compelling. not only did i realize which forms of scholarship and which kinds of perspectives i am drawn to, i also realized how insulating the university setting can be. i helped organize a panel discussion evaluating the millennium development goals for my placement, and the panelists spoke about their beliefs concerning the privatization of education in some developing countries. it was my first time encountering widespread support for this proposition. within my own academic circles, there was an implicit consensus on the opposite conceptualization of education, seeing it as one of the primary functions of government. nevertheless, encountering this idea, one held by all of the panelists, further cemented my hussain 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 opposition to that view on education as i was put in a position where i had to articulate and defend my viewpoint. the placement component of the program also gave students the opportunity to develop proficiency in a discipline that was completely outside of their academic background. as a blogger, i acquired knowledge of the media without ever taking a course in journalism. by researching my blog posts, i examined the way that mainstream media outlets depict and frame issues. it heightened my sensitivities, sharpened the way that i consume the news, and propelled me to engage in advocacy that encourages students to be critical consumers of the media. in the aftermath of a massacre at garissa university in kenya, as coverage of the attack was meager, a number of people shared graphic images of the victims on facebook with the intention of honoring their lives and giving them the recognition that the mainstream media was failing to provide. however, the sharing of these images inadvertently, and quite ironically, served to perpetuate the devaluation of human life. the bloodied images left the victims to be remembered not for the people they were and the lives they led, but for the horrific way they were killed. because of my internship experience, i came to appreciate the importance of alternative voices in the media by repeatedly identifying stories where these voices were excluded. personal learning and self-authorship beyond the notion of allyship, the cel program helped students conceptualize their roles as social justice activists, and empowered us to leverage our perspectives and identifications as assets in the work we were doing. at the outset of my placement, i saw my position as a south asian muslim woman who grew up middle class in toronto, and who had never visited africa, to be an impediment to my ability to write about african issues. while the notion of allyship helped me to make sense of my place in writing about these issues, i was still nervous that i might be culturally insensitive or that the culture that i grew up with might subconsciously impart a sense of ethnocentrism in the way that i viewed african issues. however, i came to realize that as individuals we are not separate from the work that we do. while we may not be directly disadvantaged by a specific phenomenon, our experiences and perspectives are useful tools that can help us engage in activism. i was told that one of the reasons i was chosen for this internship was because of the unique perspective that i brought as a muslim. i was concerned that being chosen in part because of my identification detracted from my merits and skills. however, i now believe that as a muslim who worked for this organization i was, in many ways, the embodiment of what they seek to do. my perspective and my voice on issues as a southasian muslim woman was not a perspective this organization had ever had. the analysis that i brought to what i wrote was colored by my uniquely lived experiences. this process helped affirm my identification as an activist and an ally. at the beginning of the program, each student had to write down goals and expectations that he/she had for his/her experience, only to find that by the end of the program many of our pre-conceived notions were disproved. one of my initial goals for this experience was to be able to move out of the gray area of neutrality and take clear stances on issues i would be writing about. as a result of what i learned through my internship, and from related seminar discussions and readings, i believe that i went through (and am still undergoing) a process of selfactualization whereby i slowly concretized my opinions and values. while i believe i have definitely transcended that gray area, i have also come to realize that things seldom are as black and white as i had believed they were. in the blog posts that i wrote it would have been difficult hussain 6 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 to make definitive arguments that could unequivocally be proven correct. such rigidity of perspective impedes healthy dialogue. i found that a balanced ability to evaluate competing claims is consistently a better approach than a dogmatic insistence on one particular view. because we were assigned roles in our internships for which we were already qualified, the placements allowed us to develop and hone our skillsets. through this experience i acquired a greater understanding of how to write depending on the context i am examining and the audience i am addressing. moreover, i have come to appreciate the implications of specific word choices. i carefully and critically consider the implications of words that i employ to avoid being deterministic, reductionist, or insensitive of others’ experiences by failing to examine the connotations and contextual significances behind those words. owing to my placement and the critical reflection pieces written for the seminar portion of the course, i made a conscious effort to shed esoteric language and to employ correct and appropriate terminology. i also furthered my ability to cater my writing to specific groups. my writing process has become a way to exercise conscious and critical citizenship by being mindful of the way that i present issues. finally, the class experience showed many students which pedagogies were best suited to their respective learning styles. while i have had lecturers throughout my undergraduate career whom i have enjoyed and admired, this opportunity to intimately learn from my peers was unprecedented as i had never been in a seminar that placed emphasis on critical reflection. getting to learn from the shared stories, perspectives, experiences, and opinions of my classmates challenged the way that i think; each person added value to the discussions through unique contributions, especially given the diverse range of internships each was involved in. the experience was a holistic and engaging way to consider the efficacy of contemporary initiatives for social justice. conclusion while this process was rife with unpredictable challenges, this course and internship experience helped me to better understand myself and what my strengths are, and helped to build my sense of agency in tangibly contributing to the pursuit of local and global social justice. it changed the way i think; i was moved beyond merely making criticisms and pointing out flaws to being constructive and able to propose solutions or suggestions for amelioration. the duality of theoretical and practical learning in this program enabled us to identify the challenges and intricacies of non-profit work that our readings warned us we would encounter. it also enabled us to identify an entirely separate realm of obstacles that only first-hand experience could acquaint us with. unless we challenge ourselves to seek exposure to different points of views, different possibilities, and different experiences, we risk becoming dogmatic in our thinking and conception of the world, and static in our self-development. this experience enabled me to learn more about and better express myself, and to empower me to be unapologetic in my reasons and resolve for engaging in social justice work. ~ i would like to express my gratitude to professor linzi manicom at the university of toronto for challenging her students to think critically about the ways that they conceive of the world around them, and for encouraging them to reflect critically on their agency in contributing to society, and on the implications of these contributions. thank you for empowering us to cultivate and hussain 7 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 leverage our passions in being conscious citizens. i would also like to thank professor phillip motley of elon university for working with me to develop this piece and to deepen my own understanding of my experiences. references flitton, daniel. 2015. “no gain in comparing horrors of charlie hebdo vs boko haram.” the age, january 18. http://www.theage.com.au/comment/no-gain-in-comparing-horrors-ofcharlie-hebdo-vs-boko-haram-20150117-12rgwx.html. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 evaluating a financial assistance program for people living with multiple sclerosis mia t. vogel university of washington abstract worldwide, an estimated 2.3 million people are living with multiple sclerosis (ms). ms is an immune-mediated disease whereby myelin surrounding nerves degenerates and disrupts nerve signaling. scar tissue plaques form and are referred to as sclerosis. people living with ms experience a wide and varied range of symptoms that can affect how they engage within society. the financial assistance program offered by the national ms society is intended to provide guidance, support, and resources to help manage the financial impact of ms. the goals of the intervention are to improve independence, safety, health, and quality of life for clients. this study is an evaluation of the financial assistance program offered by the national ms society, greater northwest chapter. a survey including scaled and open-ended questions assessing the perceived impact of the program was utilized to gather data. outcome measures included self-efficacy in advocating for needs, awareness of community resources, independent living, and perceptions of impact on family and friends. survey results offer a nuanced understanding of the financial assistance program. clients indicated a difference in perceived impact between critical short-term needs and more sustainable forms assistance. financial assistance eased stress on relationships with clients’ friends and families. qualitative evidence suggested that support group members act as ambassadors within their communities to spread awareness about ms and the mission of the national ms society. also, gym memberships are utilized by clients to improve physical and mental health as well as improve their perceived social support. gym memberships, access to swimming pools, and yoga classes are utilized by clients as substitutions for physical therapy and more expensive medical interventions. additional engagement of clients’ families and friends could broaden the impact of the financial assistance program. finally, assistance for housing and utilities is a major concern for people living with ms. this program evaluation will inform improvement and expansion of the financial assistance program at the national ms society, greater northwest chapter and identify areas in which policy efforts from the organization could improve the lives of people living with ms within the chapter. introduction multiple sclerosis (ms) is an immune-mediated disease whereby myelin surrounding nerves degenerates, disrupts nerve signaling, and forms scar tissue plaques, referred to as sclerosis (national multiple sclerosis society 2014a). there are currently an estimated 2.3 million people living with multiple sclerosis worldwide (national multiple sclerosis society 2014h). people living with multiple sclerosis can experience a wide range of symptoms including balance and gait issues, fatigue, vertigo and dizziness, cognitive sensory problems, tremors, and visual impairment. these symptoms can affect how individuals living with ms engage in society (national multiple sclerosis society 2014g). the national multiple sclerosis society, greater northwest chapter, is a tax-exempt, charitable organization under section 501(c)(3) of the internal revenue code dedicated to addressing the needs of people affected by ms and researching for a cure (internal revenue service 2014a); its tin/ein is 91-0742424 (national multiple sclerosis society 2014c). the vision of the national ms society is “a world free of ms,” and its mission is to “mobilize people and resources to drive research for a cure and to address the challenges of everyone affected by ms” (national multiple sclerosis society 2014f). vogel 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 regionally, the national ms society, greater northwest chapter, serves 15,000 people living with ms and 89,000 friends, family members and caregivers in alaska, northern idaho, montana, and washington (national multiple sclerosis society 2014d). in 2013, the national ms society, greater northwest chapter, raised approximately $9 million dollars in revenue mostly through annual fundraising events such as bike ms, which raised $2,053,656, walk ms, which raised $1,919,794, dinner of champions, which raised $837,084, and on the move luncheon, which raised $412,035 (national multiple sclerosis society 2014f). other revenue was raised through individual giving, do-it-yourself fundraising events, and other income (national multiple sclerosis society 2014f). the greater northwest chapter directs this revenue toward research (26%), administration and fundraising (18%), a reserve for future years (5%), and programs and services such as the financial assistance program (51%) (national multiple sclerosis society 2014f). each chapter of the national ms society offers the financial assistance program as an intervention with goals of providing guidance, support, and resources to help manage the financial impact of ms. the intervention is aimed at supporting independence, safety, health and quality of life for clients. people living with ms can access the financial assistance program offered by the national ms society for “respite services such as short term home care, durable medical equipment and air conditioners, accessibility modifications to homes or automobiles such as ramps and hand controls, transportation to medical appointments, critical short term needs such as emergency help with utilities or rent, and health and wellness support” (national multiple sclerosis society 2014b). health and wellness support can include gym memberships, yoga classes, community pool memberships, and mental health counseling services. this article reports on a program evaluation aimed to assess the impact of the financial assistance program administered through the national ms society, greater northwest chapter methods participants this program evaluation is listed as human subjects division study #47397 with the university of washington institutional review board and has been given the determination of category 2 exempt status in accordance with federal regulations under 45 cfr 46.101/ 21 cfr 56.104. study participants were adults living with multiple sclerosis (ms) within the greater northwest chapter who received financial assistance between october 1, 2013 and march 31, 2014. clients who did not meet these criteria were excluded from participation in the survey. a total of 165 potential participants were identified from the national ms society, greater northwest chapter’s agency records (national multiple sclerosis society 2014d). subjects were approached, informed about the research, and invited to participate via email and telephone. subjects were informed that they were being asked to participate in the survey because the national ms society recently assisted them through its financial assistance program. clients were informed that the goal of the program was to provide guidance, support, and resources to help manage the financial impact of ms and that their participation in the survey would help the national ms society evaluate and improve the program. if subjects agreed to vogel 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 participate, they were asked to answer all of the questions as completely as possible, considering the effects and impact of the assistance they received. instrumentation the study was administered to clients through a survey. the survey was used to gather data on attitudes, impressions, experiences, opinions, and satisfaction level on the national ms society’s financial assistance program. the national ms society developed the survey for the purpose of evaluating the financial assistance program. the survey previously used to evaluate the financial assistance program had focused on client satisfaction with the national ms society staff and level of support they received. clients are consistently pleased with national ms society staff. to achieve a better assessment of impact and identify potential areas for improvement and expansion, the survey was modified by adding three open-ended questions: 1) how has receiving financial assistance impacted your quality of life and wellbeing? 2) what has receiving financial assistance allowed you to do that you would not have been able to do otherwise? 3) where do you see gaps in resources or funding for people who are living with multiple sclerosis in your community? scaled questions related to demographics, client’s relationship with ms, how the client became involved with the national ms society, perceptions of vendors/service providers, and quality of interactions with national ms society staff members and the application process were included in the survey. clients were also asked to report how the financial assistance they received impacted perceptions of their safety, social support, independence, wellbeing, and ability to advocate for themselves. other questions evaluated the ability of the national ms society to help clients think about and obtain long-term, sustainable solutions to their needs. in addition to evaluating the impact of the financial assistance program on the individual, the survey also examined the impact the financial assistance has had on the client’s friends and family. the survey was administered to clients with an internet-based service and through telephone interviews based on participant preference and access to the internet. survey responses were collected between may 2014 and june 2014. ethics protection of participants and information. the primary investigator administered all requests for participation and surveys. subjects were informed that their answers will not affect the services they receive in the future. no children were included as participants in this study, and there were no foreseeable risks to subjects who participated. the primary investigator and colleagues at the national ms society, greater northwest chapter were the only people with access to the data. in addition, the data is secured, and there is no way to identify participants from completed survey forms. study participants were asked for their consent for the national ms society to quote their responses to open-ended questions. if consent was given, names are not associated with the quotes. analysis results were reported at the aggregate level, with the exception of several responses to openended questions from clients who consented to be quoted that were selected as representative vogel 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 samples of the qualitative data. scaled responses were analyzed by stating percentages for each response and levels of confidence at which these percentages can be reported. generalizability although this study was specific to the national ms society, greater northwest chapter, some information obtained may be translated more broadly to national and global populations of individuals living with ms. results accuracy there were 165 clients who accessed the financial assistance program at the greater northwest chapter during the first half of the 2013-2014 fiscal year, between october 1, 2013 and march 31, 2014. these 165 clients were identified as the population of potential participants. a total of 83 (n= 83) people completed the “impact of the financial assistance program” survey, yielding a response rate of 50.3%. at a 95% confidence level, this sample size signifies a confidence interval of 7.6%. the magnitude of the confidence interval (ci) increased for certain demographic questions that were skipped by some of the participants. survey duration although there is no way to quantify the length of time spent by clients who completed the survey independently via internet, the duration of interviews administered over the phone was between10 to 50 minutes depending on the level of detail provided in responses to open-ended survey questions. participants all participants were people living with multiple sclerosis (ms). their friends, family members, spouses, or caregivers did not complete the surveys for them, although this option was available to encourage participation from clients living with ms who did not feel well enough to complete the survey themselves. client information client information obtained during this study included gender, age, race, access to health insurance, and how long clients have lived with a diagnosis of ms. gender. when asked to report their gender, 3 participants, 3.6% (ci: 7.6), opted to skip the question, 17 identified as male, and 63 identified as female. this indicates that 20.5% (ci: 7.6) of the entire population identified as male and 75.9% (ci: 7.6) identified as female at a confidence level of 95%. no respondents identified as transgendered. age. no participants reported they were under the age of 20 years old. clients between the ages of 21 and 30 who accessed the financial assistance program accounted for 1.2% (ci: 7.6) of the population. clients between the ages of 31 and 40 were 10.8% (ci: 7.6) of the population. clients between the ages of 41 and 50 were 33.7% (ci: 7.6) of the population. clients between the ages of 51 and 60 represented 30.1% (ci: 7.6) of the population. clients above the age of 61 represented 24.1% (ci: 7.6) of the population. vogel 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 race. racial and ethnic identities of clients were also collected. of those who participated in the survey, 93.6% (ci: 8.2) identified as white/european american, 3.9% (ci: 8.2) identified as black/african american, 2.5% (ci: 7.8) identified as hispanic or latino origin or descent. there were no respondents who identified as native hawaiian/pacific islander, american indian/native american, or asian/asian american. health insurance. health insurance is typically necessary in order for people living with ms to receive the medical care and treatment they need. of the national ms society clients who received financial assistance during the first half of the 2013-2014 fiscal year, 96.4% (ci: 7.6) had health insurance and the remaining 3.6% (ci: 7.6) did not. medicare and medicaid were the most common providers of health insurance listed by participants who had coverage. figure 1, how long clients have been diagnosed with ms. figure 1 illustrates the length of time clients who received financial assistance within the first half of the 2013-2014 fiscal year had been living with a diagnosis of ms. none of the clients had been diagnosed with ms within that year. clients who had been living with a diagnosis of ms for 1 to 2 years represented 8.4% (ci: 7.6) of the population, clients who had been living with a diagnosis of ms for 3 to 4 years also represented 8.4% (ci: 7.6) of the population. clients who had been living with a diagnosis of ms for 5 to 10 years accounted for 31.3% (ci: 7.6) of the population. clients who had been living with a diagnosis of ms for 11 to 15 years consisted of 21.7% (ci: 7.6). clients who had been living with a diagnosis of ms 15 years or more consisted of 30.1% (ci: 7.6) of the population. 0.0% 8.4% 8.4% 31.3% 21.7% 30.1% 0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25% 30% 35% less than 1 year 1-2 years 3-4 years 5-10 years 11-15 years 15 or more years how long clients have been diagnosed with ms vogel 6 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 client experience figure 2, how clients became aware of the financial assistance program. there were several ways clients learned about the financial assistance program. as figure 2 illustrates, 4.8% (ci: 7.6) heard about the financial assistance program from a chapter program, 25.3% (ci: 7.6) from their healthcare provider, 2.4% (ci: 7.6) from a chapter event, 16.9% (ci: 7.6) from a national ms society staff member, 0.0% (ci: 7.6) from a community agency, 16.9% (ci: 7.6) from the national ms society web site, 7.2% (ci: 7.6) from a financial assistance program brochure, 15.7% (ci: 7.6) from a self-help group, and 24.1% (ci: 7.6) from another source. the most common sources of awareness within the other category were obtained from optional write-in responses and included: calling the national ms society (3 respondents), the national ms society’s magazine (4 respondents), and dialing 211 for community information (3 respondents). as figure 3 illustrates, funds from the national ms society were utilized by 3.6% (ci: 7.6) of clients for accessibility modifications, by 37.4% (ci: 7.6) for critical short term needs such as assistance with rent and utilities, by 8.4% (ci: 7.6) for durable medical equipment, by 55.4% (ci: 7.6) for health and wellness needs, by 2.4% (ci: 7.6) for respite services, and by 4.8% (ci: 7.6) for transportation. participants reported utilizing financial assistance for obtaining goods and services from a variety of vendors and service providers including the ymca, utility companies, and mental health counselors. among clients accessing financial assistance, 92.5% (ci: 7.9) were satisfied with the vendor from which goods or services were obtained. the remaining 5.0% (ci: 7.9) of the population was somewhat satisfied, and 2.5% (ci: 7.9) of the population was unsatisfied. 4.8% 25.3% 2.4% 16.9% 0.0% 16.9% 7.2% 15.7% 24.1% 0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25% 30% how clients became aware of the financial assistance program vogel 7 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 figure 3, how clients utilized financial assistance. experience with staff and application process. figure 4 illustrates client experience with the financial assistance program application process at the national ms society, greater northwest chapter. table a1 provides additional supporting data. when asked to rate their agreement with whether national ms society staff working in the financial assistance program responded quickly, 90.1% (ci: 7.6) of clients who accessed the financial assistance program in the first half of the 2013-2014 fiscal year either agreed or strongly agreed. the level of client agreement and strong agreement that national ms society staff working in the financial assistance program showed them courtesy and respect was 95.2% (ci: 7.6). clients who either agreed or strongly agreed when asked whether the financial assistance program staff explained things in ways that were easy to understand was 95.2% (ci: 7.6) of the population. when asked to rate their agreement with whether the national ms society staff explored other resources with them, 65.1% (ci: 7.6) of clients either agreed or strongly agreed and 14.5% (ci: 7.6) indicated the statement was not applicable. when asked to rate their agreement with whether the financial assistance program application forms were easy to fill out, 84.4% (ci: 7.6) of clients either agreed or strongly agreed and 3.6% (ci: 7.6) indicated the statement was not applicable. clients who agreed or strongly agreed that they were satisfied with the application process overall totaled 91.6% (ci: 7.6) of the population. impact impact on client. figure 5 illustrates the perceived impact the financial assistance program on clients who received funding during the first half of the fiscal year and is supported by data provided in table a2 and table a3. results indicated 56.7% (ci: 7.6) either agreed or strongly agreed that receiving financial assistance helped them be more mobile, and 28.9% (ci: 7.6) responded that the statement was not applicable. additionally, 22.9% (ci: 7.6) of participants reported improved accessibility of their home or car, and 63.9% (ci: 7.6) reported the statement 3.6% 37.4% 8.4% 55.4% 2.4% 4.8% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% accessibility modifications critical shortterm needs durable medical equipment health and wellness respite services transportation how clients utilized financial assistance vogel 8 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 being not applicable. about 62.7% (ci: 7.6) of clients stated they either agreed or strongly agreed that receiving financial assistance helped them be more independent, and the statement did not apply to 25.0% (ci: 7.6). clients who agreed or strongly agreed that receiving financial assistance helped them learn about other national ms society, greater northwest chapter services accounted for 50.6% (ci: 7.6). participants who agreed or strongly agreed that receiving financial assistance helped them cope better with their situation accounted for 83.2% (ci: 7.6) of the population. of the clients surveyed, 84.4% (ci: 7.6) reported they agree or strongly agree that the financial assistance improved their quality of life. when asked whether receiving assistance helped them feel less alone when dealing with ms, 75.9% (ci: 7.6) agreed or strongly agreed with the statement. additionally, 28.9% (ci: 7.6) of clients agreed or strongly agreed that receiving assistance improved their access to medical care, and the statement did not apply to 53.0% (ci: 7.6) of clients. when clients were asked to rate their agreement that receiving financial assistance made them feel more confident advocating for their needs, 71.1% (ci: 7.6) agreed or strongly agreed with the statement. clients who agreed or strongly agreed that engaging with the financial assistance program helped them increase their awareness of other community resources equaled 65.1% (ci: 7.6) of the respondents. also, 57.8% (ci: 7.6) of clients agreed or strongly agreed that the financial assistance program helped them think about long-term solutions to their needs. clients who agreed or strongly agreed that the program helped clients find sustainable solutions to their needs totaled 53.0%. (ci: 7.6), and the statement did not apply to 22.9% (ci: 7.6) of participants. notably, 12.0% of participants either disagreed or strongly disagreed that the program helped them find sustainable solutions to their needs. combined levels of disagreement and strong disagreement did not exceed 10% in any other category within this section of the questionnaire. disagreement and strong disagreement was also relatively high (8.4%) in comparison to other categories when clients were asked whether the financial assistance program helped them think about long-term solutions to their needs and when asked whether the program helped them learn about other chapter services. vogel 9 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 figure 4, client experience with the financial assistance program application process. 5% 5% 5% 4% 5% 5% 1% 0% 0% 4% 0% 0% 4% 0% 0% 13% 7% 2% 16% 13% 21% 17% 19% 17% 75% 82% 75% 48% 65% 75% 0% 0% 0% 15% 4% 1% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% staff responded quickly respectful staff easy to understand explored other resources forms were manageable satisfied overall client experience with the financial assistance program application process strongly disagree disagree neutral agree strongly agree not applicable vogel 10 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 impact on clients. figure 5, impact of the financial assistance program on clients. 0% 0% 2% 5% 4% 4% 6% 2% 4% 6% 5% 8% 4% 2% 1% 4% 1% 1% 0% 4% 1% 1% 4% 4% 11% 11% 8% 13% 7% 8% 6% 12% 5% 11% 17% 12% 12% 7% 19% 19% 17% 15% 24% 10% 21% 24% 25% 18% 45% 16% 43% 31% 66% 70% 52% 19% 51% 41% 33% 35% 29% 64% 25% 28% 5% 2% 12% 53% 19% 17% 17% 23% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% more mobile better accessibility of home/car more independent learned about other chapter services cope better with my situation improved my quality of life feel less alone when dealing with ms improved access to medical care feel more confident advocating for my needs increased community resources awareness helped me think about long term solutions to my needs sustainable solution to my needs impact of financial assistance program on clients strongly disagree disagree neutral agree strongly agree not applicable vogel 11 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 impact on friends and family of client. figure 6, client-reported impact of the financial assistance program on friends and family. figure 6 illustrates the perceived impact of the financial assistance program on the friends and families of clients who received assistance and is supported by table a4. results obtained in the survey indicated 4.8% (ci: 7.6) strongly disagree that they are less financially dependent on their friends and family as a result of receiving financial assistance, 4.8% (ci: 7.6) reported they disagree with the statement, 7.2% (ci: 7.6) reported they neither agree nor disagree with the statement, and 13.5% (ci: 7.6) reported the statement was not applicable to their situation. participants who agreed or strongly agreed they were less financially dependent on their friends and family as a result of receiving financial assistance consisted of 69.9% (ci: 7.6) of the population. when clients reported whether financial assistance reduced stress on relationships with friends and family, 4.8% (ci: 7.6) reported they strongly disagree with the statement, 2.4% (ci: 7.6) disagreed with the statement, 14.5% (ci: 7.6) neither agreed nor disagreed with the statement, 20.5% (ci: 7.6) agreed with the statement, 39.8% (ci: 7.6) strongly agreed with the statement, and 18.1% (ci: 7.6) reported the statement is not applicable. those who agreed or strongly agreed that financial assistance reduced stress on relationships with friends and family accounted for 60.3% (ci: 7.6) of the population. the next statement aimed at assessing the impact of the financial assistance on clients’ friends and families was whether it allowed them to be of help in other ways. participants reported 4.8% (ci: 7.6) strongly disagreed with the statement, 3.6% (ci: 7.6) disagreed with the statement, 12.1% (ci: 7.6) neither agreed nor disagreed with the statement, 25.3% (ci: 7.6) agreed with the statement, 25.3% (ci: 7.6) strongly agreed with the statement, and 28.9% (ci: 7.6) reported the statement was not applicable to their situation. therefore, 50.6% (ci: 7.6) of participants either agreed or strongly agreed that financial assistance allowed their friends and family to be of assistance to them in other ways. 5% 5% 5% 6% 5% 2% 4% 7% 7% 15% 12% 24% 18% 21% 25% 12% 52% 40% 25% 13% 14% 18% 29% 37% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% helped me be less financially dependent on them reduced stress on relationships with them allowed them to help me in other ways helped connect them with the national ms society client-reported impact of the financial assistance program on friends and family strongly disagree disagree neither agree nor disagree agree strongly agree not applicable vogel 12 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 when clients were asked to report their level of agreement with whether receiving finial assistance helped connect client’s friends and family to the national ms society, 6.0% (ci: 7.6) of participants strongly disagreed, 7.2% (ci: 7.6) disagreed, 24.1% (ci: 7.6) neither agreed nor disagreed, 12.1% agreed (ci: 7.6), 13.3% (ci: 7.6) strongly agreed, and 37.4% (ci: 7.6) reported the statement was not applicable. those who either disagreed or strongly disagreed totaled 13.2% (ci: 7.6) of the population, which is the only category strong disagreement and disagreement totaled over 10%. those who agreed or strongly agreed receiving financial assistance helped connect friends and family with the national ms society represented 25.4% (ci: 7.6) of the population. client assessment of financial assistance program figure 7, resolution of client needs by financial assistance program. clients confirmed that participating in the national ms society financial assistance program resolved the need or problem 91.6% (ci: 7.6) of the time and did not resolve the need or problem 8.4% (ci: 7.6) of the time, as shown in figure 7. those who indicated their need or problem had not been resolved asserted the financial assistance was only a temporary solution and more assistance was needed. there was a correlation between the clients who reported the financial assistance program did not resolve their need or problem and the type of financial assistance they received. the assistance that did not completely resolve the needs of clients was usually in the critical short term needs category, which is meant to help with rent or utilities only temporarily. 91.6% 8.4% resolution of client needs by financial assistance program resolved unresolved vogel 13 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 necessary improvements. figure 8, client perception of necessary program improvement. when asked how much improvement the national ms society’s financial assistance program needs, 61.5% (ci: 7.6) though it needs no improvement, 36.1% (ci: 7.6) thought it needs some improvement, and 2.4% (ci: 7.6) of the population thought it needs a lot of improvement, as shown in figure 12. participants who identified ways the financial assistance program could be improved stated more funding needs to be made available and the financial assistance process should be quicker. participants also requested the guidelines to receive funding and amounts available be made more accessible to those who are seeking assistance at the beginning of the process. results indicated there were usually no other funds leveraged from other community agencies to meet the needs of clients. survey respondents identified ms helping hands and ms foundation as community organizations whose funds have occasionally been leveraged to contribute to client needs. clients also contributed to the cost of goods and services with their own money. responses to open-ended questions participants were asked whether they were willing to allow de-identified responses to three openended questions be quoted in future publications. of the 83 participants surveyed, 90.1% of them agreed to allow the national ms society to quote their answers to open-ended questions. when participants were asked how receiving financial assistance has impacted their quality of life and wellbeing, many expressed gratitude for the assistance they received. one participant said, “the financial assistance i’ve received has been a true blessing for me and my family.” many participants said the financial assistance helped relieve stress, which is known to worsen ms symptoms. another participant stated, “receiving financial assistance has taken a lot of stress, which exacerbates ms, off my shoulders. also, the national ms society has been 61.5% 36.1% 2.4% client perception of improvement that needs to be made to the financial assistance program none some a lot vogel 14 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 instrumental in getting me the information i need about my ms. i do not have a computer, but they will always print things for me and send it to me in the mail.” others indicated the financial assistance they received improved their overall wellbeing. “being able to use the ymca pool helps keep me active and healthy. it's one of the few forms of exercise i can tolerate due to overheating issues. i feel regular exercise helps my mental health as well as my physical health and has played a role in keeping me as strong as possible,” a study participant said. similarly, another participant stated, “covering the cost of the ymca has been my everything. it is my physical therapy. it is keeping me going. it means everything to me. it is keeping me mobile and helps me get social support.” when participants were asked what receiving financial assistance has allowed them to do that they would not have been able to do otherwise, one participant said, “i wouldn't be able to take the class. i would be sitting at home, lonely and bored and feeling crappy and sorry for myself, and that is not a good life,” another participant said, “the assistance has helped me to pay for my utility bill, other services couldn't help since i did not have children.” the last open-ended question asked clients to identify where they see gaps in resources or funding for individuals who are living with multiple sclerosis within their communities. many individuals stated that they could not identify gaps in funding or resources and did not know any other individuals who are living with ms in their communities. other individuals stated there is a lack of awareness about ms and its effects, even within the medical community. additionally, participants mentioned a lack of awareness about the national ms society and the programs and services it provides among individuals living with ms. this sentiment is exemplified in the following quote from a study participant, “not knowing what resources are available is a real problem for people living with ms in my community. they do not know about the national ms society and the information, resources, and services they provide.” discussion limitations limitations of this study include self-report methodology, small sample size, and possible interviewer effects. because the survey was based on self-report methodology, responses given were subjective. additionally 83 of 163 potential participants completed the program evaluation survey, indicating a 50.3% response rate. barriers to achieving a higher response rate included disconnected phone numbers, lack of internet access, inability of clients to speak due to msrelated complications, and clients being in the hospital for ms-related complications and comorbidities. a higher response rate could have been achieved had surveys also been mailed using postal service and had all client telephone numbers been in service. suggestions for survey modifications there are some suggestions for modifications that could improve the survey. first, bi-racial and multi-racial options should be included. another demographic question that would provide vogel 15 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 greater insight into client experience is whether clients live in rural, urban, or suburban areas. rural areas typically have fewer community organizations and services that could help address the needs of clients living with ms, so the national ms society may want to evaluate whether to play a larger role in these social service-deprived areas. furthermore, there is a high occurrence of veterans who are living with ms, and questions about military service should be included in the client information portion of the survey. “calling the national ms society,” “dialing 211 for community resources,” and the “national ms society magazine” should be added as options for how the client first heard about the financial assistance program because they were written in most often in the “other” category (figure 2). questions relating to coping strategies and personality should be included to see if there are correlations between personality traits and how the program is rated by individuals. finally, a question should be added to the end of the survey to seek feedback from clients as to whether the survey was perceived to be an effective tool for evaluation. areas for future research although the analysis is outside the scope of this paper, additional studies of how survey results vary among the different offices within the greater northwest chapter would elucidate areas for training, funding, and presence of other community resources to address the needs of people affected by ms. it would also be interesting to implement the same survey and study design to evaluate the financial assistance program at other national ms society chapters throughout the united states to obtain a better understanding of how the financial assistance programs at various chapters is delivered. this information would be useful throughout the nationalization process because it could combine best practices across many chapters to inform a new national model of operating the financial assistance program. another enlightening study could be to delve deeper into understanding the critical short term needs assistance provided by the national ms society. the impact of this type of assistance is not as sustainable as assistance in other categories, such as health and wellness and durable medical equipment because the nature of the aid is short term. aid in this category is critical because it helps clients stay in their homes and have utility service. what will be important is finding sustainable solutions for clients who repeatedly access this category of funding. past program evaluation results in the critical short term needs category of financial assistance has raised questions nation-wide of whether the national ms society should continue funding this category of financial assistance. because critical short term needs category funding addresses survival issues rather than improving quality of life issues, an evaluation focusing on the impact the financial assistance program has had on the ability of clients to survive might provide more robust data for this category of assistance. representing the sentiment of many clients who have utilized funding for critical short term needs assistance, one client stated, “i received money toward my house payment, this saved it from going into foreclosure. i will not lose my house now.” survey implementation surveys were initially administered via internet and later administered over the telephone. vogel 16 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 although there was some concern of interviewer effects during telephone surveys, this mode of administration was an effective tool for engagement. conducting surveys via telephone allowed for more nuanced information to be gathered. telephone surveys also presented an avenue for clients to discuss additional needs and to connect them with the appropriate resources. client information survey respondents most often received health and wellness grants such as gym memberships (55.4%) and funding for critical short term needs (37.4%) such as assistance for rent and utilities (figure 3). it is possible that individuals who have received these types of funding are most able to complete the survey and the survey is geared toward able-bodied and able-minded individuals. one question that arises is whether health and wellness and critical short term needs were in fact the most needed or most requested categories of financial assistance. presumably, individuals who need other types of financial assistance, such as durable medical equipment, transportation, respite services, and home/auto modifications either do not have awareness that the national ms society funds these items or are not physically well enough to complete the application process. perhaps individuals who feel less capable of completing application materials are not aware of the level of assistance ms navigators are willing to give in completing the financial assistance application process. this data also suggests the importance of both health and wellness and critical short term needs funding from the national ms society. a strong majority, 75.9%, of respondents identified as female, which is more than national ms society data indicating two to three times more women are living with ms than men (national multiple sclerosis society 2014i). only 20.5% of clients identified as male. the disproportionate amount of women accessing the financial assistance program may be due to the income disparity that exists between women and men. the intersecting targeted identities of being a woman and living with a disability is an area that could be further addressed by the national ms society through scientific research, policy efforts, and programming. one client said, “i am a single woman without children. i had great difficulty finding help. i called the ms society and they gave me instructions for help. the service paid my electricity. thanks to them i was able to keep my lights on. so thankful for help! ms cognitive difficulties make it difficult to stay employed. thank you ms society!” alternatively, the societal perception that men should be able to take care of themselves may have also played a role in the underrepresentation of men who have received financial assistance. consistent with what is known about the demographics of individuals who most commonly get ms, 93.6% of participants identified as white/european american (national multiple sclerosis society 2014i). only 3.9% identified as black/african american and 2.5% of participants identified as hispanic/latino. while the majority of people living with ms are white/european american, it is important for the national ms society to make the financial assistance application process inclusive of all races. one suggestion is to adapt the application and resources provided to be more and culturally responsive. engaging diversity is a nation-wide concern for the national ms society, and its representatives are committed to making the financial assistance program more culturally responsive. vogel 17 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 of the participants who completed the survey, 83.1% had been living with a diagnosis of ms for at least 5 years (figure1). some had received financial assistance from the national ms society more than once. this speaks to the commitment the national ms society has to its clients and identifies the need for outreach to newly diagnosed patients who may not have awareness of the programs and services offered by the national ms society. client experience barriers to seeking assistance. there are several barriers to clients engaging with the financial assistance program. many survey respondents indicated being involved with the national ms society for years, attending support groups and fundraisers, before they were informed about the financial assistance program. for individuals who were aware of the financial assistance program, many believed they would not qualify for assistance because they did not think they were “disabled enough,” or because their income was not below the poverty level. awareness needs to be spread about the financial assistance program, including what can be covered and who is eligible. it is the responsibility of the national ms society to make information about the financial assistance program and application process accessible and manageable for individuals who may be struggling most. figure 4 illustrates that 25.3% of respondents indicated they heard about the financial assistance program from their healthcare providers. there were no clients who indicated being referred to the national ms society financial assistance program by other community organizations. because the national ms society is in contact with other community organizations regularly to advocate for clients and leverage funding, it would be appropriate for community organizations to refer clients to the national ms society. evidence suggests, however, that the national ms society is usually the main resource for people living with ms. therefore, some clients may not attempt to engage with other agencies before accessing resources at the national ms society. at the client level, there may be psychosocial barriers to seeking financial assistance. ms is an acquired disability. it is normal for individuals with an acquired disability to feel resistant to making the transition from considering oneself able-bodied and able-minded to considering oneself disabled. there is also resistance to other people considering people living with ms to be disabled. additionally, many people living with ms do not consider themselves to be disabled. regardless of the terminology that is assigned when someone is greatly affected by a disease like ms, an individual living with ms has a new and different set of abilities in comparison to before the onset of their ms-related symptoms. adjusting to a new or different level of abilities can feel isolating and may make seeking assistance more difficult. one client said, “i have been able to receive financial support as well as personal encouragement through the program. it is often very isolating for me, living with a chronic illness (ms) and the program support i received has been such a huge help in dealing with this. i can hardly put into words how it helps me just to know that i have support at the other end of the phone and folks that are dedicated to helping me live the best life possible.” regarding the impact of financial assistance on clients’ relationships with friends and families, clients indicated they did not want to burden their loved ones, their loved ones did not understand what they were going through, or that they had an overall lack of social support. vogel 18 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 there were comments in the survey indicating a desire for more support from the national ms society in making life transitions. for individuals who are accustomed to being self-sufficient, it is often difficult for them to reach out to community organizations to ask for help. the bootstrapping mentality ingrained into many people in america who are living with ms causes further internalized oppression when they need assistance. one client stated, “i feel i am still new to the difficulties that ms forces me to look at. i try not to rely on the ms society, but i assure you that the staff i deal with is a truly secure group and always does the best work for me. these folks have become a true blessing and always provide a valuable link for needed answers.” framing the financial assistance program in empowering terms, such as how it allows clients to advocate for themselves so they can continue living independently, could reduce some of the resistance to seeking assistance. speaking to the empowerment the financial assistance program has given them, one client stated it “took me from dependence to independence and it couldn’t be better!” experience with staff and the application process. the financial assistance program application requires clients to seek assistance from resources or community organizations outside the national ms society whenever possible. ms navigators working within the financial assistance program engage with clients to help them access at least three other community resources or organizations before funds from the national ms society are distributed. this allows clients to gain a greater sense for other community resources available to them and in theory allows national ms society funding to reach as many eligible clients as possible. some clients find the process of identifying and applying to other types of assistance both futile and frustrating because they do not always meet the eligibility requirements of other organizations. one client stated, “when you get the different society literature, it should spell out what the society does, and what the parameters and limitations of the program are. what is hard is when you are feeling sick and need help and have to fill out the paperwork and wait for responses and once you get a response, you have to approach other community resources. when you are so sick already, it's really hard!” a study determining the success rate of engaging with community financial assistance programs could help determine the necessity to continue this formality. this is also frustrating for clients because it slows down the process of receiving financial assistance from the national ms society and because organizations outside the national ms society tend to not understand or take into consideration the nuanced set of barriers clients living with ms face. the financial assistance program offered by the national ms society is unique in comparison to financial assistance offered by other agencies in that clients are not required to meet the definition of living in poverty or to have dependents in their households for approval to receive financial assistance. instead, eligibility is more heavily determined by a client’s relationship to ms and their ability or inability to meet their financial obligations. suggestions for program improvement and expansion there are several suggestions for program improvement and expansion that can be gleaned from survey results and interviews via telephone. to begin, it is necessary to expedite the process of vogel 19 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 receiving financial assistance to ensure clients obtain assistance in a timely manner. it can be difficult and time consuming to obtain the documents the national ms society requires for verifying diagnosis. additionally, there were numerous comments from survey participants about the length of time that had elapsed between being approved to receive financial assistance and when the vendor received the funds from the national ms society. the long wait time is due to the process of ordering checks through the mandated system. the national ms society needs to make changes at the national level to expedite the process for clients to receive financial assistance. this could be achieved with improved software or internet-based platforms for ordering and distributing approved funding. one client stated, “there needs to be a faster process in order to receive funding. it has taken up to 2 months to get funding.” additional outreach efforts could increase awareness of the services the national ms society provides to potential clients. outreach is also needed to spread awareness to families, friends, and colleagues of people who live with ms. most clients reported the impact of the financial assistance program did not often reach their families and friends and that client involvement with the financial assistance program did not help connect their family and friends with information, resources, programs, or services at the national ms society (figure 6). one client whose family was connected to the national ms society as a result of their involvement with the financial assistance program stated the national ms society “…has made it easier for all of the family to discuss the changes that i am going through.” the national ms society could also offer information and resources to individuals who employ and work in professional settings with individuals with ms. clients expressed frustration about the lack of awareness they see about ms. spreading awareness can also spread sensitivity and empathy. committing the time and resources to educate people about ms will create more passionate stakeholders to drive the mission of the organization. by promoting outreach and using the program as a tool for engaging important constituents, the financial assistance program could create a ripple effect through the social networks of individuals who live with ms, potentially resulting in increased community support for people living with ms. although support groups are not part of the financial assistance program, more support groups was one of the most requested additions to the national ms society. social contact with other individuals who can empathize with what it is like to experience the unique symptomatology of ms plays a valuable role in the health and mental health of clients. also, individuals who were active in support groups tended to feel most connected to the national ms society and reported educating other people within their communities about ms. formally training support group members as national ms society ambassadors may be beneficial to group members and to the national ms society because being ambassadors and consciousness-raisers about ms seems to be the roles support group members take within their communities regardless of formal training or title. formal training could provide support group members with better tools for spreading awareness and could help the national ms society have even more engagement from their passionate clients. because of the profound benefit of support groups to mental health, perceived social support, and symptomatology and due to the way vogel 20 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 support groups can act as a nexus to other chapter programs and services, more funding needs to be invested in creating support groups and maintaining strong, involved membership. critical short term needs. results indicated that funding for critical short term needs such as rent and utilities was the second most utilized category of financial assistance (figure 3). critical short term needs covers the cost of up to $300 for mortgage, rent, and/or utilities. when costs exceed $300, the national ms society works to leverage additional funding through other community resources. more funding needs to be available for clients, and there needs to be fewer restrictions on types of aid received. some clients commented on having received financial assistance in every category offered by the national ms society, while others stated they only need assistance in one of the categories but have reached their maximum amount of financial assistance allowed in that category. although the national ms society has a responsibility to implement financial assistance policies that ensure fairness and equality to all clients, equity should also be of concern. additionally, it could be seen as unethical to refuse financial assistance to individuals who are truly in need. for example, due to restrictions on the dollar amount, number of times per year, and number of times within a lifetime a client can receive each category of financial assistance, there are sometimes cases in which a client is at risk of being evicted from their home and they have run out of assistance they are entitled to receive in the critical short term needs category yet still qualify to receive a gym membership through a wellness grant. again, this presents an ethical dilemma the national ms society needs to address. with progressing symptoms that can be drastically exacerbated by stress, people living with ms need the security of accessible, affordable housing. people living with ms sometimes need to work fewer hours or stop working entirely due to ms-related symptoms and complications. ms-related symptoms can also make it much more difficult to relocate to another residence than it would be for an individual who is not living with ms. therefore, it is of utmost importance for people living with ms to be able to remain living in their homes. the short term, unsustainable nature of financial assistance for rent and utilities has consistently received lower ratings for improvements to quality of life than financial assistance for health and wellness grants such as gym memberships. the national ms society is currently reevaluating the types of programs and services it provides. at the national level, some representatives have suggested offering only the resources that have been shown in program evaluations to improve the quality of life of clients most and to discontinue offering financial assistance in the critical short term needs category altogether. for people living with ms, this type of funding is not available through any other community organization within the greater northwest chapter. expressing the sentiment of many of the phone interviews with clients utilizing financial assistance for critical short terms needs, one client said, “the only rental assistance available in my area is the salvation army and they will not help until you have an eviction notice. i have already met my lifetime limit for rental assistance from the nmss.” vogel 21 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 the national ms society has a long history of filling gaps in community resources, and it is necessary for the national ms society to continue to address the gaps in financial assistance for rent and utilities. working toward long term, sustainable, and pragmatic solutions for addressing the financial burdens associated with rent and utilities, instead of only focusing on critical short term needs, would be a more proactive approach that could generate extraordinary improvements to quality of life of people living with ms, including perceptions of independence and safety. the need for supplemental financial resources for rent and utilities for people living with ms is so widespread and systemic that the issue should be addressed by the national ms society at the policy level. as a 501(c)(3) tax-exempt, charitable organization, there are limitations to the number of staff and volunteer hours, amount of financial resources, and types of political and legislative activities the national ms society can perform within each fiscal year (internal revenue service 2014b), (internal revenue service 2014c). until this important issue can be addressed at the policy level and/or pragmatic solutions can be identified within the organization in partnership with communities, there is a strong need for the continuance and expansion of financial assistance for critical short term needs such as rent and utilities. vogel 22 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 references internal revenue service. 2014a. “exemption requirements 501(c)(3) organizations.” internal revenue service. accessed december 31, 2014. http://www.irs.gov/charities-&-non profits/charitable-organizations/exemption-requirements-section-501(c)(3) organizations. —. 2014b. “lobbying.” internal revenue service. accessed december 31, 2014. http://www.irs.gov/charities-&-non-profits/lobbying. —. 2014c. “political and lobbying activities.” internal revenue service. accessed december 31, 2014. http://www.irs.gov/charities-&-non-profits/charitable-organizations/political and-lobbying-activities. national multiple sclerosis society. 2014a. "definition of ms." national multiple sclerosis society. accessed june 15, 2014. http://www.nationalmssociety.org/what-is ms/definition-of-ms. —. 2014b. "financial assistance program." national multiple sclerosis society. accessed june 15, 2014. http://www.nationalmssociety.org/resources-support/insurance-and-financial information/financial-resources/financial-assistance-program. —. 2014c. "giving circles." national multiple sclerosis society. accessed december 31, 2014. http://www.nationalmssociety.org/chapters/was/donate/giving-circles —. 2014d. "greater northwest chapter." national multiple sclerosis society. accessed june 15, 2014. http://www.nationalmssociety.org/chapters/was/about-this-chapter —. 2014e. "heat & temperature sensitivity." national multiple sclerosis society. accessed june 15, 2014. http://www.nationalmssociety.org/living-well-with-ms/health wellness/heat-temperature-sensitivity. —. 2014f. "made stronger: a 2013 achievement report to our chapter community." national multiple sclerosis society. accessed june 15, 2014. http://www.nationalmssociety.org/nationalmssociety/media/greater northwest/about%20this%20chapter/files/2013_annualreport.pdf?ext=.pdf. —. 2014g. "ms symptoms." national multiple sclerosis society. accessed june 15, 2014. http://www.nationalmssociety.org/symptoms-diagnosis/ms-symptoms. —. 2014h. "multiple sclerosis faqs." national multiple sclerosis society. accessed june 15, 2014. http://www.nationalmssociety.org/what-is-ms/ms-faq-s. —. 2014i. "who gets ms?" national multiple sclerosis society. accessed june 15, 2014. http://www.nationalmssociety.org/what-is-ms/who-gets-ms. vogel 23 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 appendix a supporting tables: table a1: client experience with staff and application process client experience with staff and application process strongly disagree disagree neither agree nor disagree agree strongly agree not applicable total staff responded quickly 4.8% 4 1.2% 1 3.6% 3 15.7% 13 74.7% 62 0.0% 0 83 respectful staff 4.8% 4 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 13.3% 11 81.9% 68 0.0% 0 83 easy to understand 4.8% 4 0.0% 0 0.0% 0 20.5% 17 74.7% 62 0.0% 0 83 explored other resources 3.6% 3 3.6% 3 13.3% 11 16.9% 14 48.2% 40 14.5% 12 83 forms were manageable 4.8% 4 0.0% 0 7.2% 6 19.3% 16 65.1% 54 3.6% 3 83 satisfied overall 4.8% 4 0.0% 0 2.4% 2 16.9% 14 74.7% 62 1.2% 1 83 vogel 24 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 table a2: impact of the financial assistance program on clients impact on clients strongly disagree disagree neither agree nor disagree agree strongly agree not applicable total more mobile 0.0% 0 3.6% 3 10.8% 9 12.1% 10 44.6% 37 28.9% 24 83 improved the safety or accessibility of home/car 0.0% 0 2.4% 2 10.8% 9 7.2% 6 15.7% 13 63.9% 53 83 more independent 2.4% 2 1.2% 1 8.4% 7 19.3% 16 43.4% 36 25.3% 21 83 learned about chapter services 4.8% 4 3.6% 3 13.3% 11 19.3% 16 31.3% 26 27.7% 23 83 cope better 3.6% 3 1.2% 1 7.2% 6 16.9% 14 66.3% 55 4.8% 4 83 improved my quality of life 3.6% 3 1.2% 1 8.4% 7 14.5% 12 69.9% 58 2.4% 2 83 feel less alone when dealing with ms 6.0% 5 0.0% 0 6.0% 5 24.1% 20 51.8% 43 12.1% 10 83 improved access to healthcare 2.4% 2 3.6% 3 12.1% 10 9.6% 8 19.3% 16 53.0% 44 83 feel more confident advocating for my needs 3.6% 3 1.2% 1 4.8% 4 20.5% 17 50.6% 42 19.3% 16 83 increased community resources awareness 6.0% 5 1.2% 1 10.8% 9 24.1% 20 41.0% 34 16.9% 14 83 helped me think about long term solutions 4.8% 4 3.6% 3 16.9% 14 25.3% 21 32.5% 27 16.9% 14 83 found sustainable solution to my needs 8.4% 7 3.6% 3 12.1% 10 18.1% 15 34.9% 29 22.9% 19 83 vogel 25 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 table a3: impact of the financial assistance program on clients, percentages of clients who agree or strongly agree with statements table a4: impact of the financial assistance program on friends and family of clients impact of financial assistance program on clients agree or strongly agree more mobile 56.7% improved accessibility to home or car 22.9% more independent 62.7% learned about other chapter services 50.6% cope better with my situation 83.2% improved my quality of life 84.4% feel less alone when dealing with ms 75.9% improved access to medical care 28.9% feel more confident advocating for my needs 71.1% increased community resources awareness 65.1% helped me think about long term solutions to my needs 57.8% helped me find a sustainable solution to my needs 53.0% impact on friends and family strongly disagree disagree neither agree nor disagree agree strongly agree not applicable total less financially dependent on them 4.8% 4 4.8% 4 7.2% 6 18.1% 15 51.8% 43 13.3% 11 83 reduced stress on relationships 4.8% 4 2.4% 2 14.5% 12 20.5% 17 39.8% 33 18.1% 15 83 allowed them to help to me in other ways 4.8% 4 3.6% 3 12.1% 10 25.3% 21 25.3% 21 28.9% 24 83 connected them with the national ms society 6.0% 5 7.2% 6 24.1% 20 12.1% 10 13.3% 11 37.4% 31 83 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 social service and social change in action: reflections on a community-based program evaluation mia t. vogel university of washington for completion of the bachelor of arts in social welfare (basw) program at the university of washington school of social work, students are required to complete a supervised practicum experience consisting of 480 hours (16+ hours per week) at a social services agency during their senior year (university of washington school of social work 2014a). under the supervision of an approved practicum instructor, the basw practicum provides students the opportunity to apply social welfare theory and classroom lessons in the community, gain professional experience, and develop the core competencies and practice behaviors set forth by the council on social work education (cswe) (university of washington school of social work 2014b). the following narrative is a reflection of the time i spent at my practicum site, where i conducted a program evaluation that not only improved the lives of my clients but also served as the culmination of my educational and practicum service experiences. i completed my practicum experience at the national multiple sclerosis (ms) society, greater northwest chapter. what initially drew me to the national ms society was its mission to “mobilize people and resources to drive research for a cure and address the challenges of everyone affected by ms” (national multiple sclerosis society 2014). envisioning “a world free from ms” (national multiple sclerosis society 2014), i embarked on my practicum experience as a programs and services social work intern. in this role, i contributed to the mission and vision of the national ms society by performing a variety of functions. once oriented to the organization and sufficiently trained, i facilitated the engagement of ms scholars, which is a program where college students receive scholarships from the national ms society. i also recruited new volunteers and ms ambassadors to promote awareness of ms within their communities. in addition to deepening the engagement of community members, i worked within the financial assistance program to help people living with ms and their families gain access to financial resources. i accomplished this by connecting clients to community organizations and leveraging funding with the national ms society. by identifying clients’ needs, strengths, and resources, i engaged in empowerment practices and encouraged clients to be their own best advocates. being able to contribute to people living with ms obtaining durable medical equipment, affording their housing and utilities, and participating in wellness activities made for an incredibly rewarding practicum experience. with the financial assistance program as my primary focus, i embarked on a program evaluation of its impact on clients accessing resources. my rationale for embarking on the program evaluation was threefold. first, understanding the impact of the program on clients would allow for grant writers to gain more funding for the program. second, it would serve as a bottom-up approach to inform program improvements and expansion. this means the clients themselves would be the ones informing improvements to the program. third, it would intensify the academic rigor of my senior year in the basw program and give me valuable experience conducting practice-based research, one of the ethical obligations of professional social workers. i approached my first program evaluation the same way i would approach building a house. i started with a strong foundation of personal commitment to community service and social justice. i accessed tools gained from my education in the university of washington vogel 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 basw program. i applied my knowledge of social welfare theory to better understand the lives of my clients and consistently compared those theories to my experiences. my knowledge of research methods was applied to develop surveys, conduct interviews, manage and analyze data, and present research findings. i directed my background in biology and human behavior in the social environment toward understanding the physiology of ms and how the environment can impact the health of my clients. i used my expertise in intergroup dialogue to deeply engage with clients, understand how their experiences are informed by societal structures, and help them plan for action. an additional tool i accessed during the implementation of the program evaluation was support from supervisors at the national ms society and faculty at the university of washington. i consulted with my practicum instructor at the national ms society on a weekly basis to apprize her of my progress on the program evaluation and seek advice. the ms navigators at the greater northwest chapter were available for ongoing support. they clarified all the nuanced details of the financial assistance program and its policies. i spoke with professors about survey design and the necessity of institutional review board (irb) approval for my proposed study. i then consulted the irb for guidance and exemption for the program evaluation. with my strong foundation and tools gained from my educational experiences and consultation with experts, i was able to lay the building blocks to a successful program evaluation. the first building block was designing the questionnaire. my practicum instructor provided the financial assistance program evaluation survey that had been used in previous years as a template for my evaluation. i was told that the survey as it existed did not sufficiently evaluate its impact on clients. therefore, i modified the original survey to include open-ended questions about the effects of accessing the financial assistance program on clients and their families. i additionally added a final open-ended question where clients had the opportunity to identify gaps in community resources, intended to inform policy change efforts. once the survey was designed and data collection and management had been established, a pilot study was conducted. during the pilot study, i initially designed a web survey and emailed it to clients who had received financial assistance within the fiscal year. i thought that allowing clients to respond anonymously over the internet would minimize any interviewer effects that could arise if i had conducted the survey over the phone. one concern i had in conducting the program evaluation via web-based surveys was that i would lose direct contact with my clients. there were additional problems that arose when conducting the program evaluation over web-based surveys. although the information collected through the web-based questionnaire was useful for evaluating the impact of the program, it was impersonal and did not include the perspectives of clients who did not have access to the internet. in addition to being classist with regard to requiring access to the internet in order to participate in the survey, it was also an ableist approach in assuming clients living with ms could physically and cognitively complete the survey without assistance. the emailed program evaluation surveys therefore had a low response rate and missed key members of the population the financial assistance program at the national ms society served. with a commitment to be more responsive to the needs of the population, i modified the delivery of the program evaluation. the decision to include telephone interviews as an additional survey modality proved to be a powerful tool for engagement with clients. in conducting the surveys via telephone, i deepened my understanding of the importance of revisiting previous work with clients. this vogel 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 allowed us to identify additional needs of clients and connect them with resources to meet those needs. some clients, for example, requested they be connected with support groups in their neighborhoods. in one instance, there was not a support group in the client’s area, and the client agreed to start and facilitate her own support group. in providing information about how the client could start and lead her own support group, i indirectly acted as a community organizer. because summer was approaching and ms symptoms are exacerbated by hot weather, clients also expressed needs for cooling vests and air conditioners, which i helped them obtain. one client inquired about leveraging resources with another community agency to help him obtain a scooter that would allow him to be more mobile. i am pleased to report that the process of obtaining the durable medical equipment for this client is now complete. some clients found themselves in need of social and emotional support but expressed they had resisted calling the national ms society because they had already received so much help from the organization in the past. these clients were thus relieved when i called to complete the financial assistance program evaluation survey with them. i was then able to connect them with staff they had established positive relationships with in the past to provide them the socio-emotional support they needed. these examples show how conducting a community-based program evaluation improved the lives of clients while enhancing my experientially-derived tools and developing my social work praxis. the program evaluation was a truly integrative project that encompassed my learning in the classroom and the community as well as my personal and professional commitments to individual and collective well-being. while bridging classroom learning and civic engagement to serve my clients, i was able to conduct an evaluation that will inform the improvement and expansion of the national ms society, greater northwest chapter financial assistance program. the dual missions of social work are social service and social change, and i am pleased to say the program evaluation accomplished both missions simultaneously. ~ i would like to thank the many faculty members at the university of washington school of social work who were available for ongoing consultation throughout the process of conducting my first program evaluation. i would also like to express my gratitude to the clients and staff members at the national multiple sclerosis society, greater northwest chapter, especially my practicum supervisor, allison krehbiel, msw, who provided me opportunities to grow as a professional social worker and engage in this meaningful project. i would also like to thank my faculty mentor on the editorial team, dr. lane perry, director of the center for service learning at western carolina university, for his support and encouragement throughout the editing and revision process. i would like to thank dr. jill k. burk, instructor of communication arts & sciences at penn state berks and editor of undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research for accepting my submissions and allowing me to disseminate my work publicly. most importantly, i would like to thank my family for their continuous support of my academic and career goals. references national multiple sclerosis society. 2014. “about the society: national multiple sclerosis society.” national multiple sclerosis society. http://www.nationalmssociety.org/ about-the-society. vogel 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 university of washington school of social work. 2014a. “basw school of social work, university of washington.” school of social work, university of washington. http://socialwork.uw.edu/folder/programs/basw. —. 2014b. “competency development in the field.” school of social work, university of washington. http://socialwork.uw.edu/programs/field-education/competency development-in-the-field. mia t vogel research vogel reflection running head: youth homelessness and aggression 1 examining the relationship between youth homelessness and aggression poverty studies capstone project faculty advisors: jay brandenberger, center for social concerns and psychology benedict giamo, american studies introduction youth homelessness teen homelessness has recently begun to gain recognition as a rapidly escalating problem in american society. it is estimated that between 1 and 1.5 million american teens—about 6 percent of the u.s. adolescent population—currently experience one or more periods of homelessness each year (cohen, 2009). part of the emergence of a substantial homeless adolescent population can be attributed to the rise in youth separating from their family. the justice department conducted a study in 1989 that suggested that about 500,000 youth run away or are thrown out of their homes each year (robertson, 1991). this is especially alarming given that an estimated 75 percent of cases in which youth separate from the family go unreported (“national youth homelessness awareness month”, 2009). many youth who separate from their family are unable to secure stable housing, leading them to be absorbed into the growing homeless adolescent population (maclean, embry, & cauce, 1999). the 2004 conference of mayors study found that about 5% of the homeless in the united states are unaccompanied youth (crs report for congress, 2005). this separation of adolescents from their birth families can be the result of the adolescent running away, being kicked out, or being removed from the home. factors that commonly motivate such a separation include family poverty, lack of affordable housing, abuse of the child by his or her parents, maltreatment due to sexual orientation, substance abuse, coming of age in the foster care system, and/or being born to homeless parents (cohen, 2009). these problems are being exacerbated by the economic crisis that is causing many families to be under the additional stress of unemployment and food instability (“national youth homelessness awareness month”, 2009). however, it is important to note that these conditions are also experienced at high rates by teens who do not separate from the family. thus, there is a large population of adolescents who lack a sense of home and belonging who are entirely overlooked by the aforementioned estimates of homeless youth. in conducting the present study, it is essential to move beyond the traditional, purely physical concept of homelessness and to establish a working definition that encompasses homelessness as a social state as well as a physical state of non-belonging. homelessness will be defined for the purposes of this study as lacking a place of belonging where one can safely and reliably receive shelter. this definition requires a complex analysis that must combine information about the stability of one’s physical residency with the social support and belongingness inherent to a true sense of home. running head: youth homelessness and aggression 2 in light of this definition, the interpersonal support evaluation list (isel) was incorporated into the present study as a measure of homelessness. the isel measures functional and perceived social support and has often been applied to homeless and impoverished populations. it is a four-part questionnaire measuring four specific aspects of social support and belonging: 1) tangible support, the perceived availability of material aid, 2) appraisal support, the perceived availability of someone with whom to discuss personal issues, 3) self-esteem support, and 4) belonging support, the perception that there is a group with which one can identify and socialize (brookings and bolton, 1988). those adolescents who can be classified as homeless based on lack of social support and/or a stable physical residence often suffer life-long repercussions and poorer outcomes than their counterparts with stable home environments. for example, homeless adolescents suffer from health problems and psychological symptoms, including conduct disorders, at significantly higher frequencies as compared to their non-homeless peers (feitel, margetson, chamas, & lipman, 1992; robertson, 1991; wright, 1991). this trend has been found to hold true for the particular conduct disorder in question in this study: chronic aggression (robertson, 1991). adolescent aggression aggression can be defined for the purposes of this study as behavior intended to cause harm to another, regardless of whether there is a violent outcome. adolescent aggression is a daunting societal problem in the united states. the national youth risk behavior survey, issued by the center for disease control and prevention, is administered each year to samples ranging from 10,904 to 16,296 american youth in order to track trends in youth aggression. the large sample size and random selection of this study allow the american public to presume the results to be highly representative of national trends. the findings of the national youth risk behavior survey from 1993 into the early 21st century pointed to a hopeful decline in youth aggression, but that trend began to turn around in 2005. the survey data collected since then shows a steady increase in youth aggression rates. the results of the most recent 2009 survey indicated that 17.5% of students had carried a weapon and 5.9% had carried a gun in the last 30 days before the survey was administered. furthermore, 31.5% of students had been in a physical fight at least once in the past year (cdc, 2009). in other recent studies, these results have been reinforced by complementary findings estimating that 42% of males and 28% of females ages 14-18 have participated in a physical fight in the past year (marcus, 2008). it can prove hard to accurately assess the prevalence of adolescent aggression using records other than self-reported survey data because the overwhelming majority of aggressive incidents are never reported. according to the national center for juvenile justice, juvenile arrest rates for violent crime averaged 670 for every 100,000 males and 118 for every 100,000 females between 1990 and 2003 (marcus, 2008). however, self-report studies conducted by snyder and sickmund (1995) found that 80-90% of adolescents reported having participated in some kind of delinquent behavior by the age of 18. even more shockingly, 30% of males and 10% of females reported committing at least three violent offenses in the year before their 18th birthday (snyder and sickmund, 1995). the only crime that is almost always discovered is homicide, and the fact that homicide has been consistently ranked as the second leading cause of death in the age category of 12-19 years by the nchs speaks to the concerning prevalence of this violent crime among american youth as well (marcus, 2008). there are numerous theories that have developed in response to public concern about adolescent aggression. a popular, culture-specific theory suggests a decline in the emotional running head: youth homelessness and aggression 3 intelligence of american children as a result of rapid cultural and societal changes (goleman, 1995), leading to a reduced ability to monitor and regulate emotional states such as anger. in contrast, the social-learning theory argues that aggression is learned, sustained, and unlearned by way of observation and classical and operant conditioning (moeller, 2001). this model suggests that aggression is internalized by youth through modeling, imitation, and then a reward that encourages the youth to use aggression again. a more individualized perspective is provided by the frustration-aggression hypothesis, which states that aggression is the inevitable reaction to a situation in which a youth is blocked from a goal-directed behavior (moeller, 2001). the most integrated approach is the general aggression model. this model suggests that it is the interaction of personal identity/stable personality traits and environmental triggers of anger that produce aggression. psychologically salient situational factors trigger anger, which reduces inhibition, fixates attention, primes aggressive scripts, and increases arousal, which then produces an effect that is dependent on an individual’s predisposition (marcus, 2008). personality risk factors for aggressive behavior have been determined to include sensation-seeking tendencies, negative affect, anger, depression or mood disorders, and an underdeveloped concept of empathy (marcus, 2008). there are also a variety of situational risk factors that are essentially universally correlated with aggressive behavior, including provocation, frustration, deprivation, pain, incentives to participate in aggressive behavior, and modeling of aggressive behavior. longitudinal studies of aggression have found that early childhood aggression has a relatively high likelihood of persisting over time in the absence of a pro-active intervention to counter aggressive impulses (vance et. al. 2002). a study at the university of north carolina at chapel hill examined thirty-seven high-risk adolescents who demonstrated aggression to identify predictors of their behavioral outcomes (vance, j.e., bowen, n. k., fernandez, g., & thompson, s., 2002). psychosocial risk factors and psychiatric symptom severity were the two factors tested as possible predictors of the stability of aggressive tendencies over time. psychiatric symptom severity was found to be a less important predictor of behavioral outcomes than psychosocial risk factors such as poor parent-child relationships, low family support, and minimal prosocial interaction with peers (vance, j.e., bowen, n. k., fernandez, g., & thompson, s., 2002). interaction between youth homelessness and aggression this study is being conducted to examine the possible relationship between adolescent homelessness and aggressive behavior. this is an important area of study because the traumatic experience of homelessness and/or family instability has been found to cause youth to act out feelings of distress and victimization (maclean, embry, & cauce, 1999). psychologist linda j. anooshian interviewed 93 sets of mothers and children and found that family instability consistently contributed to problematic aggressive behaviors among children (2005). a study that directly assessed the prevalence of severe aggressive behavior and conduct disorders similarly found that in a population of 219 runaway and homeless adolescents ages 12–19, 55% suffered from conduct disorders and 62% exhibited severe aggression (booth & zhang, 1996). these findings are further supported by a study conducted by baron, forde, & kennedy (2007), which examined the conflict management of homeless as compared to non-homeless male youth ages 18–30 years. the data collected indicated that homeless youth are more likely to demand reparation from those they perceive to have caused them harm and are more likely to use aggression to settle conflict regardless of the magnitude of the conflict. the present study is running head: youth homelessness and aggression 4 designed in response to these findings as well as the possible relevance of these findings to the getting over angry lives (goal) program, run by individuals and families in transition in elkhart, indiana. the goal program is an aggression management intervention that is deeply integrated into the disciplinary system of elkhart public schools and the elkhart county juvenile court system. students are enrolled in the goal program based on recommendations by school, parents, counselors, probation officers and/or juvenile court due to aggressive behavior. the goal program seeks to guide students through a 7-week process of reflecting and realizing both the effects and the alternatives to living an angry life. the program aims to incorporate discussion and community building into five crucial lessons on goal setting, hot buttons and anger signals, physical aspects of anger, self-talk, and accepting personal responsibility. the goal program has developed amidst the rise of hundreds of similar aggression prevention and/or rehabilitation programs over the last 30 years (marcus, 131). these programs have enjoyed varying degrees of success and have motivated the development of a growing body of academic theories about interventions. the american psychological association (1993), surgeon general’s report (2009), and national institute of health (2006) have all attempted to outline the key components of a successful youth aggression intervention. criteria determined to be crucial across these sources include addressing associated risk factors, using a clinical approach, early and sustained intervention, working on social competence, and designing an intervention across social contexts (marcus, 135). the suggestions of the american psychological association, surgeon general’s report, and national institute of health have been supported by extensive evidence regarding the success rates of various programs. one particularly crucial, common finding was that focused treatment programs are less effective than comprehensive interventions that extend across multiple areas of adolescents’ lives (vance et. al., 2002). one of the most salient studies to examine aggression and related interventions is a meta-analysis of 221 studies conducted since 1960 on school-based anti-aggression programs. this study has included a total of 56,000 youth from age five through high school and has consistently measured progress using preand posttesting. when considered as a whole, all programs compiled had a significant effect when compared to the control that received no intervention. ages five and under and 14 and over were the age brackets that responded most successfully. when different intervention styles were compared, behavioral and classroom management as well as therapy and counseling were most effective in decreasing aggressive behavior. statistically significant improvements were also produced by social competence training, which teaches resolution of interpersonal conflicts via improved communication and conflict resolution skills. learning anger control techniques, such as practice, relaxation and self-talk, is a central component of this intervention style (marcus, 136). this last model seems to be most closely embodied by the goal program involved in the present study. there are also a variety of risk factors that have emerged as areas of concern that the majority of interventions are failing to address. for example, many programs are making insufficient efforts to redirect the adventure-seeking tendencies often exemplified by chronically aggressive youth. also, media exposure to violence is a risk factor rarely addressed in programming. perhaps most significantly, early drug and alcohol use is often interrelated with aggressive behavior but rarely confronted. these are areas that youth continue to struggle with after interventions, and these unaddressed areas inevitably impede the ability of the adolescents to make permanent behavioral changes (marcus, 156). this suggests that interventions need to running head: youth homelessness and aggression 5 be more conscious of the ways that these problems can be tackled simultaneously within the lesson plans of aggression interventions. the present study will examine whether homelessness status may be another similar factor interfering with the success of anti-aggression programming. the current study will be conducted in order to investigate the relationship between homelessness and teen aggression in the context of individuals and families in transition (ifit) community programming. the purpose of this investigation is to help improve ifit’s responsiveness to the specific needs of the population served by its anti-aggression programming. this study will assess the degree to which homelessness needs to be addressed more proactively. it will furthermore attempt to address a gap in literature to date by finding out the extent to which homelessness is an issue that interferes with aggressive teens’ ability to make positive behavioral changes during an intervention. there are two specific goals in this investigation. the first is to explore whether homelessness is a condition faced more frequently by those teens with aggression issues than those without. the second is to assess whether home instability is a predictor of low achievement for aggressive teens participating in an anti-aggression intervention. the participants involved in this study will be aggressive and non-aggressive teens involved in community programming offered by ifit. the first part of this project will be a demographic study using survey data to assess whether aggressive and non-aggressive teens suffer from homelessness at differing rates. thus, the independent variable will be aggression status. teens enrolled in a goal settings class, who are not currently in trouble with the law, will function as the non-aggressive comparison group while teens enrolled in the getting over angry lives (goal) anti-aggression program will function as the aggressive target group. the dependent variable being assessed will be homelessness status. i predict that i will find a higher degree of homelessness among teens with aggression management problems as compared to the non-aggressive group of teens from the same area. the second part of the project will be a program effectiveness study that uses selfassessment data to gauge the extent to which homelessness affects the ability of aggressive teens to respond successfully to an anti-aggression intervention. homelessness status will now become the independent variable while the dependent variable will be the amount of improvement made during an anti-aggression intervention. the comparison group will be the teens in the goal program who are determined not to be homeless (“low homelessness”) based on part one of this study. the target group will be the teens in the goal program who are determined to be homeless (“high homelessness”) based on part one of this study. self-assessment data will be used to compare the degree to which each group improves their aggressive tendencies over the course of the 7-week goal program. my hypothesis for this part of the study is that the antiaggression intervention will be less effective for homelessness teens, meaning that they will show less improvement from the beginning to the end of the intervention than those aggressive teens with a stable home environment. method participants the first part of the study, which used survey data to contrast the homelessness rates of aggressive as compared to non-aggressive teens in the elkhart area, included a comparison group of 30-35 non-aggressive teens ages 14-18 recruited from a goal settings class run by ifit. running head: youth homelessness and aggression 6 enrollment in this class was based on need for assistance with time management, goal setting, and academic commitment. the students participating are not currently in trouble with the law and can be classified as non-aggressive. the target group was 30-35 aggressive teens ages 14-18 recruited from the getting over angry lives (goal) anti-aggression program run by ifit. students are enrolled in the goal program based on recommendations by school, parents, counselors, probation officers and/or juvenile courts due to aggressive behavior. the ethnic composition of each class is usually about 1/3 hispanic, 1/3 white, and 1/3 black, and both males and females are included. the second part of the study, which evaluated the goal program to see if it is less effective for homeless teens, used as the comparison group those teens in the goal program determined not to be homeless (“low homelessness”) based on part one of this study. the target group was teens in the goal program determined to be homeless (“high homelessness”) based on part one of this study. self-assessment data was used to compare the degree to which each group improved their aggressive tendencies over the course of the 7-week goal program. recruitment all participants in the goal and goal settings classes that fell within the 2010 fall semester were eligible to participate in this study. i did not interfere with ifit’s recruitment of participants for these two classes due to the importance of having a sample typical of those that participate in the class under non-testing conditions. to recruit from the goal settings and goal classes once students enrolled, i spoke in front of the class at the first session. subjects were recruited at the first session because both students and parents were required to attend. i explained what participation in the study would entail and how it would benefit ifit programming. i passed out separate consent forms to parents and assent forms to teens. i gave the parent-child pairs a few minutes to read, discuss together, and ask questions. i then stayed after class so parents or teens could ask questions privately if they preferred. at the end of the class, parent consent and student assent forms were collected at the door. only those students for whom i received both student assent and parent consent were included in the study. compensation and benefits there were no individual benefits provided to the participants by way of monetary compensation or increased chances of graduation from the program. however, there are communal benefits to participation because this study will enable ifit to improve its programming, particularly its goal intervention. the wider elkhart community will benefit because teen aggression will be more effectively addressed and rehabilitated. the institution will also be able to better address the issues underlying youth aggression and work towards prevention, thereby making the community a safer place. a safer community is advantageous to all participants. special precautions to account for the fact that age and emotional maturity level may have affected the ability of the goal student participants to give informed consent, i walked through a very thorough explanation of what the teens would be asked to do with their parents present so that both students and parents could make informed decisions about whether the teen could handle running head: youth homelessness and aggression 7 participation. i was sure to specify that participation was not mandatory and would have no bearing on an individual’s graduation from the program. i also explained that i would maintain confidentiality except in the event that abuse was discovered. i delineated the procedures for reporting abuse so that teens would be informed prior to any self-disclosure (see “confidentiality”). participants were also informed that they could choose to skip items or withdraw at any time if the study caused emotional or psychological harm. both the primary investigator and the usual class teachers, who are trained to perceive and respond to the particular needs of their students, proctored the administration of the questionnaires in this study. at the sign of significant distress, the principal investigators and proctors intervened. confidentiality the control group of teens in the goal setting class submitted their questionnaires anonymously. the experimental group of goal students, however, were assigned numbers because their questionnaire responses had to be matched with their aggression self-assessments before and after the goal program in order to accomplish the second part of the study. numbered stickers were randomly placed on the inside covers of the participants’ goal program notebooks. they were asked to write this number on the front of their questionnaires and each of their aggression self-assessments (before and after). i made copies, then blacked out the names on my copies and the numbers on the teacher copies. this way, i could match up the questionnaire responses with the self-assessments but would not know to whom the numbered sets belong. the teachers, on the other hand, were able to assess the progress of individual students but not able to match up those assessments with the questionnaire responses, so they could not know the homelessness status of any particular students. the students were asked to remove the stickers from their notebooks at the end of the class. the ifit program and goal program teachers were provided with the cumulative results of the study when the project was complete. when responses to supplementary interviews with goal participants were recorded, names were stripped so that recordings were identified by numbers only. the recorded interviews were not released for use of any kind outside of the study. they were kept in a secure, unmarked location. prior to the study, i informed participants of my obligation to break confidentiality should illegal activity or abuse come to my attention. i was required to notify an ifit staff member and defer to them due to their superior training in handling such issues. the standard ifit procedures for reporting abuse would then be followed. an ifit staff member would first interview the youth to assess the situation and devise a plan of action. the youth would be encouraged to inform and obtain cooperation of their parent or guardian. the staff member(s) involved would then plan and facilitate interventions with the potential to unite families. however, where required by law, the ifit staff would act to protect the youth. in instances where children and parents or guardians could not be re-united, the staff would consult with the executive director and pursue an alternate plan. teens and parents were forewarned both verbally and in writing of this mandatory exception to confidentiality. running head: youth homelessness and aggression 8 design the first part of this study used an independent groups design with natural groups assignment. the independent variable being manipulated was aggression level. the two levels of the independent variable were high aggression, represented by the goal students with a history of aggressive behavior, and low aggression, represented by the students in the goal setting class without a history of aggressive behavior. the dependent variable was the degree of homelessness that students experience. the second part of this study used a pre-test, post-test design with the dependent variable of part one of the study—level of homelessness—becoming the independent variable. goal students who were found to be experiencing a high degree of homelessness in part one of the study were assigned to the target group while goal students determined in part one to be experiencing a low degree of homelessness were assigned to the comparison group. selfevaluations were administered at the beginning and end of the goal course as a measurement of the dependent variable: improvement in aggression management. this improvement was quantified using the differences between pre-test and post-test scores. the improvement in the aggression management of the target group was compared to the improvement of the comparison group. measures the interpersonal support evaluation list (isel) was designed by cohen and hoberman (1983) to measure the perceived availability of social support resources. it measures functional and perceived social support and is frequently applied to homeless and impoverished populations. this questionnaire is comprised of 40 dichotomous items, half phrased negatively and half phrased positively, which are scored such that a higher score reflects a higher degree of perceived social support. this measure is well established; it has been used in similar research and has been experimentally validated by a number of studies. brookings and bolton (1988) published the confirmatory factor analysis of the interpersonal support evaluation list, which studied 133 college students (45 male, 88 female) who completed the isel in order to evaluate the appropriateness of the questionnaire as a measure of social support. large correlations were found among the four primary factors used to assess social support (namely, tangible support, appraisal support, self-esteem support, and belonging support), suggesting that the isel is a useful, congruous measure. furthermore, reliability coefficients over a one-week interval for the isel were found to range from 0.62 to 0.85 (bates & toro, 1999). i selected 31 of the 40 isel items based on their relevance to adolescents and presented the questions in the same, randomized order to each participant (appendix a). for each item, the teen chose true or false according to which better represents how they feel most of the time. their score based on their responses was the sum of answers that aligned with the desired, i.e. socially desirable, response. the mean scores for a normal population have been found to range from 32.9-34.4 out of 40 total questions with a standard deviation of 4.96-5.98 (cohen et. al, 1985). for the purposes of this study, these values will be scaled down to their equivalents out of 31 total questions, which makes the mean and standard deviation for a normal population 25.526.7 and 3.84-4.63, respectively the second questionnaire used was a short true/false homelessness survey devised particularly for this study (appendix b). there were 10 items and scores were the sum of the socially desirable responses provided. this questionnaire was devised in order to complement running head: youth homelessness and aggression 9 the indirect measure of homelessness provided by the isel with a direct measurement of homelessness. because this measure more directly measured homelessness, the results of this questionnaire were used to divide participants into “low homelessness” and “high homelessness” groups for the second part of the study. ideally, goal students with scores falling one standard deviation or more below the expected or normal mean would be considered “low homelessness” and those beyond one standard deviation above the mean would be considered “high homelessness.” however, due to the small sample size available, it was not feasible to exclude participants in the middle of the spectrum. therefore, participants were divided into groups purely based on whether their questionnaire scores fell above or below the mean. the self-evaluation given as a pre-test and post-test for the second part of the study has been used by ifit since the development of the program. it is a 10-item true/false questionnaire gauging aggression and aggression management skills. items include: “i can back down from a fight” and “my anger is under control.” ten points are awarded for each item answered “true” for a total score out of one hundred. three independent t-tests were run using spss to assess the results produced by these measures. the first t-test was run to test for a significant difference between the isel scores of the comparison and target groups. the second was run to test for a significant difference between the homelessness questionnaire scores of the comparison and target groups. the third was run to test for a significant difference between the improvement in aggression achieved by participants facing high versus low levels of homelessness as assessed by pre-test and post-test scores. the standard for significance was p < 0.05. procedure on the first day of each class (the goal program and the goal settings class), i gave an oral debriefing to both parents and teens describing what participation in the study entailed and how it could benefit ifit. parent consent and student assent forms were then distributed. time was provided to ask questions. at the end of class, i collected the consent and assent forms from those willing to participate. at a subsequent class, when parents were no longer present, i administered the isel questionnaire as well as the true/false questionnaire used to directly asses homelessness, which together took between 15 and 20 minutes to complete. the questionnaires were taken in the students’ usual desks. this procedure provided the data for the first part of the study. for the program effectiveness part of the study, the aggression self-assessment typically used by the goal program was administered as usual. the usual procedures are that goal program teachers administer the self-assessment on the second day and the last day of the class. each administration takes between 10 and 15 minutes. this provides the data used for the second part of the study. in effect, nothing was altered from the pre-existing goal program to conduct the second part of the study. the self-assessments were simply released to the primary investigator to be analyzed in conjunction with the data from part one of the study, which allowed evaluation of whether the program is effective for homeless teens. i attended each goal class to discuss additional, related interview questions with a few randomly selected students (appendix c). these questions took 10-30 minutes to discuss. they enabled a more comprehensive analysis of the possible mediating factors between homelessness and youth aggression by providing qualitative data to supplement the questionnaires. running head: youth homelessness and aggression 10 results for the first part of this study, i hypothesized that i would find a higher rate of homelessness among teens with aggression management problems as compared to a nonaggressive group of teens from the same area. the data collected from each of the two measures used was evaluated with an independent samples t-test to determine whether there was a significant difference between the scores of the group of teenagers with aggression problems and those without. social support scores were calculated on a scale of 0-31 points using true/false items from the isel (appendix a). higher scores indicate strong social support. the mean social support score for teenagers participating in the goal program because of a history of aggressive behavior was 22.25 (sd =5.59, range=4-30). the mean score for teenagers participating in ifit programming but not exhibiting aggression was 24.04 (sd =4.33, range=1529). while there was a trend of aggressive teens having less social support, the difference between the two groups was not found to be significant (p=0.187). thus, these results cannot be used definitively to substantiate the hypothesis. direct homelessness scores were also derived based on a 10-question questionnaire designed specifically for this study (appendix b). on this measure, higher scores correlate with a higher degree of homelessness (previously defined as lack of belonging). the mean homelessness score for goal participants was 5.23 (sd =2.28, range=1-9) while the mean homelessness score for non-aggressive ifit participants was 3.81 (sd = 2.40, range=0-10). when compared using an independent samples t-test, the goal teens with aggression problems had significantly higher rates of homelessness than the comparison group (p=0.027). thus, these results support the hypothesis that teens with chronic aggression report higher rates of homelessness. my hypothesis upon designing the second part of the study was that the goal antiaggression intervention would be less effective for homelessness teens, meaning that they would report less improvement from the beginning to the end of the intervention than aggressive teens with a stable home environment. the results obtained were inconclusive. the mean improvement shown by teens reporting low homelessness was 25.6 as compared to 28.3 for teens reporting high homelessness. however, these results were essentially negligible due to the standard deviation of 17.4 for the low homelessness group and 17.0 for the high homelessness group. there was no significant difference found between the improvements made by the two groups (p=0.719), indicating that the hypothesis cannot be confirmed by these results. discussion the purpose of this study was to first assess whether those teens exhibiting aggression were experiencing higher rates of homelessness compared to other teens participating in ifit programming. then, aggressive teens experiencing a low level of homelessness were compared to those experiencing a high level of homelessness to determine whether the former teens were able to make lifestyle changes in response to an intervention more successfully than the latter. based on previous findings that the traumatic experience of homelessness and/or family instability causes youth to act out feelings of distress and victimization in the form of aggressive behavior (anooshian, 2005; booth & zhang, 1996; boron, forde, & kennedy, 2001; maclean, embry, & cauce, 1999), i hypothesized that aggressive teens would report higher rates of homelessness than non-aggressive teens. furthermore, i hypothesized that the aggressive teens running head: youth homelessness and aggression 11 experiencing homelessness would be less able to make positive life changes due to lack of social support and stability. the first hypothesis was, overall, supported by the results of the study. the aggression-prone students participating in the goal program reported a significantly higher degree of homelessness than nonaggressive teens based on anonymous, self-reported homelessness questionnaire data. they also demonstrated a non-significant but consistent trend toward lower social support scores based on the isel social support questionnaire. the second hypothesis, however, could not be substantiated because the improvements shown by teens experiencing both high and low degrees of homelessness were extremely variable and not significantly different. many items of interest emerged from both the isel and homelessness questionnaires as stand-alone evidence that lack of home stability and support is a problem that needs to be addressed for goal students. in particular, three isel items fundamentally indicated lack of social support. the first was “there are several people that i trust to help solve my problems,” which was answered false by 56.3% of students (18 out of 32). similarly, on an item stating “i feel that there is no one i can share my most private worries and fears with,” 46.8% answered true (15 out of 32). perhaps the single most telling item on the isel was item 30: “i am more satisfied with my life than most people are with theirs,” to which 57% responded false (16 out of 28). the homelessness questionnaire produced similarly noteworthy results. the last three items in particular provided results relevant to ifit. the statement “i have thought about leaving the place where i live” produced the most extreme, troubling results in that 85.7% responded true (24 out of 28). furthermore, in response to the item “my life would be better if i could leave the place where i stay and the people i currently live with,” a majority of 53.6% chose true (15 out of 28). the last item, “if i knew that there was a safe place to go that would take me in, i would strongly consider leaving the place that i stay now” is perhaps the single most important indicator of whether the youth shelter that was recently closed is a necessity to this particular population. a clear majority of 64.3% agreed with this statement (18 out of 28), which indicates that the majority of goal students are in need of a safe alternative to staying in unhealthy homes. in this study, the covariance of homelessness and aggression found was consistent with previous researchers’ conclusions that homelessness is a strong predictor of aggressive behavior. there is a range of possible explanations for why this relationship exists. the interview data collected in conjunction with this study exposed some of these explanations. in considering interview feedback, however, it is important to remember that homelessness is defined for the purposes of this study as lacking a place of belonging where one can safely and reliably receive shelter. participants reported a wide variety of factors connecting feelings of homelessness to acting out aggressively. most reported a complete absence of positive communication and expression of affection among their family members. constant put-downs and physical, aggressive expression of frustration and anger were the most commonly reported forms of familial interactions. in many cases, there was clear modeling of uncontrolled anger and illegal stress response techniques by parents and siblings. from these accounts, it seems likely that these teens are more prone to interacting with others aggressively because they have grown up without a model of positive self-expression. participants also consistently reported that some of their strongest feelings of anger stem from lack of control in their home lives. they described the stress of dreading going home every running head: youth homelessness and aggression 12 day and feeling unsafe once there. many students cited alcoholism, parental conflict, and participation of parents in illegal activity as reasons that they felt unsafe in their home. multiple students gave account of the very visceral reaction of their heart rate rising and their breathing getting heavier upon entering their house or seeing the person that they associate with conflict and instability. a particular teen explained to me that never being able to relax, have space to get away, or let one’s guard down puts a person on edge and makes him or her infinitely more likely to snap, even in contexts completely unrelated to the source of the stress. a great number of teens directly or indirectly expressed that feeling unsafe, not valued, and/or a lack of belonging in their home life has led to a detrimental lack of self-worth. many referenced trying a variety of other outlets besides aggression as a means of release for their negative emotions. there were repeated references to histories of drinking, drug use, and cutting, with at least one interviewee having previously attempted suicide. this lack of self-worth can, in itself, make teens more likely to feel defensive and overly-sensitive to criticism. although this feedback helps to explain the goal participants’ aggressive behavior in response to home stability, these family experiences cannot be assumed to contrast with the experiences of the nonaggressive control group. in the design of the first part of this study, an inherent limitation was that ifit programming does not have available a true comparison group of teens with a “normal” life situation. while it is true that the goal settings class students used as the nonaggressive comparison group have enrolled in their ifit program for purely academic reasons and do not have a history of aggression, there are often risk factors in their lives that are making them prone to academic underachievement. for these students, nonconformity with academic expectations may in fact be their outlet instead of aggressive behavior. the instability of even the comparison population is evident in that the mean social support score was 24.04, which is notably lower than the mean of 25.5-26.7 expected for a normal population (cohen et. al, 1985). furthermore, the mean homelessness score among the goal settings comparison group was 3.81, which is much higher than would be expected for a normal, stable population (which would be expected to score close to zero). in the design of this study, i had to choose between using a comparison group of teens who were possibly also troubled but who were more comparable due to participation in the same community and ifit programming or a sample of students who would have normal life situations but would be from a more prosperous and/or stable area and have incomparable life experiences. i chose the former, but results may have been more significant—although arguably less useful to ifit—had i chosen the latter option. upon close examination of isel responses, it is apparent that social support may also have been confounded with socioeconomic status for the comparison group. items such as “if i needed an emergency loan of $100, there is someone i could get it from,” “it would be difficult to find someone who would lend me their car for a few hours,” and “if for some reason i were put in jail, there is someone i could call who would bail me out” caused the great majority of goal settings comparison group students to lose points. the lower isel scores that resulted may not have truly represented lack of social support, but rather lack of financial resources, which this study did not intend to assess. the comparison group sample may have been biased toward students of low socioeconomic status because enrollment in the goal settings course suggests that students may have been unable to obtain tutoring services or other, more costly means of improving academic performance. in the design of the second part of this study, there were also inherent limitations that may have factored into the inconclusive results. first, the pre and post-tests used a nonrunning head: youth homelessness and aggression 13 continuous scale, with possible scores limited to multiples of 10%. this produced outrageous standard deviations of 17.4 and 17.0 for the low and high homelessness groups, respectively. also, the sample size was smaller than i could have foreseen because i had not anticipated such a high rate of failure from the course and, thus, attrition from the study. many of the students failed to attend the necessary number of classes or disappeared and were unreachable using their contact information. although this trend speaks to the very transience with which this study is concerned, it was not very conducive to collecting results. there still may be an effect of homelessness on teens’ ability to make positive life changes, but it could not be detected in this study. the possibility, however, is supported by the isel item “most of my friends are more successful at making changes in their lives than i am,” for which a majority of 51.7% goal students answered true (15 out of 29). despite the limitations of this study, the results collected contribute significantly to the information currently known about the homelessness status of the teens served by ifit. this study substantiated the suspicion of ifit staff that homelessness is a prevalent problem among goal students. it also provided concrete evidence that homelessness is an area that needs to be addressed proactively in the content of the course itself. students were exceedingly vocal when providing feedback on the goal course and how it can best respond to their needs during their interviews. these students are facing a profound lack of belonging and an absence of modeling of healthy interaction, which is a significant underlying cause of their aggressive behavior. they repeatedly expressed the desire for more frequent goal classes and more constant support with a focus on self-expression. students specifically suggested getting everyone talking, even if that means going around a circle during discussion. many hoped that this would build trust and make class more personal and experience-based. they also vocalized that peer feedback is uniquely helpful and can help to build a sense of community. i was surprised by the majority assertion that discussion with one another is the most important aspect of the goal course because it makes students feel that their voices and experiences are valued and that they are not alone. this widely-shared sentiment suggests that the goal classroom may in fact be where belonging and positive modeling can begin. by supplying insights and statistics as well as revealing particular questionnaire items that highlight the social support insufficiencies faced by students, i am hopeful that this study will improve ifit’s understanding of and responsiveness to the population it serves. furthermore, insight into the high degree of homelessness experienced by aggressive youth has the potential to motivate further research regarding the demand for a youth homeless shelter in the elkhart community. it is possible that this study can serve as a starting point for the collection of evidence to appeal for restored funding for the youth homeless shelter that was formerly located in elkhart county. in the future, the findings from this study might be further explored by collecting data from a greater number of goal participants over substantially longer than one academic semester. furthermore, it would be helpful to include a second comparison group of students from the public school system that have never sought ifit services in order to understand the degree to which the homelessness experienced by goal students deviates from the norms of the larger community. this was not a reasonable option for an independent project but would be feasible for a larger-scale, longer-term investigation. also, a larger sample and continuous scales would enable more effective assessment of the degree to which homelessness affects teen performance in an aggression intervention. this still has great relevance to ifit’s understanding of the degree to which their program is effective for homeless goal participants. running head: youth homelessness and aggression 14 the findings of this study also have the potential to contribute meaningfully to the field by substantiating existing theories on teen homelessness and aggressive behavior. the statistical results of this study in conjunction with interview feedback support existing evidence that the traumatic experience of homelessness and/or family instability often causes youth to act out their feelings of distress and helplessness (maclean, embry, & cauce, 1999). interview feedback also provided evidence that the social-learning theory that aggression is learned, sustained, and unlearned by way of observational learning (moeller, 2001) is supported by the experiences of many elkhart youth. furthermore, the stories articulated by many goal participants confirm the validity of the frustration-aggression hypothesis, which states that aggression is the inevitable reaction to a situation in which a youth is blocked from a goal (moeller, 2001). for many students, their family lives are blocking them from their goal to achieve belonging, stability, and self-worth, and their stress and frustration over being blocked leads them to act out aggressively. it is vitally important to continue to test these theories and to open dialogue in order to better understand youth exhibiting aggression. those teens who can be classified as homeless based on lack of social support and/or a stable physical residence have been found to suffer life-long repercussions and exhibit life-long chronic aggression (feitel, margetson, chamas, & lipman, 1992; robertson, 1991; wright, 1991). i hope that this study serves to stimulate both awareness among academics and continued community-based investigation. running head: youth homelessness and aggression 15 references anooshian, l. g. (2005). violence and aggression in the lives of homeless children. journal of family violence, 20, 373-387. doi: 10.1007/s10896-005-7799-3. baron, s.w., forde, d.r., & kennedy, l.w. (2007). disputatiousness, aggressiveness, and victimization among street youths. youth violence and juvenile justice, 5, 411-425. doi: 10.1177/1541204077299582. bates, d. s., & toro, p.a. (1999). developing measures to assess social support among homeless and poor people. journal of community psychology, 27, 137-156. booth, r. e., & zhang, y. (1996). severe aggression and related conduct problems among runaway and homeless adolescents. psychiatric services, 47, 75-80. cohen, s., & hoberman, h. (1983). positive events and social supports as buffers of life change stress. journal of applied social psychology, 13, 99-125. feitel, b., margetson, n., chamas, j., & lipman, c. (1992). psychosocial background and behavioral and emotional disorders of homeless and runaway youth. hosp community psychiatry, 43, 155-159. goleman, d. (1995). emotional intelligence: why it can matter more than iq. new york: bantam books. maclean, m. g., embry, l. f., & cauce, a. m. (1999). homeless adolescents' paths to separation from family: comparison of family characteristics, psychological adjustment, and victimization. journal of community psychology, 27, 179-188. marcus, r.f. (2008). cross-sectional study of violence in emerging adulthood. aggressive behavior, 35, 188-202. doi: 10.1002/ab.20293. moeller, t.g. (2001). youth aggression and violence: a psychological approach. new jersey: lawrence erlbaum associates, inc. national center for chronic disease prevention and health promotion (2009). national youth risk behavior survey. http://www.cdc.gov/healthyyouth/yrbs/index.htm. national youth homelessness awareness month: ways to get involved. (2009). huffington post. http://www.huffingtonpost.com. north, c. s., smith, e. m., & spitznagel, e. l. (1994). violence and the homeless: an epidemiologic study of victimization and aggression. journal of traumatic stress, 7, 95110. robertson, m.j. (1991). homeless youth: an overview of recent literature. in j.h. kryder-coe, running head: youth homelessness and aggression 16 l.m. salamon, & j.m. molnar (eds.), homeless children and youth: a new american dilemma (pp. 33-69). new brunswick, nj: transaction publishers. snyder, h.n., & sickmund m. (1995). juvenile offenders and victims: a focus on violence. u.s. department of justice. http://www.ncjrs.gov. wright, j.d. (1991). is homelessness a housing problem? understanding homelessness: new policy and research perspectives, 205-244. vance, j.e., bowen, n.k., fernandez, g., & thompson, s. (2002). risk and protective factors as predictors of outcome in adolescents with psychiatric disorder and aggression. american academy of child adolescent psychiatry, 41, 36-43. running head: youth homelessness and aggression 17 appendix a interpersonal support evaluation list (isel) instructions this scale is made up of a list of statements each of which may or may not be true about you. you may find that many of the statements are neither clearly true nor clearly false. for each statement you are asked to circle probably true (t) or probably false (f). please try to choose the one that is most descriptive of you. if a question is causing you distress, however, you may skip it and move onto the next question. if the subject matter of this questionnaire is altogether distressing to you, you have the right to exit. this study has no bearing on your graduation from the ifit program in which you are participating. please remember that this is not a test and there are no right or wrong answers. also, the answers you provide in this questionnaire will remain confidential and anonymous. 1. there are several people that i trust to help solve my problems. t f 2. if i were sick and needed someone to take me to the doctor, i would have trouble finding someone. t f 3. there is someone who takes pride in my accomplishments. t f 4. i feel that there is no one i can share my most private worries and fears with. t f 5. most people i know don’t enjoy the same things that i do. t f 6. if i was stranded 10 miles from home, there is someone i could call who would come and get me. t f 7. there really is no one who can give me an objective view of how i’m handling my problems. t f 8. i feel that i’m on the fringe of my circle of friends. t f 9. if i decide one afternoon that i would like to go to a movie that evening, i could easily find someone to go with me. t f running head: youth homelessness and aggression 18 10. if for some reason i were put in jail, there is someone i could call who would bail me out. t f 11. i am able to do things as well as most other people. t f 12. there is someone i can turn to for advice about handling hassles over household responsibilities. t f 13. if i needed a place to stay, i could easily find someone who would put me up. t f 14. when i feel lonely, there are several people i can talk to. t f 15. in general, people don’t have much confidence in me. t f 1. i often meet or talk with family or friends. t f 2. if i needed an emergency loan of $100, there is someone i could get it from. t f 3. i am closer to my friends than most other people are to theirs. t f 4. there is someone i could turn to for advice about making career plans or changing my job. t f 5. no one i know would throw a birthday party for me. t f 6. if i wanted to have lunch with someone, i could easily find someone to join me. t f 7. i think that my friends feel that i’m not very good at helping them solve problems. t f 8. it would be difficult to find someone who would lend me their car for a few hours. t f 9. if i wanted to go on a trip for a day (e.g., to the mountains, beach, etc), i would have a hard time finding someone to go with me. t f running head: youth homelessness and aggression 19 10. when i need suggestions on how to deal with a personal problem, i know someone i can turn to. t f 11. most of my friends are more successful at making changes in their lives than i am. t f 12. there are several different people i enjoy spending time with. t f 13. if a family crisis arose, it would be difficult to find someone who could give me good advice about how to handle it. t f 14. i don’t often get invited to do things with others. t f 15. i am more satisfied with my life than most people are with theirs. t f 16. if i were sick, there would be almost no one i could find to help me with my daily chores/responsibilities. t f running head: youth homelessness and aggression 20 appendix b true/false supplemental survey t f i sleep under the same roof every night. t f i sleep in the same bed every night. t f my address and phone number have changed many times during my life. t f i personally have been or my family has been homeless at one time. t f i have lived with friends or relatives outside of my immediate family for an extended period of time. t f i stay at a place where i feel safe. t f i stay at a place that i feel is my home. t f i can enter and leave the place that i sleep whenever i want to. t f i have been kicked out of the place where i stay before. t f i have thought about leaving the place where i live. t f my life would be better if i could leave the place where i stay and the people i currently live with. t f if i knew that there was a safe place to go that would take me in, i would strongly consider leaving the place that i stay now. running head: youth homelessness and aggression 21 appendix c interview questions 1. what does “home” mean to you? what are things that you feel make a good home? what would you want your home to look like? 2. how does the place you stay compare to that? if you could change your home or the place that you stay in any ways you wanted, what would you change? 3. do you feel that your home or the place that you stay is part of what makes you angry? (why?/why not?) a. what are your triggers when you’re at home? b. how well do the people you live with control their anger? 4. if you had a safe place to go where you felt wanted, would you leave your home? a. what would that look like? b. do you know of safe places that you could go? 5. if you did truly make a change after this class and learn to control your anger, would that make your home life better? do you feel like it would make a difference? 6. what do you need from this program to start getting past feeling angry? do you have ideas of what would be helpful? what more could ifit be doing? running head: youth homelessness and aggression 22 appendix d parent permission form your son or daughter is invited to participate in a study about how social support and belonging affect teen anger. the study is a collaborative effort between ifit and a psychology student from the university of notre dame. we hope to gain a better understanding of the challenges faced by youth participating in ifit programs. this may help ifit to understand their students better and adjust the programs to better fit their students’ needs. your son or daughter was selected as a possible participant in this study because of their enrollment in an ifit program. this study will take a total of at most 30 minutes of your child’s time. the only risk is that they may feel some discomfort because the questions are somewhat personal. ________________if you provide consent by signing your initials here, your son or daughter will be asked to fill out a series of true/false questionnaires at the beginning and end of their ifit course. this will take about 10-15 minutes of class time. ________________additionally, if you provide your initials to the left, your child will participate in a short, approximately 10-minute interview that will be recorded (voice only) and used to help explain the data collected. the recordings will be kept locked up at all times. they will be deleted when the study and all related analysis is completed. information that is provided during this study will remain confidential. participants will be assigned numbers that will be used to identify all questionnaires and voice recordings. names will not be used. the anonymous data collected in this study will be released only to the student investigator and ifit. an exception to confidentiality will be made, however, if the investigator has reason to believe that your son or daughter is experiencing an immediately threatening or abusive situation. in this case, the appropriate ifit personnel will be notified. the ifit staff will then hold an interview to assess need and establish a plan of action. if necessary, the staff will facilitate and enable activities that have the potential to unite families. where required by law, the staff will act to protect your son or daughter. your decision whether or not to allow your child to participate will not prejudice your future relations with ifit. if you decide to consent to participation, you or your child are free to end their participation at any time without penalty. if you choose not to consent to your child participating in the study, they will be asked to sit quietly in their seat while their classmates fill out their questionnaires. your child will only directly benefit from this study by improving the quality of the programming that they receive from ifit. they will not receive any individual rewards. running head: youth homelessness and aggression 23 if you have any questions, you are invited to ask me (or the ifit teachers) at any time. you may contact me at the number or e-mail address given at the bottom of this sheet. you will be given a copy of this form. you are making a decision whether or not to consent to your child participating in this study. your signature indicates that you are over 18 years of age and have decided to allow your child to participate after reading the information provided above. ______________________________ __________ signature date ______________________________ ___________ signature of investigator date paula goldman (847) 736-3769 pgoldma1@nd.edu running head: youth homelessness and aggression 24 student assent form you are invited to participate in a study about how young people respond to challenges. specifically, this study will look at how social support and belonging affect youth aggression. the study is a collaborative effort between ifit and a psychology student from the university of notre dame. we hope to gain a better understanding of the challenges faced by youth participating in ifit programs. this will help ifit to understand their students better and adjust the programs to better fit their students’ needs. you were selected as a possible participant in this study because of your enrollment in an ifit program. ________________if you provide consent, which you may indicate by signing your initials on the line provided at the start of this paragraph, you will be asked to fill out additional questionnaires at the beginning and end of your ifit course. each will take about 10 minutes. the questionnaires will be given during class time. this study will take a total of at most 30 minutes of your time. the only risk is that you may feel some discomfort because the questions are somewhat personal. ________________also, with your consent, also indicated by placing your initials on the line, participants who are part of the goal program may be randomly selected to participate in a short, approximately 10-minute interview that will be recorded (voice only) and used to help explain the data collected. the recordings will be kept locked up at all times and will be deleted when the study and related analysis is completed. information that you provide during this study will remain confidential. all questionnaires and voice recordings will be identified by numbers alone. names will not be used. numbered stickers will be placed on the inside covers of the participants’ course notebooks. participants will be required to write this number on the front of their questionnaires. the anonymous data collected in this study will be released only to the student investigator and ifit. an exception will be made, however, if the investigator has reason to believe that you are experiencing physical or emotional abuse. in this case, the appropriate ifit personnel will be notified. the ifit staff will then hold an interview to assess need and establish a plan of action. if necessary, the staff will facilitate and enable activities that have the potential to unite families. where required by law, the staff will act to protect you. your decision whether or not to participate will not prejudice your future relations with ifit. if you decide to participate, you are free to end your participation at any time without penalty. if you do choose to participate, participating in the study will not progress your release from the program and is not related. if you choose not to participate, you will be asked to sit quietly in your seat while your classmates fill out their questionnaires. running head: youth homelessness and aggression 25 you will only directly benefit from this study by improving the quality of the programming that you receive from ifit. you will not receive any individual rewards. if you have any questions, you are invited to ask me (or your teachers) at any time. you may contact me at the number or e-mail address given on this sheet. you will be given a copy of this form to keep. you are making a decision whether or not to participate. your signature indicates that you have decided to participate after reading the information provided above. ______________________________ __________ signature date ______________________________ ___________ signature of investigator date paula goldman (847) 736-3769 pgoldma1@nd.edu running head: youth homelessness and aggression 26 appendix d descriptive statistics for homelessness and social support scores independent samples t-test: isel group statistics testing group n mean std. deviation std. error mean homelessness scores dimen sion1 comparison group 28 24.0357 4.33318 .81889 goal students 28 22.2500 5.58851 1.05613 levene's test for equality of variances t-test for equality of means f sig. t df sig. (2-tailed) mean difference std. error difference equal variances assumed equal variances not assumed .416 .522 1.336 54 .187 1.78571 1.33641 1.336 50.846 .187 1.78571 1.33641 independent samples t-test: homelessness questionnaire group statistics testing group n mean std. deviation std. error mean homelessness scores imensi on1 comparison group 27 3.8148 2.40252 .46236 goal students 30 5.2333 2.28463 .41711 levene's test for equality of variances t-test for equality of means f sig. t df sig. (2-tailed) mean difference std. error difference equal variances assumed equal variances not assumed .001 .971 -2.284 55 .026 -1.41852 .62103 -2.278 53.670 .027 -1.41852 .62271 independent samples t-test: self-reported improvement of aggressive behavior group statistics testing group n mean std. deviation std. error mean aggression scores dimension1 low homelessness 9 25.5556 17.40051 5.80017 running head: youth homelessness and aggression 27 group statistics testing group n mean std. deviation std. error mean aggression scores dimension1 low homelessness 9 25.5556 17.40051 5.80017 high homelessness 12 28.3333 16.96699 4.89795 levene's test for equality of variances t-test for equality of means f sig. t df sig. (2-tailed) mean difference std. error difference equal variances assumed equal variances not assumed .193 .666 -.367 19 .717 -2.77778 7.56282 -.366 17.139 .719 -2.77778 7.59157 1 lessons learned from troubled teens—reflections on the value of community-based research in reaching out to at-risk youth paula goldman university of notre dame early in my undergraduate career at the university of notre dame, i was fortunate to participate in a week-long immersion experience focused on urban homelessness. i felt at that time that i was well versed in service learning. over the course of the week, however, i realized that there was a flaw in my approach. although i had felt a sense of contribution, i had done nothing to break through the distance and discomfort that most fundamentally threaten the dignity of the homeless and marginalized. this realization marked a transition in my approach to service. i had always had an interest in youth homelessness, but my focus shifted to investigating what the youth themselves have to say about what they experience and what they need. with this philosophy in mind, i began working with vanessa kelleybrew, the executive director of the non-profit individuals and families in transition (ifit) in elkhart, indiana. ifit serves as a headquarters for many youth programs, including the aggression management program getting over angry lives (goal), and vanessa and i found an intersection point between her need to improve the effectiveness of goal and my devotion to understanding youth homelessness. we established a common interest in the degree to which teen aggression and homeless status are related. we also shared a desire to explore whether teens who are struggling with homelessness are less able to respond positively to interventions like goal. from these shared interests, my community-based research project examining the relationship between youth homelessness and aggressive behavior evolved. ideally, i would have involved the youth themselves in the design of the study in order to empower them from the very start. however, because at-risk adolescents are considered a vulnerable population, irb approval was required before i could have any direct contact with the youth. therefore, i opted to work with ifit staff in hopes that they both understood the needs of the population and had experience working with them. my dialogue with ifit took place throughout the semester preceding the launch of the study and culminated in a long meeting with vanessa and the instructor of the anger management program. we defined the final hypothesis and study structure during this meeting. i also obtained many ideas for the interview questions from this meeting, although the final questions were shaped via collaboration with my faculty mentor, professor benedict giamo, who has extensive research experience involving homeless youth. my project ultimately involved surveys, preand post-tests, and formal interviews with the participants in goal, but the most important implication of my partnership with ifit is that it led me to spend hundreds of hours bearing witness to the stories of marginalized teens. this study was designed both for the benefit of my community partner, ifit, and for the teens included in the study. the primary purpose of the investigation was to improve the responsiveness of ifit programming to the needs of its teen participants. further, this research project held significance for the larger elkhart community. funding for elkhart’s youth homeless shelter was cut during the economic crisis, causing the shelter to close. my project asked the question: are teens in the elkhart community acting out aggressively due to home instability and having nowhere to turn? this research was the first step in making a case for the necessity of a 2 youth shelter in elkhart. i pursued this study in hopes that my findings would be part of the evidence used to appeal for renewed funding. the execution of this study was the greatest challenge of my undergraduate education. perhaps the most insurmountable obstacle was a loophole that i had not anticipated: i had designed a study in which it was possible to be too correct. i had not considered that if aggressive behavior and homelessness were as intertwined as i predicted, then the transience of the participants in the goal program would lead to high attrition from my study. in retrospect, i would have needed a sample size large enough that attrition would have a negligible effect, or resources vast enough that i could track the progress of students even after they left the program, in order for my study to be sufficiently powerful to detect a relationship between homelessness and aggression. because i could not meet those criteria, attrition caused my final sample size to be a small fraction of the group that i began with, which impeded my ability to collect results that were statistically significant. also, there was selective attrition of the teens who were experiencing homelessness or home instability because those teens, by definition, had the most transient lifestyles. this reality calls into question whether focusing on quantitative results was the best approach. there were a variety of reasons that i chose a quantitative design at the outset of the study. first, i wanted to capture a sample large enough to assess qualitatively via interviews. conducting dozens of interviews was simply not reasonable given that i was a full-time student rather than a full-time researcher. second, because the number of questions that i could feasibly ask in each interview was limited, i was concerned that i would not have enough data to readily discern patterns. i hoped that with more questions, presented in survey form, i would improve the chances that the study would detect any true association that existed. moreover, i was drawn to quantitative analysis of my results because strong, percentage-driven statements like “64.3% of participants in the getting over angry lives program agreed with the statement ‘if i knew that there was a safe place to go that would take me in, i would strongly consider leaving the place that i stay now’” are extremely valuable in research intended for persuasive purposes. lastly, i was drawn to a quantitative approach because my primary training is in the biological sciences, which has conditioned me to use quantitative analysis whenever possible. for all of these reasons, i chose to rely primarily on quantitative data to understand the relationship between youth homelessness and aggression and then supplement with qualitative data to understand why. in retrospect, this study, as designed, only had the potential to gauge correlation—not causation—between youth homelessness and aggression. in order to establish causation, i needed to ask more explicit questions exploring whether homelessness caused aggressive behavior. i also needed to more definitively rule out the possibility that aggressive behavior instead caused homelessness. qualitative interview data was also the best available way to identify confounding factors that may have mediated the relationship between homelessness and aggression. thus, perhaps i should have used quantitative analysis as a supplement to my qualitative findings instead of the other way around. another oversight in my research model was that it was based on the underlying assumption that the youth with whom i interacted would feel fortunate to have my time and attention. i had not yet recognized that it was i who was privileged to have them share their life stories with me. i had contemplated that they would ask the question, “why would i help them?” but was not ready to answer their challenge, “why should we help you?” trust is not readily given by the youth in this study. most have interacted extensively with the justice system or 3 academic disciplinary system, which taught them that being asked questions only leads to being punished for giving honest answers. this naturally breeds avoidance. for some, the use of avoidance as a coping mechanism has been further reinforced at home. i had my work cut out for me to break through these teens’ guarded, avoidant attitudes to earn their trust and openness. despite the acknowledged shortcomings of my project, the approach that i took in working with my participants was very effective. a crucial part of earning my participants’ trust was to delineate myself from ifit. while i was working with ifit and hoped to help their programming, my true partner was the youth themselves. my goals were complementary to those of ifit but still distinct. it was crucial to communicate this to the youth. after all, ifit works with the justice system and academic disciplinary teams, so the teens still perceive them as coming from a place of authority and punishment. i, on the other hand, had no authority and wanted only to understand and empower. it was challenging but extremely important to make sure that the youth saw this distinction. i hoped that the youth would be more willing to accept this distinction if they saw it for themselves. i therefore decided to attend goal aggression management classes each week. i participated in every activity and shared what i wrote during reflective exercises. i quickly found that community-based research conducted from within the community is infinitely more effective than research done by an investigator looking from the outside in. by sitting among them, the participants came to understand me at the same time that i was learning to understand them. they realized that i belonged in a different category than the endless chain of adults whose job it is to give them surveys and ask them questions. i did not have to be there. it was not part of my job and there were no tangible rewards for the time that i spent with them. i was there because i wanted to hear what they had to say. by immersing myself in the ifit community, i discovered that there is something uniquely powerful about youth conducting research about youth. i firmly believe that the depth of information that i collected would not have been entrusted to an older investigator from whom the participants felt more distant. my ability to relate to my teen participants in subtle ways and the fact that i have a sister younger than many of them allowed them to eventually treat me as an older sister to be confided in rather than an adult to regard with suspicion. my ability to connect with the participants may also be attributed to them coming to see me as an empowered young person. i was there because i saw their need and believed that something could be done about it. through my participation in the goal class, i found that empowerment was the single most effective motivational tactic for this population. to make these teens feel small and ashamed of the reasons that brought them to ifit would only make them resentful and guarded. the key was to instead make them feel proud of who they are and bigger than the obstacles they face. the foundation of the goal course is to empower teens with the understanding that they can choose to be angry or choose to make changes. my approach in this study was a perfect complement to that foundation. i not only modeled empowerment but also invited my participants to have a voice and affect change with me. as i witnessed the growth of many teens, i became convinced that teens are not condemned to a set trajectory. the popular idea that early intervention is the only effective type of intervention may be supported by empirical evidence but is challenged by my anecdotal evidence. i saw firsthand that even post-adolescence is not too late to change an individual’s life course. empowerment may be the key. i came away from this project with a strong belief in the community-based research model. i find myself strongly aligned with the philosophy of using collaboration between 4 academia and community partners to affect social change. that being said, i am not sure that this project affected change as dramatically as i had hoped. my understanding is that ifit has used my research to substantiate a new focus on home stability within its goal aggression management curriculum. however, knowing that homelessness is a real issue for its teen participants has not yet enabled ifit to make major strides to fix it. for example, the local youth homeless shelter is still far from reopening. i realize that my findings alone are not robust enough to affect a change as great as reopening the shelter. however, there may be potential to use my findings to encourage others to do something for the cause either by attracting more sophisticated researchers or arousing public outrage. media such as a local newspaper may be an appropriate venue to report my findings in order to rally public sentiment to the cause of reopening the shelter. while i understand that community-based research cannot always impact the community partner as profoundly as the researcher hopes, i continue to believe passionately in the model. researchers adhering to this model set themselves apart from other researchers because they build relationships with community members in order to understand what they define as the highest possible quality of life and to empower them to achieve that standard. this approach allows those in the community being studied to speak up instead of solely being spoken for. i move forward from this project with a strong conviction that community-based research can be a uniquely powerful forum to serve others in a way that communicates dignity. paula goldman, university of notre dame research examining the relationship between youth homelessness and aggression poverty studies capstone project introduction method design results discussion references instructions true/false supplemental survey appendix c interview questions appendix d parent permission form paula goldman student assent form paula goldman appendix d descriptive statistics for homelessness and social support scores independent samples t-test: isel independent samples t-test: homelessness questionnaire independent samples t-test: self-reported improvement of aggressive behavior paula goldman, university of notre dame reflection lessons learned from troubled teens—reflections on the value of community-based research in reaching out to at-risk youth dequattro_r_edit_ay undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013     building up a community by empowering disadvantaged youth sophia de quattro dominican university of california “the first impression is that marin is a wealthy community, but if you dig in, you find a significant population of poor families here. and there is a very big need to address them.” – michael watenpaugh, superintendent of san rafael city schools when you enter the grounds of marin county community school (mccs), you see security patrolling the premises. the students may be on probation, house arrest, or have general behavior issues deemed unfit for regular public school. high-risk youth in marin county generally are referred to mccs, an alternative education facility, in hopes of providing the student a second chance to earn a high school diploma and a better future. mccs, located in san rafael, california provides an educational program geared towards intensive instruction in english/language arts and mathematics with a focus on developing pro-social skills through the integration of services that address an array of issues such as mental health, aggression, substance abuse, and occupational programs. mccs partners with many social behavior programs in order to establish a better learning environment. education for all is a pressing issue in marin county. when my english professor, caroline hanssen, notified me she would be teaching a service-learning course in the upcoming spring 2013 semester pertaining to this ideal, i eagerly signed up. this incredible opportunity that dominican university of california presented me incorporated relevant classroom curricula about education inequity, college access, and disadvantaged youth with the chance to mentor at an alternative education school in order to learn first-hand about all these problems in today’s education system. by establishing the criteria and expectations in the classroom, students can enter adulthood better educated and socially versed to uphold community well being. as a marin resident, i am fully aware of the lavish society associated with this affluent region. children often enjoy a sheltered lifestyle with minimal financial issues due to the success of their parents. what is often ignored, however, are the inhabitants who fall below average income, who cannot afford to engage in what is considered the “norm” of marin county. as superintendent michael watenpaugh put it, poverty does exist in this area. it is an ugly truth for such a seemingly perfect part of the world, and even uglier side effects occur — racial profiling and economic discrimination. and, unfortunately, all these factors have crept into the schooling system, causing rifts in the pursuance to educate all students equally and adequately. these real world issues are applicable to a distinct area of marin—the canal district. marin’s cities are abruptly divided due to financial success and failure. one area is affluent and predominantly caucasian, while other areas are populated by people with low-income, minimal education, and basic english-speaking skills. 12,000 people live in the canal district, an expanse of just 2 ½ square miles; over half of them have not earned a high school diploma. the average annual earning is $21,000. in ross, separated by a mere five miles, an individual earns $78,500 annually, and four out of five adults have earned a b.a. or higher (brown 2012). many of the students from mccs, mostly black or latino males, are victims of racial profiling and economic discrimination. poverty within marin county is heavily ignored because it is unexpected in a wealthy area. this complicates the lives of students who attend mccs because they are in the minority not only in their ethnicity but also in their economic status. understanding the drastic de quattro 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   high-lows and financial make-up of the county is important to fully grasp what conditions the adolescents of this area, especially the minorities, live with. i tutored at mccs, a facility mainly for teenagers who have been suspended from their previous schools for misconduct and poor behavior. when i chose mccs as my location for service learning, i never imagined the extent of chaos i would be dealing with. all students who attend have behavioral issues and many live under less than ideal circumstances, such as single parents, physically abusive parents, and/or parents who abuse alcohol and a range of narcotics. i remember my first day vividly. students dressed in all green shirts and ranging in age from 12 to 18 gave uninviting looks and had apathetic attitudes. to make matters worse, the security staff was absent, and the extreme intimidation i felt dampened my outlook. throughout the training, my enthusiasm to mentor the students faded into fear for my safety. the school was ridden with loud, expressive individuals who had limited respect for the teachers and authoritative figures. my head raced with overwhelming thoughts, ranging from “how is a middle class, sheltered, caucasian female going to benefit the lives of these students?” to “why didn’t i choose another location?” the first few weeks, i completely avoided tutoring and even tried to switch locations, to no avail. eventually, i started accepting that i would have to complete my hours at mccs. it took approximately one month to force myself back to the school and officially begin my position as a tutor. the disappointment i held toward myself ate away at my morale. how could i have let a bad first impression allow me to waste such precious time with these individuals? students at mccs, out of everyone in marin county, need the most intervention with their atrisk lifestyles and behaviors. my resistance to this new experience reminded me of mark salzman’s memoir, recounting his personal conflict when he was offered the chance to volunteer and teach a creative writing class at a juvenile hall in south central los angeles. true notebooks: a writer’s year in jail (2003) details his experience at central juvenile hall. the choice to teach the incarcerated youth was not made immediately. when a situation conflicted salzman, he wrote in a notebook to weigh out the positives and negatives. in august 1997, he wrote two lists titled “reasons not to visit duane’s writing class at juvenile hall” and “reasons to visit duane’s class at juvenile hall” (2003, 6). salzman initially found more negatives than positives to working with delinquent, disadvantaged youth. before getting to truly know delinquent youth, i, like salzman, had already decided i could not benefit them. it is easy to decide one simply cannot connect with the students or that it is not one’s responsibility to associate with criminal, reckless, and hopeless youth. society’s influence and the public opinion only focus on the flawed nature in these individuals, not the potential or the opportunity for the incarcerated, disengaged, or disadvantaged youth to learn from their mistakes. media and other social influences, such as my grandparents, had taught me to ignore this demographic. often, juvenile delinquents are placed in juvenile hall because society does not know how else to deal with them. nevertheless, the experiences at mccs, for me, and l.a.’s central juvenile hall, for salzman, helped us overcome our doubt in these students. during my semester with mccs students, i fought a constant internal battle over my perception towards the students. some weeks were harder than others to walk through the doors of the classroom and offer my help. i had to put my own discomfort out of my mind in order to serve the needs of the students. this did not come effortlessly, but it was essential to place myself in a vulnerable state in order for growth. one friday morning, i arrived at mccs with a more hopeful attitude than usual. i signed in, noticed the absence of security in the hallway, and de quattro 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   then entered mrs. r’s english class. like most fridays at mccs, there was a small turnout of students, ten at most. they were watching a thousand words (2012). this movie captured themes that many of the mccs students could identify with: divorce, single parenting, and an absent father figure. the end of the movie is especially emotional because the father jack mccall, played by eddie murphy, imagines himself absent from his son’s life. mccall’s father had abandoned him when he was a kid, and it remains at the root of many of his character flaws, such as his workaholic mentality and his passive love for his wife. in a daydream of mccall’s, his son refuses to acknowledge their relationship because he had missed out on such an important portion of his childhood. this emotional ending to the movie had a profound impact on the students. many of the kids in class that day took the movie’s message to heart. the relatability of the movie struck the students’ vulnerability and i sensed many of the kids shifting to an uneasy but engaged mentality. i grew up in a broken home, and i felt like i could use the content of the movie to relate to the students. i can identify with the feeling of abandonment and mistrust, like many of the students of mccs. during this tutoring session, i began to think of the students more as members of my community than as “others.” one of the underlying reasons there are social barriers is because we naturally categorize and group people that seem to fit a certain stereotype. by breaking down the boundaries, there is opportunity to amend the learned stereotypes that have developed throughout the years. that day, i disregarded my prejudices for failing youth; beforehand, i had strongly believed that they were lazy, socially inept, and freeloaders. but now, i saw them in a different light. perhaps students who attend mccs are failing in school because they are distracted by or conflicted with emotional issues, like bad parents or guardians. i know that when i am not on good terms with a family member, i have an extremely difficult time focusing on my schoolwork. i’m thankful that i tutored that day, because although i had little interaction with the students, i left that day feeling more attached than ever before. over the weeks, the degradation of the academic agenda in the school became more apparent. the same day i watched a thousand words – my fifth time visiting the school – mrs. r. informed me that she had been the only adult that came to school that day. she said she decided to skip the regularly scheduled lesson plan in order to contain the students and make them as compliant as possible. this stood out to me because all at once i gained clarity over the hardships of running an alternative education school. before this day, i never really recognized the complexities of the process. that morning, mrs. r had to keep about forty kids, thirty of whom were students of the teachers that did not arrive, from breaking out into utter chaos until more staff and faculty arrived at the school. she was distraught and exhausted after handling that number of kids without any help. so, her decision was to put on a movie for the duration of the class. this exemplifies the conditions under which mccs operates and it caused me to question the role of the teacher, and how one can be qualified as good or bad. good education constitutes good teaching, and every good teacher can provide pathways and opportunities to develop their students’ thought processes and personal opinions. while family figures do play an influential role in shaping personal opinions, a teacher who can genuinely earn respect from a classroom can have just as influential an impact. what upset me most about my time at mccs was the lack of relationship between the students and teachers. students of mccs need all the genuine support and care from the staff because they may not have proper supporters at home. if parents are unable or unwilling to support their children, then the teachers should modify the behaviors of the restless, disrespectful adolescents. de quattro 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   this ideal is identified and argued in the movie waiting for “superman,” directed by davis guggenheim. the film identifies the imperfection in america’s school system and attempts to find the reason why students are not succeeding. guggenheim portrays public education in america as a failed enterprise due to bad teachers and that they are the biggest influence in determining the success of a student. to solve this, america should invest in charter schools rather than public education (ravitch 2010). diane ravitch’s critical analysis of waiting for “superman,” “the myth of charter schools” provides insightful background to this issue and viewpoint. ravitch’s review encapsulates the counterargument to guggenheim’s standpoint, dispelling the belief that charter schools are a savior to the failed american public school system. she checks the facts, such as guggenheim’s statement that “teachers alone can overcome the effects of student poverty” (ravitch 2010, 126). rather, she notes that eric hanushek, a researcher at the hoover institution of stanford university, found that teachers simply cannot undo the emotional tear from an unsupportive home or the pressure and prejudices against students from different ethnic and economic backgrounds. guggenheim, however, strongly believes this is the case. although society wishes that quick fixes truly existed, the social, economic, and political hierarchy takes a toll on youth born into poverty ridden families. the circumstances of mccs do not allow much opportunity for teachers to fulfill their duties as not only educators but also as role models. mccs is a perfect example of a school full of imperfections, and many of its students are from poor backgrounds. and, ultimately, a teacher cannot be blamed for a child not learning. while teachers do play a role in student success, they do not determine whether or not a student will succeed. because this is a complex concept, one definitive factor cannot be blamed. simply, too many factors that affect the mental and biological growth in a person exist. ravitch argues, however, “if we are serious about improving our schools, we will take steps to improve our teacher force…that would mean better screening to select the best candidates, higher salaries, better support and mentoring systems, and better working conditions” (ravitch 2010, 130). grave consequences may occur if we continue without innovation in america’s current educational system. nevertheless, ravitch offers hopeful points. in the public education system, instilling changes can be arduous, but not impossible. an improved focus on the teachers and the conditions they work under could have extraordinary results. mrs. r is just one example of many teachers that are not given proper tools and time to conduct class. in effect, teachers are not able to provide proper support to their students. teachers are relied on the most to instill hope and learning among students who feel abandoned by the school system. increasing the amount of teacher aides and tutors in the classroom helps ensure each student’s needs are addressed. the canal’s status is a grim one. improving the quality of education and reinforcing standards in public schools in marin could improve such areas, which suffer from low literacy, low job retention rate, high crime, and unstable families. some programs, such as the one that i was a part of, are constantly trying to improve their methods and implement new systems to help students remain on track and earn their high school diploma. over the years, students from dominican university of california have been tutoring more and more at mccs. during the 2007-2008 school year, nineteen du students tutored 68 mccs students for a total of 343 hours. in three years, the number of tutors has doubled and their help has reached out to 105 students for a total of 870 hours (dominican university of california 2013). this escalation of help in the classroom is something to be proud of. the bottom line is, without dominican students, there is very limited staff at hand to offer extensive time with the students because the environment and time restrictions cause such disarray. de quattro 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   spending a semester learning about education inequity and seeing the effects of it has strengthened my support of volunteering with disadvantaged youth. marin has identified the disparity of education quality among its districts and has been actively working as a community to make sure that all schools are upholding the same standards of education. san rafael city schools has a strategic plan, “roadmap to the future,” which superintendent watenpaugh is overseeing (perez 2013). he has gained support from the national equity project, parent services project, the marin community foundation, the san francisco foundation, and the coalition for community schools to reshape, improve, and carry out the objectives of this plan (perez 2013). my service-learning project coincided with the goals of “roadmap to the future.” by working toward a common goal, change is possible. each and every year, conditions are improving, giving youth better opportunities than the generations before them. however, students are held accountable to work with educators and programs that want to better their futures. both parties must respect each other and their tendencies must align for progress to occur. my program made me cognizant that many students are unaware that they must take their education seriously, but by insisting, urging, and supporting students at mccs as much as possible, it increased the chances for a more cooperative group. unanimous cooperation was not common in the classrooms at mccs, but i know that beyond the initial apathetic attitudes, my volunteering was important. my colleagues and i who tutored at mccs played a vital role in helping both the teachers and students. i was a valued volunteer, even if all i did one day was help a student understand multiplication tables. for decades, areas such as the canal district in san rafael have gone unnoticed. it is crucial, however, to address the failing status of these districts. only then can we have a heightened sense of what measures need to be taken to improve our future generations. ~ i would like to thank professor caroline hanssen of dominican university of california for her continuous support, pivotal role as an educator, and guidance throughout my service-learning project. references brown, patricia l. 2013. “in marin county, poverty exists alongside wealth.” california watch, february 16. http://californiawatch.org/dailyreport/marin-county-poverty-existsalongside-wealth-14915. dominican university of california. 2013. “empowering youth mentoring program.” dominican university of california. http://www.dominican.edu/academics/service/ program-highlights-initiatives. perez, cecilia. 2013. “congratulations superintendent watenpaugh.” bahia vista elementary. http://bv.srcs.ca.schoolloop.com/news/view?id=1365836442732. de quattro 6 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   ravitch, diane. 2012. “the myth of charter schools.” in reading culture: contexts for critical reading and writing, edited by diana george and john trimbur, 123-131. new york: pearson. salzman, mark. 2003. true notebooks: a writer’s year at juvenile hall. new york: vintage books. thousand words. 2008. directed by steve robbins. usa: dreamworks pictures, dvd. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 service-learning experiences in study abroad: reflections on the role of autonomy and academic research in the transformation of perspectives abigail lyons miami university introduction there is overwhelming evidence to support the value of service-learning experiences in terms of its ability to transform the individual (carrington and selva 2010; parker and altman dautoff 2007; trilokekar and kukar 2011). similarly, academic scholarship focused on study abroad also heralds the transformative potential of these experiences. kiely (2004) highlights the “transformational event” in college students’ lives that “forever change their sense of self, lifestyle, connection to others, view of global problems and purpose in life” (5). combined, study abroad and service-learning experiences have tremendous potential to alter a student both cognitively and affectively. in this reflection, i will speak to the transformation i experienced as a result of two years spent working closely with the people and culture of caye caulker, an island off the coast of belize. my transformative experience is framed by jack mezirow’s (1997) transformational learning theory, which encompasses ten dimensions of transformation in adult learners. these include:  a disorienting dilemma: learners have an experience that does not fit their established frame of reference.  self-examination with feelings of guilt or shame: learners feel confusion and unease as they try to reconcile what they thought they knew with the new experience.  recognition that one’s discontent is shared amongst group members: learners can understand that confusion and negativity may be felt by others in the group through discussion.  exploration of options for new roles, relationships, and actions: learners have new understandings that elicit new roles and relationships.  a critical assessment of assumptions: learners reorient prior perspectives that do not fit the new roles and relationships.  provisional trying of new roles: learners try various actions and roles to understand what best fits the new perspective.  planning of a course of action: learners decide how to act, think, and be with the new perspective.  acquisition of knowledge and skills for implementing one’s plans: learners acquire new knowledge to begin acting in a new way. lyons 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016  building of competence and confidence in new roles and relationships: learners gain a clearer understanding within the context as they continue to practice new roles.  a reintegration of one’s life on the basis of conditions dictated by one’s new perspectives: learners take the new knowledge and roles into other contexts. this theory articulates the critical steps in the process of transformation that occur when adult learners grapple with new information that conflicts with prior knowledge (king 2009). additionally, mezirow (1997) explains the importance of interpreting our experiences through our own understandings rather than relying on the uncritical assimilated explanation of an authority figure. this process is important to make meaning and connections beyond the study abroad experience itself, instead considering how the experience influences and shapes pedagogy and practice. in this reflection, i seek to make meaning of my study abroad scholarship and research experiences related to caye caulker, belize through the framework of the transformative learning theory. study abroad program structure in january 2014, miami university launched its first winter term semester and many departments, including the department of teacher education, used this three-week period to offer short-term study abroad experiences for students seeking additional learning opportunities. short-term study abroad experiences are characterized by kehl and morris (2008) as those lasting less than eight weeks that attempt to integrate study abroad experiences with course work and community interaction to strengthen the alteration of students’ perspectives of the world. my selected study abroad program focused on language, culture, and technology in the belizean context. i selected this program because it intertwined teacher education experiences with cultural contexts that would allow me to enhance my understanding of education, internationally. this knowledge benefits my teaching and learning in the united states because i have a broader concept of the needs of diverse students and my role in teaching and learning. students in the program enrolled in two three-credit courses, one focusing on language and culture and the other course focused on technology in schools. initially, three class sessions were held in the months prior to our departure. these sessions were used to help prepare us for the cultural experiences as well as start the academic work associated with each course. the majority of the study abroad program occurred on the island of caye caulker in belize. service learning was the keystone of the study abroad experience. my days were primarily spent working individually with students at the caye caulker roman catholic school and then taking classes with the miami faculty. afternoons were used for work with adult english language learners, and nights and weekends were reserved for cultural experiences and homework. i was part of a standard iii classroom, which is the equivalent to second grade in the u.s., and the majority of my time was spent using strategies and interventions to help students struggling with lyons 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 literacy. i also spent substantial time at the little stars preschool where i partnered with the teachers to create a series of technology-based lesson plans that supplemented alphabet and number instruction as well as basic technology skills. reflection focus for this reflection, i will focus on the technology course and the transformation that occurred as a result of the content and experiences. the course was taught by dr. darrel davis, and one objective of this course was to examine the issues involved in integrating technology into the united states classroom. there was a certain irony in taking this course in a context with less access to and availability of technology, and this allowed for the dramatic juxtaposition of approaches and my eventual perspective change. although i had many significant experiences during the program, i believe my transformation was primarily the result of my work at the preschool. the teachers at the little stars preschool had asked dr. davis to partner with them to integrate technology in their classrooms. i volunteered to help with this task because i thought this experience would be interesting and it would also allow me to discover answers to the questions i had about international education and technology integration. a disorienting dilemma jack mezirow’s process of transformational learning describes a disorienting dilemma as “a critical incident or event that acts as a trigger that can, under certain conditions, lead people to engage in a transformational learning process whereby previously taken-for-granted assumptions, values, beliefs and lifestyle habits are assessed and, in some cases, radically transformed” (kiely 2005, 7). my dilemma started early in the program when we met during our pre-departure sessions. i questioned access and equity when integrating technology into a classroom, asking: “why are we bringing a computer when the school has been fine without technological equipment?” and “why is it necessary for us to say what piece of technology is ‘best’ for the community in which we are not members?” i initially dismissed my thoughts as passing concerns because i thought i was being too critical of our “nice gesture.” as we discussed technology within the belizean context, the issues of equity and access returned, but they were compounded by questions about culture and context. “why is technology a better way in the context of caye caulker?” “what about the climate–sand and humidity–that impact the efficiency and effectiveness of technology?” the faculty provided a forum to talk about these issues, and as my peers and i discussed these issues, it became clear there were no easy answers. the climax of my dilemma occurred very early when we were on the island. after helping dr. davis install and configure the donated computer we brought for the preschool, i began to think about the consequences of introducing a piece of technology into a classroom that had operated well without it. i began to question my original ideas of access and equity and i began to question my role in the belizean educational context. i asked questions like, “what is my role as lyons 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 an american in caye caulker? how can i help if i do not fully understand the context and the culture of belize?” self-examination with feelings of guilt or shame the dilemma i experienced caused me to question the intentions of education as a means to influence culture, which led to me feeling guilty for implementing technology in the preschool. during our class sessions on the island, we were critically assessing the value of various technologies used in the american and belizean classrooms and brainstorming different ways to teach content in more meaningful ways. after these discussions in class, i would go to the preschool with my peer partner to work on the lesson plans to integrate technology in the preschool curriculum. our university course required us to create an instructional video project to teach a concept to a specific group of people, but students were given flexibility and autonomy in how to complete the task. so, my peer partner, a fellow university student, and i decided to create a video to teach students at the preschool about the alphabet and numbers using pictures and words from their context: caye caulker island. we also created an instructional lesson plan booklet for the little stars’ teachers to use in combination with the computer we installed. the lesson plans included a language experience approach activity and step-by-step instructions to complete the activities installed on the computer. i quickly began to experience guilt and shame as i worked on the lessons for the preschool. i was very frustrated with my learning in the college classroom compared to my realworld experiences. i was convinced more technology did not equate to better teaching practices or increased student learning, especially if it was not effectively integrated with the curriculum and the learning context. these feelings carried over in my work at the preschool and i felt bad for creating technology-based instructional materials that may or may not be appropriately integrated into the caye caulker context. but, we did it anyway. i did not feel there were problems with either the task or our interpretation of it. my chief concern was that teaching and learning was happening at the preschool before we came to caye caulker, so who was i to expect the teachers to use the new technology and additions to the curriculum? this servicelearning opportunity was unlike anything i had previously experienced. in my service-learning experiences in the united states, i was an observer and played a small role in the classrooms. in belize, i had extensive autonomy to shape my experiences. although i did not feel an innate sense of power, i was worried i would be perceived as either the “typical american” or there would be expectations of greatness in the products i created. i struggled with this relationship. i did not want the teachers to feel like i was the “end all be all” in technology integration, especially because i did not have a clue about the context within which we were working. i felt very guilty. in fact, i felt guilt during and after my time in belize. the process of reflection during class discussions as well as conversations with dr. davis allowed me to articulate the guilt, but did not resolve my feelings of discomfort as it related to my role and impact. it was lyons 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 this guilt that drove me to engage in a continued process of scholarship and research upon our return to the united states after the winter term. recognition that one’s discontent and the process of transformation are shared and that others have negotiated in the spring 2014 semester, dr. davis and i began meeting weekly to discuss our time in belize during the winter term. in these conversations, i further reflected and questioned my understandings of education and my role as a pre-service educator. i thought often about my identity as an american in belize and the impact it had on the response i received when i handed the technology lesson plans to the teachers at the preschool. i interpreted the teachers’ willingness to accept our work as their view of americans as “more knowledgeable” about technology as well as pedagogy and practice. it seemed so bizarre to me they would trust a preservice teacher to implement specific content and activities into their curriculum. dr. davis encouraged me to think more deeply about the implications of these types of reflections on my role as a pre-service teacher, and this led to conversations related to privilege, power, and exceptionalism. he facilitated a meaningful discourse by giving me the space to assume various roles in the discourse equal to his own. he was also willing to listen and taught me to become critically reflective of assumptions others and i had made during our time in belize. dr. davis, too, expressed his own assumptions, which revealed commonalities in terms of our perceptions of education, culture, and context. exploration of options for new roles, relationships, and actions given our common discontent with our work in the preschool and the obvious shift in my perspectives, dr. davis and i began to brainstorm ways to research the perspectives of my peers who also participated in the belize study abroad experience. in this investigation, i began experimenting with a new role: researcher. this role was different from my previous role as a pre-service educator and college student. as a researcher, i was in a position of leadership and autonomy, deciding what i felt was important to know and learn. this new role, of course, required new action. a critical assessment of assumptions the brainstorming process allowed me ample opportunity to interact with a variety of research concepts related to my experience in belize, which further enhanced my understanding of the experience. mezirow (1997) notes, “the key idea is to help the learners actively engage the concepts presented in the context of their own lives and collectively critically assess the justification of the new knowledge” (10). i researched various frameworks related to qualitative research including: experiential learning, interpretative phenomenology, and transformative lyons 6 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 learning theory, to name a few. each of these frameworks offered various ways to think about my own perspectives and the perspectives of my peers. with each option, i assessed the value the new knowledge added to our continuous list of research questions and how completely the framework would allow us to understand the perspectives. in coherence with the framework, dr. davis and i discussed various research questions that focused on my peers in belize and the transformative effects of study abroad and service-learning experiences. given the diverse service-learning experiences and opportunities the study abroad offered, each pre-service teacher would have a very unique experience. for this reason, we chose not to limit the research questions to one specific perspective and instead evaluated the students’ perspectives related to the experience in general. the process of developing these questions deepened my understanding of the various types of transformations that could occur as a result of the service-learning and study abroad experiences. this, in turn, broadened my view of the impact the program had on my own learning. i thought more deeply about my assumptions related to my own perspectives on technology and the influence it had on my actions. this reflection led me to try new ways of acting. provisional trying of new roles as a researcher, i not only questioned my own perspectives, but i began to question the perspectives of my peers. i was deeply interested in the perspectives my peers had as a result of their time in belize and the impact of those experiences on their lives in the united states. our specific questions related to perspectives of adult learners were most easily understood through mezirow’s transformative learning theory. through more research, i found kathleen king’s learning activities survey (technology version), which is a survey and interview instrument to assess the transformation of perspectives on technology related to teachers in the field. the use of these instruments gave us great insight into the perspectives of my peers. however, there was something very important that was missing, data from before and during the trip. it was difficult to make conclusions about a difference in perspectives as a result of the belize study abroad without substantial data related to the perspectives of the learners before and during the experience. this left us at a standstill at the end of the spring 2014 semester. planning of a course of action upon my return to miami university in fall 2014, dr. davis and i began meeting again. we continued to discuss the research we had done in the spring on the heels of our experience in january 2014. despite the incomplete nature of the work we had already done, it seemed appropriate to begin a new plan of action for the coming 2015 winter term. we began discussing potential interventions in the structure of the belize study abroad program that would lead to a transformative learning experience for future miami pre-service teachers. with this, we lyons 7 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 were able to discuss potential preand post-trip curricula that would elicit critical conversations about the feelings of discomfort and impact experienced by future students. in light of these discussions and the missing data from our research the previous semester, i suggested the possibility of returning to belize in january 2015. of course, my return would lend itself to a more significant research role. i was interested in this option because it would allow me to re-evaluate my perspectives. for example, during my first experience in belize i continuously compared the united states system of education to the belizean system. i evaluated the belizean system using a deficit lens, in regards to technology as well as general teaching and learning practices, assuming our way of doing things, including technology integration, was superior. through conversations with dr. davis, i became critical of this deficit model and was more aware of the impact of context. i continued questioning the value of the american education system versus the belizean system and even went as far as to question the value of that comparison. i came to understand that because the contexts were so different, it was not valid to compare the systems simply in terms of good or bad, or how to make one look like and function like the other. although i understood this idea, i was not confident in my ability to implement these ideas into my actions. returning to belize in january 2015 would give me an opportunity to test my transformation thus far. i would be able to answer the question: have i reached mezirow’s final dimension of transformative learning? acquisition of knowledge and skills for implementing one’s plans my second trip to belize served another, broader purpose. it allowed me to collect data on participants’ (15 pre-service teachers) perspectives throughout a study abroad experience. as a researcher, my goal was to gather as much information as possible regarding the pre-service teachers’ perspectives in the context of the belize study abroad experience. in order to do this, i assumed a new role: participant observer. participant observation as a form of qualitative research “is the process enabling researchers to learn about the activities of the people under study in the natural setting through observing and participating in those activities” (kawulich 2005, 2). this new role prompted the need for additional knowledge and skills i had not yet acquired in my research and scholarship experience. in this phase of my transformation, the acquisition of knowledge was necessary for the success of the research. without a clear understanding of my roles and actions, i would fail to collect the extensive data necessary to evaluate the perspective of the participants. at this point, i understood my role not only as a researcher and observer, but also a mentor in the experience. i planned to share my perspectives based on my previous experiences in belize to guide the thinking of the miami pre-service teachers as they went through their own (hopefully) transformation. this role would change greatly throughout the trip, leading to the next phase of transformative learning. lyons 8 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 building of competence and confidence in new roles and relationships the winter 2015 program was similar to the previous program in january 2014. i participated in a majority of the experiences including all excursions, class meetings, english language learner adult tutoring, meals, and additional interactions on the island. during these times, i observed and listened closely to the comments of 13 participants (two students chose not to participate). after three days, dr. davis and i evaluated the process and realized there were five participants with whom my interactions were deeper and potentially more meaningful. therefore, we chose to focus more closely on these five participants for the remainder of the trip. these participants were aware of this focus and i interviewed each person four or five times during the span of our stay on the island. these interviews were in addition to normal daily interaction and observation. through this process, i began to understand my role as a researcher, observer, and mentor differently than i had initially envisioned. prior to the experience, i understood myself as a mentor, a sharer of my own ideas from my previous experience in belize; however, after the initial interviews and observations, i realized there was more room for me to listen than to speak. instead of sharing my perspectives, i became intrigued with hearing the experiences of the participants and my opinions seemed out of place. my perspectives were based on the previous study abroad program and almost a year’s time of research and discussions with dr. davis. my perspectives had evolved greatly, but i still had more to learn. consequently, i began to sit back and listen more closely. i listened and wrote and let the participants’ perspectives evolve without my input. i even limited my questions because they were coming from my biased perspective. when i began to let them lead the conversations, i learned more about their learning processes and mu ch more about my own roles and actions. this reflection, which led to the release of the mentorship role, was crucial to further my transformation. a reintegration of one’s life on the basis of conditions dictated by one’s new perspectives returning to the united states after my second trip to belize was an interesting experience because at this time i started my third block of the education program. my courses focused on the synthesis of knowledge from the previous two and a half years. this synthesis included not only the classes i had taken in the united states, but also my study abroad experiences in belize. i used writing to understand my new perspectives and their place in my life in the american education system. for example, in an autobiography assignment in my educational leadership course, i dissected my initial ideas of mentorship and leadership, which i assumed before conducting research in belize in winter 2015. i compared my realization of the importance of allowing my participants to “lead the conversation” to the significance of allowing my future students to do the same in our classroom. through writing, i have also interpreted my own experiences on the basis of autonomy and discovery, an important aspect of the transformation process. mezirow (1997) noted the importance of this process, which involves “transforming frames of reference through critical lyons 9 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 reflection of assumptions, validating contested beliefs through discourse, taking action on one’s reflective insight, and critically assessing it” (11). in my service-learning experience at the preschool, my frame of reference was that of a college student. as a learner, i was deeply intrigued with the dichotomy of technology integration in the belizean context and the effect the realization had on my thoughts, actions, and roles as a pre-service teacher. my frame of reference evolved as a result of continuous research and scholarship, which allowed me new knowledge and skills to complete this work. and finally, my return to belize as a participant observer gave me the opportunity to take action with my new knowledge and then again reflect and critically assess my perspectives. through the reintegration of new ideas into my life, i have been able to articulate and reconcile many of my experiences and questions from my time in belize. the most critical insight has come through an extension of this work. enduring understandings i distinguish three important take aways from my process of transformative learning as a result of a service-learning experience in belize. first, study abroad and service learning offered a critical sphere to enhance my learning in the university classroom. without spending hours in the little stars preschool, i could not have authentically experienced the contrast of theory and real-world that so greatly sparked my interest in technology integration in the classroom. also, the preschool offered a valuable space to try new roles and actions that resulted from my new perspectives. for example, i was able to integrate technology-based resources into the preschool curriculum and this would have been an inauthentic exercise in the university classroom. finally, the authenticity led to real feelings of guilt and shame, which enhanced my search for knowledge through academic research and scholarship. second, research was the keystone of my transformation. the research process transformed my role as a learner to something much deeper and more meaningful. i have discovered new skills and knowledge unlike previous learning opportunities i have experienced. in the university classroom, oftentimes undergraduates are receivers of knowledge the professor grants. students have very little autonomy or leadership in their learning, which hinders deep engagement in the process. research, however, required me to be an active participant in my learning. with the support of dr. davis, i was engaged in the material that led me to new perspectives and understandings of others and myself. these new perspectives enhanced my roles as learner, teacher, and researcher. finally, my transformation as defined by mezirow’s transformative learning theory is incomplete. before the second trip i asked: “had i reached mezirow’s final dimension of transformative learning?” i can now answer that question: no, i have not. this whole process of scholarship and research has taught me this very important piece about transformation. it is just that, a process. there is no end point or final step. learning is a continuous process of cyclical reflection in action and reflection on action (poetter 2011). as a pre-service teacher, i am continuously re-evaluating my perspectives based on new interactions and experiences. with lyons 10 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 each service experience, study abroad, class discussion, reflection journal, and lecture, my perspectives will continue to evolve and transform through the ten dimensions of mezirow’s theory. as i enter student teaching next semester, i will, again, have the opportunity to try my hand at technology integration using what i learned in the little stars preschool to guide my action and reflection. with each attempt, my thoughts and actions can change. my personal case study elicits implications for international service learning at large. as seen in the articulation of my transformation, it took two years for me to fully experience all ten steps of mezirow’s transformative learning theory. that being said, service learning in the context of study abroad must extend the learning experiences of students beyond the in-country experiences. the critical time before and after the experience must be capitalized upon to ensure students make the most of the reintegration phase of transformation because service learning and study abroad are simply one phase of a lifelong learning experience. in fall 2015, i considered the implications described above and proposed a year-long study abroad curriculum at miami university. with this, i received a grant to design, build, and implement a curriculum that aims to engage undergraduates in the work of critical reflection and analysis of assumptions and perspectives related to the context of the host country, prior to setting foot in the country. the post-trip modules will reorient the students’ perspectives gained from study abroad into the university context, to extend upon the learning and reflection which occurs prior to and during the study abroad experience. this process has simply extended my reintegration phase, eliciting new disorienting dilemmas, and inciting a recursive cycle of transformation in my understandings of study abroad at large. ~ i would like to thank dr. darrel r. davis from miami university for his guidance, insights, and feedback throughout the writing and publication process. his support has undoubtedly improved the quality of my research experience and my ability to teach and learn. lyons 11 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 references carrington, suzanne, and gitta selva. 2010. “critical social theory and transformative learning: evidence in pre-service teachers’ service-learning reflection logs.” higher education research & development 29 (1): 45–57. kawulich, barbara b. 2005. “participant observation as a data collection method.” forum: qualitative social research 6 (2): article 43. kehl, kevin, and jason morris. 2008. “differences in global-mindedness between short-term and semester-long study abroad participants at selected private universities.” frontiers: the interdisciplinary journal of study abroad 15: 67–79. kiely, richard. 2004. “a chameleon with a complex: searching for transformation in international service-learning.” michigan journal of community service learning 10 (2): 5–20. ———. 2005. “a transformative learning model for service-learning: a longitudinal case study.” michigan journal of community service learning 12 (1): 5-22. king, kathleen p. 2009. the handbook of the evolving research of transformative learning based on the learning activities survey. charlotte, nc: iap. mezirow, jack. 1997. “transformative learning: theory to practice.” new directions for adult and continuing education. (74): 5–12. parker, barbara, and diane altman dautoff. 2007. “service-learning and study abroad: synergistic learning opportunities.” michigan journal of community service learning. 13 (2): 40–53. poetter, thomas s. 2011. teacher leadership for the 21st century 2nd ed. cincinnati, oh: vangriner publishing. trilokekar, roopa desai, and polina kukar. 2011. “disorienting experiences during study abroad: reflections of pre-service teacher candidates.” teaching and teacher education 27 (7): 1141–50. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 addressing health disparities in cancer through service-learning kristen curry oglethorpe university in 1970, cancer was the second leading cause of death in the u.s. and the american people sought answers. in response, at the 1971 state of the union address richard nixon asserted that he would, “ask for an appropriation of an extra $100 million to launch an intensive campaign to find a cure for cancer, and i will ask later for whatever additional funds can effectively be used. the time has come in america when the same kind of concentrated effort that split the atom and took man to the moon should be turned toward conquering this dread disease. let us make a total national commitment to achieve this goal” (devita). almost a full year later, in december 1971, nixon signed the national cancer act, which was popularized as “the war on cancer.” this act allotted $1.5 billion dollars for cancer research over the next three years. today, the war is still being fought, great advances have been made, but, disquietingly, a significant portion of americans are not benefitting from these advances. in 2008, it was estimated that 130,000 cancer deaths were prevented in the u.s. but an additional 200,000 deaths were avoidable (brawley 2011). this is because a sizable amount of individuals in america have less than optimal preventive health care and many receive less than adequate treatment when they receive a cancer diagnosis (cancer health disparities 2008). the research findings, diagnostic technologies, and awareness of cancer prevention would be put to better use by increasing availability to the entire population. investments in research and novel cancer diagnostics, while important, are not the only way to fight this war; increasing the availability of standard of care practice to underserved populations would be an equally valid investment (brawley 2011). socioeconomic factors, including both race and class, play an important role in both access to care and stage of diagnosis. rising costs of novel customized and genetically finetuned approaches to cancer diagnosis and treatment continues to widen an already pronounced health disparity gap. through identifying the root causes of health disparities, students can take that knowledge into service-learning based classes. voices to advocate for the underserved are urgently needed and may come from students exposed to cancer health disparities through service learning. the u.s. department of health and human services defines a health disparity as “a particular type of health difference that is closely linked with social or economic disadvantage” (american cancer society 2014). these include, but are not limited to, race and social class. socio-economic factors can lead to unequal access to quality of healthcare, information, or programs. in the united states and the united kingdom there have been documented socioeconomic and ethnic disparities in diseases, including cancer. cancer has an enormous impact on human lives and is a growing threat to countries that are classified as low to middle income (john 2010). the american cancer society and livestrong joined together to research the economic cost of deaths around the world. the research further asserted that cancer has the most overwhelming economic impact adding up to $895 billion in 2008 (john 2010). the severity of these economic impacts could lead to greater global issues; without a global response and initiative the cost of cancer can undermine economic development efforts. socio-economic status is an important prognostic factor for cancer diagnosis, especially in the united states. the stage of cancer at diagnosis often leads to different rates of curry 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 survival. regular screening tests lead to earlier diagnosis and higher chances of treatment success. individuals who are employed with access to healthcare coverage are more likely to undergo regular screenings. lee-feldstein et al (2000) demonstrated how patients who are uninsured or have public insurance are more likely to have a later stage breast cancer diagnosis and higher rates of mortality compared to individuals who are privately insured. the diagnostic stage of cancer is one of the most predictive prognostic factors; the earlier a cancer is diagnosed the better the treatment options. there is evidence suggesting that patients in varying socioeconomic levels will have different methods of treatment. cancer screening tests can be very expensive, especially for those without insurance, and people may bypass what should be a yearly screening because they cannot afford it (woods 2005). ensuring equal access to treatment could lead to decreasing differences in survival rates that are due to economic hardships. despite the economic inequity, there are many tools available for the detection and treatment of many forms of cancer. however, these treatments have not begun to eradicate cancer and a new breed of therapy is presenting new challenges for equity in both testing and access. despite the advancements that have been made in radiology, surgery, radiation, and oncology, cancer is still deadly and can be very aggressive in nature. in cancer therapy, chemotherapy and radiation have been the standard of treatment, but there have been advancements in research that have provided remarkable new techniques with more precision. there has been a recent shift away from focusing on “slash and burn” techniques that kill normal cells and towards therapies that target only the cancer cells such as immunotherapy, nanoparticles, angiogenesis inhibitors, and apoptosis inducers to name a few. research for new treatments and procedures will typically start by focusing on the molecular level and then progress to animal testing and potentially clinical trials if everything goes well. a clinical study uses human participants to ensure the effectiveness and safety of a potential drug. the participants receive drugs, devices, or procedures that are dependent upon a research plan that was drawn up by investigators. often, it is not known whether the intervention will be harmful or beneficial or have any affect at all (halabi 2010). these trials are important because they have the ability to find ways to prevent disease development, determine risk factors or new methods of classification, and improve the patients’ quality of life. clinical trials are vital in learning about medicine and therapeutic advancements and are the best way to determine what works best in treatment. however, it is widely recognized that minorities are underrepresented in clinical trials (ford 2007). the lack of diversity in trial participants reduces the chance of uncovering effects that could be relevant to underrepresented populations. this also contributes to an unequal distribution of the risks and benefits associated with groups participating in trials. there are specific barriers that exist limiting clinical trial enrollment. the biggest barrier is the opportunity to participate. clinical trials are often not covered by insurance and this discourages low-income individuals from participating. this leads to different plans of treatment and although a clinical trial may show promise for an individual, the cost can become a deterrent. one treatment that has shown significant promise is genetic screening. while this is a promising preventative measure, its costs can be prohibitive. the identification of specific gene mutations that are linked to treatment response allows for individualized treatment plans. the out of pocket costs and financial burden placed on the families can make this an unrealistic method of treatment and patients may fail to seek care. medical care expenses have been reported as the primary reason for bankruptcies, specifically those associated with cancer (yabroff et al. 2012). even if insurance companies will cover the cost of the drug, the copay can still be too expensive and individuals must weigh the survival gains against the economic burden. over the course of curry 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 the last decade, the average monthly cost of cancer treatment has risen to $10,000 and a few treatments cost upwards of $100,000 per patient (american society of clinical oncology 2015). despite the advancements made in care, cost is a major hindrance to new therapies. financial problems are long-term, continuing after active therapy has been stopped, and lead to survivorship burdens. when presented with expenses that rival the cost of the home, many patients begin to question the efficacy and necessity of the best treatments. the value of life saving measures can become obscured. even when wealthy patients are presented with astronomical expenditures, cost-benefit analysis becomes a natural reaction. however, these treatments are still in the realm of reality. low-income patients simply cannot consider these treatments as an option, as there is no reasonable way to afford them. in delaware, a group of researchers tried to reduce disparities related to colon cancer at the state level. they hoped to increase the early detection of colon cancer via frequent screenings and quality treatment. before the plan was applied, blacks were less likely to take part in screenings, resulting in higher rates of late-stage diagnosis and death compared to whites). after seven years the rate between blacks and whites for screening, diagnoses, and death were almost equal. this model is promising for reducing health disparities in mortality rates related to colon cancer for the nation (american cancer society 2014). in order to combat the issue of health disparities, action needs to be taken from several different approaches, such as: medicine, social science, public health, and education. an important stepping-stone towards addressing health disparities is improving delivery of basic preventive care measures, especially to communities that may not have equal access (american society of clinical oncology 2006). the united states has been criticized due to the lack of universal health care for its citizens. the recent application of the affordable care act (aca) in 2010 aims to reduce disparities by providing more access to cancer screening for preventative measures to individuals who have historically poor access to health care. the aca will extend access to basic necessities such as health insurance to millions of individuals and reduce the inequalities in regards to care access. with greater access to preventative and treatment services, there should be improved health outcomes for everyone. the broad provisions of the aca provide a sense of optimism that legislation will contribute to decreasing racial/ethnic disparities in cancer mortality (keefe 2015). the center for disease control recommends that in order to decrease disparities, health agencies, providers, and communities must form a partnership and have a national effort towards improving early detection via routine screening, community interventions for risk behaviors, encourage minorities to participate in clinical trials, and use the media to share cancer information (centers for disease control and prevention 2012). there needs to be equal access to good quality cancer care and clinical trials need to be widened to provide the same care and technology access to everyone in all socio-economic groups. it is the future that looks brightest for progressive health measures. it takes a populace of well-educated and invested individuals to enact the sweeping changes needed for healthcare equality. the experience that service-learning gives to aspiring students creates these types of young, enthusiastic minds. college is about more than academics. academic achievement and student learning is commonly measured through grade point averages and standardized tests, but recently a new model of learning has emerged. service-learning strives to provide another method to help students better understand the course material. this unique type of learning focuses on the combination of community service and academic instruction with reflection time and civic duties. by adding in service-learning it can bring in passion and stimulation as well as benefit society by creating active citizens who will work towards improving their communities. it helps curry 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 students recognize the distinction between the lectures and the application of knowledge. it provides opportunities for emerging health professionals to become involved in community projects and insight into the “social, economic, and political contexts of health” (sabo et al. 2015). service-learning helps produce well-rounded individuals who will contribute something to society. students are provided with opportunities to seek out and pursue different careers and academic goals, all while learning cultural competence. service-learning student involvement in the community helps raise their awareness of the current state of affairs around them and helps them see where progress can be made. teachers can provide us with all the book knowledge in the world, but we must know how to apply it. the core public health value of social justice is intertwined with service-learning and strengthens community alliances. the key part of having an effective service-learning course is reflecting on the community service, connecting the service to the bigger picture. during reflections, a student has the opportunity to link academic lecture material with service and broader levels of thinking, which enhances cultural humility and increases civic engagement. by providing students with opportunities to engage with individuals from different socio-economic backgrounds affected by health disparities, it will allow them to learn about current health and social policies. after participating in a service learning course students have more cultural sensitivity, leadership experience, and ability to connect policies to vulnerable populations. through the reinforcement of learning about issues with health disparities in the classroom and in the community students should learn and act on social/health disparities. service-learning creates a space that allows for the co-analysis of social determinants of health and solutions that are centered on the community. service-learning courses should be geared toward engaging student’s interest. problems that are germane to the present, promote curiosity, and promote development within students are most likely to pique students’ interest. these courses go beyond sitting in an auditorium listening to a teacher read from a powerpoint, instead bringing the courses into a community. this is when reflection begins. reflection serves as a bridge connecting experience and theory. personal experiences along with community service provide meaning to theory when reflection serves as an analytical and critical examination of the instance (bringle 1999). reflection should be done regularly and involve examining a situation from several different perspectives while giving it serious consideration. critical thought has the potential to make an experience a source of education. it can instill deeper meaning that promotes individual growth and informed actions. if reflection activities force the student to confront ambiguities and re-examine existing beliefs it leads to informed actions. writing is a wonderful form of reflection, where experiences can be organized and developed and meaning can be created. writing promotes problem solving and examining relationships between “past learning, current experiences, and future action” (bringle 1999). writing can be traced through journals that are shared with the professor, other students, or community agency personnel. class presentations serve as a way for students to publicly display and celebrate their work and collaborate with other students in their class. reflection is a vital part of an effective service-learning course and can lead students to participate in future action. the goal of a service-learning course centered around health disparities is to diminish the disparities experienced by racial and socioeconomic groups. this can be done through engaging students with partnerships within their community, state agencies, and policy makers. schools of any level can start addressing health disparities in the classroom. students can become involved in service-learning courses within any discipline. in regards to health disparities associated with cancer care it would be best suited for biology classes, policy and politics classes, and curry 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 community researchers. students that are in pre-health fields and those interested in public health would benefit the most from it. however, upper-level educational institutions such as schools of medicine could also benefit by implementing a course dedicated to this issue. physicians commonly participate in community service projects but remain out of touch with health disparities on the national and community level. often medical students are so overwhelmed with their work they lose context of the larger problems plaguing the healthcare system. students can become very isolated in the classroom listening to a teacher lecture about physiology or microbiology and it’s possible to forget what’s happening in the world outside of campus. service-learning reminds students what’s really important about medicine, serving patients, and allows the tailoring of education to better serve those populations that need it most. in upper-level education, either college seniors or post-bachelor’s degree, students could pursue an independent community-based research project such as the differences rural and urban populations might face with access to health care. community-based research can be used to intertwine education with social action in the hopes of improving health and reducing disparities. community-based research can be seen as an outreach program but it is also representative of “a systematic effort to incorporate community participation and decision making, local theories of etiology and change, and community practices into the research effort.” change will ultimately come from a collective organized political action. policy change that uses community research data depends on the organizations that represent a community’s vision (simonds et al. 2013). with all the advantages service-learning provides to students, it seems appropriate that graduate programs should require service hours for students to complete before graduation. for health science programs in particular, service-learning dedicated to working in free clinics would be highly beneficial. courses could offer short-term, intensive, field based trips that travel to other areas to become completely immersed in a vulnerable community that is facing health disparities. service-learning courses centered on health disparities can benefit a wide variety of students and provide an opportunity for the university to show its commitment to involvement and in its surrounding community. colleges are in charge of teaching the next generation and if they can engage students and get them committed to reducing health disparities, there would be change. this type of program can be useful to undergraduate policy programs, law programs, public health programs, english programs, and health sciences programs. an incremental approach must be taken that depends on the level of the student, the class, and the depth of work that can be accomplished. in the lower-level undergraduate courses, students should be required to complete a certain number of service hours from approved companies and organizations that directly relate to health disparities. possible partners that individuals could work with include: hospice care, free care clinics, planned parenthood, the veterans affairs, centers for disease control, american cancer society, government officials and policy makers, and lobbyists. students in english programs and those interested in pursuing a career in policy can write advocacy letters to their legislators. first year seminars serve to aide in freshmen transitioning into college life. they typically cover a wide range of disciplines and interdisciplinary programs to provide intellectual enrichment, critical thinking skills, and writing skills. it would be beneficial for universities to offer a first year seminar focusing on health disparities. this course could introduce the biological, psychological, and sociological reasonings that contribute to health disparities. it could discuss the ethics that surround them and the impact of action and inaction. students could hold debates about whether health care is considered a “right” and if each individual should have curry 6 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 the same access and how disparities can be reduced from societal and individual actions. it is not uncommon for first-year seminars to integrate service-learning and a course focusing on health disparities would be a great opportunity to incorporate it. this would be an effective pedagogy and enrich the experience of the students and the teachers. readings should be provided by the instructor that center around conceptualizing ethnicity, race, and culture and the historical foundations of them. they could also address health literacy, disparities associated with cancer care, and the use of interpreters within healthcare. once students have discussed these concepts in class, the service-learning component of the course should be implemented. teachers should provide structured opportunities for reflection time and emphasize writing in journals. students enrolled in these courses should be required to complete a minimum number of service hours with approved volunteering centers in the community. an example of a project is developing informational brochures and power points for clinic waiting rooms. offering courses to freshmen students when they first start their college career could impact their career and major choices; they may choose to address health disparities. community colleges can also contribute to diminishing health disparities via servicelearning projects that address community outreach, education programs, health seminars, and encouraging preventative care. these groups have the unique opportunity to forge relationships with underserved populations in their own community. these activities can be a bridge for delivering knowledge to those who face linguistic, economic, and social roadblocks. when the focus is placed on a specific community, the activities can be planned around existing disparities and be responsive to their needs. they can mobilize the community students around health promoting activities, such as running clubs, and use national health observances to raise awareness. to explain, october is national breast cancer awareness so programs could be held to promote knowledge about self-exams, the importance of regular mammograms, etc. furthermore, programs and health fairs can be held at elementary and middle schools to engage kids early on. students that are in remediation can practice their reading by studying health literature and then present their findings to middle and high school students in lower socioeconomic neighborhoods. the population of immigrants to the united states has increased (united states census bureau 2013) and so has the necessity for health care providers speaking multiple languages. the english-as-a-second-language (esl) programs can be used to address health literacy disparities in these hard to reach populations. esl students can become involved in initiatives that promote health and the health care system at a variety of levels of english proficiency. the esl program participants can use their language skills to communicate between healthcare professionals and the individuals they serve. they can assist in helping people understand written notes from doctors, prescription instructions, and general communication as well as improving their own english at the same time. the united states will remain a land with many cultures and languages and it is important that we, as a nation, provide everyone accessibility to healthcare. it is an investment into our future that our healthcare system undergoes a transformation to effectively deliver care that bypasses barriers caused by language. today, cancer is the second leading cause of death. economics have become the driving force behind treatment choice for patients. the disparities issue underlies every effort put forth towards cancer research. years of investing in research has led to the development of medical technologies that have improved our capability to detect and treat forms of cancer. the advancements in treatment have helped save and extend lives. however, it is unfortunate to learn that everyone does not share these benefits. in the united states, marginalized racial/ethnic curry 7 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 groups and those without health insurance do not receive appropriate, quality care. everyone is aware of the suffering and loss caused by cancer to individuals and families. in the war on cancer avoidable deaths are forgotten. there needs to be a joint effort to get all people the quality health care that they deserve. service-learning provides a means to educate future health professionals and students in higher education about health disparities present in their communities. with this knowledge these informed citizens can work towards equitable healthcare delivery in this country. ~ i would like to thank dr. karen schmeichel for her words of encouragement, unending enthusiasm, and sensible advice both in and out of the classroom. references american cancer society. 2014. “what we can do to end health disparities.” american cancer society. http://www.cancer.org/cancer/news/expertvoices/post/2014/04/15/what-we-can-do-toendhealth-disparities.aspx. american society of clinical oncology. 2006. “disparities in cancer care.” j oncol pract 2:234-239. american society of clinical oncology. 2015. “the state of cancer care in america, 2015: a report by the american society of clinical oncology.” j oncol pract 11:79-113. john, r. m. and h. ross. 2010. “the global economic cost of cancer.” the american cancer society and livestrong. centers for disease control and prevention. 2010. “reducing health disparities in cancer.” http://www.cdc.gov/cancer/healthdisparities/basic_info/disparities.htm. brawley, otis. 2011. “the 40-year war on cancer” cnn. http://www.cnn.com/2011/12/23/health/fortyyear-war/. bringle, r. and j. hatcher. 1999. “reflection in service learning: making meaning of experience.” educational horizons. 1999 (summer): 113-119. “cancer health disparities.” 2008. national cancer institute. http://www.cancer.gov/aboutnci/ organization/crchd/cancer-health-disparities-fact-sheet. devita, v. “national cancer act of 1971.” national cancer institute. http://dtp.nci.nih.gov/timeline/noflash/milestones/m4_nixon.htm ford, j.g., m.w. howerton, g.y. lai, t.l. gary, s. bolen, m.c. gibbons, j. tilburt, c. baffi, t.p. tanpitukpongse, r.f. wilson, n.r. powe, and e.b. bass. 2007. “barriers to recruiting underrepresented populations to cancer clinical trials: a systematic review.” cancer 112 (2): 228-242. curry 8 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 halabi, s. and w. k. kelly. 2010. oncology clinical trials. new york: springer publishing company, inc. keefe, e., j. meltzer, t. bethea. 2015. “health disparities and cancer: racial disparities in cancer mortality in the united states, 2000-2010.” frontiers in public health. 3 (51). lee-feldstein, a., p. feldstein, p, t. buchmueller, and g. katterhagen. 2000. “the relationship of hmos, health insurance, and delivery systems to breast cancer outcomes.” medical care 38 (7): 705-718. sabo, s., j. de zapien, n. teufel-shone, c. rosales, l. bergsma, and d. taren. 2015. “service learning: a vehicle for building health equity and eliminating health disparities.” american journal of public health 105 (s1): s38-s43. simonds v.w., n. wallerstein, b. duran, m. villegas. 2013. “community-based participatory research: its role in future cancer research and public health practice.” preventative chronic disease 10 (2013). http://dx.doi.org/10.5888/pcd10.120205. united states census bureau. 2013. “america’s foreign born in the last 50 years.” http://www.census.gov/library/infographics/foreign_born.html. woods, l. 2005. “origins of socio-economic inequalities in cancer survival: a review.” annals of oncology 17 (1): 5-19. yabroff, k., j. lund, d. kepka, a. mariotto. 2012. “economic burden of cancer in the us: estimates, projections, and future research.” cancer epidemiomological biomarkers. 20 (10): 2006 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5888/pcd10.120205 ywca ywca helping in bullying situations by: abigail johnson, courtney gray & michele beausoleil  make sure children understand bullying  practice what you preach  assess the extent of the problem  create healthy anti-bullying habits  be a good example  treat children and others with warmth and respect  take immediate action  conduct activities around bullying  talk with and listen to the children everyday general tips on bullying here are tools, activities and videos to help you with bullies, victims and bystanders. tools activities videos tools to help staff when they encounter bullying defuse the situation when you see an argument, disagreement or bullying situation do not be afraid step in. separate the students and stop whatever is going on to prevent further fighting. keep emotions at a neutral level when you approach an argument, disagreement or bullying situation bring the emotions down to a neutral level. stop any yelling. listen to both sides of the situation in a quiet/ removed setting it is important to listen to both sides of the argument. when the situation has calmed down, it is important to take all participants into a different setting and ask each one what happened. you must explain that only one person can talk at a time and if someone talks out of turn, they lose their turn to talk. if the situation continues, separate the children into two separate activities it can be beneficial to move the children into separate rooms. have them do two separate activities so there is no competition. this will make them forget about the situation that may have happened, and occupy their minds with something else. if a resolution does arise, have the students work together on an activity this can help them find a new friendship and forget why they were fighting in the first place. this should always be monitored by a staff member. a gingerbread man this activity is designed to show children that when you break people down, they are not the same afterwards. the facilitator cuts out a large figure such as a gingerbread man or snowman. then you have the children write down mean things people have said to them, or they have said to others, on the paper figure. after each person goes, they rip off the piece they wrote on. then when everyone has had a turn you tape the figure back together, apologizing for each insult. this shows the children that as hard as you try to repair relationships after saying hurtful things, not everything can be repaired. art therapy art therapy is designed for children to connect with their emotions. this can be good with all emotions whether it is happiness, sadness or anger. when having trouble getting through to a child, try connecting through color. give the children an array of color pencils or crayons, then start with the color red; ask them “when i say ‘red’, what do you feel, what do you think about?” and have them draw it in red. also have the child write a small sentence or two about what they drew and why. do the same with all the colors you have available to you. have the children keep the drawing in a folder or journal. this can give you a better connection to where the child is coming from. a play on words a play on words helps you to understand what the children understand and know about bullying. we will be using a “bullying stops here ball” to see what the children know and explain what they do not. we will put the children in a circle and toss the ball from person to person. the ball will have unfinished sayings like “ a victim is..”, “list two types of bullying” and “give one reason why people bully”. this will help the children see how they feel themselves and how others feel around them about bullying. this exercise can also address other pun such as “snitches get stitches”. the goal is to get children talking about bullying in a safe, fun environment. activities to help with situations where children have been bullied or are bullies what bullying is this is a great video that explains the definition of bullying. it describes how hard it is for victims of bullying by putting you in the place of a victim, of their parent and of a bystander. this educational video helps staff members understand that there are multiple perspectives when bullying is addressed. http://www.stopbullying.gov/ videos/2010/09/what-is-bullying.html how to spot bullying this is a five minute video on how to spot bullying by illustrating typical signs associated with bullying and providing advice for parents. this video can also be beneficial for staff to see the signs for children who may be more reserved. www.direct.gov.uk/en/parents/.../ dg_10015786 videos can be very beneficial to staff and parents in identifying and addressing bullying http://www.direct.gov.uk/en/parents/.../dg_10015786 http://www.direct.gov.uk/en/parents/.../dg_10015786 1 using community-based research to study bullying at a local non-profit organization courtney gray, michele beausoleil, and abigail johnson merrimack college bullying is a serious problem in the united states. research indicates that bullying, defined in literature as “repeated aggressive behavior against a victim who cannot readily defend himself or herself”, is prevalent in schools, afterschool programs, and extracurricular activities (karna et al. 2011). anti-bullying programs for schools have been implemented and tested throughout the world, but little research has been conducted on after-school programs. in order to examine how bullying is perceived, defined, and experienced by participants at the ywca girls center, a local agency in merrimack valley, ma that is devoted to ending racism and empowering young girls and women, a three-member student research team from merrimack college conducted community-based research. in collaboration with agency leadership, the student team conducted focus group research and educational workshops that incorporated both qualitative and quantitative methods in the forms of group interviews, surveys, and educational activities. specifically, we conducted surveys and focus groups with a nonrandom sample of students and staff members of the ywca to ascertain how they define and experience bullying. the main purpose of this community-based research was to develop a deeper understanding of how bullying plays out in a local community-based organization and to use the research gained to develop an effective curriculum for the staff for the education and prevention of, and the response to, bullying. this project began at merrimack college in dr. krista mcqueeney’s sociology of the family course in which students were to participate in a semester-long community-based research project in conjunction with a local community organization. this student research team chose to work with the ywca of greater lawrence to research bullying taking place in their after-school program. we collaborated with dr. mcqueeney and maricelis ortiz, director of youth and fitness at the ywca, to develop focus group and survey questions. ortiz told us that bullying was a serious problem for them and she was hoping that our community-based research approach would provide the ywca with new tools to help prevent bullying. we conducted three informal, discussion-based focus groups at the ywca with agency staff and youth, selected specifically by maricelis ortiz. the agency youth and staff also filled out surveys. all questions were designed to examine participants’ perspectives on bullying, its effect on young people, and how it can be prevented and properly handled. the goal of this project was to determine how the agency youth and staff view bullying and how it should be dealt with. the team was to then develop a curriculum, in the form of a pamphlet, based on their research to educate agency youth and staff about bullying and provide them with guidelines and activities to prevent and handle bullying. initially, the team was worried about collecting accurate data because of the difficulties we encountered while conducting the research. these challenges ranged from lack of participation to fear of giving honest answers to hesitancy in opening up to complete strangers. however, as the team spent time talking to the staff and students, we were able to gather useful information. we found that the staff was very tentative to offer their honest opinions of the questions we asked, and several participants did not speak at all during the focus groups. some staff members were vague in their responses, and it almost seemed as if they were trying to avoid 2 giving concrete, straightforward answers. we attributed this tentativeness to the influence of their fellow co-workers and even their manager, who were present in the room during our focus group discussions. we stopped facilitating the group for a moment to stress that this was not a review of their performance and that answering honestly would not get them in trouble with their bosses, it would just help provide answers for our project. once we stressed that, the staff was much more open in their responses and discussion. in retrospect, we should have asked to meet with just the staff and not the managers in order for the staff to feel more comfortable. we also should have stressed from the beginning that this project was not a review of their performance and role as a staff member, but simply a research project. the children were by far the most difficult focus group to facilitate. the responses they gave were very vague and often did not seem relevant to the questions we asked. the youth, girls aged 6 to 13, seemed restless and were perhaps too young for the questions and group discussion that we had planned. it was also extremely difficult to get some participants to speak up; a few of the children appeared very shy and uncomfortable speaking in a group. the vagueness and avoidance displayed by some children seemed to indicate that they didn’t truly understand our questions or that they don’t comprehend the severity of bullying. in response to these challenges, we developed a “bully ball”, which we later used with the students to gather further data. this activity allowed the children to discuss bullying while interacting with their peers, moving around, and having fun, which made them more forthcoming with their answers. though it was difficult to get everyone to participate, we did get valuable answers from the children. if more children had participated, we believe our data could have been more accurate. our research indicated that parental involvement is also an important part of reducing the prevalence of bullying. although we were unable to include parents in our study, the staff and youth were able to stress the important role of parents. the youth indicated that they consistently do not report bullying because it is discouraged by their peers, so a strong parental support system would be very important for youth to feel comfortable enough confiding in them. although we learned of the importance of parental involvement from students and staff, we did not include recommendations about parental involvement in our pamphlet. this pamphlet was directed to the staff of the ywca, so the team felt it might be ineffective to include recommendations for parents when it was to be viewed primarily by staff. it is also important for the youth to feel comfortable enough to approach the staff about bullying, regardless of the pervasive “snitches get stitches” mantra that the youth reported, which discourages children from seeking help from adults when they or their peers are being bullied. despite the research challenges, we obtained sufficient information to follow through on our analysis and, most significantly, the pamphlet. the focus groups yielded great information that helped us understand the cycle of bullying and how it emotionally affects children. the agency youth seemed to hold nothing back, unlike the staff members who were more reserved. we heard stories from participants that indicated that many students who bully are also bullied themselves. we found that there are a lot of misconceptions about bullying; many participants defined bullying as a single act of harm while the true definition requires that bullying be a repeated act. for example, the children thought ignoring someone was grounds for calling someone a bully. this led us to believe that both the staff and the agency youth might be overusing the term “bullying,” which is dangerous because bullying has serious consequences. some of the staff members revealed to us that they encourage bullied youth to stick up for themselves and fight back. although the staff had recently received bullying training, a few 3 participants insisted that fighting back is the best way to get a bully to leave a child alone. research shows, however, that “children who fight back when bullied also tend to watch or join in when others are bullied” (brown, birch, and kancherla 2005). this cycle renders “fighting back” ineffective, as it perpetuates the cycle of bullying. research indicates that a program encouraging education about, and prevention of, bullying is the most effective (harris and petrie 2003). we highlighted nonviolent approaches to bullying in our recommendations to the staff, but we believe it might take a more organized program with detailed steps to ensure that the staff consistently discourages physical altercations among the youth. it was extremely difficult and upsetting to listen to the children talk about incidents in which they were victims of a bully and how it affected them. even the staff shared stories where they have witnessed or experienced bullying themselves. when we asked if they had witnessed bullying at the ywca, one staff member said “all you can do is tell the little kids it’s not their fault.” we were very struck by this comment, because it seemed as if the staff member had lost hope for these children and the bullying that occurs within the ywca, as if it is inevitable. this attitude that bullying is unavoidable may contribute to the prevalence of bullying at the ywca. although the term ‘bully’ appeared overused at the ywca, there still appeared to be clear-cut bullies within the program, as identified by the staff and youth. developing the pamphlet was a slow, thoughtful process. we used the answers from both the surveys and the focus groups to develop steps for the staff to take when they encounter bullying. many students believed that the staff was ambivalent to their situation, so we wanted to develop steps that encouraged the staff to engage the students and directly address the problem. we included two activities in the pamphlet that we had tested at the ywca to encourage discussion among the students. our general tips came from both things we heard from staff members and our own knowledge of mediation. the overall pamphlet was a combined effort to merge the data that we collected and our own, objective observations. the pamphlet, which was distributed to the ywca at the end of this research, was based on our knowledge about bullying, feedback from the staff, and input from the children. the “tools” section was developed based on the students’ research about bullying; it was a common thread amongst research to defuse a situation, maintain neutral emotions, listen to both student’s stories, separate the children if necessary, and have them work together on a project to encourage collaboration if possible. the ‘activities’ section contains original activities that we developed and tested on the children at the ywca. because we found that these activities were both ageappropriate and effective in prompting conversations with agency youth, we suggested to that the staff continue to use them on an ongoing basis. for example, we created a “bully ball” which had a bullying discussion prompt on each panel of the ball to encourage casual conversations about bullying. the children at the ywca greatly enjoyed that game, so we left the ball with the organization to encourage them to use it. the ‘videos’ section offers videos that are useful in opening up conversations among staff and children about what bullying is and how to handle it. we based the “general tips on bullying” on what we heard and learned throughout our research. for example, not many children knew the formal definition of bullying, by which their actions would be judged. thus, our first tip is “make sure children understand bullying.” this pamphlet was developed to be an asset to the ywca in their prevention and response efforts. overall, despite the difficulties we faced, we were able to gain a deeper understanding of bullying and its effects on children. we collected valuable data which led us to develop the pamphlet. it is our hope that this pamphlet will be widely distributed among the staff and used frequently in an effort to reduce the prevalence of bullying at this organization. 4 i would like to express my gratitude to dr. krista mcqueeney, assistant professor of sociology and criminology at merrimack college, for her efforts in the publication of this essay. i could not have done it without her encouragement, advice, and persistence. references brown, stephen, david birch, and vijaya kancherla. 2005. “bullying perspectives: experiences, attitudes, and recommendations of 9to 13-year olds attending health education centers in the united states.” journal of school health 75 (10): 384-92. harris, sandra and garth f. petrie. 2003. bullying: the bullies, the victims, the bystanders. lanham, md: scarecrow education. karna, antti, marinus voeten, todd d. little, elisa poskiparta, anne kaljonen, and christina salmivalli. 2011. “a large-scale evaluation of the kiva anti-bullying program: grades 4-6.” child development 82 (1): 311-30. johnson gray beausoleil research gray beausolei johnson reflection using community-based research to study bullying at a local non-profit organization references jmdartmouthservicelearning-1-2-2.doc.docx undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 service-learning in dartmouth public schools jacob miller university of massachusetts dartmouth abstract service-learning is a proven teaching and learning method that increases student success. this proposal for the dartmouth, ma school district serves as a case study and example for how other districts can implement service-learning. first, i introduce service-learning as a pedagogy, leading into a discussion about the issues surrounding learning engagement and citizenship. i finish the piece with challenges, two policy alternatives with a final recommendation, and a discussion around lessons learned. service-learning has proven benefits to the school and its community. this recommendation and research done for the dartmouth public schools can be used as a national example for how college students in service-learning courses can assist school districts in adopting this pedagogy. introduction service-learning is defined as “a teaching and learning strategy that integrates meaningful community service with instruction and reflection to enrich the learning experience, teach civic responsibility, and strengthen communities” (“what is service-learning”). currently, educators are looking for ways to engage students with their community, yet most students are being taught with standardized tests in mind or spending learning time on science, technology, engineering, and math (stem) disciplines, leaving many without training on how to be an active citizen. i argue, without experience in the community, students cannot effectively engage in society outside of the classroom. service-learning allows schools to achieve teaching and learning standards, while giving students the hands-on experience that facilitates civic knowledge. school systems should consider service-learning as a crucial component to student and societal success. a distinction between service-learning and a community service requirement must be made. as one of the teachers commented in the march 2014 dartmouth public schools survey, “people need to understand the difference between community service and service-learning very clearly for a program that focuses on service-learning to succeed.” service-learning facilitates learning, while a community service requirement has students complete hours without relating it to learning. service-learning plans may include an hours requirement, but each hour is connected back to learning. after completing interviews and conducting research with districts across the state and country, in march of 2014, i found that simple community service requirements do not directly accomplish learning goals. many districts require a set amount of service hours. for example, the fairfax county public schools in virginia asks students to complete ten hours of service a year. its qualification of service-learning is so broad it even includes belonging to an extracurricular club or watching a neighbor’s children. a broad definition of service-learning often leads to students attempting to use babysitting and shoveling neighbors’ driveways as community service. while these activities can be valuable, service-learning should have a direct correlation to learning and should facilitate higher forms of engagement, progress in school, and community attachment. miller 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 engaging and educating future citizens service-learning is used both to increase civic responsibility and to facilitate academic objectives. there are several elements that facilitate student learning in a service-learning course, including: the type of program, the quality of reflection and integration, the matching of placement agencies and activities with learning goals, and the duration and intensity of the experience. aristotle, in the nicomachean ethics asserts, “the science that studies the supreme good for man is politics. politics is not an exact science, the student should have some general knowledge and experience of life” (crisp 2000). service-learning allows students to go out in the community, and interact with different stakeholders and issues. this is beneficial for academic learning, as well as social learning. students will be able to become more engaged academically and socially. states across the country are beginning to require service to give students more experience. this past year, the washington state legislature passed a law that requires high school students to engage in service. as the first section of the law states: the legislature finds that volunteering connects students to their communities and provides an opportunity for students to practice and apply their academic and social skills in preparation for entering the workforce. community service can better prepare and inspire students to continue their education beyond high school. community service is also associated with increased civic awareness and participation by students. therefore, the legislature intends to incorporate an expectation for each student to participate in community service as one aspect of meeting high school graduation requirements. (washington state legislature 2013) while a service requirement that gives students more community experience can be valuable, service-learning is a much more holistic approach because it connects service back to curriculum. student and teacher surveys illustrate the acceptance of this type of policy and the need to integrate the service into the classroom. when asked to respond to the statement: “i believe that dartmouth public schools should add mandatory service-learning into the curriculum,” 60% of teachers either agreed or strongly agreed. students were asked to respond to a similar question and the majority either had no opinion or agreed. looking at the surveys, one can discern that students wish to be guided in their service. almost 58% of students want schools to provide a time to serve. this suggests support for service-learning and the idea of connecting experience to learning. theoretical approach american students have been shown to be civically apathetic, with many blaming the educational system (morgan and streb 2002). the lack of civic training can be examined through a thought-experiment, provided by eamonn callan (2004) in his book creating citizens: “imagine an enviably wealthy and peaceful society. with the particular rights that are required of any liberal democracy-rights to political participation, freedom of expression, religious practice, equality before the courts and the like.” callan continues, “but when elections are held, scarcely anyone bothers to vote. the mass media ignore politics because the consumers to whom they cater do not care.” (3). miller 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 it can be argued that the world callan imagines could be ours. without a strong civic education, citizens can become “indifferent to questions of good and evil, seeing the point of their life simply as the satisfaction of their desires, or else they commit themselves so rigidly to a particular doctrine that dialogue with those who are not like-minded is thought to be repellent or futile.” service-learning is one of the methods to teach students civic skills. according to william morgan and matthew streb (2002), service-learning projects where “students make important decisions, and have real responsibility helps combat civic apathy.” they continue by asserting “when students participate in service-learning projects in which they are given leadership, their propensity to participate increases both now and in the future.” this community experience creates other learning outcomes. service-learning will represent a shift in the classroom from a “banking model,” where teachers are active, depositing and periodically withdrawing intellectual capital from students, who are mostly passive. in this model, classes follow a predetermined structure, learning stimuli are uniform for all students, and each class and each assignment follow a similar routine (howard 1998). the implementation of service-learning will shift the classroom toward a more balanced relationship between the students and the teacher. service-learning can aid in preventing our country from becoming the one callan created in his thought experiment. the united states relies on informed citizen participation. for callan, without informed citizens, our democracy cannot sustain itself. according to jane david (2009), “reading about democracy and how government works are poor substitutes for active participation in civic decision making.” rather than having students learn only in the classroom, service-learning opens up opportunities for them to be a part of their community. according to the national task force on civic learning and democratic engagement (2012), service-learning is at the top of the educational practices that “have been proven effective in promoting civic learning.” many constrain service to include working directly with those in need. yet, service-learning can include much more, for example both research for a community member or leading activism campaigns can be considered service. high school math classes in maryland’s allegany county often help do accounting work for local food pantries or present to younger grades on the importance of math in everyday life. this service is broad, yet it helps the community and the individual application of knowledge. service-learning is a difficult policy to mandate across varied school systems; each class, student, and teacher has a different perspective on needs and issues. this plan will take a lot more effort and resources because it requires that you place students in projects that help people and foster learning. a curriculum that requires service-learning would also need to require reflection. along with exams, students would need to reflect on their experiences because “it is not enough to just have an experience. reflection directs that experience to learning and deeper thought” (stevens and cooper 2009). the importance of reflection is outlined by john dewy (1990) in democracy and education: “experience as trying involves change, but change is meaningless transition unless it is consciously connected with the return wave of consequences which flow from it. when an activity is continued into the undergoing of consequences, when the change made by action is reflected back into a change made in us, the mere flux is loaded with significance. we learn something.” dewy and other scholars recognize the importance of experience in learning. service-learning provides a direct experience in the community. learning through experience has shown higher results in learning and connection to society; service-learning will allow students to be active participants in this work. miller 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 against service-learning in his article, academic service-learning: a counternormative pedagogy, jeffery howard (1998) breaks down the challenges of switching from the previously mentioned “banking model of education” to service-learning. there is a conflict of goals, where the traditional classroom seeks to engage students individually and competitively and is selforiented. most classes do not ask students to examine the greater good, while orientation towards others is “discouraged.” service-learning classes attempt to directly examine the complex issues outside of the classroom. this pedagogy asks students to learn inductively, while typical classrooms ask students to learn deductively. service-learning attempts to bridge both types of learning. in service-learning classrooms, a teacher has to give up some control. unlike the classroom, the community is not a controlled environment. with extra variables, like communication with community partners or coordinating travel, teachers will have to be ready to work with a greater degree of uncertainty. for service-learning to work, students also need to be willing to be active learners. without openness toward student contributions and students’ willingness to be engaged, courses will not be successful. arguments against service-learning stem from a study done by deci and ryan (1985) which found that mandating service could have a perverse effect on students wanting to serve past their requirement: “external events relevant to the initiation or regulation of behavior will affect a person’s intrinsic motivation to the extent that they influence the perceived locus of causality for that behavior. events that promote a more external perceived locus of causality will undermine intrinsic motivation, whereas those that promote a more internal perceived locus of causality will enhance intrinsic motivation.” those who are against service-learning use this study to show that it is counterproductive. deci and ryan are able to show that when forced to complete an action, people are less likely to do it on their own. this can be problematic for service. by using this study, detractors of service-learning believe that the students who are serving in their classroom will not go on and continue to do so throughout life. individuals across the political spectrum agree that there needs to be some kind of civic education or service based learning in schools, but there is disagreement around the nature of that education. some believe that civic and service education has no place in public schools. james murphy (2007) believes that, “the proper aim of schools to foster a love of genuine knowledge is always and everywhere subverted when they attempt to foster civic virtue.” he continues to argue, “schools can play a small though significant role in teaching civic knowledge and that schools can indirectly foster civic skills by encouraging extracurricular participation in student government and other voluntary organizations.” murphy’s argument asserts that schools should not compel students to do voluntary work. he does not necessarily diminish the importance of it, yet he believes that schools should play a hands-off role in fostering civic skills. the cost and effort put into developing comprehensive service-learning plans may push many districts away from this pedagogy. school districts must devote resources in order for service-learning to work. in maryland, the most successful county has a devoted service-learning staff member at the district level. for service-learning to be successful, school systems need to be willing to provide resources. there are numerous ways districts can implement this plan, but based on interviews and research there are two viable options. miller 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 policy alternatives required service-learning class as part of first year curriculum this policy option would require a service-learning seminar as a part of the first year curriculum. it can be designed around any discipline, including english, history, math, or civics. for the purpose of this alternative, it would be best to consider a first-year civics seminar. the class would focus on american government and have students working on projects related to democracy. students could do research on how they can engage with their government, potentially attending town government meetings as their service component. they would then journal and present their findings to their classmates. this is one example of the numerous project options. having a first-year seminar ensures that every student will have some experience in service-learning. many schools in maryland, where service-learning is mandated at the state level, employ this model. it is easier to track and takes less logistical planning because these classes are typically larger and standardized. while ensuring that service standards are met, it could produce little attachment to service and the community. it could become passive and make students feel as if they are just completing another requirement. dartmouth students surveyed in march 2014 show they are neutral to a service-learning requirement. policy alternative: curricular infusion of service-learning this alternative seeks to directly infuse service-learning into curriculums across grade levels. allegany county in maryland is considered, by the state director of service-learning, to be the most successful service-learning program in the state. service is directly infused into almost every curriculum with most in the stem classrooms. the hours are directly built into the curriculum of each class and have metrics to ensure that they are completed. allegany county has a service-learning staff member at the district level coordinating the activities and doing the administrative work. with that consideration, curricular infusion requires resources and commitment from the district, teachers, and students. curricular infusion can be accomplished using a faculty-fellow and student board model. this alternative takes more time to implement and is not a top-down enforcement. facultyfellows would volunteer to take part in a professional development program provided by the umass dartmouth leduc center for civic engagement, and work in a core group to integrate service into their classrooms. dartmouth teachers overwhelmingly support this model, with 80% either saying “yes” or “possible, with more information” to becoming a faculty fellow. students also need to buy into service-learning. a student advisory board should be created to work with faculty fellows to ensure that student voices are heard and taken into account when devising service projects. almost 80% of students either agree or strongly agree that they should determine the projects they work on. as stated, this model will take more resources and has the potential to produce uneven experiences. the director of the maryland service-learning program, julie ayers, found that “service-learning is all in the delivery.” service-learning classes, like most classes, will differ from teacher to teacher, but with training most can be brought to a level ground. the service hours will be built directly into the curriculum, so teachers will have the power to decide how many hours each project will take. the district should recommend a set miller 6 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 number of hours a year or over a four year period, but should be flexible as the program gets started. curricular infusion requires time and will not be an option that can be wholly implemented next year. teachers will need to work on curriculum along with administration and community partners to ensure that the service is valuable for students and learning. policy recommendation both alternatives are effective routes to service-learning, although a mix of both curricular infusion and an optional freshman seminar class together is the most long-lasting and transformative. in this recommendation, the dartmouth school district would not mandate participation, but promote it. the school district should incentivize teacher participation in the service-learning program with professional development credits. this model requires all the interested stake-holders coming to the table. teacher interest along with students opting to take service-learning classes will ensure that service-learning is truly a community endeavor. by infusing service-learning into the curriculum across grades and in freshman seminar classes every student can be exposed to service at some point in high school. it is crucial that measurements be taken, this can be done by using pre and post surveys. communities are seeing the value in service and its ability to educate students for life outside of the classroom. curricular infusion and freshman seminar classes will bridge the gap between service and learning objectives. conclusion and lessons learned this recommendation for service-learning can be applied to any school district. the process of engaging with stake-holders, collaborating with community organizations, and creating an objective plan with teachers and school committee members can be replicated. survey data from students in the dartmouth public schools shows support for engaged learning, acting as a microcosm for a national trend towards youth seeking service opportunities. the service-learning movement will continue to gain standing, as communities are looking to solve old problems in new ways and engage students in holistic learning. lessons learned include: (1) the need for buy-in and (2) a community need must be addressed. obtaining a buy-in from students, staff, and administrators is crucial to a servicelearning program’s success. this can be done by surveying each constituency and presenting the plan with ample time for feedback. projects are also successful when the community rallies around a community need. with a common goal, all the stakeholders are able to see the benefit of the students and the greater good. i argue that a service-learning program will greatly improve learning outcomes across school districts. it is not an easy initiative to implement and can make some community members uncomfortable, but building consensus allows for a robust conversation and program to emerge. ~ i would like to thank professor shannon jenkins of the university of massachusetts – dartmouth for her fantastic advising and her help developing this project. miller 7 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 references callan, eamonn. 2004. creating citizens: political education and liberal democracy. oxford: clarendon press. crisp, roger. 2000. aristotle: nicomachean ethics. cambridge: cambridge university press. david, jane. 2009. “service learning and civic participation.” teaching social responsibility 66 (8): 83-84. deci, edward and richard ryan. 1985. intrinsic motivation and self-determination in human behavior. new york: plenum. dewey, john. 1990. democracy and education. champaign, il: project gutenberg. howard, jeffrey p. f. 1998. “academic service learning: a counternormative pedagogy.” new directions for teaching and learning 1998 (73): 21-29. morgan, william and matthew streb. 2002. “promotion civic activism: student leadership in service-learning.” politics and policy 30 (1): 161-188. murphy, james bernard. 2007. “against civic education in public schools.” international journal of public administration 30 (6): 651-670. the national task force on civic learning and democratic engagement. 2012. a crucible moment: college learning and democracy’s future. washington, dc: association of american colleges and universities. stevens, dannelle d. and joanne e. cooper. 2009. journal keeping: how to use reflective writing for effective learning, teaching, professional insight, and positive change. sterling, va: stylus pub. washington state legislature. an act relating to community service as a high school graduation requirement. rcw 28a.230.090. 63 rd legislature, 2013 regular session. http://apps.leg.wa.gov/documents/billdocs/2013-14/pdf/bills/house%20bills/1412.pdf. “what is service-learning?” national service-learning clearinghouse. miller 8 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 supporting embedded public workers: avoiding the discrepancy between public representations and educational realities valentina barrera vasco the george washington university over the course of the last few decades, there has been a powerful movement among colleges and universities that advocates for the commitment to positive civic engagement with local and global communities. from helping students comprehend how their majors can be used to improve society, to creating an educated and civic-minded electorate, the benefits of integrating public service into higher education are unquantifiable (butin and saud 2013, 89-90). also, in ideal situations, local and global communities are receiving an immense amount of support from students. thus, most institutions of higher education have been supportive of this movement, recognizing that their faculty and students can play a critical role in social change. for example, various service-learning curriculums have been developed and implemented by faculty members around the country, and they have now incorporated service work into a variety of disciplines. some other initiatives include the development of university centers fully devoted to establishing partnerships between students and local community organizations (center for civic engagement and public service 2015). among other methods, this is one way universities have focused on encouraging students to perform volunteer work. however, while many universities have successfully inspired students to take on a civically engaged role in their communities, some universities have not been able to fully adapt to the movement of civic engagement. the reason for this short-coming is that despite their accomplishments in committing students to public service, some of these universities, as entire institutions, have failed to recognize, understand, and embrace core engagement principles. one of such universities is the george washington university (gw). on the floor of gw’s athletic arena, the charles e. smith center, sits a new court design depicting washington, dc’s most famous monuments (the white house, the washington monument, etc.). director of athletics and recreation, patrick nero, commented that they want people around the world to “immediately recognize and understand the university’s unique setting in the middle of the action in this world-class city” (george washington university 2015a). basically, the design is there to remind visiting teams, television viewers, and prospective students alike that gw has a “monumental home court advantage” (pun intended). the university takes pride in its ability to help students build connections with the myriad of government agencies, non-profit organizations, and community organizations who find their headquarters in the nation’s capital. thus, the hope is that gw’s “monumental home court advantage” serves not only gw’s men and women basketball teams, but also students hoping to enter the spheres of politics and public work. at gw, these students are supported by the university’s center for civic engagement and public service (cceps) 1 . cceps was created in an effort to “integrate civic engagement into george washington university’s educational work, meet community needs beyond the campus, promote active citizenship in a diverse democracy, and enhance teaching, learning and scholarship at gw” (center for civic engagement and public service 2015). hence, through 1 in fall 2015, the george washington university’s center for civic engagement and public service changed its name to the honey w. nashman center for civic engagement and public service. barrera vasco 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 cceps, gw has successfully provided a place where students are given the opportunity to partner with local organizations and engage in service. gw boasts about this success on its main website in a section titled “serving communities in need,” citing that “the princeton review counts gw among the nation’s top socially aware schools in ‘colleges with a conscience: 81 great schools with outstanding community involvement’” (george washington university 2015b). however, despite those figures, and despite cceps’ work, there remains a tremendous fault in gw’s civic engagement, and that is that gw, as an entire institution, does not recognize, understand, and embrace core engagement principles. this is problematic because to value core engagement principles is to engage with communities in a way that provides actual sustainable benefits to both students and community partners. various educators and service-learning scholars have outlined these core engagement principles, their importance, and ways to follow them. the principles play themselves out in two arenas. first, how do students act before, during, and after their service? for example, do they build relationships with their partners in a way where both parties learn and grow from the relationship? in other words, are they exercising reciprocity? in “preparing for outreach: respect and reciprocity,” scholar thomas deans (2003) illustrates this concept by discussing the difference between “horizontal” and “vertical” relationships (254). horizontal relationships are relationships in which students are partnering with community members and working with them to find a solution. the opposite is “vertical relationships in which servers give from the top and recipients accept from below” (deans 2003, 254). next, how do students communicate with others during and about their service? are they mindful about the words they use to communicate with their community partners? for example, do they talk to them in ways that still encourage them to have a sense of agency? do students pay close attention to their rhetoric when writing/speaking about their service? for example, are they saying they partner with people (demonstrating a side-by-side relationship), or are they saying that they help people (in a top-down relationship)? the risks of engaging in service without a fundamental understanding of core engagement principles like mutuality and reciprocity are tremendous. under ideal conditions, a student who recognizes, understands, and embraces core engagement principles can go on to become an embedded public worker once he/she joins the public sector. this worker knows how to engage with members of the community in a respectful, collaborative, and sustainable fashion. standing in sharp contrast is the professionalized public worker. presumably, with no fundamental understanding of core engagement principles, a professional public worker has very little capacity to engage with his/her community in a positive and constructive manner. moreover, gw’s cceps does a magnificent job supporting embedded public workers by serving as an educational access point for communities in dc to seek partnerships with gw students and faculty. through a variety of civic engagement programs, cceps says it wishes to “develop strong reciprocal, respectful, active democratic community partnerships” and to “ensure that projects have demonstrable outcome for community” (center for civic engagement and public service 2015). the desire to have “reciprocal” and “respectful” community partnerships certainly reflects the fact that cceps wants gw students to give value to core engagement principles. cceps’ executive director, amy cohen, speaks about this mission in a gw today article by raising a critical question: “[is] service primarily about the development of a student or about the community’s development? we’re an educational institution, so it may be about the student, but we’re not doing our job as an educational institution if our volunteers are not going out and doing the absolute best work they can for the community… then we are not barrera vasco 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 teaching… it’s a reciprocal relationship” (irwin 2014). cohen’s reflection should suggest that, thanks both to cceps and to its “monumental home court advantage,” gw is capable of supporting exceptionally embedded public workers. however, gw still suffers from an inability to fully accomplish this goal. to understand why, we will focus on one of the center’s signature programs, “alternative breaks.” the program consists of student-led volunteer trips during either winter or spring break for the purpose of performing service work at a predetermined partner site. in the 2015 trips alone, over 400 students and faculty participated in the program. alternative breaks’ mission is “to empower students, staff and faculty to understand their role in local and global communities through service-learning trips across many issue areas. our goal is to foster personal reflection, social awareness and active citizenship among the gw community” (gw alternative breaks program 2014). thus, the program essentially claims to teach its participants how to understand that their role in local and global communities should be mutual and reciprocal, among other basic engagement values. assuming that these goals are achieved through completion of the program, then it is not the program that lacks the ability to support potential embedded public workers. thus, we will use a textual analysis of the communications issued by gw for alternative breaks in an effort to discover the source of the lack of support. method scholars christy kayser arrazattee, marybeth lima, and lisa lundy went on a similar quest to trace out such a discrepancy in the article “do university communications about campus-community partnerships reflect core engagement principles?” (2013). this study compared “institutional rhetoric” with “actual performance in civic engagement initiatives” in universities that had previously received honors for their community action. however, looking through website content for each of these universities, they discovered a discrepancy between the methods of communication used by these universities and core engagement principles. the authors worried that this discrepancy could be an indicator of a fault in the education given to students hoping to engage in public service. they write that “if analysis [reveals] a lack of reciprocity and community partner valuing indicators in communications, it would be revealing as to the growth needed in this area by even the most exemplary community-engaged universities,” (44) a title which gw believes it holds. in other words, if the analysis of gw’s communications shows that gw’s presentation of a program that aims to support future embedded public workers doesn’t reflect core engagement principles, it could speak volumes about the emphasis gw places on making core engagement principles a part of the civic engagement curriculum. it could also suggest that relying on its location to provide its students with the experience to support their local and global communities is ill fated. this analysis will almost completely mirror the framework established by arrazattee, lima, and lundy. for one, website content will be used to analyze gw’s communications. nine testimonials by alternative breaks’ participants in 2014 were published on “making history: the campaign for gw,” gw’s website for its one billion dollar philanthropic campaign. as a website hoping to encourage donations to gw, it is expected that the language of the website will be aimed at presenting gw and its students in an exemplary light. it should (logically) want to show that gw students have a deep understanding of core engagement principles as they practice civic engagement. thus, these testimonials were analyzed for indicators of three different core engagement standards: (1) evidence of mutuality and reciprocity, (2) evidence of a barrera vasco 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 “transformational relationship” (morton and enos, as cited in arrazattee, lima, and lundy 2013, 43), and (3) “evidence of collaborative language” (arrazattee, lima, and lundy 2013, 4345). for a testimonial to contain indicators of (1) mutuality and reciprocity, it needed to describe how both the student and the partner site were benefitting from the relationship. to contain evidence of (2) a “transformational relationship,” it needed to fit the criteria outlined by morton and enos in “developing a theory and practice of campus-community partnerships” (2003). here, morton and enos described a “transformational relationship” as one where both partners see evolution, both partners repeatedly assess their own identities and vision, and both work together to facilitate the partnership. these were conceptualized into three terms: closeness, equity, and integrity. closeness requires a representation of “diverse projects or project evolution, equity is represented by descriptions of collaborative decision-making or interdependency, and integrity is indicated by description of a shared vision” (arrazattee, lima, and lundy 2013, 43). lastly, (3) “evidence of collaborative language” required no use of the word “helping,” making it the most difficult qualification to achieve. results available from: http://giving.gwu.edu/alternative-spring-break-2014 (1) evidence of mutuality and reciprocity as previously mentioned, a campus and a community are not truly engaged with one another unless the relationship is reciprocal and mutual. they are not “sustainable, successful, [or] ethical” if they do not meet this basic engagement criteria (arrazattee, lima, and lundy 2013). the investigation suggested that no testimonial provided by gw showed any proof that the students were introduced to any such engagement principle. the testimonial for the trip to appalachia is an example of a non-reciprocal relationship. alt breaks has been the cornerstone of my gw experience. i have gone on an alternative break every spring since arriving at gw, and every spring i return to campus energized by the experience. the alternative breaks program has taught me how to be a leader, how to be flexible and how to reflect on my actions in order to deepen the experience of serving. i can say without reservation that without the alternative breaks program i would not be the person i am today. it is by far my favorite part of this university and the organization i am most proud of being involved with. (george washington university 2014) http://giving.gwu.edu/alternative-spring-break-2014 barrera vasco 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 in this testimonial, the student’s focus is primarily about what he/she learned from the experience, with no focus on how he/she served the community in appalachia. however it is important to keep in mind that if the student was asked, “what did you learn from the experience?” instead of “in what ways were you able to both give and receive?” the answers are expected to be different. in either case, this shows that the person responsible for portraying alternative breaks in a positive light is not aware of the importance of reflecting positive community-campus relationships. on the other hand, only the testimonial for new york city showed signs of a positive relationship between the students and the community members. leaders of the organizations we were working with consistently commented that we are among the best volunteers they have and that gw groups are thoughtful, open-minded, and genuine. they said that the effect we have on clients is more than we can imagine and that many clients will remember the week for the rest of their lives. throughout the week, we grappled with the idea of “service” (discovery and learning of gender, sexuality, the cycle of homelessness, social services, socioeconomic issues, and self are more obvious components of the trip). these comments laid to rest any concerns i/we had. (george washington university 2014) this participant makes a reference to mutual and reciprocal growth as a result of the relationship. the participant mentions how both sides are impacted by the experience. the participant also makes it a point to mention how her team worked on reflecting on its action, which is also pivotal when performing service work. (2) indication of a “transformational relationship” the “transformational relationships” for which morton and enos (2003) advocate is unarguably not present during any of these testimonials. there was little to no reference of the project’s development itself (closeness), there was absolutely no sign of interdependency (equity) between the students and the community members, and no regard for discussing the vision of the program (integrity) within these testimonials. the only testimonial that displayed closeness was the one for the trip to new orleans where the student mentions how quickly the project was progressing. thursday brought extreme change to the work site. people walking by at 5 p.m. would have thought they’d been teleported to a different lot from the barren structure at the start of the day. it is an inspiring act to bear witness to how a couple of floor planks and some studs can transform walls, windows, and roof trusses over the span of 36 hours. (george washington university 2014) this reference to the project’s development demonstrates a conscious effort to ensure that tangible impact is taking place at the site. given that the service trips are only about a week long, it’s important to see that the volunteers and the site leaders are focused on the progression of the project. barrera vasco 6 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 (3) “evidence of collaborative language” for most of the testimonials, looking for collaborative language (partner, working with, etc.) was not possible. these are the testimonials where “n/a” is shown under this category. at the same time, if they were asked to mention these things, it is on the student to respond with sensitivity to core engagement principles. using the same standards outlined by arrazattee, lima, and lundy (2013), if the testimonials included the word “help” or any version of it, the testimonial automatically received a “no” in the “evidence of collaborative language” category. this is the case for the detroit and new orleans testimonials classified as “no,” or not having collaborative language. during the week, we worked with americorps urban safety project. we had a blast helping them, and even though we got very tired and sore from shoveling snow all three days working with this service site, i personally learned how to use a table saw and a drill and how to board up houses, etc. it was amazing and i didn’t know i liked the physical aspect of service work so much (i thought i liked working with people more). it was great to see my participants encourage each other with the work and work together, helping each other cut the boards and board up the houses. (george washington university 2014) despite originally using the word “worked” to present the relationship between the partner site and the students, the participant then used the word “helped.” under arrazattee, lima, and lundy’s standards, this means there was no regard for collaborative language. in addition, you can see here how the student transitions from being focused on “helping them” (the community partners), to “helping each other,” possibly implying that the community partner has faded into the back of her mind. while the results could suggest that the program fails in its mission to educate its participants on the value of core engagement principles, it could also point a finger at gw’s public communications, and the fact that it does not properly portray the efforts of faculty and students to reflect the principles in their work. the answers given by the students could have been influenced by the soliciting and selection process on the part of gw’s team responsible for putting together the testimonials for the website. perhaps the way students were prompted to share a part of their experience did not leave room for them to show reciprocity or mutuality. for example, the students could have wanted to discuss their partnerships, but they weren’t asked a question that allowed them to do so. if no context is given for collaborative language to be used, it is not the student’s (or cceps’) fault. the implications as a large university, it is almost impossible to ensure that every department, office, faculty member, and staff worker adopt core engagement principles. the tension arises almost always between professors and service-learning scholars who want to be mindful to these principles, and public communication offices whose main role is to focus on increasing enrollment or fundraising. dangerously, the embedded-public-worker-to-be is left in the middle of these two camps. in dan w. butin and daniyal saud’s (2013) review essay, “pushing back the rhetoric: a review of what community engagement can do,” they criticize the university barrera vasco 7 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 of pennsylvania for claiming to have a partnership with its community, when in fact the university is the only one to gain from the relationship in the form of real estate. upenn should not be calling this type of relationship a partnership, but perhaps the office responsible for the portrayal of this partnership is not aware of core engagement principles, and therefore not aware that it is presenting a false belief. butin and saud seem to imply this when they say that “there is a fundamental dilemma at the heart of the civic engagement enterprise within higher education… that for all of our good will and good acts, we must always be wary of being co-opted in an enterprise not of our making, our choosing, or our intentions” (91). in other words, while certain professors, faculty members, and students in a university may be attempting to perform civic work that is modeled after basic engagement principles, their efforts may be obscured by the university’s inability to portray this in its public communications. the embedded-public-workerto-be is “co-opted” by the university’s larger power into a person that is not of his/her “making,” “choosing,” or “intention”: the professional public worker (91). in addition, the lack of proper representation of core engagement principles in gw’s communications can raise the troubling question of whether or not this means that gw as a whole isn’t educating its students about them. this may suggest that gw’s “monumental home court advantage” is neither monumental nor an advantage. students are left gasping for air in an ocean of bad public representation that drowns out their opportunity to learn what it means to become an embedded public worker. we must also consider the implications for community partners. arrazattee, lima, and lundy (2013) argue that universities that do not properly represent their campus–community relationships may “alienate community partners serving an important role in the educational process, can perpetuate the idea of ‘helpless’ communities needing assistance from the outside to be successful, and can reinforce the very notions that engagement activities such as servicelearning aim to dispel” (41). if gw continues to ignore the community partners that alternative breaks works with in its communications, these partners may not want to be a part of the program anymore. in this case, not only would community members stop receiving support from gw students, but also gw students would be robbed of this educational experience. for the partners that host participants overseas, it can be damaging to feel a loss of agency and a dependency on help from the outside. thus, it would undermine all of the efforts by servicelearning scholars to educate students on how to appropriately engage with their surrounding communities. conclusion universities need to be held accountable for their inability to accurately portray service work because “the ways in which universities speak about the work of campus-community engagement can convey the reciprocal nature of partnerships and whether intentionally or not, indicate how the university views its relationships with the community” and just as importantly, with its students (arrazattee, lima, and lundy 2013, 48). notwithstanding the fact that this is dangerous for the university as it continues seeking community partners, it may also indicate that the university is not focusing on its prime role: educating its students in a way that truly enables them to be a positive input to society. hence, universities need to undergo a top-down reformation through which all members of the university are taught to respect core engagement principles, and therefore act less like a business and more like a respectable institution of higher barrera vasco 8 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 education. this will then allow students to grow in an environment where becoming an embedded public worker really is possible. ~ i would like to express my most sincere gratitude to dr. phyllis m. ryder of the george washington university for her effervescent encouragement, thoughtful advise, and unparalleled ability to both inspire and support embedded public workers. references arrazattee, christy kayser, marybeth lima, and lisa lundy. 2013. “do university communications about campus-community partnerships reflect core engagement principles?” michigan journal of community service learning (20) 1: 41-52. butin, dan w. and daniyal saud. 2013. “pushing back the rhetoric: a review of what community engagement can do.” michigan journal of community service learning 19 (2): 89-94. center for civic engagement and public service. 2015. “about our center.” https://serve.gwu.edu/about-our-center. deans, thomas. 2003. “preparing for outreach: respect & reciprocity.” in writing and community action, 253-257. new york: longman. george washington university. 2014. “alternative spring break 2014.” http://giving.gwu.edu/alternative-spring-break-2014. george washington university. 2015a. “new home court advantage.” gw magazine. https://magazine.gwu.edu/new-home-court-advantage. george washington university. 2015b. “serving communities in need.” http://www.gwu.edu/serving-communities-need. gw alternative breaks program. 2014. “about.” https://gwalternativebreaks.wordpress.com/about/. irwin, james. 2014. “students look to extend service.” gw today. http://gwtoday.gwu.edu/. morton, keith and sandra enos, as cited in arrarazatte, lima, and lundy. 2013. “do university communications about campus-community partnerships reflect core engagement principles?” michigan journal of community service learning (20) 1: 41-52. running head: military youth & young adult resiliency 1 military youth & young adult resiliency kaylee b. grant, kami n. kramer, amber l. michael, claire e. palmatier, leanne r. pizzi, molly c. quinlan, amber l. reichardt, julia l. riopelle, and maureen f. rose university of anchorage alaska military youth & young adult resiliency 2 abstract nursing students formulated the military youth and young adult resiliency program to promote resiliency in an emerging adult military associated population. this population exhibits high-risk behaviors leading to poor health outcomes. assessment included a literature review, key informant presentations, and a questionnaire. results documented need for resiliency training focused on coping skills. training was given to 28 jrotc members using discussion, interactive activities, and distribution of community resource cards. evaluation questionnaire showed improvement in identification of positive coping skills and community resources, as well as self-promotion of resiliency. intervention had a positive impact on participants and improved self-perception of resiliency. military youth & young adult resiliency 3 military youth & young adult resiliency during the spring of 2015, students of the university of anchorage, alaska (uaa) school of nursing (son) partnered with the alaska army national guard (ang) and colony high school junior reserve officers' training corps (jrotc) for their community health promotion project. both federal and state governments fund the ang, while jrotc is funded by the department of defense and local school districts (state of alaska, 2013; establishing a jrotc program, n.d.). to help military service members and their families deal with the challenges of military life, the united states (us) military developed numerous support trainings and resources focused on resilience, domestic violence, bystander awareness and much more (ready and resilient, n.d.). as explained by sergeant 1st class diane singh of the ang, what is missing from these offerings is a training focused on the normalization of adversity in daily life combined with identification of coping skills (personal communication, january 21, 2015). to meet this need, we developed the military youth & young adult resiliency program (myyarp). the following paper will describe this project, beginning with the assessment of our target population, the analysis of the gathered data, and the planning of our intervention. the intervention will be detailed along with the evaluation of its effect, project impact and suggestions for future work. assessment, analysis, & planning our target population was emerging adults associated with the military, ages 16-24. according to the centers for disease control (cdc) youth risk behavior surveillance report (2014c), 70% of all deaths among youths and young adults aged 10–24 years resulted from motor vehicle crashes, unintentional injuries, homicide, and suicide. other risk behaviors that contributed to death and disability were tobacco, alcohol, and drug use, as well as unsafe sexual practices. coupled with the stresses of military life, the presence of these high-risk behaviors put this population at risk for negative health outcomes. military youth & young adult resiliency 4 assessment process our assessment began with a briefing from a panel of key informants from the alaskan ang regarding the culture and recent challenges faced by this organization. the panel included the following active duty and civilian members: chaplain richard koch, chaplain ted mcgovern, lyn tashea, director of psychological health; octavia thomson, joint forces headquarters sexual assault response coordinator; sergeant monique andrews, victim advocate coordinator; and captain troy townsend, behavioral health officer. on subsequent meetings, we received resiliency training from sergeant 1st class diane singh, coordinator for the comprehensive family fitness program. kim conkling, prevention educator at alaska national guard, spoke to us regarding risk behavior reduction. ruby batchelor discussed suicide awareness and prevention in the military. sergeant andrews returned to provide bystander awareness training. finally, we directly observed the jrotc program at colony high school and discussed student challenges with teachers lieutenant colonel butch diotte and first sergeant derek heavener. specific assessment of our target population was conducted with a structured written questionnaire, given to ang soldiers during a drill weekend on january 24, 2015 and jrotc students during class on january 23, 2015. we received ninety completed questionnaires from our target population. the questionnaire asked the following closed-ended, multiple-choice questions: their age, stressful life events experienced, coping methods used during these times, likelihood to reach out to others, and how well they bounced back from stressful situations. in order to provide feedback for the ang, we also asked if military trainings helped individuals deal with stressful life events and increased their awareness of community resources. assessment rationale we relied on diem and moyer’s (2005) community health nursing projects to guide our assessment process. key informants from the ang and jrotc were our first primary sources of information. their input helped us identify the present health situation of our target population, strengths military youth & young adult resiliency 5 and barriers to health, and available resources. we learned that a variety of trainings and community resources are available to military associated emerging youth. however, missing from these offerings are the normalization of adversity in daily life and an overarching training to tie these programs together (d. singh, personal communication, january 21, 2015). our specific assessment consisted of a questionnaire to collect data in our target population at different times and locations. questionnaires were self-administered and anonymous, consisting of closed-ended questions that could be answered quickly to encourage the maximum return rate, with prizes of food to encourage participation. several of the questions were formulated to provide our key informants with requested feedback on the perceived efficacy of their existing training programs and participant’s knowledge of community resources. review of literature the purpose of our literature review was to better understand our target population of military associated emerging adults, ages 16 to 24. we also sought to better understand resiliency and the best educational methods to convey this concept. we started our literature review by researching emerging adults. we determined that emerging adulthood is a developmental state from the late teens through the twenties, with a focus on ages 18 – 25 (arnett, 2000). risk behaviors for emerging adults are sensation seeking and peer influences. both are correlated with drug use, promiscuous sexual behavior, reckless driving and theft (bradly & wildman, 2001). emerging adults in the military are at high risk for sexual misconduct, suicide and risky behaviors (department of defense, 2015; department of defense, 2014; national institute on drug abuse, 2011). in order to better understand the relationship between adversity in our population and future health outcomes, we reviewed the adverse childhood experiences study conducted by the kaiser permanente’s health appraisal clinic in 1995. the study demonstrated a strong relationship between higher levels of traumatic stress encountered during childhood and poor physical, mental, and behavioral outcomes later in life (cdc, 2014a). military youth & young adult resiliency 6 resiliency can enable individuals to overcome adverse life experiences, as the american psychological association (2015) defines it as “the process of adapting well in the face of adversity, trauma, tragedy, threats or significant sources of stress.” we learned about the connection between resiliency and coping skills from the american psychological association (2015). we found foundations of nursing to be a good resource for educational theories to guide our intervention, such as learning domains (berman & snyder, 2012). our intervention incorporated cognitive, affective and psychomotor learning domains. the teaching techniques of discovery, demonstration and group discussion were used. we also incorporated audiovisual materials. development of goals & objectives from assessment data, we learned all participants had experienced stressful life events. the three most common were school (72%, n=56), loss (47%, n=37), and relationships (45%, n=35). positive (51%, n=148) and negative (49%, n=140) coping skills were used almost equally to deal with these stressors. participants were more likely to always (23%, n=18) or sometimes (46%, n=36) reach out to others during times of stress, compared to those who never did (31%, n=24). most respondents rated themselves as always or nearly always bouncing back after adverse experiences (70%, n=53). additionally, most respondents knew of community resources to use in times of stress or if they felt overwhelmed (79%, n=61) compared to those who did not (21%, n=16). based on the assessment, our target population exhibited numerous strengths. most were likely to reach out to others during difficult times. the majority of the target population was aware of community resources they could turn to when feeling overwhelmed and perceived themselves as resilient. however, the assessment also identified potential weaknesses. in particular, all participants reported experiencing adversity in their lives. in dealing with adversity, they used both positive and negative coping skills equally and nearly a quarter were unaware of community resources. we developed the following action statements to address the issues found in our assessment: the military associated emerging adults (a) are at risk for ineffective coping based on their use of negative military youth & young adult resiliency 7 coping skills, (b) are at risk for ineffective coping based on their lack of information regarding community resources, and (c) have readiness for improved health based on their self-perception of being resilient. our goal in this project was to promote resiliency in the military associated emerging adult. in order to achieve this goal, we formulated the following objectives: (a) 95% of the military associated emerging adults will name one positive coping method, (b) 95% of the military associated emerging adults will identify one community resource, and (c) 75% of the military associated emerging adults will plan to apply one method to promote self-perception of resiliency at the end of the intervention on february 9, 2015. the social ecological model guided our intervention (cdc, 2014b). this model focuses on the complex relationship between individual, relationship, community, and societal factors. according to stanhope and lancaster (2008), resiliency is “a function of individual, interpersonal, organizational, community, and population factors” (p. 384). while our focus was on individual interventions, resilient behavior is a product of all four factors. description of intervention the myyarp intervention took place on february 9, 2015 with the third period jrotc class at colony high school in palmer, alaska. the training lasted 46 minutes and consisted of 28 students. we presented educational activities in a formal course that consisted of lectures, a group game, and group discussions that were delivered in person and included audiovisual materials. we used the learning theories of behaviorism, cognitivism, and humanism to develop different teaching techniques and address the three learning domains. the game that was created achieved cognitive learning, the class discussion achieved affective learning, and our activity with the tree helped with psychomotor learning, which will be described in more detail below. the presentation began with students describing resiliency, followed by a short introduction on its meaning and importance. we discussed the survey results, for the purpose of showing that all students experienced some sort of stressful event, thus normalizing adversity. next, students participated in a military youth & young adult resiliency 8 version of the family feud game show (appendix b), taking turns guessing the top four positive and negative coping skills students identified in the questionnaire. students actively participated in this game and received prizes. next, participants received green and brown leaves, on which they wrote coping methods. a short explanation accompanied this activity, explaining how positive coping skills promote resilience. most students taped multiple green, or positive, coping skills to the branches of the tree of resilience (appendix c), while brown, or negative coping skills, were taped at the base of the tree to represent fallen leaves. a class discussion on coping methods followed the activity. the discussion provided an opportunity to discuss other ways to promote resiliency, including the importance of positive relationships. we then showed a short video that told the story of bob shumaker, a prisoner during the vietnam war (sweet, streeter & bloom, 2010). he explained how using a tap code to communicate with other prisoners helped him develop resilience during his time in prison. we used this video to illustrate the centrality of relationships in resiliency promotion. following the video, we distributed cards with community resources that were specific to colony high school jrotc. the cards included names and contact information for school counselors, the military family life counselor, and the alaska careline crisis intervention line. our presentation concluded with a summary focused on positive coping skills and how these important life skills can be used to promote healthy relationships, goal achievement and ultimately resiliency. we further discussed ways that negative coping skills can result in outcomes such as domestic violence, sexual assault, drug and alcohol abuse, and suicide. we stressed the importance of making good choices in life, and how individual choices can affect other individuals and the community. we incorporated the topic of bystander awareness into our conclusion by discussing the fact that individuals can set a positive example for others regarding their coping choices, and those who set a positive example are leaders among their peers. military youth & young adult resiliency 9 evaluation following the intervention, we evaluated effectiveness by having students fill out a self administered, structured, written, open-ended questionnaire. our outcome evaluation focused on evaluating participant’s learning in the three areas identified as issues in our assessment: (a) naming positive coping skills, (b) identifying community resources to use when feeling overwhelmed, and (c) promoting resiliency in daily life. after analyzing the results of the twenty-four evaluations, we determined that we met two of our three objectives. our first objective was achieved, as 96% (n=23) of the military associated emerging adults were able to name one positive coping method. we did not achieve our second objective, as at the end of our presentation, only 88% (n=21) of the respondents could name a community resource to turn to when they felt overwhelmed, rather than the 95% that was our goal. our third objective was achieved, as 88% (n=21) of the military associated emerging adults could describe at least one method to promote selfperception of resiliency at the end of the intervention presentation on february 9, 2015. we received good feedback, with most participants writing on the questionnaire that they understood and enjoyed the presentation. impact & future anticipated impact the immediate impact of the myyarp was to normalize adversity, by emphasizing that everyone experiences adversity and by communicating the survey results regarding the most common adverse experiences for this population. the presentation, the game, the tree of resiliency, and class discussion all served to increase understanding of positive versus negative coping skills. focusing on positive coping skills provided participants with additional tools to promote resiliency. the negative coping skills were associated with negative outcomes. finally, participants have increased awareness of community resources to help deal with stressful events. the future anticipated impact of the myyarp is to promote resilient behavior in participants. by modeling resilient behavior, participants promote resiliency in their peers, leading to sustainable cultural military youth & young adult resiliency 10 change. in the long term, greater reliance on positive coping skills can lead to decreased adverse outcomes, like substance abuse, interpersonal violence, and suicide. additionally, sergeant andrews, who watched the training, said that she was very happy with the intervention and would incorporate elements into her trainings with similar populations, which could also be easily adapted for an older audience as well (personal communication, february 9, 2015). recommendations for future work central to future work on this subject is continued discussions on the importance of resilience. we have specific recommendations for future work in this area. first, military associated emerging adults in jrotc would benefit from continued resiliency trainings, such as the comprehensive soldier fitness resiliency training, with a focus on mental fitness promotion. secondly, the training should be provided to additional jrotc populations in the anchorage area. third, as our intervention took place with the jrotc population only, it would be beneficial to conduct the myyarp intervention with the ang population as well. this program provides a different perspective than current military resiliency trainings as it focuses on the normalization of adversity and connects coping skills to both positive and negative outcomes. finally, and perhaps most importantly, continued partnerships with the uaa son, the alaska ang, and jrotc programs would bring the unique nursing perspective to help create interesting programs to meet the challenges faced by youths associated with the military, providing them with the tools necessary to succeed in life. military youth & young adult resiliency 11 references american psychological association. (2009). publication manual of the american psychological association (6th ed.). washington, dc: author. american psychological association. (2015). the road to resilience. retrieved from: http://www.apa.org/helpcenter/road-resilience.aspx arnett, j. j. (2000). emerging adulthood: a theory of development from the late teens through the twenties. american psychologist, 55(5), 469-480. doi:10.1037/0003-066x.55.5.469 berman, a., & snyder, s. (2012). kozier & erb’s fundamentals of nursing (9 th ed.). upper saddle river, new jersey: pearson education, inc. bradley, g & wildman, k. (2001). psychosocial predictors of emerging adults’ risk and reckless behaviors. journal of youth and adolescence, 31(4): 253-265. centers for disease control and prevention. (2014a). injury prevention & control: division of violence prevention. retrieved from http://www.cdc.gov/violenceprevention/acestudy/ centers for disease control and prevention. (2014b). the socio-ecological model: a framework for prevention. retrieved from: http://www.cdc.gov/violenceprevention/overview/socialecologicalmodel.html centers for disease control and prevention. (2014c). youth risk behavior surveillance-united states 2013 (surveillance summaries vol. 63 no. 4). retrieved from: http://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/pdf/ss/ss6304.pdf diem, e., & moyer, a. (2005) community health nursing projects: making a difference. philadelphia, pa: lippincott williams & wilkins. establishing a jrotc program. (n.d.). retrieved from: http://www.usarmyjrotc.com /jrotc-program/establish-jrotc-program national institute on drug abuse. (2011). substance abuse among the military, veterans and their families. retrieved from: http://www.drugabuse.gov/sites/default/files/veterans.pdf ready and resilient. (n.d.). retrieved from: http://www.army.mil/readyandresilient military youth & young adult resiliency 12 stanhope, m., & lancaster, j. (2008). public health nursing: population-centered health care in the community. maryland heights, mo: elsevier mosby. state of alaska fy2015 governor’s operating budget. (2013). retrieved from: https://www.omb.alaska.gov//ombfiles/15_budget/dmva/proposed/comp2135.pdf sweet, j., streeter, s., & bloom, a. (producers). (2010). this emotional life: the tap-code. [television series]. united states of america: public broadcasting service. retrieved from: http://www.pbs.org/thisemotionallife/video/tap-code united states department of defense. (2014). department of defense quarterly suicide report calendar year 2014. retrieved from: http://www.suicideoutreach.org /docs/reports/dod%20quarterly%20suicide%20report%20cy2014%20q1.pdf united states department of defense. (2015). report on sexual harassment and violence at military service academies. retrieved from: http://sapr.mil/public/docs/reports/msa /apy_1314_msa_report_executive_summary.pdf military youth & young adult resiliency 13 appendix a copy of questionnaire military youth & young adult resiliency 14 appendix b version of the family feud game show military youth & young adult resiliency 15 appendix c tree of resiliency military youth & young adult resiliency 16 appendix d evaluation survey military youth & young adult resiliency 17 appendix e resource card undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 military youth and young adult resiliency amber l. michael university of alaska anchorage the uaa college of nursing capstone project has become well known for the contributions that students make to the community. it is a project that i had been looking forward to even before i began nursing school, and i couldn’t wait to be a part of it. what i didn’t expect was the intense coordination and strain that a project of this magnitude would have on my nine-person team. grasping the concepts of resiliency and who our population was took time and effort, and a lot of communication. we were handed a blank slate with a lot of information and were then asked to produce positive teaching tools to help young enlisted military members become more resilient in their everyday lives. the fundamental idea of resiliency was initially much larger in scope than we could grasp. it appeared as though each of us understand resiliency differently, and finding a common ground as to what and how we could employ teaching tools proved to be a complex challenge. i was grateful to have a talent for grasping and communicating concepts. as the leader of our group, i spent most of our meetings reflecting and rephrasing concepts between members of our group, the professor, and our key informants. i relied heavily on my teammates to make sure our ideas and information was organized, while they relied on me to keep everyone on point, making sure the work we were doing would lead us all in the right direction. the key informants from the alaska national guard do exceptional work, and we were humbled by the time they took to teach us about the struggles they face with their young enlisted soldiers. we spoke with social workers, chaplains, educators, and members of the sexual assault response team. lowering rates of sexual assault, domestic violence, and drug and alcohol abuse encompasses their jobs, and yet they were asking us for help, for a different perspective. the viewpoint of the public health nurse was missing from their approach, so they welcomed our input and were eager to learn. after our literature review, meeting with key informants, and surveying soldiers, we began to form a picture that was more tangible. due to scheduling conflicts, we knew we would be teaching these concepts to high school njrotc students instead of soldiers, but these students still fell into the category of young adult. knowing our audience gave us a sense of direction and an understanding of how to grab their attention and to teach concepts that they could use in their daily lives. we reached this understanding very late into our project, and were then able to quickly grasp the need to teach these students how to cope. we were both equally frustrated and motivated by this realization – motivated by the epiphany and direction, but dismayed because teaching coping skills alone seemed to leave out so many concepts that resiliency comprises. we also realized that these young adults were more than likely overwhelmed with the amount of information and stress that they deal with on a daily basis. nine people can make quite a large presentation, but nine overachievers who work well together can make a fantastic presentation. we expanded our teaching strategy to include coping skills, bystander awareness, and discussion about what stressors and coping strategies these young adults have on a daily basis. our multimedia and interactive approaches were well received by the students and teachers. the interactions we had were incredibly positive and our challenges during the learning process helped us become more familiar with our own resiliency michael 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 as well as the resiliency of our own families. most of us found ourselves teaching our children how to be more resilient, and altering some of our coping skills to be more positive and effective in our own lives. as a group, we founded new friendships that the previous year of study together had not forged. i am incredibly proud of my team and how well we supported each other. these women saw their strengths and acknowledged their weaknesses, and we stepped in to fill those gaps where we could, so that no one was overburdened. when i felt as though i was not handling the agendas and documentation well as leader, another teammate stepped in, because her talent was in the details. this relieved me of stressful work i am normally challenged by and allowed me to utilize my talent motivating and communicating. this project will always be a proud moment for me as a student, as a nurse, and as a friend and teammate. ~ i would like to give my sincere thanks to professor angelia trujillo, dnp of the university of alaska anchorage for sharing her love of community health and learning, and for her unwavering support for my professional future. amber l. michael, university of alaska anchorage research amber l. michael, university of alaska anchorage reflection undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 how sincere?: a rhetorical analysis of reflections on service rachel fishman the george washington university disconnect in reflective writing reflection through writing is an integral element of service learning courses. as bringle and hatcher say, “service learning deliberately integrates community service activities with educational objectives” (1999, 113), and “writing is a special form of reflection through which new meaning can be created, new understanding of problems can become circumscribed, and new ways of organizing experiences can be developed” (1999, 115). reflection can be defined as the “intentional consideration of an experience in light of particular learning objectives” (hatcher and bringle 1997, 153). as a freshman at the george washington university, i enrolled in a service learning themed writing course. as part of the curriculum, each student kept a blog of reflective posts that are public to the rest of the class. as the course content developed and as i had my own experiences with my community organization of choice, i began to think about the sincerity of the discourse of some of my peers’ reflections. oftentimes, i find that there seems to exist a disconnect between the high level of meaningful interactions students experience and the diction they use to describe those experiences. for example, a student may explain, “i had an extremely meaningful experience” with service, but then the student may devalue his or her reflection by using rhetoric that belittles the people with whom he or she interacted. often, so much so that it feels cliché, these reflections can even conclude naïvely, or in a way that suggests possible lack of empathy or understanding. when reading a reflection from a service learning course, one may consider sincerity, or rather the cues the reader will be using, to understand the writer’s sincerity. service learning professor bruce herzberg expresses his concern with the sincerity of completed assignments by his students: a colleague reported hearing a conversation between two students: “we’re going to some shelter tomorrow and we have to write about it.” “no sweat. write that before you went, you had no sympathy for the homeless, but the visit to the shelter opened your eyes. easy a.” 1 even for those whose awakening is genuine, there is reason to doubt that the epiphany includes an understanding of the social forces that produce and sustain poverty, illiteracy, discrimination, and injustice. there is little evidence that students spontaneously gain critical selfconsciousness — an awareness of the ways that their lives have been shaped by the very same forces, that what they regard as “choices” are less matters of individual will. (1994, 309) 1 a note from herzberg: “i reported this conversation to zlotkowski, who responded that he believed that many students remained defensive about the fact that they really did have their eyes opened. in anonymous student evaluations that have no effect on grades, he finds a predominance of sincere reports of changed attitudes.” fishman 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 in the context of reflections in service learning, i define an examination of sincerity as not an evaluation of whether the author’s feelings are sincere and true, but rather whether the “meaningful” factor of the described community interaction is sincere and true to the extent that it is described. that is, i explore the rhetoric of service learning reflections, not the students’ characters. drawing on concepts developed by eileen schell, a scholar who explores how rhetoric is used to advocate for social change, i have created a scale — a scale of sincerity — that can examine “sincerity” as i have defined the term. i present a case study where i apply this scale of sincerity to analyze a group of essays by my peers. i conclude that in the context of service learning, the nature of the reflective assignment may elicit lack of sincerity. schell: rhetorical strategies defined eileen schell groups types of rhetoric together based on how they make the reader feel; she analyzes them and applies them to the farm crisis 2 . according to schell, the different ways media portrays a social issue can be divided into four rhetorical categories: tragedy, sympathetic identification, smart diversification, and mutuality. schell favors rhetoric of mutuality, and she points out flaws in all other rhetorical strategies which she defines. mutual identification “involves feeling a sense of connection and solidarity with the struggle of others” (schell 2007, 94) by helping the reader identify his/her role in an issue. this rhetorical strategy “addresses how [a] crisis affects all people,” emphasizing common interests of people on all sides of an issue of concern. rhetoric of mutuality heavily focuses on interconnectedness (schell 2007, 98). smart diversification, in the context of the farm crisis, emphasizes how farmers can pull themselves from poverty, highlighting the adaptability of farmers and tapping into the very american ideal of support for the underdog. it demonstrates working within a system. for example, an organization that provides tutoring to illegal immigrants living in poverty may be classified as using smart diversification because it is working within the system of poverty and not directly tackling the policies that brought the immigrants to poverty. schell criticizes rhetoric of smart diversification because she believes that it does not intervene at the root of social issues. rhetoric of sympathetic identification “involves feeling sad or sorry for others going through hardship” (schell 2007, 94), connecting the reader, in the context of the farm crisis, to the “suffering of the farm family” (schell 2007, 93) by shared emotion, rather than connecting a reader to his/her personal role in a larger issue. schell identifies a limitation of sympathetic identification because she feels it fails to “emphasize the structural realities [of] the federal and international policies” that bring about social problems (schell 2007, 93). she also criticizes sympathetic identification for painting the farmers as “passive victims rather than active agents” (schell 2007, 95). she views this rhetoric as unhelpful because the small farmers were, in many cases, actually active agents of their own downfall rather than passive sufferers. schell’s worry for sympathetic identification closely resembles her worry for tragedy: that these tactics will only result in empty sympathy or pity, without any real commitment or partnership. schell is most critical of rhetoric of tragedy, which “emphasizes ruin and downfall, hardship and suffering, the material realities — policies and practices — by which the food production system came to this point are underplayed and mostly invisible” (schell 2007, 95). 2 the farm crisis is a term eileen schell defines as the decline of small farms and locally grown food, the rise of industrialized agriculture and unhealthy food, and the use of pesticides. fishman 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 schell emphasizes that it underplays the policies and practices which caused such misfortune. this rhetorical strategy explains a problem in a way that makes a reader feel as if the situation is hopeless, that there is no solution. diction that describes resigned destruction can reveal a tone of tragedy. scale of sincerity as part of my service learning course, i worked at lptm (life pieces to masterpieces), an art-oriented after-school program devoted to character development and education enhancement for black male children. the ultimate purpose of this organization is to change a damaging absence of african american male role models within the community by creating a safe space for children who may be affected by negative elements. after a few weekly sessions with lptm, i posted the following reflection to my class blog: it’s much easier to get to know the kids when we’re in smaller groups like this. i think after you know them, it’s really hard to use rhetoric of sympathetic identification and especially rhetoric of tragedy in reference to them. it makes me think that these specific rhetorical strategies could almost be dehumanizing. i find it difficult to describe the kids involved with this organization in the same way now as i did before i started volunteering with lptm. of course, i’m not there for most aspects of their life, but they all seem like pretty normal (and awesome!!!) kids to me! in this particular context, i wrote “normal” to distance myself from how i would previously define the children in this program — simply, as different than me. and, as i developed relationships with the participants of this program, i could feel this gap between how i see myself and how i see the “gentlemen” 3 of lptm close. before i started working with lptm, i would have described the organization using rhetoric of tragedy and rhetoric of sympathetic identification. after i began to develop relationships with some of the children, i found it difficult and even uncomfortable to describe lptm using elements of tragedy. from analyzing this personal experience and my classmates’ reflections and by recontextualizing schell's discussion of rhetorical strategies, i theorize that it is difficult to bring oneself to use rhetoric of tragedy to describe a person, a group of people, or a community organization after developing fuller relationships with them. below, i have recontextualized eileen schell’s analysis of rhetorical strategies to create a scale of sincerity for analyzing the rhetoric in service learning reflections, associating use of tragedy with insincerity and use of mutuality with sincerity. x--------------------------x-----------------------------------------x------------------------------x tragedy 4 sympathetic identification smart diversification mutual identification (least sincere) (most sincere) 3 this is the vocabulary used at lptm to describe the children. 4 overwhelming presence of diction that resembles tragedy serves as an indication of insincerity; however little use of tragedy is forgiving, for presence of tragedy in a limited form may only indicate lack of knowledge associated with service learning. fishman 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 scale of sincerity: application because rhetorical analysis is a fluid concept, i have chosen to focus on the polar ends of my scale which feature rhetoric of tragedy and rhetoric of mutuality. in the context of the farm crisis, the central idea that separates mutual identification from tragedy is that “instead of identifying farmers as victims and objects of pity, as they are often portrayed in the tragedy narrative, readers/viewers [of rhetoric of mutual identification] can begin to see the situation of farmers as interconnected with their own concerns for healthy communities and healthy food” (schell 2007, 98). mutual identification very much revolves around interconnectedness and the creation of a horizontal relationship. if diction heavily resembles rhetoric of tragedy, the author signals to the reader the possibility that he or she may not have developed full relationships with the community members, even if the rest of the essay professes otherwise. by “signaling,” i refer to michael spence’s (1973) use of the term which he places in the context of applications for jobs or admission to a college; applicants indirectly communicate, or “signal,” information about themselves to the reader by describing themselves in a certain way. the concept of “signaling” can also be applied to service learning reflective writing pieces. the rhetoric a student uses can signal varying levels of sincerity of community involvement. if resemblance with rhetoric of tragedy is very overwhelming, the author suggests the possibility that there may exist some form of detachment — that he or she may not have been as involved or invested as he or she tries to convince. if diction used to describe a service learning experience closely resembles rhetoric of mutual identification, the author signals the sincerity of a meaningful experience to the reader. i have illustrated the polar ends of the scale of sincerity: featuring only rhetoric of tragedy and rhetoric of mutuality. to expand on the polar ends of this scale, i have listed below “tragedy” terms that i associate with rhetoric of tragedy in the context of service learning, and also under “mutuality,” a list of the concepts i associate with rhetoric of mutual identification in the context of service learning. each subsequent term under “tragedy” corresponds with its counterpart directly across and listed under “mutuality.” each pair of concepts can be thought of as a scale that runs parallel to that of tragedy and mutuality. x--------------------------x-----------------------------------------x---------------------------x tragedy mutuality me we unaffected interconnected vertical relationship horizontal relationship the parallel scale of “me” versus “we” draws attention to the distance between focus on how one’s actions affect oneself (essentially a self-reflection) — the “me” — and focus on how one’s actions affects others — the “we.” furthermore, the concept of “unaffected” versus “interconnected” focuses on the distance between one who feels like an outsider supporting a cause that has no effect on himself or herself — the “unaffected” — and one who feels affected and involved in everything he or she contributes or declines to contribute — the “interconnected.” lastly, a vertical relationship demonstrates a one-way flow from a defined giving end to a defined receiving end, where one partner is above the other. a horizontal relationship demonstrates equality, where both partners are giving and receiving meaningful lessons, and neither partner is placed above the other. fishman 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 analysis of origin stories i have analyzed a group of 50 essay blog-posts titled “origin stories” by students in my service-learning themed writing course, “writing for social change,” taught by dr. phyllis ryder. in the context of this course and community-based work, the term “origin story” refers to background information about the journey of a community organization. for the first assignment of the course, the students were instructed to write their own origin stories and to post them to the class blog. professor ryder’s directions read as follows: introduce yourself to the class with a story about how you got here — how did you become interested in community-based work or how did you become the writer you are (whatever kind of writer you are) or both. ideally, “reflection activities direct the student’s attention to new interpretations of events and provide a means through which the community service can be studied and interpreted, much as text is read and studied for deeper understanding” (bringle and hatcher 1999, 114). the struggle of writing self-reflection is that the nature of the assignment pushes the writer toward the tragedy side of the scale of sincerity. “self-reflection” pushes the reader towards “me,” which begs the accompaniment of “unaffected” and the sense of a vertical relationship. it is the challenge of the writer to gear the essay toward mutuality and reciprocity even when the directions push the author toward tragedy — to strike a healthy balance between both ends of the scale of sincerity. i have chosen quotations from “origin stories” which i identified as either belittling in their respective contexts or that demonstrate mutuality. to protect anonymity, i have left out author names. i attempt to strike a balance between removing enough context so as not to personally attack any students (this is a rhetorical analysis about essays and the reflection assignment, not the writers themselves), but to also keep just enough context to demonstrate the connection to diction. tragedy in the origin stories many of these blog entries conclude with sentiments of naivety. for example, many of them conclude with feeling lucky or blessed by their own privilege, something that being with people of lower socioeconomic statuses helped them realize, for which they are grateful. many of these conclusions coincide with diction that resembles tragedy. for example, using words like “needy” or “less” push the tone of an essay to the tragedy side of the spectrum. excessive use of tragedy also delegitimizes any awakening or learning experience that a student describes a service learning interaction bringing them. the following are some quotations i have selected from origin stories that resemble tragedy; i have underlined words that contribute to a tone of tragedy: ● “the struggle of living on less” ● “the difference community service can make in the lives of the less fortunate.” ● “...imagine what it was like to live in less privileged areas” ● “by appearance alone you could tell that he was raised in an underprivileged family...” ● “[they] had little to nothing and suffered from very stressful living situations” ● “struggles of their families” ● “miserable children” ● “during my study halls, i would drive to an underprivileged elementary school” fishman 6 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 sometimes, use of tragedy is less explicit. sometimes, other words with positive connotations seem to hide or balance out diction that perpetuates tragedy. in the context of describing community organizations and experience, words like “help” and “service” have stirred much debate; one-sided verbs like these project vertical relationships between the volunteers and those to whom they have dedicated their time. the following is a collection of quotations from origin stories that exemplify this concept; i have underlined “hiding words,” like “help” and words that contribute to tragedy: ● “when i left [developing country] with all reluctance, i began to realize my inner desire to help those in need” ● “[they] inspired me to help the less fortunate within my community” ● “help less fortunate children” ● “...helping those in need, and realizing how fortunate some of us are” ● “help create meals for families in need” ● “...i helped someone in need” ● “helping people who i genuinely felt were in need” though this may seem harmless, use of words like “help” and “serve” in this manner is dangerous because it dresses up tragedy and ignores the negative implications this rhetorical strategy brings. another type of belittlement can be found in the level to which the author attempts to separate himself or herself from those with whom they volunteer. students may create a sense of separation by pulling themselves up; likewise, they may also create separation by pushing others below them. a student may belittle the people he/she works with in his/her service learning project, bringing them down by use of demeaning diction in his/her description of community experiences. for example, using the word “underprivileged” as a way to describe one’s culture or how he or she grew up pushes the “receiving end” of a vertical relationship farther beneath its already forced subservient position. additionally, students who excessively allude to their privilege show an attempt to build a separation between themselves and those they are working with. for example, many students in reflection on service work acknowledge their own privilege in their writing for the purpose of giving context. however, if the writing piece puts overwhelming attention on the privilege of the author or lack thereof for those with whom he/she volunteers, he or she suggests a possible insecurity that the reader may mistake him/her for a core activist instead of an allied activist. as kraemer defines the term, “core activists” are defined as “members of the group whose grievances are being raised, [for example], blacks in the civil rights movement” (kraemer 2007, 20); allies are activists as well, but they “come from other social groups, like [for example], whites or hispanics in the civil rights movement” – they support the core activists (kraemer 2007, 20). acknowledging one’s own privilege is extremely important; however, if the author abundantly acknowledges his or her own privilege, but fails to demonstrate an understanding of what that means and how that affects others, he or she may communicate to the reader a lack of understanding by omitting such a key piece to personal privilege acknowledgement. additionally, referring to privilege so much so that the reader feels it is overwhelming constructs a vertical relationship between the student and the community partners he or she describes. this vertical relationship is an extension of rhetoric of tragedy, and suggests relationships that are not fully formed — what is insincere is an attempt to convince the reader of a dynamic and developed relationship with a community partner, when rhetoric suggests otherwise. below, i fishman 7 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 have collected quotations from origin stories in which the author acknowledges his or her own privilege. i have underlined diction that contributes to an attempt at separation: ● “working with kids from backgrounds that were so different from mine was an incredibly rewarding and humbling experience” ● “i lived in my own bubble” ● “...because we are blessed” ● “[they] instilled the idea that service is an obligation for those who are blessed enough to live in a world that is free of any debilitating conflict like poverty and discrimination.” ● “...i realized that i had a good life.” ● “after being with them i am so much more grateful for the education and the opportunities that i have received and continue to receive.” ● “be grateful for what you have because some people dream of the things you take for granted” ● “i’m actually from a very privileged suburb” ● “this experience has caused me to build the courage to stand up and be strong for people who cannot necessarily stand up and be strong for themselves” ● “i felt that i had a duty to help the people that society has left behind – those who have not had the opportunities that i have had.” ● “i learned how to be grateful for being able to live in [the u.s.] and for enjoying commodities that were non-existent to the community of [village]” service learning “experiences are miseducative when they fail to stimulate critical thought and they more deeply entrench existing schemata” (bringle and hatcher 1999, 114). these elements of tragedy found in origin stories — negative words, “hiding words,” or an overwhelming reference to privilege — that are found in the introductory assignments analyzed in this article are examples of these “existing schemata” that students may already have when they begin a service-learning course. mutuality in the origin stories though many of the origin stories rely on rhetoric of tragedy, some use rhetoric of mutuality. in these essays, rhetoric of mutual identification can be identified in diction, the underlying tone of the piece, or even in the conclusions. the pieces that rely on rhetoric of mutual identification focus on the concepts of “we,” “interconnected,” and resemble a “horizontal relationship.” below are some examples of quotations that express mutuality: ● “by doing good we are able to benefit everyone” ● “ [name of person] taught me more than i could teach him, and left me looking for more ways to get involved.” ● “now, i had an opportunity to not just receive, but give back” ● “taking time to step back from my own worries and do what i could to help others impacted me in ways i never could have imagined.” ● when you create these types of connections with someone you are no longer just helping them, you are supporting them. they become someone who you care deeply for. volunteering at [community organization], i was able to create these connections with many of the students and parents i worked with. fishman 8 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 elements of mutual identification in origin stories were much fewer and much more difficult to find than rhetoric of tragedy, which conversely, was not difficult to find at all. in fact, the presence of rhetoric of tragedy seemed overabundant. conclusions because the origin story assignment was conducted at the very beginning of the course, before any service-learning experience, the students probably lacked genuine knowledge about service learning. however, the students did have service experience (without the “learning” in “service learning”) and their unknowingly overwhelming use of tragedy suggests that because the characters in their origin stories are generally not described with utmost respect and in a manner that resembles reciprocity, the relationships the students developed with community partners prior to taking professor ryder’s course were probably quite static and underdeveloped. this is consistent with the abundant use of tragedy in the origin stories. this finding also suggests that there may exist some sort of issue with the reflective assignment in general — that the assignment to reflect on a service experience may possibly elicit lack of sincerity. the very instructions to “self-reflect” push the author toward “me,” a concept i have assigned to associate with tragedy. the nature of the assignment welcomes insincerity. students are challenged with reflecting on their experiences in an assignment that pushes them toward the tragedy end of the scale of sincerity, when a student really should be pushed to think in terms of mutuality. when an author relies on rhetoric of tragedy, he or she may only be innocently responding to a prompt with such a well-defined and expected response — using rhetoric of tragedy and writing about privilege almost becomes automatic, even robotic. many authors of reflective service learning pieces may, without even realizing, easily fall into a discourse of insincerity even when their feelings and experiences are sincere. the instructions of a reflective assignment should allow students to express their lack of understanding if that is where they truly are in their service-learning journey, for “students differ in how easily they engage in reflection and how quickly they mature in ability to learn from reflection” (bringle and hatcher 1999, 116); but, the instructions should be very carefully constructed so as to not set a student up to be insincere. “the structure of a reflection activity can influence the results of a service experience: whether they will be educative and lead to new ways of thinking or acting, or miseducative and reinforce existing schemata and stereotypes” (bringle and hatcher 1999, 118). when the author uses the rhetoric of mutuality, he or she projects sincerity. ~ thank you to dr. phyllis ryder of the george washington university for her direction and dedication, for her kindness, and for her lessons both in life and with writing. references bringle, robert and julia a. hatcher. 1999. “reflection in service learning: making meaning of experience” introduction to service learning toolkit: 113-115, 118. fishman 9 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 handy, femida, lesley hustinx, ram a. cnaan, and chulhee kang. 2009. “a cross-cultural examination of student volunteering: is it all about résumé building?.” nonprofit and voluntary sector quarterly: 2. hatcher, julie a. and robert g. bringle. 1997. “reflections: bridging the gap between service and learning.” journal of college teaching 45 (4): 153. herzberg, bruce. 1994. “community service and critical teaching.” college composition and communication (45) 3: 309. kraemer, kelly rae. 2007. “solidarity in action: exploring the work of allies in social movements.” peace & change 32 (1): 20-38. ryder, phyllis. 2015. “origin stories.” praxisblog spring2015. https://praxisblogspring2015.wordpress.com/2015/01/05/origin-stories/. schell, eileen e. 2007. “the rhetorics of the farm crisis: toward alternative agrarian literacies in a globalized world.” in rural literacies, edited by kim donehower, charlotte hogg, and eileen e. schell, 76-119. carbondale, il: southern illinois university press. spence, michael. 1973. “job market signaling.” quarterly journal of economics (87): 355-374. promoting optimistic thinking in ymca afterschool students prepared by the university of cincinnati students of psychology 5050: research methods in child health december 4, 2014 nikki ballein, lauren barker, jazmyn battie, brittaney beckler, emily chunguyen, megan devous, devon dillard, emily herdeman, jamila johnson, kiyana kershaw, taylor lovett, kara mcpeters, bekah montgomery, preet neki, sarah robb, mackenzie saffin, don schille, chandler thomas, alina tilford, and sally wilson promoting optismistic thinking in children 2 introduction social-emotional learning (sel) skills are crucial for children to learn at a young age to build positive character and be successful in their future lives. socio-emotional factors can compete with student’s academic attention causing students to not fully reach their educational potential (elias, defini, bergmann, 2010). properly developed social and emotional skills have been shown to be related to positive academic outcomes, while poor socio-emotional skills has been associated with behavioral problems, drug problems, and more sexual partners (denham & brown, 2010; hessler & katz, 2010). social and emotional learning skills include the ability to identify emotions, cope and empathize with these emotions, set goals and build the steps to reach said goals, develop interpersonal relationships and maintain them, and make decisions. (payton et al., 2008). many sel programs have shown positive progress in increasing socio-emotional development in children, however, modifications to these programs need to be made in order to increase all aspects of socio-emotional learning and better prepare children for their futures. sel programs have been shown to have a positive influence on the way children feel about themselves. for example, one sel program conducted with over 500 middle school students showed strong gains in categories representing student respect and friendship and belonging (elias, defini, & bergmann, 2010). another study involving a program called the healthy kid mentoring program (a program consisted of relationship building, self-esteem enhancement, goal setting, and academic assistance) showed that 4 th graders who received mentorship from the program had significantly higher scores at post-test than pretest on self-esteem, school connectedness, peer connectedness, and promoting optismistic thinking in children 3 family connectedness. (king, vidourek, davis, & mcclellan, 2002). in a meta-analysis of after school programs across the us seeking to promote personal and social skills, child self-perception and school bonding were found to increase significantly in students participating in sel programs (durlak, weissberg,dymnicki, taylor, schellinger, 2011). positive academic achievements have also come from effective sel programs. according to teacher ratings, sel programs demonstrate positive effects on academics including improved classroom behavior and more effective academic engagement, including increased self-control and on-task behavior. (bierman, et al., 2010). previous research suggests that sel programming is associated with an average gain of 11 to 17 percentile points on achievement test scores. (payton et al., 2008). in the meta-analysis done on after school sel programs across the u.s seeking to promote personal and social skills, overall achievement test scores increased along with overall school grades (durlak, weissberg, dymnicki, taylor, schellinger, 2011). in addition to increasing socio-emotional functioning and academic achievement, sel programs have also been successful in reducing problem behaviors. in a study done in the u.s with the participants beginning intervention in first grade and ending when the children were in third, children in sel intervention schools significantly lowered problem levels at grade 3 from grade 1 and had less of an increase in problems than children in the groups receiving no sel intervention. (bierman et al., 2010). another study involved 40 kindergarten, first, and second grade classrooms using dinosaur school, a comprehensive program that works to eliminate disruptive child behaviors and foster prosocial behaviors. children in the intervention group of the dinosaur school had promoting optismistic thinking in children 4 significantly more prosocial responses in response to conflict situations than control children had. (webster-stratton & reid, 2004). many existing sel programs are effective at improving academic achievements, self-esteem, self-efficacy, and behavioral problems, but very few focus specifically on optimistic thinking, a core component of socio-emotional learning (naglieri, lebuffe & ross, 2013). schools and afterschool programs have a demonstrated need to target optimistic thinking in their programs because this outcome is measured by the devereux student strengths assessment (dessa), a comprehensive system rating socio-emotional competencies and resilience (lebuffe, ross, fleming & naglieri, 2013). one curricula that emphasizes optimistic thinking and goal setting as sel targets is the dream playbook, a workbook-based sel curricula that provides children with the opportunity to explore and think about their future in a fun and interactive way. the dream playbook allows children to explore their options for the future in a way that positively creates the foundation of life goals by guiding the children to be open-minded and self-motivated. in this project, students from the university of cincinnati facilitated the dream playbook with children in ymca afterschool programs. we investigate the feasibility of the dream playbook as a sel curriculum in the ymca afterschool setting. specifically, we hypothesize that the students participating in the dream playbook program will demonstrate increases in optimistic thinking after participating in the program. methods to assess the feasibility of the dream playbook in improving children’s optimistic thinking and socio-emotional learning, university of cincinnati students facilitated the dream playbook with a sample of cincinnati public school students promoting optismistic thinking in children 5 participating in the ymca afterschool programs over the course of eight weeks. our participants are de-identified to ensure confidentiality of their work. participants a total of 55 ymca afterschool students participated in the dream playbook program. ten of these students were enrolled at the academy of multilingual immersion studies (amis), and 45 students were enrolled at the school for creative and performing arts (scpa), both part of the cincinnati public school system. participants ranged in ages and grades. group 1 included ten students, ranging in age from third to seventh grade; group 2 included twenty-eight students ranging from second to third grade; group 3 included seventeen students ranging from fourth grade to sixth grade. for more detailed information about the distribution of the participants, see the table below. table 1. participants measures in order to determine the feasibility of the dream playbook for the ymca after-school program, we created two de-identified surveys that were completed each week, one final student interview questionnaire, and an optimistic thinking ratings measure. each of these measures are included in the appendix. school total ethnicity gender grade white african american other male female amis 10 0 10 0 5 5 3 rd -7 th scpa 28 3 19 6 13 15 2 nd -3 rd scpa 17 3 12 2 0 17 4 th -6th total 55 6 41 8 18 37 promoting optismistic thinking in children 6 youth weekly report. the youth weekly report was given to each of the participating students at the end of each session. the report included three quantitative questions rated on a 1-5 likert scale and two qualitative questions referring to the value of the day’s lesson. facilitator weekly report. the facilitator weekly report was given to the university of cincinnati student facilitators at the end of each session. the report consisted of four quantitative questions rated on a 1-5 likert scale and three qualitative questions that apply to feasibility and future recommendations. final child interview. the final child interview survey was created in order to determine an overall consensus of what the children thought about the program as a whole. this survey was completed and collected on week eight, the final day of the program. the facilitator acted as an interviewer and recorded the child’s responses for each question. with a total of eight questions, the survey asked two quantitative questions rated on a 1-10 scale in regards to the progress of their dreaming ability, four close-ended “yes” or “no” questions, and two qualitative questions. optimistic thinking ratings measure. in order to determine the potential progression of the students’ optimistic thinking scores, rating measures were created and modeled after the dessa forms used by the ymca. the measure consisted of seven quantitative questions rated on a 0-4 linear scale ranging from “never” to “very frequently”. each uc student facilitator was asked to complete the measure for each student that they worked with. the facilitators completed the measure in regards to when they first met the child, and completed the measure again at the end of the program. to promoting optismistic thinking in children 7 determine change in each child’s optimistic thinking, scores at baseline were subtracted from the score after the program was completed. procedure the dream playbook experience was a partnership among university of cincinnati college seniors participating in the community capstone, the authors of the dream playbook, and the ymca afterschool program. the authors of the dream playbook, dr. sara williams and scott stoll, served as trainers (for a total of 4 hours) introducing and teaching the uc students about the dream playbook. the ymca program coordinated the children in the afterschool program who participated in the study and the uc college students served as the facilitators who implemented the dream playbook and worked through the book with the kids. the program began the week of september 29 th , 2014 and continued for an eightweek period. the program was implemented one hour per week at each school. during each session, students would try to complete 4-5 pages in their dream playbook. this book includes activities to help them discover their dreams, questions to determine if they already have a dream and how to obtain it, and many more interactive activities. facilitators led students through the activities in the dream playbook, focusing on providing a positive experience with dreaming rather than work completion or “correct” answers. each week, students and facilitators each completed weekly surveys. responses were collected from all groups and recorded into a shared spreadsheet for later analysis. results data from the child weekly surveys, facilitator weekly surveys, optimistic thinking ratings, and the child interview questionnaire were analyzed to determine the promoting optismistic thinking in children 8 feasibility of the dream playbook as an socio-emotional learning program at the ymca afterschool program. facilitator weekly report each week the uc student facilitators completed a survey that asked how satisfied they felt with the session, how realistic the sessions goals were, how engaged the children were, and the overall fit of the program. these questions were answered on a 1-5 likert scale. the average ratings of each variable across the eight-week period are presented in table 1. we also discovered that these ratings differed between the three different groups of students; a one-way anova was conducted to compare facilitator data between each group. it was found that group 3 reported significantly higher satisfaction scores [f(2, 132) = 5.6, p= .005], realism scores [f(2, 131) = 7.44, p= .001], and overall fit scores [f(2, 130) = 7.13, p= .001] than groups 1 and 2. table 2 ratings of facilitator weekly surveys across weeks survey question mean across weeks sd across weeks 1. how satisfied were you with today’s lesson? 3.74 0.88 2. how realistic were today’s goals? 3.95 0.80 3. how engaged were the children? 3.87 0.95 4. overall, how well do today’s activities fit with the ymca after-school program? 3.73 0.85 youth weekly report the participating children completed the child weekly survey after each session throughout the eight-week period. the most important information gathered came from the questions “how do you feel after completing today’s activities?” and “how do you feel about dreaming?” which were answered on a 1-5 likert scale. the average ratings of promoting optismistic thinking in children 9 those two variables across the weeks were: feel-after (m= 4.66, sd= .80) and dreaming (m= 4.77, sd=.76). using a t test to compare mean scores by gender, we found that females (m=4.91, sd=.38) rated dreaming significantly higher than males (m=4.50, sd=1.11) t(123.86)=80.05, p=.000 . we also found that the ratings given across the weeks were negatively correlated with age in terms of the feel-after variable (r=-.125) so that older children tended to rate their feelings lower after the program than younger children. final child interview during the last session of the eight-week period the uc student facilitators interviewed each child to determine their overall opinions about the program. four closeended “yes” or “no” questions were asked and the results of those interview questions are shown in table 2. overall, the overwhelming majority of youth looked forward to the dream playbook and would recommend it to a friend. every student reported that they thought more about dreaming and enjoyed working with the uc facilitators. rated on a 1-10 linear scale found in the dream playbook, the average improvement in dreaming by the after-school students about three and a half points (m=3.45, sd=2.97). results from this survey showed that there was no significant difference in dreaming improvement in terms of gender (t=12.709 = -0.945, p=.001). none of the variables collected through the child interview were significantly correlated with grade level, suggesting children at all levels had a positive experience with the dream playbook. promoting optismistic thinking in children 10 table 3 child interview questions results question asked % children said “yes” % children said “no” did you look forward to the dream playbook sessions each week? 89.5% 10.5% would you recommend the dream playbook program to a classmate? 94.7% 5.3% do you think about your goals more since using the dream playbook? 100% 0% was it helpful to have the facilitators at each session to guide you? 100% 0% optimistic thinking ratings measure. the uc student facilitators completed the optimistic thinking rating measure in order to determine the progress made for each individual student’s socio-emotional optimistic thinking skills. the measure was completed once at the beginning of the program and once at the end, the average scores and the average change in scores are provided in table 3. results proved that there was no significant difference in optimistic thinking scores by gender (t=(31.52) = .425, p= .391). the progression of optimistic thinking scores was determined to be negatively correlated with grade level (r=.929). table 4 optimistic thinking scores average optimistic thinking score first observation: week 1 2.70 second observation: week 8 3.80 progress made between weeks 1.10 promoting optismistic thinking in children 11 discussion current findings suggest that the dream playbook is a feasible socio-emotional learning curricula to use in ymca afterschool programs. all students reported thinking more about their goals since using the dream playbook, which indicates that the program is an effective strategy for increasing and strengthening optimistic thinking skills. the effectiveness of the program in promoting optimistic thinking is further supported by the improvement in dreaming scores, which showed that on average, students reported a 3.45-point improvement in dreaming on the 10-point linear scale. additionally, since there was no correlation between students self-reported dreaming improvement score and grade level, the data supports the dream playbook as an effective tool for a wide range of ages. data collected from the child interview questionnaire did not reveal significant differences in optimistic thinking scores between genders, which suggests the dream playbook is useful to both boys and girls to teach this important socio-emotional skill. furthermore, because all students reported finding the university of cincinnati facilitators helpful during the sessions, the mentorship element of the program may have had a positive effect on overall feasibility and success of the program. previous research has revealed a positive interaction between students and mentors involved in socio-emotional learning curricula (kahne et al., 2001); the findings of our study indicating that students found their facilitators helpful is consistent with this idea. previous research has found that socio-emotional learning programs increase student achievement scores, decrease violence, and improve attendance (flay & allred, 2010). with 100% of students in our study reporting thinking about dreaming more, the promoting optismistic thinking in children 12 dream playbook may be an effective tool to increase student achievement through increasing dreaming and goal setting. additionally, with 89.5% of children reporting looking forward to each session, the dream playbook may contribute to improved school attendance by providing many students with an exciting reason to go to school. overall, the results of our study suggest that the dream playbook is an effective program for teaching socio-emotional skills, increasing optimistic thinking, and is enjoyed by students. the negative correlation found between progression of optimistic thinking scores and grade level suggests that facilitators observed less change between initial and end-ofprogram optimistic thinking in students who were in higher grade levels. these results could have been effected by many factors, including enthusiasm and interest in the playbook. based on these results and results suggesting that students enjoyed working with facilitators, it is possible that decreasing the facilitator-to-student ratio in groups will help older students make more progress in regards to optimistic thinking in future iterations of the dream playbook at the ymca. our study had several strengths. our data was collected from two different schools, which suggests that the dream playbook can be successful in a variety of environments. in addition, the students who participated in this study are ethnically and socioeconomically diverse; this demonstrates the relevance and usefulness of the playbook for a diverse group of children. primarily, our study has targeted optimistic thinking skills; our program is unique because it goes beyond general socio-emotional learning and focuses on helping students think positively about their futures. the cincinnati ymca afterschool program measures optimistic thinking as part of their promoting optismistic thinking in children 13 evaluation of socio-emotional learning in their program and the dream playbook appears to be a good fit to help improve optimistic thinking in elementary school students. while our study had many strengths, several limitations suggest avenues for future research. for example, attendance tended to be inconsistent. while implementing the program, several students missed several sessions and several groups welcomed new students after the initial starting date or lost group members. another possible limitation was social desirability. it is possible that children responded to the feedback forms and interview questionnaire in a manner that they felt would please their facilitator, rather than how they truly felt; future research could capture data from observer ratings or blind report to further study the effect that the dream playbook has on socio-emotional learning and optimistic thinking skills. to further study the feasibility of the dream playbook, future researchers could further investigate the negative correlation found between grade level and progression of optimistic thinking scores. to increase socio-emotional learning for all students, researchers can change elements of group dynamics to help older students make as much progress as younger children. more research regarding group size, amount of one-on-one availability with facilitators, and amount of enthusiasm for specific lessons could also help future researchers explain the gap in optimistic thinking progression between younger and older students. promoting optismistic thinking in children 14 references bierman, k. l., coie, j. d., dodge, k. a., greenberg, m. t., lochman, j. e., mcmahon, r. j., & pinderhughes, e. (2010). the effects of a multiyear universal social– emotional learning program: the role of student and school characteristics. journal of consulting and clinical psychology, 78(2), 156. denham s. a. & brown c. (2010). “plays nice with others”: social–emotional learning and academic success. early education and development, 21, 652–680. 10.1080/10409289.2010.497450 durlak, j. a., weissberg, r. p., dymnicki, a. b., taylor, r. d., & schellinger, k. b. (2011). the impact of enhancing students’ social and emotional learning: a meta analysis of school‐ based universal interventions. child development, 82(1), 405432. elias, m. j., defini, j., & bergmann, j. (2010). coordinating social-emotional and character development (secd) initiatives improves school climate and student learning. middle school journal (j3), 42(1), 30-37. flay, b. r., & allred, c. g. (2010). the positive action program: improving academics, behavior, and character by teaching comprehensive skills for successful learning and living. in international research handbook on values education and student wellbeing (pp. 471-501). springer: netherlands. kahne, j., nagaoka, j., brown, a., o'brien, j., quinn, t., & thiede, k. (2001). assessing after-school programs as contexts for youth development. youth & society, 32(4), 421-446. promoting optismistic thinking in children 15 king, k. a., vidourek, r. a., davis, b., & mcclellan, w. (2002). increasing self‐ esteem and school connectedness through a multidimensional mentoring program. journal of school health, 72(7), 294-299. lebuffe, p. a., ross, k. m., fleming, j. l., & naglieri, j. a. (2013). the devereux suite: assessing and promoting resilience in children ages 1 month to 14 years. in resilience in children, adolescents, and adults (pp. 45-59). springer new york. naglieri, j. a., lebuffe, p. a., & ross, k. m. (2013). measuring resilience in children: from theory to practice. in handbook of resilience in children (pp. 241-259). springer us. payton j., weissberg r. p., durlak j. a., dymnicki a. b., taylor r. d., schellinger k. b., et al. (2008). the positive impact of social and emotional learning for kindergarten to eighth-grade students: findings from three scientific reviews. chicago, il: collaborative for academic, social, and emotional learning webster-stratton, c., & reid, m. j. (2004). strengthening social and emotional competence in young children—the foundation for early school readiness and success: incredible years classroom social skills and problem‐ solving curriculum. infants & young children, 17(2), 96-113. utilizing community-based research to increase optimistic thinking skills in students: a reflection jazmyn battie, ngoc chunguyen, taylor lovett, rebekah montgomery, preet neki, alina tilford, and sally r. wilson university of cincinnati social and emotional skills are essential for children in order to build positive social characteristics that help lead to success later in life. without the development of these skills at an early age, children are at risk for negative consequences. properly developed social and emotional skills are correlated with positive academic outcomes, while poor social and emotional skills put children at risk for behavioral problems, drug problems, and risky sexual behaviors (denham and brown 2010). to examine how social and emotional learning influences children, psychology majors in an advanced capstone class implemented a socio-emotional learning program called the dream playbook in local ymca afterschool programs. our goal for this research project was to determine if the dream playbook had a positive effect on social and emotional learning, particularly the skill of optimistic thinking. we were fortunate enough to participate in the dream playbook project over two semesters. our teams worked with the ymca afterschool programs at two cincinnati public schools: the academy of multilingual immersion studies (amis) and the school for the creative and performing arts (scpa). we were trained to facilitate the dream playbook program by its authors, scott stoll and dr. sara williams. collaborating with the ymca afterschool programs at amis and scpa, each student in our class became a mentor to a small group of young children. as a community-based research capstone course, one of the learning objectives for our class was to understand the role of the scientific method in solving real-world community problems. to meet this learning objective, we designed a research project that would allow us to use research methods to analyze the dream playbook’s effectiveness. we collected data throughout the year to monitor the social and emotional growth of each child. during the 8-week session, the ymca students completed a pre-survey about their optimism and the future. after each meeting, students and facilitators were asked to complete a data sheet reflecting on how they felt regarding the activities done that day; all questions were designed to examine both the perspective of the observer and the participant. the data was complied and analyzed after each of the 8-week programs was completed. we faced many obstacles in our research and were challenged to meet another of the course’s learning objectives: to identify the interaction between real-world communities and academic partners and understand how each contributes to research. when working in the realworld with children, there were several challenges to data collection. initially, the team was worried about data accuracy because of difficulties faced with the weekly data forms given to the children; some children had trouble understanding the concept of a ratings system. many of the participants chose “5” for all their responses because they felt like it was the correct response instead of answering truthfully; some students felt that they would disappoint their mentors if they gave a less-than-perfect rating of the session’s activities. in order to get the most accurate response, we reminded the children that a rating of “1” meant that they did not like the activities at all, and that a rating of “5” meant that it was their favorite activity in the book. giving students battie, chunguyen, lovett, montgomery, neki, tilford, and wilson 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 a small amount of direction when completing the forms was effective and provided our class with more accurate data. another learning outcome for our class was to interact with community members in ways that show respect for social, environmental, and contextual factors affecting individuals. although we worked hard to interact with elementary school children, the schools, and the staff of the ymca afterschool program, we faced challenges throughout the process. many of the challenges faced at scpa were environmental; the location and noise level were not ideal for students or facilitators. at times, it was difficult to keep the children focused because of noise and interruptions from other students. despite the obstacles we faced, mentors found ways to overcome challenges. knowing that we had to make the best out of the time that we had with our students each week, we remained positive and modeled optimistic thinking skills for the students. we worked in small areas, sometimes in a larger group setting, and took turns facilitating if it became necessary. we also attempted to isolate ourselves as much as possible from other after-school programs in order to help our children concentrate better. thanks to making creative solutions, sessions ran smoothly. at amis, many of the challenges faced were age-related; many older students felt that the dream playbook was for younger students and were uninterested in engaging in the activities. however, mentors created various strategies to help the older students relate to the book and engage with them. facilitators working at amis overcame the challenges and managed to make the best out of every situation, even if each session needed to be altered to fit the audience. each mentor faced a personal challenge in this project, but by stepping out of our comfort zones and remaining optimistic, we were able to provide a meaningful experience to children and even created one for ourselves. many members of our research group had no prior experience with young children and did not know what to expect in our first few sessions; some had negative views and low expectations in the beginning. after spending several weeks with our students and getting to know them, each facilitator’s attitude towards the project became more positive. most mentors established a relationship with a specific child or with their entire group, which helped us learn more about our community. we often struggled to handle issues with group dynamics; for example, some facilitators had difficulty handling extroverts and introverts within the same group. more extroverted children would sometimes be a little overbearing to the introverted children; some children answered all of the questions, talked over other students, and would not allow other children in the group opportunities to speak. it took time to learn how to bring out more conversation with the introverted children and make them feel comfortable speaking and answering questions while not making the extrovert feel discouraged. some groups developed creative solutions to overcome these problems, like using a talking stick or talking stuffed animal. facilitators would toss the stuffed animal to a group member and whoever had it in his/her hand was the designated speaker at that time; this strategy worked for many groups. other groups brought in candy to use as a reward for answering questions; while this encouraged children to engage more, most were more focused on receiving candy than on learning. other challenges to facilitators were situations in which children simply did not want to participate in the program; in these circumstances, mentors had to be vigilant and open minded with students to find a common ground to work on. ultimately, these challenges made most of us feel guilty because we felt as though we were failing our students. we found that talking to each other, taking advice from other mentors, and applying it to our own groups allowed us to better serve our students. by the end of the eight weeks, we had been through enough trial-and-error to find methods that worked battie, chunguyen, lovett, montgomery, neki, tilford, and wilson 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 for each individual mentor and group. in our project, we partnered not only with ymca afterschool programs at local elementary schools, but also with the authors of the dream playbook. the dream playbook was initially created for middle school children, but many of our participants were in second through fourth grade. we noticed very early that most of the material in the book was not age appropriate for all of our audience; many students at amis felt that they were too old for the activities in the book, while the youngest students had trouble with abstract concepts and difficult vocabulary. additionally, some activities were more advanced than our students could handle. for example, one activity included matching words to places on a map; the facilitators thought the activity would be fun because there was not a right or wrong answer, but in reality the children wanted to know if they were right and where the real locations were. some facilitators could not answer those questions because we did not know either; when we didn’t know, the facilitators felt they lost credibility with the participants. in another example, there was a word search activity that we thought would be fun until most of the children brought it to our attention that they did not know most of the words; again, some of the words were difficult for mentors to explain to young children. a final example is a page in the dream playbook that required children to put two feet on their book and understand a magic carpet metaphor. author scott stoll facilitated this activity but the message he wanted to get out was misunderstood; unfortunately, most of the students did not understand and later felt as though that activity was pointless. despite the challenges, we saw the potential of the dream playbook to inspire elementary school students. we described goals or their future career as being a dream. we believed that this would help better interpret the material in the book and help them understand the main goal of the dream playbook. most students found it difficult to differentiate between a “sleeping dream” and a goal-oriented dream at the beginning of the session. after mentors explained it thoroughly, students eventually gained an understanding of what dreams are and why it is important to think optimistically about their future. at the beginning of the program, there were many students that did not have a life goal, but through this book and the after-school program, we were able to help them establish that goal. through the dream playbook, we also helped them build confidence in themselves and in their goals. most were now talking to everyone about their dreams, whether it was family or friends. they learned how family and friends play a crucial part in their success. they even established a plan on how they were going to achieve their goal. the dream playbook is a great workbook for children and our experiences led us to truly believe that it made a positive impact on the children we worked with. one final aspect of the dream playbook program we decided that the children would enjoy was visiting our college campus to see where their dreams could lead them. a tour of the university of cincinnati was planned to help bring the children’s dreams from the dream playbook and apply them to their future in college. the tour was aimed to show them what a college could offer and help them live their dream while seeking a full-time education. students from both scpa and amis were expected to participate; unfortunately, transportation needs could not be met for amis. planning consisted of figuring out what to show the children without filling them with too much educational based information; we wanted to create a fun and meaningful trip for our students. facilitators planned for students to see the college of design, art, architecture, and planning (daap) and the college conservatory of music (ccm), which aligned with several of the children’s dreams. we hoped that our students would be able to imagine what they could be doing in their own futures by seeing college students reaching battie, chunguyen, lovett, montgomery, neki, tilford, and wilson 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 similar goals. the tour ran smoothly and the children had a wonderful time visiting our campus; many children reported that they would like to attend the university of cincinnati one day! despite the trials and tribulations we faced throughout our research, we deeply value the experience we received from it. we passionately feel that our community-based research impacted our community partner and the children who participated. the relationships created by this research empowered the children to think more deeply about their dreams and aspirations, which helped them learn that it is a good thing to have positive thoughts about their future. through this project, we learned that research in real-world settings has many challenges. community-based research is not done in a controlled environment (such as a laboratory), and thus can be unpredictable. we learned to be flexible and to work with the challenges we faced; while aspects of our research were not always ideal, we were able to overcome the difficulties to learn more about how children learn and improve their social and emotional skills. ~ we would like to express our gratitude to dr. farrah jacquez of the university of cincinnati for all of her endless support, extreme passion, and knowledgeable guidance. thank you! references denham, s. a. and c. brown. 2010. “plays nice with others: social–emotional learning and academic success.” early education and development 21 (5): 652–680. promoting optimistic thinking in ymca afterschool students research promoting optimistic thinking in ymca afterschool students reflection education reform 1 education reform trenton prevention policy board education subcommittee a personalized learning framework: innovation and reform for today’s classroom devon ziminski the college of new jersey education reform 2 education is for improving the lives of others and for leaving your community and world better than you found it. marian wright edelman education reform 3 executive summary the modern educational environment has faced increased contention over the recent implementation of higher-stakes standardized testing and failing school performance. this report assesses three main methods of educational innovations, and how these issues can be combated in school districts. the specific school district in question is the trenton school district in trenton, nj. this report analyzes various educational innovations that can be evaluated and implemented in school districts. educational reforms provide the opportunity to create lasting and beneficial change in our schools; however, it is important that these innovations be properly assessed to determine their effectiveness. factors to determine efficacy, apart from state-mandated testing and strict curriculum guideline, include both cognitive and noncognitive assessment metrics. the cognitive metrics are attendance, grade retention, course performance, and course rigor. noncognitive factors address learning conditions, discipline rates and policies, social and emotional learning levels, and physical and mental health of students. a recent educational innovation is the personalized learning framework (plf). plf aims to reach each student at an individualized level through differentiation of lessons, instruction, and teaching philosophies. this report discusses three benchmarking studies that illustrate personalized learning in their models. these models are: 1. small learning communities  case study in sycamore high school in san francisco, ca  case study in christina school district in wilmington, de 2. blended learning  case study in digital learning at middle east technical university in turkey 3. pyramid of intervention approach  case study in greater st. albert school district in alberta, canada each model has its own set of implementation guidelines and strengths and weaknesses that inhibit or promote its implementation within trenton. all three models overlap in the aspects districts must address prior to adaption. these barriers to institutionalized change are:  school and district wide change  availability of new facilities and new curriculums  technology needs  new role of teachers while innovation in trenton will be challenging, the recommended model for the district is the blended learning model, because of its flexibility of curriculum and achievement from classroom to classroom. in reality, implementing an educational innovation reform must balance the new innovations with state-mandated assessments. this reality calls for a shift from topics to concepts and a realization that not all concepts can be personalized; some are universal. educational innovations can provide the solution to providing america’s disengaged youth with dynamic learning environments that will induce dramatic and beneficial change throughout the education field. education reform 4 table of contents the power of education……………………………………………………………………5 education in america………………………………………………………………………6 education in new jersey……………………………………………………………………..8 recent educational policies and platforms………………………………………...……..10 no child left behind………………………………………………………………....10 the common core…………………………………………………………………...12 what reforms are effective? ……………………………………………………………..16 standardized testing………………………………………………………………....16 american innovativeness ……………………………………………………………18 how to reform: what students need…………………………………………………..…19 a personalized learning framework: innovation and reform for today’s classroom focal point of research and goals………………………………………………………...20 achieving efficacy: setting indicators…………………………………………………….21 cognitive indicators………………………………………………………………….22 noncognitive indicators……………………………………………………………...23 benchmarking studies……………………………………………………………………...24 personalized learning: what is it? ………………………………………………………...25 pathways to personalized learning………………………………………………………..26 small learning communities………………………………………………………...26 blended learning…………………………………………………………………….30 a pyramid of intervention approach …………………………………………………35 conclusion…………………………………………………………………………………..39 would a personalized learning framework work in trenton? barriers to institutional change ………………………………………………………………………………………39 future of trenton………………………………………………………………….....41 innovation in trenton: choosing a model…………………………………………...41 planning for effective personalization: assessment in a standards based state……42 final remarks ………………………………………………………………………...44 appendix……………………………………………………… …………………………….45 education reform 5 the power of education education serves as the impetus for a person to attain individual knowledge and to contribute to the intellectual, social and infrastructural continuation of society. the power of education rests in its transcendence beyond the individual, reaching and impacting other members of society both locally and globally. in john i. goodlad’s book, in praise of education, historian donald vandenberg contests that education is a multifaceted instrument used to serve society (1997). historically, education provides for the succession of human heritage from generation to generation across all civilizations. on an anthropological level, education nourishes society’s youth, ultimately enabling them to develop into adulthood and to find a role within adult society. socially, education provides for the socialization of children into societal roles and the values associated with continued existence within society (goodlad 1997). education also serves an economic purpose, instilling knowledge and skills into the workforce that will aid the nation in development and prosperity. overall, education enables an individual to discover the possibilities within the world, to formulate their own sense of values, and ultimately to develop a sensible yet inquisitive presence within society. education truly serves as one of the most dynamic and fulfilling concepts in the world; however, it also becomes a large source of controversy and dissent. goodlad explains this concept when he writes, “there are words for which adjectives are a redundancy. virtue, truth, beauty, and justice are of this genre. education is another of these. strangely, we do not speak of better virtue, truth, or beauty, or justice, but we do not hesitate to speak of better education” (1997). because education plays such an integrative role in our society, it is the constant focus of reform and “betterment.” society continually aims to improve upon education, attaching education reform 6 adjectives to the word “education” that aim to serve organizational, private, and political interests; these jumble of words mystify the meaning of education and muddle what the true understanding of the word and concept assert for a diplomatic, innovative, and enlightening agenda (goodlad 1997). reforms addressing education are widespread and varied. while ideas surrounding education continue to vary and face extreme internal and external pressures from the public, government, and private entities, society must attempt to remain true to the ideals of education. the beauty of education cannot be lost amidst bureaucratic claims and governmental and public battles; it is society’s duty to ensure that any reforms created uphold the virtuous and transcendent power of education in its purest form. education in america education is often cited as one of the most important and vital necessities for innovation. the state of education in america has continued to be a topic of heated debate and concern. there are many educators, administrators, and politicians who advocate for greater reform and still others who resist further government involvement. whatever the majority opinion may be, truth remains in the fact that the disparity between educational prowess in different states and districts across the nation is astounding, often leading urban districts to fall further behind their counterparts in other regions, and necessitating a greater call to action. the state of public education in america the united states has long considered education as a main issue of concern among its citizens. the u.s. has a long history of intertwining education and government at the local, state, and federal levels. (haubenreich 2012). the last 50 years have seen a massive increase in the education reform 7 federal role in public education and a marked increase in tension between federal and state governments with respect to control over education (haubenreich 2012). for several decades, concerns have been raised about the quality of education in the united states. in 1983 the u.s. department of education released a report, a nation at risk, which proclaimed that the quality of public education had deteriorated since the 1950s (williams 2005). 15 years later, a research group decided to re-evaluate american education and in 1998 published a second reform booklet also titled a nation at risk. according to this booklet, the quality of u.s. public education in the 1990s remained poor. the report noted that since 1983, more than 10 million students had reached their senior year with no basic reading skills, and 20 million had been promoted to twelfth grade without having learned math fundamentals. during this same period, from 1983 to 1998, more than 6 million students had dropped out of school (williams 2005). furthermore, while reform efforts were heavily advocated for during the 80s and 90s, the report noted that national and international test scores revealed a steady decline, since 1970, in american student performance (bethell 2005). a plethora of causes are thought to be linked to the decline in america education, including inefficient bureaucracies, teachers’ unions, lightweight curricula, and a lack of teacher preparedness (bethell 2005). moreover, increased financing is being utilized in attempt to alleviate the disparity in education, but to no avail. billions of dollars are spent on primary and high school education. total expenditures for public elementary and secondary schools in the united states amounted to $638 billion in 2009-10, or about $12,743 per public school student (d.o.e. 2013). see appendix a for school expenditure rates per student. education reform 8 in recent years, the federal government has passed billions of dollars of new education spending for programs such as race to the top, the teacher incentive fund, and the investigating in innovation fund. these new programs come in addition to the reauthorization of the elementary and secondary education act, now referred to as no child left behind, during the bush administration, and more recently the common core, a state led initiative that affects 44 states in the nation (haubenreich 2012). in recent decades teachers’ salaries have risen and classroom size has decreased, but these changes have not resulted in improved teaching or student achievement; performance remains flat. therefore, many are concluding that increased spending does not lead to improvement; there is no evidence that more money yields improvement in the classroom. players in the american educational arena believe that a new type of reform must take place in order for concrete achievements to arise. education in new jersey education in new jersey is governed by the legislature, the new jersey state board of education and the commissioner of education. new jersey’s schools must be in session for at least 180 days and school attendance is compulsory between the ages of 6 and 16 (vespucci 2001). the public education system in new jersey has greatly changed since its beginnings 300 years ago, when education was almost exclusively operated by religious institutions and reserved for only a privileged few. in the early 1800s local and religious schools became unable to serve the needs of an expanding population (vespucci 2001). support for the establishment of a public education system grew. in 1828, the state conducted a study to learn about the condition of education reform 9 education. according to the study many children were still unable to attend school, one in every five voters was unable to read or write, and state residents wanted a free public school system. over the next 50 years, laws were enacted to provide for state and local funds for the operation of schools (vespucci 2001). in 1875, the new jersey constitution was amended to address the subject of educational opportunity. the amendment read “legislature shall provide for the maintenance and support of a thorough and efficient system of free public schools for the instruction of all children in the state between the ages of five and eighteen years” (vespucci 2001). during the 20 th century, education in new jersey continued to change and expand. public school became free for everyone between 5 and 20 (vespucci 2001). the 1990s saw dramatic transformation for education in new jersey. the state supreme court made crucial decisions in a legal case determining the equity in school funding, abbott v. burke (haubenreich 2012). the case illustrated how levels of resources in poor urban districts produced unequal educational opportunities on the form of worse facilities, less experienced teachers, and fewer support services. the court declared the funding formula unconstitutional. a new funding formula, the comprehensive educational improvement and financing act (1996), was adopted that ensures that the most disadvantaged district in the state can spend at the same rate as the most affluent districts. (haubenreich 2012). during this decade governor christine whitman expressed her desire for a shift from funding equity to curriculum standards, a shift from “focusing from dollars to focusing on what those dollars should be spent on” (haubenreich 2012). these goals contributed to the creation and implementation of the common core; however, currently there is still concern over the education reform 10 source of the funding needed to support the goals of the common core. the common was implemented into the new jersey curriculum starting in the 2013-2014 school year. recent education policies and platforms in the past two decades the american education system has seen a complete overhaul of reforms and policies through the introduction of no child left behind and the common core. no child left behind in 2002, no child left behind (nclb), a bi-partisan legislation that would force all kids attending public schools to attain proficiency in essential academic skills, was enacted. this law amended the 1965 elementary and secondary education act with reforms focusing on early childhood learning, increased accountability for states, school districts, and schools, enhanced resources, and more local flexibility in the use of federal education funding (bush 2003). the goal of nclb was to change the culture of america’s schools and by 2014 to have all american students performing at academically proficient levels (bush 2003). it was presented as a way to close the widening gaps in academic performance across the nation. nclb marked a dramatic change in federal education policy from focus on ease of access, to equity, to a less equitable set of standards and testing. under nclb, all states must hold all elementary and secondary students to the same challenging academic content and standards (williams 2005). nclb required states to test students annually to gauge student progress toward reaching the outlined standards (karp 2013). the goal was to make sure every student was on grade level in math and language arts by requiring schools to reach 100% passing rates on state tests for every student in 10 subgroups, grades 3 through 8, and 10 through 12 (karp 2013). schools education reform 11 were required to produce annual report cards that inform parents and communities about student and school progress. schools that failed to make measurable yearly progress toward statewide goals had to provide free supplemental services, such as tutoring or after-school assistance; they also were subject to corrective actions, such as restraining of teachers, staff replacement, and school closure and restructuring (karp 2013). under threat of losing federal funds, all 50 states adopted or revised their standards and began testing every student every year. president bush, a supporter of nclb, stated, “accountability is an exercise in hope. when we raise academic standards, children raise their academic sights. when children are regularly tested, teachers know where and how to improve” (2003). a controversial reform: was nclb successful? after nclb was officially rolled out, accountability measures regarding students’ test scores began to take place; much of the arising controversy surrounding nclb stemmed from the act’s unclear accountability provisions. by the time the first decade of nclb was over, more than half of the schools in the nation were on the nclb’s lists of “failing schools.” thousands of schools that had failed to meet the nclb standards were facing sanctions and interventions from the federal government. in massachusetts, a state highly regarded for its quality educational standards and school systems, 80% of schools were facing nclb sanctions (karp 2013). these shocking numbers placed immense pressure on policymakers to revise the seemingly unworkable accountability system of nclb. education reform 12 in response, u.s. education secretary arne duncan created a process to grant nclb waivers to states that agreed to certain conditions. in order to receive these waivers, states needed to agree to use test scores to evaluate their teachers, expand the reach of charter schools, and adopt “college and career” ready standards (karp 2013). these same requirements were part of the federal government’s race to the top program, which turned federal education funds into competitive grants and promoted the same policies. 40 states were granted conditional waivers if they agreed to reassess their most struggling schools (karp 2013). opponents of nclb contend that nclb measured test results against arbitrary benchmarks that no real schools have ever met. overall, nclb failed to raise academic performance and did not narrow the gaps in opportunity and outcomes for schools across america (karp 2013). opponents believe that effective preschool programs, smaller class sizes, quality teachers, parental involvement, and up-to-date textbooks and technology would boost student performance far more effectively than high-stakes testing would (neill 2005). the common core with the seemingly unsuccessful attempt of nclb to increase the standards of american schools, the u.s. department of education began constructing a new education platform, the common core. the state-led effort to develop the common core state standards (ccss) was launched in 2009 by state leaders, including governors and state commissioners of education from 48 states, two territories and the district of columbia. it was spearheaded by the national governors association, the council of chief state school officers, and achieve, a private consulting firm. additionally, the gates foundation provided more than $160 million in funding, without which common core would not exist (common core 2014). state school chiefs and http://www.nga.org/cms/home/news-room/news-releases/page_2009/col2-content/main-content-list/title_fifty-one-states-and-territories-join-common-core-state-standards-initiative.html http://www.nga.org/cms/home/news-room/news-releases/page_2009/col2-content/main-content-list/title_fifty-one-states-and-territories-join-common-core-state-standards-initiative.html education reform 13 governors launched this effort to ensure all students, regardless of where they live, graduate high school prepared for college, career, and life (common core 2014). once the development process concluded, states began voluntarily adopting the common core state standards. in most states, the state school board members formally adopted the standards. in others, the decision was made or ratified by the state superintendent of education, state legislature, or governor. today, 44 states, the district of columbia, four territories, and the department of defense education activity (dodea) have adopted the common core and are implementing the standards according to their own timelines. new jersey adopted the common core in 2010, and aimed to have full implementation in the 2013-2014 academic year, with accountability testing beginning in the 2014-2015 academic year (common core 2014). the common core will be successful advocates of the common core see the standards as a way to unify education across the nation and prepare all of america’s students to be prepared for higher-learning and careers. unified standards and increased accountability the common core focuses on developing the critical-thinking, problem-solving, and analytical skills students will need to be successful. the new standards provide a way for teachers to measure student progress throughout the school year and to ensure that students are on the pathway to success. the common core standards are a set of mutually agreed-upon standards based on knowledge and skills that can lead to improved instruction and assessment (rakow 2014). the standards represent a tighter set of smarter standards focused on developing critical learning skills instead of mastering disjointed pieces knowledge (rakow 2014). the development of reliable national criterion-referenced assessments will help states target specific instructional needs and assess the roles of their teachers (rakow 2014). leveraging student needs the standards outlined through the common core will enable both advanced and struggling students to receive help. the clear grade-level standards in specific content areas will make it easier for instructors to accelerate the gifted students. on the other hand, the unified standards will also make it easier to assess the skills that the struggling learners need more assistance with. the common core response to intervention (rti) supportive approach will help these students (rakow 2014). in an increasingly competitive and globalized world, students must be able to compete in these demanding environments. the common core ensures that all students are ready for http://www.corestandards.org/standards-in-your-state/ education reform 14 success after high school through the consistent guidelines for what every student should know and be able to do in math and english language arts from kindergarten through grade 12. the standards were drafted by experts and teachers from across the country and are designed to ensure students are prepared for today’s entry-level careers, freshman-level college courses, and workforce training programs (common core 2014). the common core overall will help equalize the playing field across classrooms and districts by raising expectations for all children; the clear and defined standards will help teachers ensure that their students have the skills and knowledge necessary to succeed (rakow 2014). furthermore, from the perspective of higher education, university professors will have a clearer picture of what skills all high school graduates should have mastered (rakow 2014). the common core will not be successful opponents believe that under the common core, the balance between promotion of social, emotional, character skills, and standardized tests cannot be achieved. stifling creativity with such an emphasis on standardized testing and extremely detailed outlines of the information that must be mastered, implementation of the common core has many educators concerned about the real learning of their students. many educators see the focus on standardized testing as a misguided priority (elias 2014). many schools that are characterized as low-performing are bombarded with drills, numbing routines, pessimism, and a narrowing of the curriculum to maximize time spent in highstakes test related areas; however, even schools that are not low-performing face the consequences of pressure to accelerate students’ test performance and for teachers to deliver lessons that incorporate a large number of components for which they are held accountable. the resulting learning process adds considerable pressure on all involved (elias 2014). “students and educators alike must be nurtured toward success and not equate success solely with test scores” (elias 2014). when educators do not attend to the mindset of learners and create circumstances in which they are truly engaged in learning, “the lights of learning are switched off” (elias 2014). the vast majority of students are not motivated by standardized tests, and what is taught for the purpose of tests quickly evaporates. a hidden political agenda “the trouble with the common core is not primarily what is in these standards or what’s been left out, although that’s certainly at issue. the bigger problem is the role the common core state standards (ccss) are playing in the larger dynamics of current school reform and education politics,” writes stan karp, in his article “what’s wrong with the common core” (2013). opponents of the common core believe that the bureaucratic rollout of the core has placed schools directly in the crossfire of corporate power and private wealth versus public institutions run democratically in the battle for control of education policy. the positive influence of the standards and how these standards can influence the conversation about what students should be learning is being undermined by bad process, suspect political agenda, and commercial interests. education reform 15 while the standards themselves are a controversial policy, they represent a larger political project to remake public education. opponents of the core feel that advocates do not take into account how the larger forces of extreme budget cuts, increases in child poverty, adoption of test-based teacher evaluation frameworks, and the influence of private parties define the context in which the standards are being introduced, and how the standards may not be the solution to the nation’s educational needs. efficacy of the common core: brookings institution study a study conducted by the brookings institution found that states with education standards most closely aligned to the common core fared worse on math tests than states with their own standards. the study compared standardized test scores from all 50 states over the last five years (soave 2014). it found that states using education standards that are most dissimilar to common core tended to score the highest on math. states that followed a hybrid approach to standards, utilizing some aspects of the common core and some aspects of their own standards, fared worse than both full-common core states and non-common core states (soave 2014). additionally, in 2013, select new york schools had their students participate in common core testing. parents, students, and teachers in new york responded to new common core tests developed by pearson with outcries against their length, difficulty, and inappropriate content. approximately 30% of students were deemed “proficient” based on arbitrary scores. the number of students identified by the tests needing “academic intervention” skyrocketed to 70%, a percentage far beyond the capacity of the districts to meet (karp 2013). while the common core standards aim to make every student “college and career ready,” opponents argue that there is no actual evidence connecting scores on any of the experimental tests from the common core with actual college success. the partnership for assessment of readiness for college and careers (parcc) parcc is a branch of testing stemming from the common core. parcc is a collaboration of 23 states and washington, dc working together to develop a set of assessments that measure whether students are on track to be successful in college and in their careers. new jersey is one of 18 governing states in parcc that are closely involved with the development of the assessments. parcc is based on the core belief that assessment should work as a tool for enhancing teaching and learning. these assessments aim to more efficiently measure students’ critical-thinking, problem-solving, and communication skills (parcc 2014). these computer-based k-12 assessments focus on skills regarding mathematics and english language arts, and they will replace state tests currently used to meet the requirements of education reform 16 the federal elementary and secondary education act (parcc 2014). the parcc assessments will be ready for states to administer during the 2014-2015 school year (parcc 2014). what reforms are effective? standardized testing the role of standardized tests in the classroom has long been a controversial issue. according to a university of wisconsin study, teachers in higher-achieving first-grade classrooms emphasized basic skills and processes through modeling, drill, and practice. they preferred highly structured, goal-directed classrooms with established routines (williams 2005). teachers in lower-achieving classrooms tended to believe that basic skills were secondary to the pleasure of learning. they preferred “child-centered experiential learning,” in which the teacher serves as a facilitator (williams 2005). the reality is that many states are monitoring student performance by administering standardized tests. tests have created a renewed emphasis on traditional teaching methods in many schools. traditional forms of instruction, also referred to as “back to basics” teaching, emphasize memorization, recitation, drills, and structured, fact-based learning (williams 2005). some educators contend that these techniques especially benefit economically disadvantaged students with serious academic deficiencies (williams 2005). there are various opinions on the role of standardized testing. tests are a measure of accountability many educators and administrators believe that strong accountability systems will create greater challenges for students, ultimately incentivizing them and their teachers to achieve higher standards. these achievement levels will only be raised through tests; through this thought process, “to realize success, you must measure it” (hooper 2005). proponents of standardized education reform 17 tests believe that even though some students will pass and some will fail, both outcomes should be used to calibrate the system of teaching and learning to further student’s learning through insights provided by these tests. it is the responsibility of public school leadership to design and implement a system to promote maximum learning. standardized tests are seen as a way to promote maximum learning and they achieve these goals by “monitoring progress systematically against predetermined standards” (hooper 2005). many experienced administrators in the american association of school administrators support state-level accountability systems designed, developed, measured, and reported in order to improve the academic achievement of each student; however, these tests must be properly designed systems that will lead to successful outcomes for students, and this goal often takes time to achieve (hooper 2005). assessments result in frustrated teachers and unenthused students while many educators support the implementation of more frequent and rigorous standardized tests, many oppose the practice. stephanie fanjul, student achievement director of the national education association said, “every teacher knows tests have a role to play. teachers use tests all the time, including standardized tests. we want to be sure our students are learning and growing. but there are lots of ways to collect that information, not just tests” (williams 2005). educators across the united states disagree that assessment should assume a priority role in education. to them, measurement is no substitute to nourishment. advocates for assessment claim to focusing on learning communities and nurturing, but the tests end focusing on measurement, data, and quantification. opponents of standardized tests believe that true learning education reform 18 is a deeply personal and enriching experience that ultimately cannot be measured through standardized evaluation. according to a comprehensive study conducted by scientists at arizona state university, high-stakes testing does not boost student achievement. researchers examined the results of several well regarded national tests, including the national assessment of education progress, the sat, and the act. they found that states that had implemented their own high-stakes tests showed no improvement on the national tests. although scores on the state tests did improve over time, scores on the national tests did not. as national education association spokesman alain jehlen explained, “higher state tests scores were apparently due to the enormous amounts of time and effort that schools poured into teaching the content and exact wording patterns that students would see on these particular tests. the improvement did not carry over into better performance on the other tests of the same general content; it did not reflect real gains in learning.” the role of standardized tests in the classroom continues to be a large area of controversy in the education arena (williams 2005). american innovativeness while the tests and assessments have shown a decline in standardized american education, the creative spirit of american culture has endured. gerald bracey posits that american competitiveness, innovation, and creativity are not linked to test scores but to a generally good educational system that encourages questioning and critical thinking (2005). in the implementation of recent reforms, many policymakers and educators have overlooked the importance of innovative thinking. the united states has the highest scores on what the wef calls “national innovation capacity,” stemming from america’s competitive nature. this competitive advantage must come from the ability to create and commercialize new education reform 19 products and processes, shifting the technology frontier as fast as rivals can catch up (bracey 2005). an overload of testing can contribute students becoming desensitized to innovative thinking. moreover, bracey believes that this innovativeness cannot be linked to test scores, or at least to the scores that american policymakers want to see. the third international mathematics and science study (timss) provides test scores for 41 nations, including the us. 38 of those countries are ranked on the world economic forum’s current competitiveness index (cci). it’s a simple statistical matter to correlate the test scores with the cci; however, there is little correlation. the us is ranked twenty-ninth in math, but second in competitiveness, whereas korea is third in math, but twenty-seventh in competitiveness (bracey 2005). if the two lists has matched, place for place, that would produce a perfect correlation of +1.0, but because some countries are high on competitiveness and low on test scores, the actual correlation is +.23, which is rather small in the world of stats; therefore, explaining that performance on tests does not significantly result in actual real-world performance (bracey 2005). how to reform: what students need the transformation of american education policy throughout recent decades has shown that while the assessment movement promises to streamline instruction, assessment has failed to capture the imagination of most teachers. the basic truth still persists: students will always need good instruction and good teachers. instruction will improve when administrators can make careers in education more attractive and provide better support and greater access to professional development to their educators. quality education will arise through a combination of a comprehensive programs, smaller class sizes, highly qualified teachers, appropriate instructional materials, and adequate school facilities (williams 2005). education reform 20 the means implemented to reach this goal of a finer educational platform will vary, but progress of the nation’s education system is vital to america’s future generations. as the state of education policy continues to develop, the standards and resources for all school districts in new jersey and america will fluctuate. whether the changes come from the state or federal level, the most important elements to student success and to overall educational improvement remain within the classroom. a personalized learning framework: innovation and reform for today’s classroom focal point of research and goals “effective teachers recognize the tension between effective and efficient practice but understand that no practice is efficient if it is not also effective.” mp boyd various programs and after-school tutoring sessions can attempt to deepen a child’s understanding of a topic, yet even after the implementation of these programs the willingness and desire of a child to continue to learn that subject often remains unchanged. with an increased focus on standardized testing in public schools, it is more important than ever to provide students with ways to connect with material and concepts being taught. creating an engaging platform to implement in classrooms can offset state-mandated assessments, and provide a way for struggling students and schools to enhance learning capabilities and to increase student engagement. this work seeks to explore the various factors that contribute to the success or failure of an educational innovation within a classroom or school district. with dozens of elements education reform 21 involved, there are certain criteria that can serve as a benchmark for the evaluation of an educational platform or program. furthermore, it is important to note that the various factors may hold different weights in different school environments, rural, suburban, and urban. as this research focuses on educational reforms in trenton, new jersey, it is crucial to consider the factors and resources, or lack thereof, that will influence the potential for replicability of an educational innovation within the trenton school district. therefore, we will identify factors that can lead to success and evaluate specific programs that may or may not be beneficial and effective in the educational environment of trenton. the classification of effective can be measured through student and teacher reports on educational and content development, and whether the program or platform addresses the following indicators for educational success. achieving efficacy: setting indicators the concept of effectiveness can be measured through the feedback received from students, teachers and administrators. when evaluating the effectiveness of a program, we must identify factors and metrics for assessment. there are a variety of performance metrics that serve to provide a baseline for program evaluation and that are different than standardized assessments. two of the main segments of these metrics are cognitive and noncognitive measures. while these measures are rather unfamiliar, they have been established in determining school and career outcomes and have been shown to be related to attendance, discipline, dropout, and achievement (osher and kendziora 2010). education reform 22 cognitive indicators attendance attendance is often cited as a metric used to determine the effectiveness of a particular program; attendance can be used as a proxy for student and family engagement in schooling, and serves as a robust predictor of the high school dropout rate. research suggests that missing more than 10% of instructional time is cause for concern (johnson, kendziora, and osher 2012). this percentage translates roughly to about 2 weeks of school per semester in most schools. moreover, research suggests that the combination of excused and unexcused absences in elementary school predicts subsequent academic results. in a sample of students from a large urban district, elementary attendance for students who later graduated averaged 94.7%, whereas those who later dropped out averaged 91.9% (johnson, kendziora, and osher 2012). furthermore, low attendance during the first 30 days of ninth grade was found to be a more powerful predictor of dropout rates than eighth-grade test scores, academic achievement, and age. throughout high school attendance continues to be significantly associated with the likelihood that a student will graduate (johnson, kendziora, and osher 2012). grade retention data recently released by the u.s. department of education showed that roughly one percent of student in grades k-12 were retained in grade, with the largest numbers repeating kindergarten or first grade (johnson, kendziora, and osher 2012). grade retention is widely regarded as a powerful predictor of dropping out of high school. repeating a grade between first and eighth was found to be a significant risk factor for dropping out of high school, even after controlling for demographic characteristics that generally correlate with school failure (johnson, kendziora, and osher 2012). course performance course performance both predicts college completion and high school dropout rate. students who have grades c or lower throughout middle school have increased odds of dropping out of high school, even after demographic variables generally associated with school failure are controlled for (johnson, kendziora, and osher 2012). research from chicago indicates that students who fail one or more courses in the fall semester of their first year of high school are less likely to graduate than students who do not. in chicago public schools, 85% of students with zero semester course failures in their freshmen year graduated four years later. the study illustrated that students with three or more semester f’s were not likely to graduate high school (johnson, kendziora, and osher 2012). rigorous coursework the completion of a rigorous high school curriculum was more strongly correlated with college completion than high school test scores, gpas, or race. one study showed that an intensive academic curriculum in high school had the strongest positive effect for african american and latino students, a positive factor for trenton where the majority of the students are african american or latino. additionally, students who enroll in higher level, more challenging coursework in middle school are more likely to be successful in both high school and to attend college (johnson, kendziora, and osher 2012). education reform 23 noncognitive indicators conditions for learning “conditions for learning” refers to aspects of school climate that are proximally related to learning and development. a national research council report pointed out that “one of the most consistent findings in early childhood literature is that an emotionally warm and positive approach in learning situations leads to constructive behavior in children” (johnson, kendziora, and osher 2012). in addition, researchers have shown that improving school climate is associated with increases in student performance in reading, writing, and mathematics (johnson, kendziora, and osher 2012). a positive and welcoming learning environment will provide students with the best setting to academically challenge themselves and succeed while doing so. discipline data collected by the u.s. department of education’s office of civil rights reported that approximately 839 districts out of 6,779 in the sample suspended more than 10% of their enrolled student body at least once, and more than 300 districts suspended more than 25% of the african american children enrolled (d.o.e. 2012). the consequences of penalizing, “push-out” discipline policies can be calamitous; expulsion from school significantly increases the likelihood that a student will repeat a grade, not graduate, or be adjudicated into the juvenile justice system (johnson, kendziora, and osher 2012). social and emotional learning social and emotional learning (sel) is a term used to describe the processes through which children and adults acquire and effectively apply the knowledge and skills that the collaborative for academic, social, and emotional learning (casel) has identified as 5 key sel domains: • self-awareness • self-management • social awareness • relationship skills • responsible decision making a growing body of research has demonstrated that programs teaching sel promote positive development among children, reduce problem behaviors, and improve academic performance (johnson, kendziora, and osher 2012). it is important for school districts to implement strategies that promote student wellbeing and positively encourage students to achieve their best. physical and mental health students with chronic conditions like asthma and obesity have poorer attendance than healthy students, and improving student heath also improves student attendance. there is evidence that when schools increase health conditions for students, such as by facilitating student access to health services and increasing physical activity, student absences decrease (johnson, kendziora, and osher 2012). for children with mental health needs, schools are the primary providers of services. nevertheless, schools have not been very successful in meeting the needs of children with education reform 24 emotional disturbances. compared with other students with disabilities, students with emotional disturbances are more likely to drop out of school (d.o.e. 2011). schools are in a crucial position to identify mental health problems early and to provide a link to appropriate services. in order to create the optimal learning environment, schools must work to offer support services and physical activities to their students. the above mentioned cognitive indicators include the collection of formative and benchmark assessment data on the academic side as well as discipline, learning environment, and other measures of teacher and student engagement on the noncognitive side. these indicators are used to track ongoing execution and results of an educational platform. the overall goals of the performance metrics aim to emphasize the need to find a balance between the factors that will provide a base for program evaluation. benchmarking studies “teaching and learning are personal, individual, and unique.” m. miltich the american education system was built on a foundation of a singular and standardized method of teaching: there was a standardized way to teach and test to evaluate specific skills. this method worked well when students would grow up to work in an industrial job; however, in today’s globalized and modern world, this pattern proves inefficient. every student learns at a difference pace, and school districts needs to implement a system that will emphasize the customization of learning (evans 2012). in recent educational platforms, innovation has been cited as the key to creating dynamic and effective learning environments. one of these innovations is known as the “personalized learning framework.” education reform 25 the united states department of education has addressed their plans to assess the potential for educational growth hidden within the personalized learning framework. their goals include, “to create learning environments that are designed to significantly improve learning and teaching through the personalization of strategies, tools, and supports for student and educators” (evans 2012). the precise environment needed to implement this type of platform depends on the setting of the district in question. it will prove constructive to review this innovation and determine whether it could be implemented in the trenton school district. personalized learning: what is it? in many school districts, the disparity between the academic levels and competency of students in a classroom results in an extremely disproportionate learning environment. students who are behind or ahead become disengaged and disinterested because they are not receiving the needed academic support. to meet future educational needs policymakers must look for new alternatives that enhance learning capabilities among all learners. one alternative to combat this ineffective learning is personalized learning; personalized learning is a process innovation for education. according to a 211 horizon report, “personalized learning is not simply a technology but an approach or process that is individualized by design and thus different from person to person” (johnson, kendziora, and osher 2012). in 1977 cranach and snow defined personalization of learning as, “adaption of the learning process and its content adapted to the personal characteristics and preferences of the learner, as much as possible” (johnson, kendziora, and osher 2012). in practice, personalized learning means leveraging technology to meet student needs in real-time (project tomorrow 2012). this dynamic environment aims to cater to personal student education reform 26 needs. under this innovation, a student who has mastered a concept will not have to wait to move on, and a student who is struggling with a concept without the proper time will not be forced to move on. the need for addressing the different skills of students can be fulfilled as a personalized learning framework will emphasize this differentiation and enable students to receive the specific help they require (evans 2012). one of the main shortcomings of mandatory education is that it requires a top-down policy which poses serious challenge to its implementation. personalized learning combats the increase of mandated standardized testing as it directly involves the students and teachers, working together to create change from the core of the education arena. personalized learning is a process of change, and its ideas may seem foreign or overly complicated to many school districts; however, its implementation can result in beneficial changes in the educational attainment of students across various school districts. see case study on the personalized learning framework in appendix b pathways to personalized learning the following sections will address three different models for approaching and enacting a personalized framework within a classroom and within a school district. these models include, small learning communities, a blended learning model, and a pyramid of intervention approach. small learning communities one recent development in education is the creation of small learning communities (slc). these communities aim to break up large schools, typically schools of 1,000 or more students, into a group of more manageable smaller schools to promote academic achievement. it is not physically possible for many of these schools to divide, so slc’s focus on creating smaller education reform 27 communities within the schools that reach out and individualize materials as students are grouped with other students who have similar interests or career aspirations (ruggerio 2011). through downsizing larger schools, slc’s aim to address many goals: meet the needs of at-risk students, solve the problem of failing schools, model the process of school restructuring, personalize education for all students, empower teachers and extend their roles, prevent dropping out, and find an equitable substitute for tracking student achievement (sullivan and shaw 2010). slc theory posits that dividing schools in smaller educational environments will help build a more collaborative community of teachers, providing them with the autonomy and motivation to make better curricular and pedagogical decisions in the interest of their students (supovitz 2002). slc appeal has grown; in the late 1990s the u.s. department of education presented research stating that schools of 1,000 or more students experience 825% more violent crime, 270% more vandalism, and 1000% more incidents involving weapons than smaller schools (d.o.e. 2010). the u.s. department of education acted on this statistic in 2010 when the department allocated $52.2 million to twenty-eight school districts across the u.s. to implement small learning communities (d.o.e. 2010). the cost of the average slc grant from the department of education for a school district was about $1.8 million for a five-year grant. currently, twenty-eight school districts in the united states receive slc grants (d.o.e. 2010). the idea behind slcs is that students share experiences among classes, including hands on projects that connect concepts. the belief is that students will make a longer, deeper connection to the material through having a relationship with it (ruggerio 2011). see appendix c for a graphic depiction of a small learning community layout. case study: sycamore high school in san francisco, california small learning communities were implemented in sycamore high school in san francisco in the 2006-2007 school year. the school consists of about 90 teachers and runs on a schedule of three block periods a day of 100 minutes each. education reform 28 having significant breaks between each period allowed for collaboration, informal study sessions within the slcs and a chance for teachers to set up for lessons specific to their assigned slc. in schools in which slcs have been implemented, students were more likely to report feeling held to high academic standards than students in traditional settings. schools that have implemented slcs report that they “significantly improved students’ intentions, awareness, understanding and plans related to careers and college. the number of students that planned on attending some sort of schooling after high school increased by 26%” (ruggerio 2011). the research derived from this case study indicates that slcs positively affect students’ attitudes towards their academic success, most notably: graduating high school. sycamore high school had a graduating class of 461, the highest number since the school opened. because this school is representative of other schools in the nation, this success can be recreated in schools of similar make-up. case study: christina school district in wilmington, delaware in 2004, the christina school district (csd) in wilmington, delaware, was awarded a three-year federal grant to implement secondary school reform as outlined in the district’s transformation plan, which called for the implementation of small learning communities in district high schools. the slc grant was designed to “substantially improve the academic achievement, climate and potential for success for csd’s high school students” (sullivan and shaw 2010). the plans were implemented at three schools, newark high school, ghs, and chs (sullivan and shaw 2010). the three goals agreed upon by the schools were to increase academic achievement, create a positive school climate, and increase parent and community involvement and engagement (sullivan and shaw 2010). procedures of the study the study enlisted primarily qualitative research methods particularly focused on school and district specific goals, a best practices framework, and the question of long-term project sustainability (sullivan and shaw 2010). a variety of data collection activities, such as interviews, observations, and document review, were conducted over 3 years, from 2007 to 2010. all interview and observation data were analyzed for recurring themes and trends related to the slc domains of research-based practice and characteristics of school and district implementation. quantitative data, collected by the state and district, were also analyzed (sullivan and shaw 2010). results results of the data indicated that while the schools in csd made many positive gains, the district suffered due to lack of attention to pre-implementation principles to ensure the success of the slcs. the results noted a lack of support among the district educational stakeholders. analysis of the district and its struggles highlighted five key elements of successful small learning communities. 1. interdisciplinary teaching and learning teams csd teams struggled to collaborate on creating instructional innovation and planning. much of the curriculum discussion focused on scheduling and logistics than on the challenges of creating opportunities for in-depth, active learning (sullivan and shaw 2010). other schools have benefited from a shared vision for teaching and learning; the availability of professional development opportunities for teacher to develop lessons, discuss student progress, and receive education reform 29 feedback improves this process (sullivan and shaw 2010). furthermore, school learning and teaching themes were developed, but support for these improvements lagged. support for these themes is crucial, and the focus on these themes must be emphasized during curriculum creation. 2. rigorous, relevant curriculum and instruction the three schools in csd did make a significant investment in various curriculum and instructional models; however, there was not a cohesive district curriculum. the lack of this curriculum made it more challenging to clearly identify learning objectives across courses, and complicated the balance between a rigorous curriculum and high student expectations. 3. inclusive programs and practices the three high schools took a variety of steps to ensure that the slc design and implementation effort actively engaged the broader school and district community and that all students were included in the effort (sullivan and shaw 2010). despite this initiative, the implementation of the plans slightly foundered, and some practices were more inclusive of students and staff than other practices. to ensure all students are included in the programs, improved student progress monitoring at the school level will assist teachers with providing the necessary instruction (sullivan and shaw 2010). 4. continuous program improvement much work had been done to create system of data and information to support continuous improvement both at the individual school and district levels. nonetheless, progress had been much slower at the grade, team, and classroom levels, which could benefit from a planned cycle inquiry approach where evaluations are completed according to pre-determined intervals. 5. building and district support csd struggled with garnering support from parents, community members, educators, and administrators. the district failed to implement a district-wide strategy to inform parents and community members about the impending reforms, and therefore lost support to sustain the program before it had even began. for successful implementation of slcs a clear and consistent vision for reform must be reinforced across all organizational levels (sullivan and shaw 2010). study recommendations csd had some successes in the implementation of slcs but also experienced some of the typical challenges seen among district and schools attempting to implement slcs. districts and schools implementing slcs should focus on laying a good foundation for the slc work by working toward full buy-in from stakeholders, establishing a clear and consistent vision for reform, and ensuring early and ongoing community involvement. throughout the implementation process, parent involvement, progress monitoring, instructional innovation, interdisciplinary teaching and learning, and a focus on teaching and learning leading to empowered educators are essential. in order to be successful and sustainable, slc implementation efforts must keep a commitment to improving teaching and learning at the center of the work; it is a continuous and ongoing improvement process. overview of small learning communities small learning communities have been implemented in a few districts across the united states. they provide a comprehensive learning environment among small groups, increasing student-teacher interaction and providing instruction directly related to student interests. while the educational engagement benefits are clear, the implementation of small learning communities requires an ample amount of capital and resources. administrators must be willing education reform 30 to “divide” up schools into smaller sections, and work with teachers to create new schedules and tailored curriculums. small learning communities represent a marriage of personalization of education and working with already existing structures and resources. blended learning one of the main innovations of personalized learning is the adaption of blended learning into the classroom. blended learning, or hybrid learning, is a formal education program in which students learn at least in part through online delivery of content and instruction, with some element of student control over time, place, path and pace, and at least in part at a supervised brick-and-mortar location away from home (evans 2012). blended learning environments aim to combine attributes of online instruction, like efficiency, sufficiency, and freedom to access information anytime, with attributes of traditional classroom instruction, like enabling students to work with new information presented, as well as interact with peers and the teacher in the classroom (delialioglu and yildirim 2007). the systematic and strategic integration of these tools into courses to meet didactic goals introduces a new way of approaching instruction (delialioglu and yildirim 2007). there are four basic blended learning models that can be implemented in classrooms depending on the size and grade of the classroom. these models are as follows: rotation model, flex model, a la carte model (formerly self-blend), and the enriched virtual model (delialioglu and yildirim 2007). education reform 31 the 4 models of blended learning see appendix d for more in-depth information on the blended learning models blended learning is often used in the context of personalized learning because it provides flexibility within the classroom. for example, in a math setting, students work on their learning objectives using adaptive software to work at their own pace while teacher roams around acting as a learning coach and tutor. using blended learning as a key component in the personalized framework enables students to take ownership of their own learning as they can choose where to devote their time when working to complete weekly learning goals (evans 2012). technology in blended learning: intelligent adaptive learning many instructors have begun to supplement their courses with simulation, online exercises and immediate online feedback, creating richer learning environments through multimedia (delialioglu and yildirim 2007). a 2011 speak up national report on k-12 student education reform 32 and parent findings found that students, parents, and educators are increasingly interested in leveraging emerging technologies to create more personalized learning environments where instruction is individualized to students’ unique needs (project tomorrow 2012). the traditional classroom model does not adequately address individual students’ strengths and weaknesses. a relatively new concept within personalized learning is called “intelligent adaptive learning.” intelligent adaptive learning is a new class of education technology that captures every decision a student makes and adjusts the student’s learning path both within lessons and between lessons, thereby providing millions of individualized learning paths, each tailored to a student’s unique needs in real time (project tomorrow 2012). intelligent adaptive learning directly addresses personalizing instruction by leveraging technological advancements to provide a systematic way for students to master skills at a pace tailored to their strengths and weaknesses, and for teachers to have unprecedented visibility into data on student achievement to inform their daily practice. though only 6% of teachers say that they are using this new kind of software in their classroom, interest by parents, teachers, and administrators in the potential of this new class of education technology to transform learning is very high. the speak up surveys asked parents and educators what technologies would improve student achievement in their school, and both parents and educators ranked intelligent adaptive learning in the top three (project tomorrow 2012). intelligent adaptive learning has the potential to increase efficient technology use with creating individualized education plans for every student. these emerging technologies can be partnered with the classroom curriculum to create a dynamic and engaging learning environment for each and every student. education reform 33 case study: middle east technical university in turkey a case study conducted at a university in turkey examined the role and efficacy of a blended learning environment through the instruction of a course. this study examined whether the blended learning model is more effective than traditional courses. in an earlier study, marques, woodbury, hsu, and charitos (1998) investigated how well a blended learning environment in another university worked for students’ learning with respect to students’ experiences. the study indicated that the hybrid model of instruction worked well in spite of the strong dependence on text-based resources. the mixture of electronic and traditional classroom was encouraged and was called “well suited” to the progressive development and implementation of a learning-centered model of instruction (delialioglu and yildirim 2007). this study aimed to broaden the current research in this area of educational innovation. the study 25 students enrolled in “computer networks and communication,” a course at middle east technical university, a public university in turkey, formed the sample of this study. the study lasted for 14 weeks. prior to the study, all students were required to take the course “introduction to information technologies and applications,” which covers computer-literacy topics. during the semester the students met once a week for one hour in class, but essential parts of the course were done online. at the end of the study, interviews were conducted to gather data on the “effective dimensions of interactive learning.” additionally, computer logs of the students were kept and analyzed. procedures of the study the “computer networks and communications” course was designed and developed as a hybrid course for the purpose of this study. the hybrid course required self-paced learning since the course content was online, creating a significant reduction in classroom lecture time. when students met for one hour, no lecturing was done; instead, under guidance of the instructor, class time was used for group and individual activities, educational games, and discussion of homework and assignments (delialioglu and yildirim 2007). after the course, both qualitative and quantitative data analyses were performed. interview guides collected data on student perceptions of the effective dimensions of interactive learning in regard to the course, and a content analysis of the interview data was performed to find out meaningful insights regarding students’ perceptions of “effective dimensions of interactive learning” (delialioglu and yildirim 2007). results the results of the study were categorized based on a model addressing the most important dimensions of learning in a blended learning environment. this model, developed by reeves in 1997 and later re-vamped in 2002, provides guidelines evaluating computer-based education. the old model evaluates ten dimensions, and the new model has 14. this study used the old model, and the top nine dimensions are as follows: pedagogical philosophy, learning theory, goal orientation, task orientation, source of motivation, teacher role, metacognitive support, collaborative learning strategies and structural flexibility (delialioglu and yildirim 2007). many of the major findings correlated with these dimensions. goal and task orientation education reform 34 the findings of the study showed that majority of the students found the goal orientation of the hybrid course more sharply focused than regular courses. students were satisfied with these pre-determined goals and objectives. most of them stated that by knowing the goals and objectives they could answer the metacognition related question: “what information do i need to know?” (delialioglu and yildirim 2007). furthermore, the majority of the students mentioned that they could integrate the focused and general goal orientation strategies while learning. the classroom meetings were based on unfocused goal orientation, and some students indicated that the general goal orientation strategies in the projects, assignments, and group work helped them acquire the real-life skills of what they read on the course website. source of motivation the findings of the study showed that motivation and reward were very important for students’ learning in the hybrid course. the analysis of the interview data showed that students had both intrinsic and extrinsic motivation. intrinsic motivation is a key element for the success in the hybrid course (delialioglu and yildirim 2007). teacher role students perceived the role of the instructor as a guide in their learning, and a facilitator of classroom activities. students indicated that they could communicate with the instructor in a friendly manner. the students perceived their role as “active” and the course was studentcentered. overall the student interviews showed that the instructor was an important source of motivation for them, and that he provided learning environments open to interaction and communication (delialioglu and yildirim 2007). metacognitive support students’ perceptions of metacognitive support of the hybrid course showed that the course was integrated rather than unsupported. the integration of the cognitive tools to support the students in monitoring, visualizing, and accessing information provided metacognitive support for the students in the hybrid course (delialioglu and yildirim 2007). the cognitive tools enabled students to customize the course website according to their own learning habits. collaborative learning the face-to-face component of the hybrid course was where most of the collaborative learning strategies were integrated. students worked in groups, played educational games, and participated in classroom discussions. students showed a preference for collaboration, especially in classroom meetings (delialioglu and yildirim 2007). structural flexibility most of the students mentioned that they found the cognitive tools provided in the course website beneficial. one of the students said, “i didn’t need anything else than the website of the course to study for this course. i could take notes and underline things that i needed to remember. it was very helpful for me to customize the web pages according to my way of learning” ((delialioglu and yildirim 2007). students appreciated that they were able to customize the material and focus on the areas where they needed additional support. study recommendations the design and implementation processes for a blended learning environment are different from those in a traditional classroom. from this study, the following suggestions for future work are made: education reform 35  don’t hybridize only the technologies; hybridize the pedagogical philosophies, theories, and instructional design methodologies  give special attention to student motivation in hybrid courses  provide tools for metacognitive support  use multimedia in the web component to enhance learning  encourage and provide facilities for student-student and student-instructor communication  provide students with online self-assessment tools the results of the study gave valuable insight into the role of blended learning in the classroom and how it can be implemented most effectively; however, educators must be cautious in generalizing these findings to other models (delialioglu and yildirim 2007). this study focused on teaching computer skills and the teaching of other subjects may require a different design in a blended learning environment. moreover, the creation of a blended learning environment will vary extensively from district to district. overview of blending learning the blended learning model of innovation heavily relies on classroom support and inclassroom models. this innovation grants more freedom to the teacher with how and when different educational materials and platforms will be utilized. one of the main components to this model is the technological aspect. the application of this model will require substantial investment in technological infrastructure, and will require students and teachers to become familiar with these platforms. in a district of varying student abilities and need curriculum advancements, this model can provide classrooms with the tools needed to balance a comprehensive curriculum and an engaging learning environment. a pyramid of intervention approach the pyramid of intervention approach is another innovative education model that recently has been implemented in various school districts. the tools used in this model follow the pyramid of supports model. the pyramid of supports model is built on four crucial elements: a belief in social justice and the value of every child, a commitment to inclusive education, an understanding of the power of teams, and flexible funding support (howery, mccleen, and pedersen-bayus 2013). three key areas of support are needed: supports for positive behavior, differentiation of learning, and access to technologies and digital media (howery, mccleen, and pedersen-bayus 2013). the pyramid model enacts an approach that seeks to connect many initiatives currently discussed in education literature and suggests an innovative approach towards supporting education reform 36 meaningful, active participation by all students in the context of inclusive 21 st century learning environments (howery, mccleen, and pedersen-bayus 2013). the pyramid of intervention approach is modeled through a hierarchical pyramid structure. the base of the pyramid represents strategies, interventions, and supports beneficial for the vast majority of students in a district. this resource presents an integrated, tiered approach that describes supports and strategies at the universal (school-wide), classroom (focused) and individual (intensive) level that are intended to improve behavioral outcomes (howery, mccleen, and pedersen-bayus 2013). the supports provided to students include access to differentiated instruction and assessment, use of emerging and assistive technology, and supports for positive behavior. this model posits that these universal supports and interventions will meet the needs of most learning. smaller groups of students will require a more targeted approach which may include flexible grouping, supplemental instruction, additional practice opportunities and behavioral support plans (howery, mccleen, and pedersen-bayus 2013). pyramid of intervention model education reform 37 the pyramid of intervention approach also utilizes the “response to intervention” (rti) framework based from the standards of the common core. rti is a continuum-based process that focuses on access to high quality, evidence-based instruction, data-driven decision making, a tiered model of supports and a systems level approach to improving academic and behavioral outcomes for all (howery, mccleen, and pedersen-bayus 2013). rti emphasizes the collective responsibility for the learning of all students. case study: greater st. albert catholic school division in st. albert, canada the pyramid of intervention model is illustrated through a canadian school district that is currently engaged in the process of building pyramids of supports and interventions to actively create responsive learning environments designed to support educators in reaching every student. the study the greater st. albert catholic school division (gsacrd) is a publicly funded catholic school division located in and around st. albert, alberta. st. albert is a city of 60,138 located on the outskirts of the provincial capital of edmonton, alberta (howery, mccleen, and pedersen-bayus 2013). gsacrd is the third largest catholic school district in alberta with 17 schools and an enrollment of approximately 6,000 students in the 2010-11 school year (howery, mccleen, and pedersen-bayus,2013). the district is in a suburban community, with the outskirts of the town tending to be a bit rural. the socio-economic status of the area is slightly above the canadian average (howery, mccleen, and pedersen-bayus 2013). the implementation and maintenance of the pyramids approach is an ongoing process currently occurring within the gsacrd district. procedures of the study accountability of staff members in gsacrd, the pyramid of intervention is implemented through the accountability of all staff members. all staff are responsible for developing and maintaining a safe and respectful school climate. the district works to develop evidence-based classroom management practices; these developments are emphasized and worked on across the district through professional development activities (howery, mccleen, and pedersen-bayus 2013). professional staff development: changing the role of teachers teachers must plan for all students to have access to the same essential understandings of a lesson. in order to develop a class profile of the strengths, needs, interests, and readiness of the students in the class, teachers are expected to gain knowledge about each learner. by developing a class profile and individual student profiles the teacher is able to select effective teaching and learning strategies to maximize all students’ achievement (howery, mccleen, and pedersenbayus 2013). available resources for all students education reform 38 the pyramid model in gsacrd aims to provide students with any and all resources needed. targeted supports and individualized interventions for select students are provided in addition to the universal supports provided to all students. at the “top” of the pyramid is supports for positive behavior, supports for students with more complex needs manifested in disruptive behavior, and those who need more intensive counseling (howery, mccleen, and pedersen-bayus 2013). teachers plan for variation in student ability and background by adjusting instruction. designing lessons and activities that are engaging for each student and that address varying levels of ability and needs requires thoughtful planning at the outset of the lesson design process (howery, mccleen, and pedersen-bayus 2013). school and district collaboration each school in the district chooses themes around which to develop a plan for schoolwide effective behavior supports. administrators must develop a set of strategies to implement district-wide. these plans must support pro-social classroom behavior as well as create a comprehensive learning environment (howery, mccleen, and pedersen-bayus 2013). success of a pyramid approach hinges on the communication and strategizing done between schools, districts, and administrators. study results and recommendations over the past twenty years, gsacrd has looked to the research on innovative and inclusive education and actively worked to put this research into practice. most recently, in the past five years, the opportunities and challenges presented in 21 st century learning environments have been the catalyst for supporting the formation of new types of teams and new models of funding (howery, mccleen, and pedersen-bayus 2013). the implementation of the pyramids of intervention is still occurring in the gsacrd district and evaluation is ongoing, but there are recommendations and strengths that have arisen from the model. gsacrd has found that professional development of teachers, specifically focused on the development of school learning teams, is crucial to the efficacy of the model. professional development enables teachers to efficiently implement learning goals and outcomes into their instruction. furthermore, the core of this model’s success, as emphasized by the gsacrd district, is the formulation, design, and implementation of the curriculum. the district requires the support of the state, just as the work in the classroom requires support of the district (howery, mccleen, and pedersen-bayus 2013). the key element to a pyramid approach rests in the collaboration between school, district, and state. overview of pyramid of intervention the pyramid of intervention approach utilizes a comprehensive framework that views each student individually, but sees the school as a collaborative unit. this approach requires extensive skill development on the part of the teacher, and places more responsibility on the teacher to know and develop plans specific to each student. beyond the specificity required for each student, this model requires an overall dedication and knowledge of the goals of the schoolwide strategies related to assessment, discipline, behavior, and curriculum. this model serves as the more integrative model as it encompasses all aspects of a school environment and requires diligent collaboration from all stakeholders. education reform 39 conclusion “the task of the modern educator is not to cut down jungles, but to irrigate deserts.”c. s. lewis would a personalized learning framework work in trenton? barriers to institutional change small learning communities, blended learning, and pyramid of intervention are all valid educational innovations. while all three have established cases in various school districts around the globe, these innovations all have particular strength and weaknesses. the small learning communities rely heavily on district support and the ability to alter school structure, while blended learning focuses more on small-scale classroom change. the pyramid approach is more of a combination of the previous two models, but it requires immense support from the district and local community. the implementation of any of these innovations will require extensive research into the resources, support platforms, and methodologies of the schools, districts, and states that plan to adopt any of these models; however, these innovations all provide bright potential for the future of education reform in america and in trenton. school and district wide change to embark upon such an extensive innovation involving a personalized framework, districts should adopt a mindset in which they see themselves as overseeing a portfolio of different types of schools, rather than running a set of similar “one-size-fits-all” schools (evans 2012). moving to this mindset requires significant business model innovation for both the district and individual schools, as it requires the district to shift from running schools to instead seeing itself as an authorizer of schools and purveyor of supporting services to schools (evans 2012). research on school improvement consistently finds that district leadership plays a significant role in the success and sustainability of school-based reform efforts (sullivan and shaw 2010). a critical function in this new model is that the district move beyond input-based standards that seek to dictate how schools teach students, and instead create outcome-based student growth standards to give educational innovators a common target toward which to improve. trenton would have to evaluate the goals for its students and determine which concepts would be most beneficial to its students. education reform 40 the availability of new facilities and new curriculums critical findings from research on education innovation show that new organizations have a far easier time engaging in transformational innovation than do existing organizations because new organizations do not have existing models that constrain them (evans 2012). this finding could be implemented in trenton as the construction of the new trenton central high school will provide students with state-of-the-art facilities and will enable new platforms, like the personalized learning framework, to be tested and eventually implemented. findings from test classrooms in tchs can be adapted into other classrooms and in other schools in the district. technology needs enacting a personalized learning framework will often require a decent amount of digital learning capabilities. school districts must be aware of the capabilities of their district in terms of establishing cohesive digital learning programs within their schools. the necessity for a digital component will also hold true for the trenton school district; however, there are online databases that provide free and open education resources, online courses, and supplemental software tools that teachers can utilize. these resources will save the trenton school district thousands of dollars in curriculum planning. despite the availability of online resources, realistically, a personalized environment will require strong internet access, and may even require students to have internet access at home. the availability of internet at home for many trenton students may not be a reality, so this could limit the reach of digital personalized learning, at least in terms of homework and additional projects outside of school. if possible, it would be extremely beneficial for the trenton district to procure good contracts that enable schools to receive aid in the implementation and maintenance of their digital infrastructure (evans 2012). new role of teachers personalized learning changes the role and responsibilities of teachers. some of these potential changes include team-teaching models, new and differentiated teaching roles, and models that extend the impact of great teachers (evans 2012). the support of teachers is crucial because the main factor that influences the effectiveness of these innovations is teacher involvement. research findings reveal that many educational innovations have failed because they did not influence the beliefs of the practices of the teachers. the concerns-based adoption model (cbam) studies the process of implementing educational change by teachers. cbam focuses on bottom-up strategies and on introducing teachers to new teaching-learning in terms of stages of development (karmeshu, raman, and nedungadi 2012). because of the strong influence of teachers, additional training and development of teachers plays a large role in innovation adoption. the mckinsey report on education highlights the findings of several studies that show teacher training (tt) as a dominant success factor in the implementation of the personalized learning framework (2007). the creation of teacher training programs has resulted in successful personalized learning models. teachers must be prepared to enact innovative leadership that will encourage personalized learning and create an engaged student body. the intertwinement of new ways of teaching and the overall creation of a new learning environment implemented by trained teachers can lead to the success of a personalized learning framework (karmeshu, raman, and nedungadi education reform 41 2012). implementing teacher training models may be a large investment, but the output will be an increased and motivated student body. the future of trenton in reality, implementing an educational innovation in trenton will require immense communication between all administrators, teachers, and faculty. trenton does not have this ease of accessibility and sense of cohesion between all academic sectors. a sense of collaboration must occur, as well as the monetary backing needed to implement new concepts and training programs. in the long term, as these innovations garner support, change can occur, but patience and dedication are crucial to success. these reforms will represent a complete overhaul in the current education practices, and all members of the district must be capable and willing to implement, support, and sustain these changes. innovation in trenton: choosing a model although the bureaucracy and availability of resources limit trenton school district’s freedom in terms of education innovation, the district should not be dissuaded from enacting educational change. the blended learning model would work best in trenton because of its relative flexibility in comparison to the other two models. blended learning will enable teachers to take charge of the academic progress in their classrooms and provide teachers the skills and resources needed to effectively manage and assist children of all skill levels. the blended learning model relies less on district-wide collaboration, an element that is challenging to garner and sustain in trenton. blended learning, starting on a small scale in various classrooms throughout the district can eventually spread to all classrooms, creating a dynamic learning environment for all students, engaging them with the material and challenging them to grow as a student and as an individual. no matter the type of innovation trenton aims to adopt, the implementation of a personalized learning framework will necessitate a large overhaul of the education reform 42 current system; however, the state of education in 2014 has shown that the recent educational reforms have not improved the state of schools. the standardized testing reforms of the past 15 years have not improved trenton schools so it may be time for districts to dedicate themselves to a serious overhaul in order to enact a transformative reform that could very well result in tangible improvement in trenton school district. planning for effective personalization in trenton: assessment in a standards based state in today’s educational environment, standardized tests and assessments are heavily emphasized; the reality of the state of education will not enable schools to discontinue standardized tests in favor of other assessment options. if trenton chooses to implement a personalized approach, they must be able to implement methods for evaluation. fortunately, there are methods with which to intertwine a personalized learning framework and a standardsbased curriculum. without a personalized approach, a standards based curriculum will focus too much on high-stakes testing. learning is diminished when the engagement of the student is disregarded (powell and kusuma-powell 2012). personalized learning would also be adversely affected if there were no clearly defined standards for achievement. for example, the overly individualized learning programs characteristic of the 1960s, with 25 lessons for 25 students and no sense of a learning community, resulted in a lack of a clear learning outcome (powell and kusuma-powell 2012). at this point in time in education, a balance of the two facets will ensure the most beneficial learning environment for students. the models illustrated can all be evaluated and assessed through the aforementioned methods in the achieving efficacy: setting indicators section. course performance, course rigor, grade retention, attendance, and noncognitive elements of learning conditions, discipline, social education reform 43 and emotional learning, and mental and physical health, can all be monitored and assessed to provide teachers and districts with an indication of student, class, and school progress. these indicators can be measured through feedback received from students, teachers, and administrators. these non-standardized assessment tools are concrete options that still grant districts flexibility with how to monitor student success while ensuring students are receiving a quality education. moreover, these methods of assessment can be used in conjunction with the statemandated assessments. until the prevalence of standardized testing diminishes, teachers will have to integrate learning and assessment, both creative and didactic, into their classrooms. the shift from topics to concepts standards-based curriculums can only be personalized when the learning outcomes are framed as robust, primary concepts (powell and kusuma-powell 2012). in order to create a more innovative environment, teachers must make a crucial shift from teaching topics to teaching concepts. when teachers translate topics into teachable concepts, they embed the rationale for engaging students in learning about that concept. teachers must find a balance between personalized learning and the mandated engagement in reliable common assessments. if students are being assessed on a conceptual idea, these ideas can be illustrated differently. for example, a student’s understanding of the causes of world war i could be demonstrated through an essay, a model, a graphic illustration, or a skit. while the demonstrations vary, students are held to the same standard of conceptual mastery (powell and kusuma-powell 2012). the key to personalized learning is to identify clear and robust learning outcomes that are conceptually based, not stated in terms of specific content or facts, and to personalize the assessment process, but not the evaluation criteria (powell and kusuma-powell 2012). this approach will still hold a curriculum to high standards but will also make it more accessible and engaging for students. not every concept can be personalized some aspects of every curriculum are nonnegotiable, especially skills involving literacy and mathematics that will be tested under the common core. it would not be wise to ignore these standards or required content if it jeopardizes a teacher’s future or necessary student requirements. in today’s educational environment, a step towards a marriage between a personalized learning framework and state-mandated standards will result in the most engaging environment possible for students and will also give school districts more time to test and determine the best way to implement a personalized learning model. https://mail.google.com/mail/u/0/#144ff177b8ae61ed_toc education reform 44 final remarks the concept of a personalized learning framework provides countless implications for future innovations within today’s classroom, and within the trenton school district. the three models mentioned in this work, small learning communities, blending learning and pyramid of intervention approach all have inherent strengths and weaknesses in their program design and implementation. the idea of reform can often cause backlash; however, in today’s society the reform in education is vital to the future of america’s youth. the reforms adapted up to this point illustrate changes in learning and assessment format, but complete structural changes and overhauls must occur in order for real change to take place. implementing an educational innovation on a large scale will take dedication, resources, and time, but it has the potential to provide a gateway to success for all students in all districts, and not just serve as a temporary, procedural switch in how schools teach children. we can accomplish this goal if we create and implement an educational innovation that will enable students to succeed in the 21 st century, under a platform that creates the most viable opportunities for success. education reform 45 appendix a current expenditures per student in fall enrollment in public elementary and secondary schools, in constant 2011-2012 dollars, by function of current expenditures: 1999-2000, 2005-2006, and 2009-2010. appendix b summary of a personalized learning framework case study the study: central board of secondary education in india in the central board of secondary education in india a unique personalized learning framework called continuous and comprehensive evaluation (cce) was established for 11,500 k-12 schools. it included continuous means of evaluation of a learner’s growth and development; it viewed learning as an ongoing process rather than a series of discrete events. the program included assessment in the beginning and at the end of instruction, as well as evaluation spread over the entire academic session. the cce program personalized learning; both the teacher and the learners are required to participate actively and continuously. cce framework is a new evaluation paradigm which is not only diagnostic in nature but also provides personalized feedback to each learner for his/her growth and development. the key components to this program were the regularity of assessment, frequency of unit testing, diagnosis of learning gaps, use of corrective measures, and retesting. teachers were required to evaluate the personal learning styles of learners. the study of the cce program identified 8 significant factors: teacher incentives, teacher workload, peer influence, school support, perceived usefulness, perceived ease of use, compatibility, and teacher training. the study included 295 teachers from 3 school districts, including 18 secondary schools in india (karmeshu, raman, and nedungadi 2012). respondents were asked to comment on the cce factors, and results were produced. education reform 46 results the teachers training program emerged as the dominant factor influencing innovation adoption. thus, the study concluded that the success of personalized learning framework is in the service training programs for the existing teachers. these teacher programs are various training programs equipping teachers with new pedagogical methods and technology supported teaching skills to motivate the teacher to adopt new innovation. furthermore, the results founds that the spread and speed of diffusion of education innovation, the rate at which teacher adopts the personalized learning framework, will also determine the likelihood of the success of the personalized learning framework. the study recommends for districts and schools to have proposed a modeling framework for the study of diffusion of educational innovation among the population of potential adopter-teachers. it concludes that multidimensional programs that would have a good strategy and speed up the process of training would ensure a successful adoption of this innovation (karmeshu, raman, and nedungadi 2012). appendix c graphic depiction of the layout of a small learning community in a pennsylvania high school education reform 47 appendix d summary of the blended learning models outlined by the clayton christensen institute 1. rotation model: a program in which within a given course or subject students rotate between learning modalities, at least one of which is online learning. other modalities might include activities such as small-group or full-class instruction, group projects, individual tutoring, and pencil-and-paper assignments (clayton christensen institute 2012). the rotation model has 4 subdivisions: station rotation in station rotation students rotate on a fixed schedule. the rotation includes at least one station for online learning. other stations might include activities such as full-class instruction, group project, individual tutoring, and pencil-and-paper assignments (clayton christensen institute 2012). the station rotation model differs from the individual rotation model because students rotate through all of the stations, not only those on their custom schedules. lab rotation students rotate on a fixed schedule among different locations in the brick-and-mortar campus. one station emphasizes predominantly online learning, and the others are classrooms for other learning modalities (clayton christensen institute 2012). flipped classroom students rotate on a fixed schedule between face-to-face teacher-guided practice during the school day and online delivery of content from a remote location, usually home, after school (clayton christensen institute 2012). the primary delivery of content and instruction is online, which differentiates a flipped classroom from students who are merely doing homework practice online at night. the flipped classroom model accords with the idea that blended learning includes some element of student control over time, place, path, and pace because the model allows students to choose the location where they receive content and instruction online (clayton christensen institute 2012). individual rotation students rotate on an individually customized, fixed schedule among learning modalities. a teacher sets individual student schedules. the individual rotation model differs from the other rotation models because all students do not rotate to each station (clayton christensen institute 2012). 2. flex model: online learning is the main element of learning. students move on an individually customized, fluid schedule among learning modalities, with teacher supervision (clayton christensen institute 2012). the teacher provides face-to-face support on a flexible and adaptive as-needed basis through activities such as small-group instruction, group projects, and individual tutoring (clayton christensen institute 2012). 3. a la carte model (formerly self-blend model): students take one or more courses entirely online with an online teacher while simultaneously continue to have brick-andmortar educational experiences. students may take the online courses either on the brickand-mortar campus or off-site (clayton christensen institute 2012). 4. enriched virtual model: a school-wide model where for each course students divide their time between attending a brick-and-mortar campus and learning remotely using education reform 48 online delivery of content and instruction (clayton christensen institute 2012). this model differs from the flipped classroom because in enriched virtual programs, students rarely attend the brick-and-mortar campus every weekday. it differs from the a la carte model because it is a whole-school experience, not a course-by-course model (clayton christensen institute 2012). education reform 49 references bethell, t. 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http://eds.a.ebscohost.com/ehost/detail?sid=bedff180-0f31-448c-a317-%099099a74233a2%40sessionmgr4004&vid=1&hid=4203&bdata=jnnpdgu9zwhvc3qtbg%09l2zq%25%093d%3d#db=eric&an=ed535179 education reform 50 goodlad, j.i. 1997. in praise of education. new york, ny: teachers college press. haubenreich, j.e. 2012. “education and the constitution.” peabody journal of education. http://peabody.vanderbilt.edu/faculty/pje/pje_volume_87_issue_4_2012/haubenreich.php hooper, d.w. 2005. “standardized testing and assessment improve education.” in education: opposing viewpoints, ed. m.e. williams, 144-150. farmington hills, mi: greenhaven press. howery, k., mccleen, t. and pedersen-bayus, k. 2013. “reaching every student with a pyramid of intervention approach: one district’s journey.” canadian journal of education. http://eds.b.ebscohost.com/ehost/detail?sid=da9663578672-4132-9d23 johnson, j., kendziora, k. and osher, d. 2012. “rtt-s guidance: implementing performance metrics for continuous improvement that support the foundational conditions for personalized learning.” american institutes for research. http://eds.a.ebscohost.com/ehost/detail?sid=2ee3ffdf-19f2-4e8d-afb2 2ab1905aa02b%40sessionmgr4005&vid=1&hid=4203&bdata=jnnpdgu9zwhvc3qtbgl 2zq%3d%3d#db=eric&an=ed537580 karmeshu, raman, r., and nedungadi, p. 2012. “modelling diffusion of a personalized learning framework.” educational technology research & development. http://eds.a.ebscohost.com/ehost/detail?sid=b0adb30c-396f-4024-b545 bf92bfa5747c%40sessionmgr4004&vid=1&hid=4203&bdata=jnnpdgu9zwhvc3qtbgl 2zq%3d%3d#db=eft&an=78385172 karp, s. winter 2013-2014. “what’s wrong with the common core. rethinking schools, 28, 10 17. http://peabody.vanderbilt.edu/faculty/pje/pje_volume_87_issue_4_2012/haubenreich.php http://eds.b.ebscohost.com/ehost/detail?sid=da966357-%098672-4132-9d23 http://eds.a.ebscohost.com/ehost/detail?sid=2ee3ffdf-19f2-4e8d-afb2-%092ab1905aa02b%40sessionmgr4005&vid=1&hid=4203&bdata=jnnpdgu9zwhvc3qtbgl%092zq%3d%3d#db=eric&an=ed537580 http://eds.a.ebscohost.com/ehost/detail?sid=2ee3ffdf-19f2-4e8d-afb2-%092ab1905aa02b%40sessionmgr4005&vid=1&hid=4203&bdata=jnnpdgu9zwhvc3qtbgl%092zq%3d%3d#db=eric&an=ed537580 http://eds.a.ebscohost.com/ehost/detail?sid=2ee3ffdf-19f2-4e8d-afb2-%092ab1905aa02b%40sessionmgr4005&vid=1&hid=4203&bdata=jnnpdgu9zwhvc3qtbgl%092zq%3d%3d#db=eric&an=ed537580 http://eds.a.ebscohost.com/ehost/detail?sid=b0adb30c-396f-4024-b545-%09%09%09bf92bfa5747c%40sessionmgr4004&vid=1&hid=4203&bdata=jnnpdgu9zwhvc3qtbgl%092zq%3d%3d#db=eft&an=78385172 http://eds.a.ebscohost.com/ehost/detail?sid=b0adb30c-396f-4024-b545-%09%09%09bf92bfa5747c%40sessionmgr4004&vid=1&hid=4203&bdata=jnnpdgu9zwhvc3qtbgl%092zq%3d%3d#db=eft&an=78385172 http://eds.a.ebscohost.com/ehost/detail?sid=b0adb30c-396f-4024-b545-%09%09%09bf92bfa5747c%40sessionmgr4004&vid=1&hid=4203&bdata=jnnpdgu9zwhvc3qtbgl%092zq%3d%3d#db=eft&an=78385172 education reform 51 miltich, m. 2005. “standardized testing and assessment do not improve education.” in education: opposing viewpoints, ed. m.e. williams, 151-154. farmington hills, mi: greenhaven press. neill, m. 2005. “the no child left behind act is not improving education.” in education: opposing viewpoints, ed. m.e. williams, 151-154. farmington hills, mi: greenhaven press. partnership for assessment of readiness for college and careers. 2014. about parcc. http://www.parcconline.org/about-parcc powell, w. and kusuma-powell, o. 2012. “planning for personalization.” educational leadership.http://eds.a.ebscohost.com/ehost/detail?sid=d07564b1-708c-446d-8b4d 576a3106e605%40sessionmgr4003&vid=1&hid=4203&bdata=jnnpdgu9zwhvc3qtbg l2zq%3d%3d#db=eric&an=ej982174 project tomorrow. 2012. “leveraging intelligent adaptive learning to personalize education: a special white paper based upon the speak up 2011 national findings.” http://eric.ed.gov/?id=ed536064 rakow, s. 2014. “the common core: the good, the bad, the possible.” https://www.amle.org/browsebytopic/curriculum/currdet/tabid/186/artmid/793/arti c leid/140/common-core-good-bad-possible.aspx ruggerio, t. 2011. “the effect of small learning communities on success: one’s schools journey from comprehensive to personalized.” http://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ed524693.pdf soave, r. 2014. “common core gets awful review in new study.” http://dailycaller.com/2014/03/18/common-core-gets-awful-review-in-new-study/ http://www.parcconline.org/about-parcc http://eds.a.ebscohost.com/ehost/detail?sid=d07564b1-708c-446d-8b4d-%09576a3106e605%40sessionmgr4003&vid=1&hid=4203&bdata=jnnpdgu9zwhvc3qtbg%09l2zq%3d%3d#db=eric&an=ej982174 http://eds.a.ebscohost.com/ehost/detail?sid=d07564b1-708c-446d-8b4d-%09576a3106e605%40sessionmgr4003&vid=1&hid=4203&bdata=jnnpdgu9zwhvc3qtbg%09l2zq%3d%3d#db=eric&an=ej982174 http://eds.a.ebscohost.com/ehost/detail?sid=d07564b1-708c-446d-8b4d-%09576a3106e605%40sessionmgr4003&vid=1&hid=4203&bdata=jnnpdgu9zwhvc3qtbg%09l2zq%3d%3d#db=eric&an=ej982174 http://eric.ed.gov/?id=ed536064 https://www.amle.org/browsebytopic/curriculum/currdet/tabid/186/artmid/793/arti%09c%09leid/140/common-core-good-bad-possible.aspx https://www.amle.org/browsebytopic/curriculum/currdet/tabid/186/artmid/793/arti%09c%09leid/140/common-core-good-bad-possible.aspx http://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ed524693.pdf http://dailycaller.com/2014/03/18/common-core-gets-awful-review-in-new-study/ education reform 52 state college area school district. 2013. why learning communities? http://www.scasd.org/page/2121 sullivan, r. and shaw, d. 2010. “districtwide implementation of small learning communities: a case study on improving school climate.” urban education collaborative. http://eds.b.ebscohost.com/ehost/detail?sid=ea6cb13b-8ae8-4fdd-8b21 3e152a105538%40sessionmgr113&vid=1&hid=115&bdata=jnnpdgu9zwhvc3qtbgl2 zq%3d%3d#db=eric&an=ed532051 u.s. department of education, national center for education statistics. 2013. the condition of education. http://nces.ed.gov/pubs2013/2013037.pdf vespucci, r. 2001. public education in new jersey. http://www.nj.gov/education/genfo/penj.pdf williams m.e., ed. 2005. education: opposing viewpoints. farmington hills, mi: greenhaven press. http://eds.b.ebscohost.com/ehost/detail?sid=ea6cb13b-8ae8-4fdd-8b21-%093e152a105538%40sessionmgr113&vid=1&hid=115&bdata=jnnpdgu9zwhvc3qtbgl2%09zq%3d%3d#db=eric&an=ed532051 http://eds.b.ebscohost.com/ehost/detail?sid=ea6cb13b-8ae8-4fdd-8b21-%093e152a105538%40sessionmgr113&vid=1&hid=115&bdata=jnnpdgu9zwhvc3qtbgl2%09zq%3d%3d#db=eric&an=ed532051 http://eds.b.ebscohost.com/ehost/detail?sid=ea6cb13b-8ae8-4fdd-8b21-%093e152a105538%40sessionmgr113&vid=1&hid=115&bdata=jnnpdgu9zwhvc3qtbgl2%09zq%3d%3d#db=eric&an=ed532051 http://www.nj.gov/education/genfo/penj.pdf undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 service learning and education policy: innovation and reform for today’s classroom devon ziminski the college of new jersey the state of public education in america has been a consistent point of contention in recent decades. policymakers, educators, and parents have all addressed the need for reform, but positive, tangible change has proved minimal. this past semester, while enrolled in a marketing and public policy class at the college of new jersey, i was able to explore the educational issues and policy implications surrounding the trenton school district in trenton, new jersey. the class required each student to choose a subject area, and then research and participate in community engaged learning, ultimately resulting in a policy report that could be evaluated for discussion to aid the trenton area. the foundations of the class challenged me to assess how elements of marketing, psychology, and government inform public policy decisions. through my service learning, i learned more about the role that the government, non-governmental organizations, and private organizations play in improving trenton’s public school system. through my own research, and in conjunction with the trenton prevention policy board and the college of new jersey’s bonner institute for civic and community engagement, i engaged in multiple service trips and activities addressing the educational systems and educational attainment of students and schools in trenton. the trenton prevention policy board (tppb) is a grassroots effort that aims to reduce juvenile delinquency and promote positive youth development in the city of trenton. the board consists of local stakeholders gathering together to share their knowledge about policies, programs, services, and practices so they can make informed recommendations to municipal, county, and state officials. tppb has six subcommittees (health, juvenile delinquency, education, mentoring, domestic violence, and unemployment), and throughout the semester i attended meetings and worked directly with the education subcommittee. my work with tppb was facilitated by the bonner institute for civic and community engagement. tcnj’s bonner institute aims to improve and advance the local community through inducing systematic change. working with partners throughout the trenton community, the bonner institute addresses many issues including poverty, homelessness, hunger, education, environmental needs, juvenile justice, health, and immigration. my service trips were orchestrated through the bonner institute. my service learning experience substantially enhanced my understanding of and insight into educational practices and policies. tutoring in classrooms at hedgepeth williams middle school in trenton highlighted the lack of available resources and failure of current education policies; it became clear to me that new reforms could and should be enacted in order to revive the state of education and to provide a better future for today’s students, especially students in urban districts with demographics similar to trenton. my parents’ occupations in new jersey public high schools, my mother as a social worker and my father as an english teacher, meant i was raised in an environment salient to various educational issues and controversies; however, my working in a classroom fostered a personal connection with today’s education system. ziminski 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 the classroom service experience enriched my understanding of the daily issues and constant roadblocks that parents, teachers, students, and administrators face, especially in an urban district. service learning transformed an abstract concept into something tangible; i could see the frustrations of students and teachers and came to understand their roots. these roots stem from a lack of resources, curriculums inadequate for the student body demographics, and staff under-qualified to meet the variety of needs that must to be addressed in trenton, where students are at a higher risk of witnessing domestic violence or alcohol abuse at home, more likely to have an incarcerated parent than students in other districts, and waver close to or under the poverty line. after my experience, i now more firmly believe that the financial support needed to effectively equip a classroom, the counselor support staff needed to properly address student needs, and the infrastructure support needed to effectively run a school must be altered in order to create the best environment possible for students. only once the proper resources are present can significant learning take place. fostering the most sustainable educational foundation begins within the classroom, and student development can easily become stunted in solely assessment-focused or disengaged learning environments. while in the classroom, i found that many students had little to no attachment to the material and therefore experienced extreme difficulty sustaining interest in it. the key to developing this love of learning is to cultivate a positive relationship with the tools needed to learn, to spark a yearning for further knowledge. over-assessment and frustration stemming from the wrong or inadequate presentation of the materials or resources can easily dull this desire in students. the classrooms where i volunteered provided a plethora of insight into the innerworkings of a school and classroom. i learned that there cannot be a one-size-fits-all formula for each student, each classroom, each district, or each state. the standardized method of teaching students one-dimensional topics worked well in the 19 th century when most students were going into industrialized jobs; however, in today’s world, this one-size-fits-all strategy will not suffice. emphasis should be placed on schools that teach 21 st century skills such as critical thinking, communication, collaboration, and creativity. in the implementation of recent reforms, many policymakers and administrators have overlooked the importance of innovative thinking, especially when classrooms are faced with varying levels of resources and support. my community-based research taught me the necessity of policymakers’ understanding of and involvement with the inner-workings of classrooms, and that the unity between parents, teachers, administrators, government officials, and policymakers is crucial for any school policy, district curriculum, or classroom environment to thrive. with such diverse demographics and socio-economic classes present across the state of new jersey, government officials, administrators, and policymakers must increase their familiarity with the resources and needs of the schools and districts they regulate. this will allow for the most personalized and effective learning environment. ultimately, my service learning experience granted me new insight into the state of education today. education is caught in a crossfire between standards and other methods of teaching. the question remains how these two methods of teaching, whether taught exclusively or together, can yield the most dynamic classroom environments and produce motivated students. the engagement and sense of achievement students experience greatly depend on the resources and staff available to students, parents, and teachers; policymakers must be aware of possible resource limitations within the districts they oversee. ziminski 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 in school districts like trenton, where a large portion of the student body cannot meet district or state standards, further leaving students, parents, and teachers discouraged, i think policymakers and administrators can and should explore other options that may be more effective for districts where a discrepancy between educational potential and attainment exists. the report i wrote after my experiences and research, “a personalized learning framework: innovation and reform for today’s classroom,” addressed three main educational innovations that stress the diversity among classrooms and between districts, and emphasized the tools needed to create a vibrant and engaging learning environment for every student. these innovations fall under the practice of a personalized learning framework. personalized learning combats the increase of mandated standardized testing as it directly involves the students and teachers, working together to create a dynamic and rewarding learning environment. personalized learning is an approach that is individualized by design and thus varies from person to person. it grants students the freedom to explore their interests at a deeper level academically, providing personal support and attention. a personalized framework, whether implemented through small learning communities, blended learning, digital learning, or a pyramid of intervention approach, offers potential for tangible education reform. with both parents employed in new jersey public schools, i have always been conscious and attuned to the struggles between government, teacher liberty and accountability, curriculums, administrators, and policies, but my service learning experience instilled in me a deeper connection to the need for efficient and effective education for all: to vocalize the needs of parents, teachers, and administrators in order to create the most dynamic and flourishing learning environment for students. enacting reformative change will prove challenging, but change is vital to the reinvigoration of the education system within trenton, within new jersey, and within the entire united states. “education is for improving the lives of others and for leaving your community and world better than you found it.” – marian wright edelman ~ i would like to express my gratitude to dr. karen becker-olsen of the college of new jersey for her continuous encouragement, guidance within and beyond the classroom, and inspiring role as an educator and mentor. devon ziminski research devon ziminski reflection running head: san francisco chinatown public library advocacy 33 negotiating the public/private in racial and gender essentialist advocacy at the san francisco chinatown branch public library sally chen harvard college san francisco chinatown public library advocacy 34 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 8, fall 2019 abstract public libraries are a wonder—they are institutions that invite you to linger at no expense. often, they are built as if to anticipate your needs before they even register. although not part of their job description, community branch librarians frequently take on the roles of local educators, resource advocates, and cultural navigators. the san francisco chinatown branch librarians embodied this invisible history of labor, particularly through their advocacy to revitalize the physical space of the library in the 1970s-1990s. i deploy methods of closereading with specific theoretical frameworks on community formation and culture to analyze the librarians’ work in the service of their public branch libraries. i analyze print material and local ephemera: coalition circulations, programming and exhibition flyers, pamphlets and surveys, and newspaper and magazine articles from the san francisco public library archives. i argue that libraries are not only physical community centers, but critical centralized hubs of community knowledge and culture that librarians cultivate, that are vital to combatting and reshaping narratives of who and what asians and asian americans are, against dominant forms ascribed by the nation-state. san francisco chinatown public library advocacy 35 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 8, fall 2019 negotiating the public/private in racial and gender essentialist advocacy at the san francisco chinatown branch public library figure 1. mary castagnozzi, “c’town library welcomes new sunday schedule,” east/west, november 4, 1982, pp. 1–4. retrieved from chinatown branch library, chinatown subject file, san francisco public library. on november 4, 1982, over 1,000 people lined the steps and streets of the san francisco chinatown branch library, watching the lion dancers swivel and leap to the beat of the wide standing drums. photographs published in the english/chinese bilingual newspaper, east/west, captured scenes from the celebration of the branch’s new sunday hours. looming banners strung across the two-story brick facade showcased the theme of the event, “satellites in action.” the theme highlighted how the branch served as a satellite of the city library system and an autonomous central body for community action (castagnozzi, 1982, p. 4). this public showcasing of the chinatown branch came in a time of massive budget cuts for public institutions. at the national level, the economic conservatism and resistance to government taxation, which fueled the reagan administration, led to inflation that eroded public funding budgets from the 1970s to the late 1980s. at the state level, california passed proposition 13 in 1978, a bill which lowered state property taxes by 55% and would gut funding for libraries into the 1980s (bourne, 1981, p. 736). the san francisco public library would only reach budget stability in 1994, through a city proposition that created a dedicated san francisco chinatown public library advocacy 36 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 8, fall 2019 library fund (san francisco library commission, 2007).1 in 1982, the city slated a number of library closures. for most branches across the city, these decades were a lean period of struggling for survival. how was it then, that the chinatown branch not only survived these budget cuts, but in fact expanded in services during this time? this article explores how, building off the asian american movement of the 1960s 1970s, the chinatown branch librarians navigated the library’s position across public and private categorizations and mobilized racial and gendered strategic essentialisms to advocate for their library.2 for the chinatown branch, the librarians serve as important subjects of historical research for understanding the politics of effective grassroots advocacy during the 1970s-1980s. but how did the chinatown branch librarians’ advocacy role come to exist? how did the librarians advocate for their libraries? why and how was their advocacy successful? san francisco chinatown branch public library san francisco is a crucial site for chinese american history. outside of asia, san francisco’s chinatown is the oldest, largest, and most well-known chinese enclave. beginning in the 1850s, chinatown has been “a residential neighborhood, business community, and cultural center for generations of chinese americans” through decades of discrimination, racial hostility, and exclusion laws (yung, 2016). san francisco has also been the center for organizing, resistance, and coalition building for chinese americans, from civil rights battles to protests and strikes (louie & omatsu, 2001, p. 276; omatsu, 2007, pp. 59–60). 1 proposition e established a dedicated fund for the library department requiring the city to maintain funding levels and hours of library service for the 1994-2009 fiscal years. this proposition was renewed again in 2007. 2 not all librarians at the chinatown branch library were initially chinese american or women, but this demographic quickly came to represent the leadership of the branch, and i refer to this specific subset as the chinatown branch librarians in alignment with media coverage of the time that does the same. san francisco chinatown public library advocacy 37 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 8, fall 2019 during the 1970s and into the present, the san francisco public library has been a department of the city and county of san francisco. the city mayor typically appoints a sevenmember library commission to establish policy and in turn select the city librarian to implement policy and manage resource allocation (lambert & wardell, 2018, p. 17). according to a report by city librarian john frantz published in 1978, the main library housed central administration as well as the ordering and processing of english-language books for the system, while the affiliate neighborhood branches ensured that “no resident [was] more than a mile away from one of the libraries in the system.” the branch libraries were intended not as “miniature versions of the main library,” but were meant to “add to the characteristics of the local community” and “absorb into their design the needs and interests of those who use them” (frantz, 1978). each branch was open 40-50 hours a week, with a head librarian, adult librarian, and children's librarian as well as additional library assistants and technicians (schaffer, 1983, pp. 2–3). becoming a librarian necessitated a oneto two-yearlong master of library science degree, which entailed training in how to navigate the u.s. education system, the types of information classification, and the practices of equitable information dissemination (rubin, 1998, p. xi). in san francisco, the city centrally managed hiring for librarianship positions in the different branches. at the time of their local branch establishment, however, san francisco’s chinatown was not characterized as a community worthy of city public service due to systemic racism. the chinatown branch library was constructed in 1921 as a carnegie funded library, significantly, under the original name of the north beach branch (chinatown library: branch profile, 1987). though geographically accessible to the residents of chinatown, they were not the primary community the branch was built to serve. in the mid-to-late 19th century, u.s. san francisco chinatown public library advocacy 38 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 8, fall 2019 industrial labor needs and the uncertainty of china’s economy under european imperialist pressures led cantonese villagers from southern china to immigrate to the u.s. in a time of rampant racism and violence (lai, lim, & yung, 1991, p. 71). anti-chinese sentiment was nationally codified in the chinese exclusion act of 1882, while other discriminatory laws in california denied civil rights to chinese immigrants (lee, 2015, p. 90). in this context, historian nayan shah argues, san francisco’s chinatown was a product of segregation and state-sanctioned neglect, resulting in crowded and filthy housing conditions. ascribing these conditions to lack of moral worth, white americans reviled chinatown as a hub for “danger, deviance, and epidemic disease” (shah, 2001, p. 249). this racialization was contingent upon white perception of chinese americans’ pathologized sexual deviation from respectable white heterosexual family dynamics, ignoring the effects of immigration and labor policies as well as violent racism through the early 20th century (shah, 2001, p. 12).3 by the mid-20th century, however, the image of chinatown shifted to that of a sanitized ethnic enclave that could no longer be ignored in the allotment of public resources (shah, 2001, p. 225). during world war ii, the u.s. and china became allies, which had significant cultural impact through wartime propaganda (lee, 2015, p. 256). as nayan shah asserts, during this time many second-generation chinese americans obtained college degrees and learned the “language, customs, and political strategies necessary to enlist assistance [and] seek government intervention.” however, shah continues, most could not find work or housing outside of chinatown due to ongoing racial discrimination, and thus were particularly motivated to improve local conditions. these second-generation chinese 3 san francisco’s chinatown during this time was largely comprised of male chinese laborers, who were unsurprisingly reluctant to create settlements and start families in the u.s. chinese bachelor men faced characterizations of depravity in terms of drug use, brothel frequenting, and gambling, while the few chinese immigrant women faced accusations of concubinage or prostitution. san francisco chinatown public library advocacy 39 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 8, fall 2019 americans coordinated media and public health efforts to shift the image of chinatown to no more than an exotic tourist destination. as a community of assimilable citizens, they were then able to justify access to public housing funds (shah, 2001, p. 226). the same was true of other public resources, including the local branch library. second generation chinatown residents agitated to improve their neighborhood branch in 1956, coordinating the initial donations of chinese language materials and the creation of community spaces for exhibits, meetings, and programming (wiegand, 2015, p. 188). in 1958, the branch was renamed the chinatown branch to more accurately reflect the population it was intended to serve, one finally deemed respectable enough to deserve public resources (chinatown library: branch profile, 1987). this article begins in the 1970s, when changes in immigration policy and the organized advocacy of the asian american movement steered the branch to serve the chinatown community in more than name. the 1965 immigration and nationality act dismantled racial immigration quotas and sparked a wave of mass migration from asia to the u.s. (lee, 2015, p. 285). in 1970, the majority of chinese americans in san francisco lived and worked in chinatown, with the largest group comprised of working class families of recent immigrants or first-generation chinese americans. as these growing populations joined local advocacy for the chinatown branch to hire its first bilingual chinese american librarian and pushed for the formal development and integration of the chinese language collection for public access, the chinatown branch became a central facet of the community and a critical subject for analysis. san francisco chinatown public library advocacy 40 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 8, fall 2019 literature review and methods the u.s. public library system, from pre-1850s social libraries to the bookmobiles of the present day, has been and continues to be a vital and beloved institution for the communities it serves (rubin, 1998, p. 5). the public library is an essential provider of information, reading, and physical space that fosters communities and a sense of belonging in american society. despite discourse predicting the decline of public libraries to modernization, in 2015, two of three americans frequented a public library at least once a year and nearly that many were registered borrowers (wiegand, 2015, p. 6). the scholarship on public library history and librarianship, however, is relatively limited and has only in recent years expanded to examine categories of feminist librarianship and service to communities of color (goedeken, 1998, p. 420).4 even among historians of women, as suzanne hildenbrand notes, until recently “scholars have shown little interest in the so-called women’s professions: nursing, elementary school teaching, and librarianship,” instead preferring “to study women pioneers in so-called male professions” (hildenbrand, 1996, p. 5). with the turn of the 21st century, library history scholarship has expanded considerably in conceptualizing the public library and the work of public librarians in terms of their social contexts and political impacts. in 2017, libraries & culture was joined by the second ever academic journal on libraries, libraries: culture, history, and society, a reflection of the growing body of library scholarship focusing on the roles that public libraries and librarians have played outside of strict library and information science (goedeken, 2018, p. 111). 4 starting in 1968, libraries & culture: a journal of library history was the only academic journal for publications on public libraries for roughly fifty years. the biennial publication of the “literature of america library history, 1995-1996” in libraries & culture included the section “women in librarianship” for the first time. san francisco chinatown public library advocacy 41 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 8, fall 2019 in the case of asian american librarians and libraries serving asian american communities, scholarship has until recently been mainly circulated through journal articles, conferences, and newsletters of regional affinity groups of the american library association (“about | cala chinese american librarians association,” 2015; “about » asian pacific american librarians association,” 2019).5 building on the networks of the chinese americanlibrarians association and the asian pacific american librarians association, however, the first full-length book covering asian pacific american librarianship was published in 2018, recognizing the intentional work that librarians have contributed to these evolving communities (clarke, pun, & tong, 2018). continuing in the direction of the field of library history, this article examines the chinese american woman librarians at the san francisco public library’s chinatown branch, tracing an account of their advocacy as a part of the social and political developments in san francisco during the 1970s-1990s. this project is based on an archive built by the librarians themselves: the “chinatown subject file,” a collection with hundreds of local documents dating from 1970-2013 on the history of san francisco’s chinatown as well as the issues and concerns of chinese americans living in northern california, all available for public access at the san francisco public library. within this collection, the librarians created an archive of their own labor: internal circulations, surveys and questionnaires, newspaper article clippings, informational pamphlets, presentations, advertisements, and annotated ephemera from festivals, community meetings, and other events. the current archivists maintained that the collection was the joint efforts of multiple librarians clipping and saving relevant materials 5 in 1973, the mid-west chinese american librarians association was founded, expanding to have northeast, mid-west, atlantic, southwest and california chapters by 1979. in 1980, the broader asian pacific american librarians association (apala) was incorporated in illinois. san francisco chinatown public library advocacy 42 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 8, fall 2019 over time. this article takes the librarians’ efforts to represent chinatown and chinese american interest at the library and to create a record of this work as political acts. rather than examining intent and lived experience, this project centers close readings of representation through the lens of the archive, leaving further areas to explore such as the collection of oral histories. impetus for chinatown branch advocacy alongside the power movements, civil rights struggles, and women’s liberation activism, the 1960s-1970s was a time of intense advocacy for asian americans, particularly in san francisco. for the predominantly working class immigrant community in chinatown, grassroots efforts included housing and anti-eviction work, job and social service campaigns, and defense of education rights (omatsu, 2007, p. 59). activists built community power in part through reclamation of knowledge, looking toward not only concrete resources, but also cultural representation by and for the community (louie & omatsu, 2001, p. 305). these goals came together in projects like the building of the chinese language collection and hiring of chinese american librarians in the san francisco chinatown branch library. advocates demanded bilingual collections and services by and for chinese americans, eliminating barriers to public privileges and countering the societal estrangement of chinese americans as immigrants and ethnic minorities.6 the association of chinese teachers was one prominent group among chinatown branch advocates that represented library patron concerns, both their own and their students. in 1970, over fifty percent of the city's chinese american population was below the age of 21, but local high schools lacked 6 within documents cited in this work, writers use chinese community, chinese american community, and chinatown community interchangeably to refer to both chinese americans living in the bay area and san francisco chinatown proper. in my own writing i attempt to differentiate between distinctions of diasporic chinese and chinese americans as well as the specifics of that population within chinatown. san francisco chinatown public library advocacy 43 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 8, fall 2019 bilingual teachers who could communicate with immigrant students and had an acute shortage of chinese american teachers who taught "any treatment of american chinese history and the experience which makes up the daily reality of students living in the ghetto” (chin, 1975, p. 1). chinese american teachers argued that the unprecedented rise in suspensions and dropouts was “evidence of the growing alienation of chinese students from the public school system” (nee & de bary, 1973, pp. 14– 15). linguistic access and representation had direct impact on success outcomes for their students and the chinatown branch was a point of intervention (chin, 1975, p. 2). chinese american library patrons strongly supported the existing chinese language collection and expressed near consensus in hoping to see its expansion. in 1960, the original donated chinese language holdings came to a meagre total of 245 volumes. under community pressure, the number of chinese language books steadily increased to roughly 5,000 volumes by the early 1970s. however, these 5,000 books still represented only 20% of the branch’s total holdings and in documentation of charge slips tracking book usage per day, 48% of the branch’s patrons used the chinese collection (poon, 1973, p. 16). nearly half of all patrons were sharing the 20% of chinese language books, reflecting the popularity of this small collection. matched with the growing population of chinese americans in san francisco in 1970, these usage rates translated to a ratio of roughly 1 book for every 12 people (poon, 1973, p. 18). furthermore, the chinese language collection at the chinatown branch was the only collection of its kind in san francisco offered free to the public (poon, 1973, p. 30). the community demand for chinese books far outpaced the growth of the collection. in response to a 1973 survey question to branch patrons, “do you think there should be a chinese language collection at s.f.p.l., chinatown branch?,” 98% of the 186 respondents said “the chinese san francisco chinatown public library advocacy 44 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 8, fall 2019 language collection should be expanded and improved in all fields” (poon, 1973, p. 36). the chinese american patrons also demanded that representatives of the library branch be accountable to the needs of the chinatown community. in 1974, the san francisco board of supervisors’ budget and governmental efficiency committee slated $50,000 of general revenue funding to potentially be allocated to chinatown branch renovations--a significant sum particularly given the beginnings of budget erosion for public funding during this time. according to press coverage from chinese/english newspaper east/west, as the meeting progressed, the city librarian kevin starr was not prepared to account for any of the library projects that the funds would be supporting, beyond physical expenditures. instead, the “chinese faces [that] were conspicuously visible at the hearing” stepped up to speak about the need for student counseling and skill building programs (“supervisors release library funds,” 1974). the reporter even goes so far as to assert, “perhaps, if persons from the chinese community...had not been present, funds earmarked for chinatown’s public library would have gone the route of other library projects--down the drain” (“chinatown library renovation in limbo,” 1974). chinese american patrons pushed for community accountability from library representatives involved in critical political decisions. the city library administration responded with the part-time hiring of the first bilingual chinese american librarian at the branch to oversee the chinese language collection and serve as a connection to the chinatown community. the san francisco public library “temporarily borrowed a position from another library outlet...to place a third librarian at chinatown branch,” creating judy yung’s position in 1969. the administration recognized, san francisco chinatown public library advocacy 45 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 8, fall 2019 “we are especially fortunate in that miss judith yung, who has been assigned, is chinese and we know will be a real assistance to us in that community because of her language facility” (san francisco public library staff, 1969, p. 2). the hiring of judy yung specifically addressed the continuing need for a bilingual professional librarian to manage the chinese language collection and facilitate its use for patrons. her hiring was also overtly valued as bridging a connection with the chinatown community. the first chinese american librarians in san francisco’s chinatown branch held a commitment to community advocacy. while librarians typically apply for open positions under civil service requirements in the city system, the creation of positions like that of judy yung’s through advocacy generated a special responsibility to community expectations of the library’s role in the community. in 1971, yung was joined at the branch by stella chan, who served as branch head librarian until 1980. city administration initially gave no guarantee for continued bilingual chinese american leadership, but after community outcry, chan was ultimately succeeded by bilingual chinese american librarian elsie wong (“call to recruit bilingual branch librarian for chinatown library,” 1980; “chinatown library staff should be bilingual,” 1980). the statements which the librarians gave in representing the local community, whether to local newspapers like east/west or publications with wider readership like the sf chronicle, thus always carried the weight of political advocacy. outside of the strict boundaries of their official work, the chinatown branch librarians were responsible for representing and responding to the demands of the community, resulting in the development of their role as community advocates. san francisco chinatown public library advocacy 46 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 8, fall 2019 strategies for chinatown branch advocacy chinatown branch librarians advocated successfully for increased library resources under the argument of the branch as a private space, defined as the assumed-feminine locus of domestic life and intimacy (briganti & mezei, 2000, pp. 5, 11).7 the chinatown branch librarians were critical representatives, translators, and advocates for the visibly coalescing chinese american community around the chinatown branch library. from the 1970s to early 1980s, the librarians negotiated against reductions to opening hours during extensive budget cuts and managed external donation campaigns to grow the chinese language collection (castagnozzi, 1982; “s.f. chinatown library asks for subscriptions,” 1984). growing patron use drove further expansion, including a community garden and children's’ room (chinatown library: branch profile, 1987, p. 2; wiegand, 2015, p. 206). with the effectiveness of the librarians’ advocacy and efforts to meet community needs, library patrons accessed the chinatown branch resources and space more than ever before. by 1990-1991, annual circulation was 345,873 books and the number of patrons at the branch every open hour had doubled in less than two decades (“chinatown branch second home for patrons,” 1974, p. 3). as the culmination of decades of labor, the branch librarians, with the support of the city administration, were then able to create a compelling application for state funding, resulting in a $2.5 million comprehensive renovation grant (herbert, 1994; picache, 1992). from the 1970s-1990s, the chinatown branch was busier than ever as a community mainstay. the librarians recorded unmet patron needs through qualitative surveys, the results of which reflected internal tension and dissatisfaction with the branch overall. in 1977, the 7 i use the term private space and domestic space interchangeably, as describing the overlapping spaces “of/belonging to the home, house, or household.” san francisco chinatown public library advocacy 47 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 8, fall 2019 friends of the san francisco public library wrote a survey to assess the strengths and weaknesses of branch libraries across the city. the chinatown branch staff ensured distribution of the survey for adult and child patrons in both english and chinese. the survey responses from adults highlighted how uncomfortable and under-resourced the branch was: “the library is too noisy and too crowded (many said this!); the peaceful atmosphere that a library should have is destroyed; the adult section is too small, the children’s section is too big, too noisy and often empty [...]” (chan, 1977). the parenthetical librarian notes included in the aggregate responses signal the frequency at which these responses came up, since the full list of complaints is roughly three times longer than this excerpt. the adult patrons believed the library branch should be quiet and undisturbed and raised tensions between the needs of adults and children. even among child respondents, the library for some was a “comfortable place to socialize with friends,” while for others, the library was “noisy, too hot, too crowded” (chan, 1977). the responses point to an inconsistency in experience, with some positive experiences coming at the expense of others. the adult and child patrons expressed dissatisfaction with the conditions of the library and disagreed over what role the library should play, whether academic hub or social space. the chinatown branch librarians, however, represented the library in contradiction to the tension and dissatisfaction of the patrons, instead portraying the branch as a happy home for the community. in 1974, a library newsletter published an article titled, “chinatown branch second home for patrons” based on a quote from head librarian stella chan describing how the branch was “bursting at its seams with eager community participants who have come to regard it as a second home.” she focused on this positive reading of the library branch rather than bringing up how the branch was overcrowded, understaffed, and san francisco chinatown public library advocacy 48 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 8, fall 2019 underfunded as an arm of the public city infrastructure. she acknowledged, “we have probably the noisiest library in town because it has become a gathering place where people socialize,” but diverted by saying, “chinese people are very tolerant, though” and praised “the family-type atmosphere at her branch where small children and the noises they bring are accepted and expected” (“chinatown branch second home for patrons,” 1974). the overflow of complaints and mixed expectations of how the library atmosphere should in fact be tranquil and academic stand at odds with her positive assessment of the atmosphere. nonetheless, the librarians asserted an unproblematic cohesion of the chinatown community and the branch’s position as a central home for that community. the dual assertions of the chinatown branch as a public or private space strategically coexist in different arguments and advocacies. scholar susan gal engages with this idea of the private and public, a distinction that has its origins in the patriarchal nineteenth century european and american conceptualizations of “separate spheres.” this distinction relies on binary gendered assumptions. the public sphere, where rational thought, politics, and commerce occur, is essentially male. the private sphere, where emotion, intimacy, and family care occur, is essentially female. gal posits that these distinctions are neither completely arbitrary nor simply descriptive, but that they function as argumentative tools “to characterize, categorize, organize, and contrast virtually any kind of social fact: spaces, institutions, bodies, groups, activities, interactions, relations” (gal, 2002, p. 81). as a form of strategy rather than simple dichotomy, the private and the public form multiple nesting distinctions that can obfuscate strategies of social change. community-embedded branches of public libraries exemplify these layers of argumentative multiplicity. the chinatown branch is under the san san francisco chinatown public library advocacy 49 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 8, fall 2019 francisco public library city department, funded through state and city grant allocations, and staffed through civil service requirements like any other department (parks and recreation, municipal transportation, waste management, etc.) however, because a branch library serves a specific community, processes like collection-building carry a level of responsiveness to subsets of the city population. within the space of the chinatown branch, there are community rooms, culturally-specific activities, and specialized care for children and the elderly, which bring the library further in conceptual alignment with the private and domestic. at every level, this rationale of public and private categorizations form the implicit backdrop for how the library is governed, influencing decisions on issues from funding to linguistic access. effectiveness of chinatown branch advocacy the framing of the library branch as a private space was politically effective because of the essentialist racial and gendered position of the chinatown branch librarians as chinese american women in the specific context of san francisco’s chinatown in the 1970s-90s. from the origins of the american public library system in the latter half of the nineteenth century, women’s organizations have played a significant role in shaping and establishing local library branches in their communities (m.s.i, 2005, p. 45). american librarianship has since evolved into a largely feminized profession, alongside professions like nursing and primary school teaching (hildenbrand, 1996, p. 5). as a profession in which women play an outsized role, librarianship carries the expectations of gendered responsibilities of domestic care, such as the nurture and development of children (douglas & gadsby, 2017, p. 9). in 1970, city library administrator m. moses described the growing importance of the chinatown branch librarians’ work in dramatic terms for the children who access the library: “the importance of service to these pre-school groups cannot be over-emphasized. unless library awareness is san francisco chinatown public library advocacy 50 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 8, fall 2019 planted and developed at an early age we may lose these children,” emphasis hers (moses, 1970, p. 2). moses does not clarify whether she means the loss of children as library patrons or the loss of their interest in books, instead opting for an emphasis on the dire stakes of failing this generation of children. in the development of american branch libraries, women have played significant roles, wielding a level of authority in this context as the expected curators and guardians of a domestic space. furthermore, the context of the asian american movement primed public acceptance of the chinese american woman librarians’ authority over the chinatown branch. male asian american activists in the 1970s resisted being labelled as perpetually foreign, sexually deviant, or passively bourgeois--stereotypes reiterated in state exclusion of asian americans from american citizenship. they instead fought for a vision of asian american enfranchised citizenship, neither assimilative nor ghettoized. building on the work of feminist and queer scholars, david eng highlights how this resistance problematically supported a cultural nationalist project centered on identity-based politics prescribing an ideal true asian american: “male, heterosexual, working class, american born, and english speaking.” he links male asian american activists’ assertion over the public space of the nation state with their assertion over the private space of heterosexual home and family at the limitation of the feminine and queer from public politics (eng, 1997, pp. 33–35). asian american activism coalesced in the 1970s around the linkages between cultural nationalism, claims over the nation-state, and compulsory heterosexuality. in the context of previous denial of “home and nation-state through the domestic and the heterosexual,” chinese american women were able to harness a specific avenue of heteronormative representation for public political organizing (eng, 1997, p. 43). with the san francisco chinatown public library advocacy 51 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 8, fall 2019 changes in immigration policy from the 1965 immigration and nationality act, the demographics of chinese americans shifted dramatically to include large numbers of women, physically allowing for the largescale asian american masculine recuperation of heterosexual nuclear family structures (bao, 2003, p. 287). in 1977-1982, female garment factory organizers for daycare services in new york’s chinatown projected “an apolitical image of themselves as concerned and responsible mothers and wives…to galvanize the broadest possible support in a relatively conservative community split by political factions” (bao, 2003, p. 297). considering a similar timeframe to san francisco chinatown branch advocacy, xiaolan bao theorizes the efficacy and strategic value of mobilizing chinese american motherhood. the organizers presented an essentialist heteroproductive frame to their political work that effectively built on the asian american movement’s championing of heterosexual home and family. while government-supported daycare services have wide-ranging impacts, the choice to forward the image of these working women as mothers and keepers of domestic spaces effectively leveraged the circumstances of the asian american movement. for the chinatown branch librarians, the shift of the library from a public space to a private space and the essentialist reframing of their chinese american womanhood as authority over that space via self-portrayals of respectability and figurative motherhood built a strategic appeal for library resources. strategic essentialism was a term coined by theorist gayatri spivak for the critical use of universalizing feminist discourse in activism. spivak asserts that any application of concepts and labels, like woman or asian american, has a certain commitment to oversimplification and reduction, and thus proposes a careful negotiation of the uses and limits of essentialism for strategic purposes (spivak, n.d., p. 13). given the nuanced information that the chinatown branch librarians had at their disposal, san francisco chinatown public library advocacy 52 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 8, fall 2019 their choice to characterize the branch as a family-centered domestic home space in publications and media statements marks their essentialist rhetoric as intentional strategy (danius, jonsson, & spivak, 1993, p. 20).8 when fighting against a monday night closing of the branch in 1979, stella chan lobbied the chief of branches and listed four populations that such a change would impact. the first three she described had needs which were easy to understand in terms of time constraints: patrons in service jobs who worked on the weekends, adults hoping to find a quiet library environment in the evenings, and chinatown students looking to study after school. however, chan wrote at length about the bachelor elders who had specific and historically rooted needs: “chinatown has a high proportion of single elderly men, victims of anti-chinese immigration laws which excluded their wives and children from admission to the u.s. they live in poverty in bare studioapartments, without television or radio or adequate light for reading. their evening hours are very lonely, and they look upon the library as their real home” (chan, 1979). up until the 20th century, the image of chinatown as a bachelor society of men had been the locus of pathologized immorality and sexual deviancy (shah, 2001, p. 225). chan explained how the literal social structure came to be, establishing the men’s distinct history of racialization, but quickly established that outside of these discriminatory laws, these men would have had wives, children, and a home. she built upon a narrative of recuperating the heterosexual nuclear family structure for elderly chinese american bachelors, echoing asian american activist rhetoric and establishing a chinese american respectability legible to white middle class americans. chan argued the library as a private space for these men and the librarians as surrogate mother figures addressing the 8 spivak has since expressed frustration to the scholarly use of the phrase “strategic essentialism” as a reductive ticket for essentialism, with little focus upon the possibilities and meanings of the strategy. in successive interviews she has explained how she has given up on the term, though not the project itself. acknowledging this tension, i have attempted to give examination to the chinatown branch librarian’s strategies as intentional projects. san francisco chinatown public library advocacy 53 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 8, fall 2019 men’s lonely evening hours. the chinatown branch librarians crafted a moral appeal in line with the broader asian american activism of the time, positioning their role as supporting a respectable heteronormative chinese american community. as a direct corollary of the mobilization of motherhood and the private sphere, the librarian’s advocacy also appeared to be largely apolitical, strategically masking the actual progress and change being accomplished (gal, 2002, p. 95).9 in an article published in 1990, chinatown branch librarian elsie wong argued for the expansion of the branch: “the community depends on the library not only for the printed word, but as a social, family and daycare center as well.” she spoke about the library in terms of its impact upon families, even going so far as to situate the library in the domestic sphere of a daycare for children. this tactic was legible on multiple levels for a politically diverse community, drawing attention from their ambitious bid for $2.5 million of state funding--much more ambitious than a daycare center, by any measure (ohnuma, 1990). the chinatown branch librarians were able to reach the same political goals of bringing knowledge and resources to their communities under the apolitical guise of a responsible chinese american mother-figure’s care. in the context of the asian american movement’s push for community-based power against the historic ghettoization and marginalization of asian americans, advocates for the san francisco chinatown branch library demanded relevant bilingual materials and community accountability. in response, the central san francisco public library brought on the first bilingual chinese american librarians to the existing staff. the librarians argued the 9 gal argues that using the private sphere in argument masks actual change. she explains in her work how socialist visionaries in hungary denied that they were initiating radical changes in the hungarian economy by couching their plans as within the domestic sphere, when in reality they were introducing broad forms of market economy. san francisco chinatown public library advocacy 54 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 8, fall 2019 chinatown branch’s position as a domestic space of community cohesion, an effective mediafacing strategy in the librarians’ campaigns for expanding library resources, from successfully extending opening hours to physical renovation. the essentialist framing of their positions as maternalistic in the domestic space of the library aligned with the feminized nature of librarianship and the gendered heteronormative lines of asian american organizing of the time, thus appealing to a wide audience. this tactic obfuscated their work from appearing political in nature, not only advancing the political goals of community empowerment in the 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(2015). part of our lives: a people’s history of the american public library. oxford. http://hdl.handle.net/2027/mdp.39015052092536 san francisco chinatown public library advocacy 60 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 8, fall 2019 yung, j. (2016). san francisco’s chinatown: a revised edition (images of america). mount pleasant, south carolina: arcadia publishing. san francisco chinatown branch public library literature review and methods impetus for chinatown branch advocacy strategies for chinatown branch advocacy effectiveness of chinatown branch advocacy kessell r accepted edit ay undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013 more than service-learning: what i learned about me, and you, and them. relationships matter. barbara kessell dominican university of california here i was, a 48-year-old, recently divorced woman, returning to school to finally finish a college degree. as part of my ethics requirement for an undergraduate degree in psychology, i enrolled in the course self, community, and service: thinking and action for ethical being. i teamed up with a community partner, marin ymca youth court as a case manager. my role as case manager was to help troubled teens who had broken the law. the marin county youth court is an innovative restorative justice alternative to the traditional juvenile justice system. it is an early intervention program for first-time misdemeanor offenders. the program is designed to give youth between the ages of ten and seventeen, who have broken the law and admitted their guilt, a second chance. if the offender completes his/her sanctions within three months, his/her juvenile record is cleared. the case manager’s responsibilities include attending the youth’s hearing and meeting with the youth and his/her family immediately following the hearing. the case manager helps the youth find a non-punitive community service opportunity, ensures the youth attends all sanctioned youth court meetings, and makes weekly contact with the youth (usually via telephone) until completion of the sanctions, including community service hours. i had no idea what i was getting myself into. i assumed this would be just another hurdle to jump over in my efforts to finish my college degree. it turned out to be so much more. i am convinced that before working with the marin youth court i had the sort of brain jonah lehrer (2009) warns us about – one “that’s intolerant of uncertainty [and] often tricks itself into thinking the wrong thing” (203). like many middle-class, white americans, i had little previous personal exposure to the criminal justice system. leading into my work with marin youth court, i assumed the teens i would be helping bore little, if any, resemblance to those i’d known best – my own children, for example, two of them teenagers themselves. my oldest, 27, now has a family of her own, but i remember her rocky teen years well. but she never ended up in youth court. i thought the teens in marin youth court would be dangerous kids from dysfunctional families. i wasn’t sure i could really make a difference. i worried about the time commitment, concerned that my working with other teens would take too much time away from my own children. but the time came, and i was assigned my first case. it is in this capacity that i met alex and his family. it is here where my thinking changed forever. everyone is entitled to have his/her basic needs met (health, food, shelter, education), to exercise certain human capabilities, and to be protected from certain harms (appiah 2006, 165). all states should respect the rights and meet the needs of their citizens. all of us share in this collective obligation (appiah 2006, 164). but how much can i really do without derailing my own life, which sometimes borders on a fragile balance? i used to teach an american red cross lifeguarding class. a main rule i tried to instill in my students as potential lifeguards was: never put yourself in danger. you cannot help others if you put yourself at risk. i think this rule applies to our obligations to strangers as well. after meeting alex and his family, i realized we could not have been more different. alex’s parents spoke spanish with very limited english. i spoke english with very limited spanish. alex’s parents were hardworking people, each holding down multiple jobs to make ends meet, working long hours including evenings and weekends, all while trying to raise alex kessell 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013 and his two brothers. for years i had been a stay-at-home mom, living in white suburbia, raising my three children. i was immediately out of my comfort zone. how could i possibly help this family navigate through a system i knew little about? the language barrier, i knew, would not be helpful. even so, i felt it was important to get out of my bubble. i needed to educate myself on what’s really going on in our country. i needed to develop more compassion. i needed to reevaluate where i spent my time. i needed to at least try to make a difference. in the process, i learned as much about myself as i did about alex. indeed, nearly every one of my preconceptions would be challenged. “alex” was a 16-year-old boy who was caught with drug paraphernalia in his backpack at school. alex was a quiet kid from a traditional hispanic family, but when asked on the stand at the marin youth court if he had any regrets, he simply said, “i regret getting caught.” this really annoyed me. i was convinced that i couldn’t help this kid if he wasn’t taking responsibility for the crime he had committed. in talking with alex, i told him i wished this program were around when i was raising my oldest daughter. he quietly asked, “did she turn out okay?” this was the first time i saw that maybe alex really did want to “turn out okay.” why was i so surprised? it was obvious i had already convinced myself that alex had no remorse. ignoring what’s happening around us because it goes against what we already believe is delusional. when we pay attention to only those things that confirm our beliefs, we become ignorant fools. “we all silence the cognitive dissonance through self-imposed ignorance” (lehrer 2009, 207). after pleading guilty to possession of drug paraphernalia, alex’s sanctions recommended by the jurors of the marin youth court were 25 hours of community service, sitting on the tuesday night jury for four marin youth court cases, and attending one saturday dui (decisions under the influence) training session with his parents. alex agreed to the sanctions. my role as case manager was to see that alex fulfilled this obligation. alex had had troubles before. he had been seeing a counselor, but alex stopped going and his parents didn’t have the money to keep paying. without outside resources, his parents were left to deal with alex on their own. as punishment for the possession of drug paraphernalia, alex’s parents took away his cell phone (which they were having trouble affording anyway). this made my job very difficult. my only means of communicating with alex was through his parents, mainly his mother. this was not an ideal situation. it became very clear to me that the kids who have the latest technology, i.e. their own cell phones, usually the more affluent kids, are in better contact with their case managers and therefore receive better case management. also, there was the language barrier between alex’s parents and myself. a lot of the information i wanted to communicate could have been forwarded via email in spanish materials already available through the marin youth court. but alex’s parents didn’t have an email account, or access to a computer for that matter. this made it very difficult to convey information. i knew they would be in a better position to understand and make decisions if they could get the information in a language they knew well. again, the wealthier families with computer access get better case management. the next couple of months were difficult for everyone. i would wait for alex each tuesday evening, but eventually he stopped showing up. i would get a call from his mother saying alex was in bed and didn’t feel well. out of frustration, his father would threaten to call the police to drag alex to youth court. i knew involving the police would not get alex to youth court. marin youth court is supposed to be an alternative to the traditional justice system. i didn’t understand why they would want to involve the police. i asked if they felt they were kessell 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013 being physically threatened. they did not. they were frustrated, angry, and losing control of their son. i remembered being a parent trying to navigate the turbulent seas of raising my own teen. it was rough on everyone, yet somehow we managed to protect our relationship. parent coaching was not my responsibility, but i had to try something. i could see the more alex’s parents pushed, the less likely he was to respond. i encouraged them not to react out of frustration or anger. the parents were frustrated. alex was frustrated. alex felt he wasn’t learning anything from the program, and his parents were threatening to call the police if he didn’t show up for youth court. along with alex’s unwillingness to attend youth court meetings, his parents were unable to attend the dui (decisions under the influence) training they were scheduled to attend with alex on a saturday because both parents worked on weekends. in my workings with marin youth court, i had to search for those places where i could connect with alex and his family. most case managers, assisting typically white teens, were interacting almost exclusively with the at risk teen individually. my client was part of a different culture. most of my interactions were with the parents. in the hispanic community a problem within the family is a problem of the entire family. my role was to support all of them. i was struggling with our different parenting styles, thinking “may way” was better, but our thin values, those values that are universal across cultures, were the same. we both wanted our children to succeed in life. our think values, those actions that are specific to certain cultures, are somewhat different. i wanted alex to take responsibility for completing his sanctions, allowing him to fail and regroup as we go along. his parents were demanding that he do exactly what he was being told to do, to obey without question. alex’s defiance of his parents’ authority led to calls to me, on more than one occasion, from an angry, frustrated father saying he was going to call the police. i had to respectfully ask them to take a step back, explain that no good decision comes out of anger. i needed to try to unite myself with the hispanic culture in order to be able to understand and accept where the parents were coming from. “cultures are made of continuities and change. cosmopolitans believe that human variety matters because people are entitled to the options they need to shape their lives in partnership with others” (appiah 2006, 104). alex’s life was being shaped by outside influences that were “contaminating” the culture of his family. alex belongs to two different cultures, and is picking values from each as he sees fit. “a bit of this and a bit of that is how newness enters the world. it is the great possibility that mass migration gives the world” (rushdie 1991). cosmopolitans temper a respect for differences with a respect for actual human beings (appiah 2006, 113). but what about the outside influences that alex is bringing into his home? how his parents approach this problem depends on the way they perceive it. traditionally, when someone is “acting out,” we focus on the behavior. if the behavior is bad, we try to stop the behavior by punishing the kid. alex’s parents grounded him, took away his phone, and took away his time with friends. youth court attempts to look at the entire circumstances surrounding the incident without the use of punishment. our job as adults is to understand what is being “acted out” and respond to the message. we must try to understand the circumstances around a child’s behavior, not just the behavior itself. why was this case proving to be so difficult? one problem occurs when “people no longer have a sense of a higher purpose, of something worth dying for” (taylor 1991, 4). without such a purpose, our dignity is threatened. alex’s parents couldn’t force him to do what he didn’t want to do. i certainly couldn’t force alex to go where he didn’t want to go. alex felt kessell 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013 he didn’t belong with this group and he was just going to do the minimal amount required to get through the program. alex was not going to give in to someone else’s demands and he couldn’t see for himself the greater good that this program might offer. he certainly wasn’t going to be forced to do anything. i found myself focusing on alex’s behavior and forgot to focus on the entire circumstances surrounding alex and his family. “everyone has a right to develop their own form of life, grounded on their own sense of what is really important or of value. people are called to be true to themselves and to seek their own self-fulfillment. no one else can or should try to dictate its content” (taylor 1991, 14). both alex and i were guilty of a sense of individualism that was centering on our respective selves and shutting out, and not being aware of, the greater issues or concerns. to be fully developed beings, we must connect with our innermost selves. each of us possesses within us our own unique potential. but these voices deep within are shaped by outside forces, and the forces that shape alex could not have been any more different from the forces that shape me. i could not figure out how i was going to change alex to see things my way. i realized, again, this was not what i was being asked to do. our self-definitions come from “finding what is significant in our differences from others” (taylor 1991, 35). instead of focusing on our differences, i focused on our common bond: we are linked together by the common bond of humanity. we must reach beyond ourselves to find our unique worth. i tried to get alex to think beyond today and plan for the future: finish high school, participate in sports, go to college. he didn’t seem to be able to focus on anything past today. how could two lives be so different? i couldn’t understand where he was coming from. i knew some of the other teens in the program were worried about, if not planning for, their future. is alex a “bad apple,” or is the system we were asking him to succeed in bad? we need to look at where we fit in the world and remind ourselves of what’s important. we need to engage young people so they have a feeling of “responsibility to the present” (kimmelman 2011). i see this happening in the marin youth court, where young people see where they fit in society and what consequences their actions have on others in the world. as part of the restorative process, we see kids being “responsible to the present” and then actively helping each other along their similar journeys. why couldn’t alex fit into this mold? why was this so hard for alex to understand? was it cultural? was it socioeconomic? was it simply his destiny to not succeed? in her book, judith butler asks, “what social conditions help to form the very ways that choice and deliberation proceed?” (2004, 16). how is it that somehow our system has not provided the same choices for alex as for, let’s say, a teen growing up in tiburon, ca (a more affluent, mostly white community in marin county)? alex was falling through the cracks of our system. how was it that he was somehow not as valued? i was fortunate to be able to send my kids to private schools, but that does not make my children more valuable. when will all our teens be treated equally? when will we value the lives of the more affluent teens equally to those teens living in the canal (a less affluent, mostly hispanic community in marin county), for example? after working with alex and his family i felt ashamed to be “fortunate” enough to live in one of the more affluent communities with others “just like me.” having relationships with “others,” getting to know “the other,” gives a different perspective on knowing “me.” we should be asking ourselves, how does my culture fit in with their culture? we should not just notice the differences, but enjoy the many similarities we all share as part of the human race. we must embrace cosmopolitanism. kessell 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013 what is cosmopolitanism? “cosmopolitanism begins with the simple idea that in the human community we need to develop habits of coexistence, of living together” (appiah 2006, xiv). the world shapes who we become. i am who i am, in large part, because of how i was raised and my own life experiences. alex is who he is, in large part, because of how he was raised and his life experiences. my differences do not separate me from alex. we are in this world together and our relationship matters. nothing should separate us so much that we cannot see our “oneness” in this universe. we can learn so much from each other, if we just take the time. why did alex’s case draw me in? we have an obligation to each other and we must take seriously the value not just of human life, but of particular lives (appiah 2006, xv), of alex’s life. a sense of family and tribe that is inclusive and overlapping should be commonplace. it is vital that we not limit ourselves to our own culture, upbringing, and life experiences, that we not view the world simply through our own narrow looking glass. in looking through a shattered piece of mirror we will “find parts of the truth (along with much error) everywhere and the whole truth nowhere. the deepest mistake is to think that our little shard of mirror can reflect the whole” (appiah 2006, 8). i could have accepted the fact that alex simply wasn’t going to succeed. but we must unite ourselves with each other, not just accept “the other.” this “live-and-let-live” attitude may at first seem accepting, but it can actually be what separates us from our fellow “cosmopolitans,” our fellow citizens of the universe. “there is no one shattered mirror; there are lots of mirrors, lots of moral truths, we can at best agree to differ” (appiah 2006, 11). we must search for those places where we can agree, but not get bogged down with how we agree. “the idea behind the golden rule is that we should take other people’s interests seriously, take them into account. it suggests that we learn about other people’s situations, and then use our imaginations to walk a while in their moccasins” (appiah 2006, 63). a simple email or telephone call from a caring adult, “hey! how are you? i can see that you’re having a hard time,” can go a long way. we need to make connections between one human being to another. attachment is a human need, a life necessity, for both the one who is being taken care of and the caregiver. we are biologically wired to attach (neufeld and mate 2008). for generations, human beings have been raised within a village, a community, or extended family, within an attachment village. but what happens when the “attachment village” doesn’t exist? the human will attach to whoever is around. but what if these attachments have significantly different values than the family values? alex was attaching himself to his peers with few, if any, attachments to caring adults who share his family’s values. when attachments are established to peers, it is impossible to attach to anyone else. when kids are attached to adults, they want to be the same as them. this also holds true that when kids attach to peers, they want to be the same as them. they are learning their values from immature creatures. adult attachments make kids want to model the adult. instead of diagnosing kids, we need to diagnose their relationships (neufeld and mate 2008). but what happens when families have to work multiple jobs in order to meet their basic needs? who is in charge of ensuring proper attachments with our teens? if our children are spending most of their time at school, then the school system needs to meet their attachment needs. who is to raise our kids? the resounding answer, the only answer compatible with nature, is that we – the parents and other adults concerned with the care of kessell 6 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013 children – must be their mentors, their guides, their nurturers, and their models. we need to hold on to our children until our work is done. we need to hold on not for selfish purposes but so they can venture forth, not to hold them back but so they can fulfill their developmental destinies. we need to hold on to them until they can hold on to themselves” (neufeld and mate 2008). so what happens to alex and his parents’ relationship? what happens to my relationship with alex? it is not enough to simply tolerate each other’s differences, even within our own families. we must intervene in places when what is going on deeply violates our fundamental principles (appiah 2006, 144). cosmopolitans believe in a universal truth, but this truth is hard to find. one truth we know is that every human being has obligations to every other human being. everybody matters (appiah 2006, 144). were alex’s parents supposed to just tolerate his behavior without consequences? the cosmopolitan understanding of toleration means interacting on terms of respect with those who see the world differently. there is not one right way for all human beings to live. we must engage in this conversation. the fear of this conversation is that exchanges with people with different values could lead us to abandon our own (appiah 2006, 146). it isn’t just that alex’s values were being shaped by a predominantly white, teen culture. it’s that alex was then being asked to succeed in this culture without the same benefits as those who are born into it. there are many reports pointing to the social injustices of minority communities, yet we do nothing to systemically change the status quo. i donate my expensive clothes to goodwill or donate food to the food bank. i then go home and say, “this is so sad.” but, i return to my ordinary life. how can my “passive feelings” be so selfish while my “active principles” be so generous (appiah 2006, 158)? cosmopolitanism is about intelligence and curiosity as well as engagement. it begins with caring to try to understand why (appiah 2006, 168). what is needed is the exercise of reason, not just explosions of feelings (appiah 2006, 170). there are still people living within our communities, going to school with our children, who do not have their basic needs met. should we continue to donate our canned goods, or might it do more good to work to create opportunities for these teens and their parents, and in so doing raise their ability to meet their needs? if there are still people without their basic entitlements, then collectively, we are not meeting our obligations. these obligations are not unreasonable. they do not require us to abandon our lives (appiah 2006, 173). the people of the richest nations can do better. the people of the richest communities can do better. this is a demand of simple morality. but it is one that will resonate more widely if we make our civilization more cosmopolitan (appiah 2006, 174). while we are naturally formed by many conditions beyond our control, we have the capacity to make new choices, to see the world in new ways. the fundamental contradiction that we experience as human beings lies in the fact that we are actually both unique individuals as well as part of a larger system or reality. we impact other human beings and they impact us. we are interconnected. we are obligated to question the social issues that run against the ethical grain of a society (i.e. poverty, racism). we must work to make a change at whatever level we can. we have an individual and a collective responsibility to others. it is important that we broaden our scope of connectedness to reach outside our neighborhood, our social groups, our church groups, our class in society, our colleagues, and our families (van der ryn 2013). relationships matter. kessell 7 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013 ~ i would like to express my gratitude to julia van der ryn, director of service-learning, humanities assistant professor at dominican university of california, for her guidance and unwavering support. references appiah, kwame a. 2006. cosmopolitanism: ethics in a world of strangers. new york: w. w. norton & co. butler, judith. 2004. precarious life: the powers of mourning and violence. london: verso. kimmelman, michael. 2011. “auschwitz shifts from memorializing to teaching.” new york times, february 18. lehrer, jonah. 2009. how we decide. new york: houghton mifflin harcourt. neufeld, gordon and gabor mate. 2008. hold on to your kids: why parents need to matter more than peers. new york: random house publishing group. rushdie, salman. 1991. imaginary homelands: essays and criticism 1981-1991. new york: penguin books. taylor, charles. 1991. the ethics of authenticity. cambridge: harvard university press. van der ryn, julia. 2013. “self, community, and service: thinking and action for ethical being.” class notes, dominican university of california. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 working in “the zone”: reflections on community partnerships in north minneapolis joseph klein macalester college the city of minneapolis suffers from severe racial disparities. while minneapolis is often trumpeted nationally as an affordable, thriving metropolitan area and an economic success story, those narratives are not the day-to-day reality for many residents of the city. decades of institutionalized racism, intergenerational poverty, and exclusionary practices such as redlining have caused dramatic disparities between white people and people of color. many of these disparities occur spatially, with north minneapolis–a predominantly black, low-income area– having poorer outcomes than the mostly white neighborhoods in minneapolis. compared to the city as a whole, for example, the northside of minneapolis experiences lower educational outcomes, higher crime rates, and higher rates of unemployment than the rest of the city. the metropolitan council (the twin cities’ regional government) designated the northside as a “racially concentrated area of poverty,” which indicates that more than half of the residents are people of color and more than 40 percent of residents have family incomes less than 185 percent of the federal poverty threshold. city officials, nonprofit organizations, and community leaders are working to resolve these disparities. minneapolis mayor betsy hodges was elected in 2013 on a platform of racial justice and closing the city’s educational achievement gap. in 2015, north minneapolis was designated a promise zone, which is a sign of the federal government’s investment in north minneapolis. in addition to these policy-driven solutions, community leaders are working directly on the ground to fight against racial disparities and close the achievement gap on the northside. in spring 2016, macalester college’s urban gis (geographic information systems) class partnered with both the northside achievement zone, an organization that is working to close the achievement gap, and the community development department of the federal reserve bank of minneapolis. the northside achievement zone (naz) follows a place-based approach to end intergenerational poverty, approaching the problem holistically and considering many different variables that influence a child’s life outcomes. this wraparound approach is based on the model of the harlem children’s zone, a similar program in new york city that used a wraparound approach to begin closing the achievement gap. naz works in a 13x18 block section of north minneapolis– “the zone” –which is home to some of the most severe economic and educational disparities in the city. naz partners with schools in the zone and offers direct support to families and students from a very early age. the organization focuses directly on educational outcomes by providing tutoring and mentorship. but in line with their holistic approach, naz also partners with other organizations to provide housing stabilization, financial education, and health services to participating families. as a class, we partnered with naz to explore the impacts the program has had on the northside. we aimed to produce compelling visualizations that would affirm naz’s place-based approach and create a comprehensive portrait of north minneapolis that the organization could use in its future efforts. our guiding research question was: what has been the comprehensive impact of the northside achievement zone (naz) program on the northside community so far? to reach these goals, our class divided into four thematic groups that would explore different aspects of the northside: population, housing, economics, and health. we kept the klein 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 parameters of our research as broad as possible, keeping in line with naz’s holistic approach. this allowed us to draw connections and explore how poverty and institutionalized racism are often the result of multiple, interconnected variables. within the housing group, we focused on the makeup of the northside’s built environment, and the ways that it either assists or hinders the work of naz. after much discussion, we selected multiple variables for our analysis: patterns of homeownership, foreclosure rates, housing vacancies, the location of landlords, the physical condition of housing, and property values. we acquired data and mapped these variables not only to explore the current state of the northside, but also to analyze how the neighborhood has changed over time and how it compares to other areas in minneapolis. the semester began with a few weeks of introduction to the northside and the problems naz is currently tackling. we met with representatives from the federal reserve bank’s community development office, who outlined the work that they are doing in the northside and ways in which the federal reserve has tried to tackle some of these long-standing issues. the executive director of the northside achievement zone, sondra samuels, took us on a bus tour of the northside, which helped us to visualize the problems the area is facing. hearing sondra’s perspective and thoughts on the northside was one of the most valuable components of this partnership for me, as it helped me see the northside through the eyes of a local community member and better understand the area and its residents. this was especially important as none of the fifteen students in our class had grown up in the twin cities, and a sizable number had never been to the northside, though it is only a few miles from our campus. we were unfamiliar with the problems and inequities that face the northside community. even though an hour-long bus tour is no substitute for living in a community, the thoughts that sondra offered during that tour greatly shaped the focus of my personal research. for example, sondra’s observations on rental properties that were in poor physical condition raised questions about the landlords that let those properties degrade. a major component of my research involved mapping the disconnect between where the northside’s landlords live in relation to the community. this was not a variable i initially sought to explore in my research, but it became a major part of my contribution to the final project as a direct result of sondra’s interest in the topic. the northside achievement zone functioned more or less as a client of this class, so we often revisited our research design and goals in order to better meet their needs. at times, this was discouraging, as i would invest hours in a particular data variable and map only to discover that naz wanted our work to go in another direction. there were certain variables i was very interested in, or thought i could easily visualize, that i did not pursue because they would not have been as helpful to naz. however, if we focused solely on what would fulfill us personally, the partnership would have suffered. a midterm progress report, where we shared our research design and some of our findings with naz representatives, was helpful and encouraging. it allowed us to recalibrate our research for the rest of the semester in order to better meet their needs. i am grateful for the feedback and criticisms we received throughout the project. even though it led to moments of frustration and stress, it ultimately made our research more relevant and our partnership more fulfilling. throughout this project, i also had to balance my own personal goals with the goals of our community partner. as a class, our goal for naz was to produce visualizations that would be valuable to the organization and share information that could meaningfully inform its work. my personal goals included that, but they also included strengthening my gis experience and working on a long-term project with a motivated group of my peers. when those goals came into conflict, i had to remind myself that this project was not about my own personal gain. this klein 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 partnership was not designed so i could show off my own gis skills or enhance a resume. course-based community partnerships constitute a mutually beneficial relationship. as students, we gained skills in gis and project management; the community we worked with benefitted from the resources that we could offer them. this work was incredibly fulfilling, and i would be lying if i said my gis skills didn’t improve because of the course. but focusing on my own individual accomplishments from this class obscures the benefits that the entire community gains when a partnership like this is created. this project challenged my role as a researcher, and made me question what the proper function of the class is while working on a project such as this. we were a mostly white class, and none of us called the twin cities home. i am not an expert on the northside nor on structural racism. community groups such as naz and other individuals have been working on these same issues long before our class partnership. they have a much greater understanding of the community’s needs and strengths. our job is not to supplant their work or shine the spotlight on ourselves; our job is to complement the work they are doing by offering up our own services and skills. we may not have the direct experience of living in the northside and confronting racial inequities on a daily basis, but we have access to data, gis fluency, and time that could benefit naz’s work. as our class demonstrated, it is essential to explore one’s positionality during a project such as this, and we should recognize that shapes how we explore this partnership. i am incredibly grateful that opportunities for community-based learning like this partnership exist. i believe community-based learning classes represent the best moments of a liberal arts education. throughout this partnership, we thought critically about a problem, approached it from many different angles, and produced information and research that hopefully moves us toward justice. this experience expanded the way i think about and see the world, and affirmed the idea that our education doesn’t have to stop when we leave the classroom. even at a school like macalester that prides itself on civic engagement and working toward social justice, the opportunity to combine academics and working with a community is limited. it is rare that a college course begins with no idea of what will happen during the semester. as undefined as this course was at the beginning, experiences like this have been by far the most fulfilling and meaningful of my college career. i am currently asking myself: what comes next? despite all the work we put into our partnership, when it comes to the achievement gap and racial inequities as a whole, our research represents nothing more than a drop in the bucket. dismantling structural racism and increasing opportunities for people of color will take many more years and many more resources. this is discouraging, as it shows just how deeply entrenched these problems are in society. the amount of work that we as a class put into this project far exceeded my original expectations, but at the same time i felt limited by what we could realistically complete during our short semester. i certainly hope that we laid a sustainable foundation for future partnership or gis work in north minneapolis, so that the conversation does not end even though the partnership has concluded and many of us have graduated. at the end of the semester, we transferred over all our data files and our maps to our community partners so that they can use them in further work if they desire. instead of seeing this report as the fruition of our efforts, we should view it instead as a jumpingoff point to spur further work on these issues. ~ klein 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 i would like to acknowledge geography professor laura smith and gis lab instructor ashley nepp, both from macalester college’s geography department. this partnership would not have been nearly as successful if it wasn’t for their expertise, helpfulness, and passion for teaching. i feel honored to have worked with both of them. their teaching and mentorship have made me a better researcher and a better geographer. i also would like to acknowledge our community partners for giving us this opportunity and allowing us to work with them. working with sondra samuels, the northside achievement zone, jacob wascalus, and the community development office of the federal reserve bank of minneapolis, was a wonderful experience. finally, i would like to express my sincere thanks to the other fourteen members of my class, who provided me friendship and support along the way. oc 11 mirmalek_final 10.8.2014.docx.docx undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 it’s never just a legal problem: meaningful access, responsive design, and procedural justice taliah mirmalek university of california, berkeley introduction forms. in california, the majority of court activities require forms. these forms were designed with lawyers and legal professionals in mind (hough 2010) and are accordingly understood best by them. as a result of the legal training i have received through justicecorps and my resulting experience fielding questions from self-represented litigants, i have learned first-hand the extent to which the paperwork, the terms and conditions of the procedure, the names of judicial categories, even the method of stapling and presenting documents before the court, are all done in very specific ways. in part, this specificity is an outcome of bureaucratic pressures to standardize and to facilitate communication across all levels of judicial functions. however, the question remains: in a system meant to administer and facilitate something as crucial as justice for the people, why is the process so starkly inaccessible? surely, the aim of a justice system is not comprehensibility solely for an elite, specialized few, even in moments when more comprehensibility is an option. it is in these questions that one hears the consequences of alienated knowledge production (grosfugel 2014), knowledge produced in historical time-spaces with very distinct and specific material conditions, conditions which in this case are affected by access to higher education, income, race, and gender. knowledge that, despite its alienated production, is nevertheless universally applied to low-income (and at times, no income) persons for whom access to quality education was never an option. the consequences of this structural gap between the courts’ functions and the public’s need for meaningful access can be heard in the observations a self-represented litigant shared with me when she called the self-help center to ask about her small claims court case: “honey, i’m a 75-year-old black woman. i’ve been dealing with this case for almost a year now. let me tell you something about the so-called justice system. if you want to win anything, you need to be making the big bucks. poor people like me will never be able to get what’s rightfully theirs.” justice is undermined to the point where it is only accessible for people who can afford the high costs of lawyers, upwards of $350 an hour and often requiring a retainer of approximately $5,000 (elkins family law task force 2009), for people who can afford the time to spend on a court case, and for people who speak the language of the court. our justice system is suffering from a lack of justice at the very basic level of procedure. this essay focuses on procedural justice because procedure is the first point of contact with the court and it is also the category of mandatory work done prior to a court hearing. in theory, everyone has access to justice. however, if one does not understand the forms and procedures required, or the legal language, meaningful access is compromised or non-existent. programs like self-help centers (shcs) and justicecorps are leading the movement toward responsive structures of procedure, toward meaningful access. mirmalek 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 overview in this essay, i will first trace the logic and creation of california’s court-based self-help centers. then, i will provide an overview of the justicecorps program. from there, the essay will transition to an analysis of meaningful access as i grappled with it through the justicecorps program. throughout this piece, litigants’ stories will be intertwined so as to situate my experience and analysis within the matrices of experiences each litigant brings to the self-help center. all names have been changed to protect litigants’ identities. i hope that this article continues and contributes to an ongoing discussion about creating systemic changes that are responsive to the realities that condition the experience of pro-per litigants, litigants who represent themselves in a court of law. drawing extensively on my experience and training as a justicecorps member, i argue that meaningful access consists of responsive procedure that incorporates the understanding that litigants’ problems are not legal problems; they are personal problems, often traumatic problems, that necessitate legal solutions. self-help centers access to justice is a priority for california courts the judicial council of california’s task force on self-represented litigants produced a report which found that without legal assistance, access to the justice system was elusive for self-represented litigants. exacerbating the problem, courts’ structures “are designed to work with litigants who are represented by attorneys” (judicial council). importantly, the task force’s report asserts “a unity of interest between the courts and the public with respect to assistance for self-represented litigants” (judicial council). legal structures that are incomprehensible to selfrepresented litigants exacerbate the already difficult and time-consuming process for pro-per litigants, especially for those who are english language learners. additionally, the court motions or orders written by pro-per litigants, without the help of legal professionals, are often inappropriate, incorrect, or inconsistent. as a result, the judges must spend a longer time to understand the litigants’ requests because they are written in non­legal language to which the judge is not accustomed, or because the forms are not completed in line with the prescribed procedure. this expenditure of judges’ time places pressures on the judiciary budget at a time when the judicial branch’s budget has been cut by 30% (“chief justice” 2012). in response to the diminution of its budget, certain courts have had to limit hours, causing another impediment (in an already long list) to the public’s access to the justice system. traditionally, the problem was defined as “not enough people have lawyers.” given that for every 8,000 low-income persons, there is only one legal aid lawyer (california state bar 2007), the approach had to shift. the real issue is that lawyers and not the general public understand the current court system best. as an outcome of these discussions, california rule of court 10.960 prioritizes court based shcs (rather than promoting other legal aid organizations): “providing access to justice for self-represented litigants is a priority for california courts. the services provided by court self-help centers facilitate the timely and cost effective processing of cases involving self-represented litigants and improve the delivery of justice to the public. court programs, policies, and procedures designed to assist self-represented litigants and effectively manage cases involving self-represented litigants at all stages must be incorporated and budgeted as core court functions” (“california rule of the court” 2014). california’s shcs serve as the public’s access point to comprehending and accessing the justice mirmalek 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 system. litigants who do not have (and often cannot afford) attorneys are provided with legal information (not legal advice) as to the proper procedure of court cases. additionally, in january 2003, the judicial council made another move toward accessible justice by approving the first major change to its forms. the judicial council allowed for “the adoption of new plain-language domestic violence and adoption forms” (hough 2010). these new plain language forms prove especially useful in my work as a justicecorps member because their larger font size, inclusion of graphics, and elimination of legal jargon are more accessible and easily understood by pro-per litigants who have little familiarity with court language. justicecorps program helping provide equal access to justice in our communities anchored to the movement that created court-based self-help centers, the justicecorps program intends to supplement and support the work of shcs. justicecorps’ pilot program was launched in los angeles county, whose superior courts are the largest in the nation (los angeles times 2006). in fall 2006, the justicecorps program expanded to incorporate the bay area, including san francisco, alameda, santa clara, contra costa, and san mateo counties, as well as san diego in fall 2007. in any given year, justicecorps recruits and trains over 250 interns to augment the work of the staff in statewide shcs (judicial council). the california judicial branch as well as an americorps grant fund the program. there are two main categories of member commitments: minimum-time and full-time. minimum-time members commit to 300 hours of service in one academic year and receive an americorps education award of $1,150. full-time members serve 1,700 hours over a full year of service and receive a maximum living allowance of $20,000, along with an americorps education award of $5,500 (justicecorps 2014). these education awards can be used to repay student loans and to pay for future educational expenses. members in both categories receive more than 30 hours of training. justicecorps trains its members to provide legal information to self-represented litigants as well as to facilitate a more positive experience within the u.s. judicial court system. a facet of creating this positive experience includes empowering members of the community to advocate for themselves as well creating an understanding and feeling of fairness, regardless of the outcome of the case. as a justicecorps member, i provide legal information to people who are representing themselves in court – many of whom cannot afford the high costs of an attorney. for english language learners, whose dominant language is farsi or spanish, i translate legal forms and the staff attorney's instructions and provide legal information in their native tongue. as the child of immigrants, i have been responsible for translating from an early age; in many ways i derive a personal connection to the work that i do from my experiences on the other side of the counter. to date, i have provided legal information to more than 250 litigants relating to family law (e.g. dissolution, paternity, domestic violence, nullity, and legal separation), limited civil (e.g. small claims, unlawful detainers), and probate (e.g. guardianship) cases. the following image a depicts a typical day as a justicecorps intern: mirmalek 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 image a: day in the life justicecorps: 75% cannot afford an attorney meaningful access in the context of poverty i was reading through the unlawful detainer response paperwork of a woman from oakland who was dealing with an eviction. as i highlighted fields, maritssa shared with me that she worked two jobs from 6am-11pm, and had requested a week in advance the day off in order to come to the self-help center. maritssa and her daughter were worried that they’d be homeless soon. without giving her any notice, the landlord transferred the ownership of the property and changed the due date for the rent. with the new date, maritssa had become delinquent on two rent payments. one night, the manager knocked on her door and handed her the paperwork and explicitly assured her that there was nothing to worry about. given these assurances, maritssa didn’t open the package to read the letters until a week later. when she opened the package, the paperwork communicated a sense of urgency but little or no content for someone who did not understand its jargon. according to justicecorps (2014) survey data, about 75% of the litigants who visit the shc every month cannot afford an attorney. the inability to afford an attorney is an indicator of the level of poverty throughout the community of litigants who come to the shc. because the shc has no cost for the litigants, it helps provide meaningful access. additionally, in an attempt to cater to people who are unable to make it in during the 8:30 a.m.–12 p.m. open hours, the phone hours (2–4 p.m.) provide an alternative opportunity for those with access to a phone and mirmalek 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 the free time to make a phone call. finally, shc protocol recommends limiting each session of assistance to 15 minutes in order to help everyone who has entered the self-help center. when the clock hits 11:45 a.m. and there are still people remaining, the justicecorps intern triaging gives pink passes so that the litigants can return the next day (before 10 a.m.) and move immediately to the top of the list. in these ways, the self-help center, with the assistance of justicecorps members, forms its availabilities and methods to respond to the socioeconomic conditions of the litigants. as maritssa’s story reveals, though, the story of a litigant is never simply an inability to afford an attorney. rather, an attorney, time, transportation, and energy are all expensive achievements when you work two jobs, care for your daughter, and attempt to care for yourself. the second lesson maritssa’s story teaches is that beyond the people who are able to come into the shc, there are also those who are unable to come because their work’s hours, no-days-off policies, and locations render such a visit impossible. my ability to provide support for maritssa’s response to her eviction only points toward all the other maritssas who were unable to make it into the court. in this context, the legal system proffers a solution for eviction that focuses on one case at a time, with the representation and full involvement of those most privileged, economically or socially, to engage. what the legal system fails to act upon are the problems maritssa’s story weaves together including the hardship of a more than full-time work schedule and the socioeconomic political push to evict low-income tenants (often attributed to gentrification, although other factors contribute as well). as another example, in many eviction cases, the final legal recourse available to a tenant is to postpone eviction and buy time. “buying time” is understood literally as requiring the tenant to pay a pro-rated amount for each day he or she stays in the location. and yet, a lack of access to legal solutions only adds to the hardships faced by litigants from low income backgrounds. responsive access in the context of multi-faceted people she interrupted me to say, “no, ma’am. let me explain it again. i am getting evicted, kicked out of my house. my case is about eviction. it’s not ‘unlawful’ anything.” at its face, the courthouse is a system whose every turn is strange and whose every word feels unnatural to those unfamiliar with legal language. at the very outset of the process, this litigant was confronted with terms foreign and, to her, unfitting to the situation, as she understood it (an unlawful detainer is a legal term that includes an eviction as a possible cause of action). the people who seek out the shc find themselves sharing stories they’ve never spoken about to people they’ve never met. some walk in with eviction notice letters, not understanding the foreign “unlawful detainer” language and seeking out the process for responding. others are seeking restraining orders, dressed in long sleeves, sunglasses, and whispering in fear of the ears that might recognize their voice. as such, litigants seeking legal assistance are usually already experiencing personal, traumatic problems. in this context, i serve as a justicecorps member. i consider myself a people person, someone who reads, reacts, and forms herself in relation to the people around her – not compromising my morals, beliefs, or values, but altering my presentation and expressions to create more comfortable spaces of interaction for those around me. however, my work at the shc challenges me every day. it challenges my ability to work with and be a space of comfort and ease to people who are under stress or dealing with trauma. i have learned how difficult it mirmalek 6 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 can be to be a compassionate guide through such an arduous process, which includes both dealing with the court and dealing with the issue itself outside of court. the bureaucracy of the judicial system, as with most bureaucracies, can be very alienating. it often assumes its interactant to be a cookie-cutter, simple subject who fits neatly into its processes. its instructions ask the person completing the paperwork to: fill out this form, understand your problem according to these terms, fit your story to these lines, tailor your answer to this prompt, and cut out all that is extraneous. bureaucracy calls for a simplicity and consistency, but this simplicity becomes fractured where the concern is about justice. i experienced this fracturing force as i moved from hypotheticals to working with litigants. during pre-shift reflection sessions, staff members supplemented our legal training with hypotheticals for which we’d have to ascertain the appropriate paperwork and responses. that is, given a particular set of facts, what forms are necessary for person x and which fields are necessary to complete? after completing these hypotheticals, we were allowed to join the staff assisting litigants. each time, even after mastering the hypothetical, the actual interactions revealed questions and situations that seemed alien to everything we had studied. given that the “cookie­cutter interactant” is in truth multi­faceted, meaningful access must necessarily mean a responsive design. responsive alternative dispute resolution / mediation in recognition of the stressful and at times traumatic nature of the problems for which people come to the shc, justicecorps provides tailored trainings for its members. these trainings focus on community services that resolve disputes through methods akin to those used in alternative dispute resolution (adr)/mediation that embody cultural competency and that do not reproduce structures of power and privilege. as part of the justicecorps program, saturday trainings are held at the administrative office of the courts in san francisco. during one of these trainings, in a workshop on adr and mediation, jason stein, adr administrator for the superior court of california, county of alameda, placed us into groups of two where we practiced mediation techniques and reflective listening. for example, one group member presented himself as a frustrated recent divorcee who had been told by the judge that his paperwork was filled with errors. we were taught to communicate that we have heard and understood the speaker by: putting it in our own words, including the person’s feelings, matching intensity (don’t minimize), being specific and concise, and listening for the dominant theme. the knowledge ascertained from this workshop was solidified when it converged with cultural competency work. responsive cultural competency/humility cultural competency plays a crucial role in creating a safe space for people to feel heard and to be able to discuss the issues that they have. justicecorps trainings include two intensives with cristina llop, attorney at law and federallyand california-certified interpreter from the san francisco access center. in this languagecorps training, we were taught the importance of recognizing cultural differences that we brought to the table as well as navigating the “iceberg of culture.” this is an understanding that the majority of culture goes beyond the external “food, dress, music, language,” that its unspoken rules encompass “courtesy, personal space, concept of time, [and] facial expressions” and, at its more intense emotional loads, rules about “concept of cleanliness, definition of obscenity, concept of ‘self’” (llop 2013). this cultural competency mirmalek 7 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 intensive had immediate effects on how i viewed my work as a justicecorps member. often there were people who came into the center who reacted negatively to the method of communication used by the person who was attempting to help them. one woman walked away and shouted at the staff member on her way out the door, “you need to work on your attitude.” although the staff member assisting this litigant was communicating in what she felt was consistent with her norms of propriety, the litigant did not share in that feeling. in this way, these different cultural and personal understandings of respect are always being negotiated throughout the conversation. in this vein, a method that i derived from adr/ mediation and that has worked for me is to learn to match the tone of the person speaking with me and greet people with smiles and greetings rather than short-circuiting all conversation so as to go straight to the business of “how may i help you?” this experience will no doubt be useful in my future interactions and lines of work, as i attempt to help people who are dealing with trauma and stress. responsive diversity of staff cultural competency also recognizes the overlap between language and culture, and from there, determines ways of humbly interacting with english language learners. a newlywed couple had questions about the woman’s prior divorce that had occurred in afghanistan. the person helping her had answered her questions and told her that if she can get the divorce paperwork from afghanistan, it will be recognized here. if she can’t do so, she’ll have to go through the divorce process here. this woman, noting my hijab, turned to me and asked, “are you muslim?” already knowing the answer, she proceeded, “i’m muslim, too. i divorced my husband, islamically. we have no court paperwork for it because you know this, muslims don’t need court papers to divorce.” her question switched language to farsi and she re-told the entire story to me. i gave her the same answer that she had previously received from the staff person. and yet, there was a way in which my response validated that process because to hear it from someone who looked familiar and who could understand the religious practice made the answer more responsive to her question – even though it was the same answer. it is not that the original person did not display cultural competence. rather, the litigant was able to identify me as someone with a similar background. this identification provided a level of confidence and comfort that the staff member could not provide. thus, diverse staff and interns create an experience where the person feels heard and is more likely to view the answer provided as legitimate. responsive spaces create safe spaces create productive spaces by mobilizing these methods of service that create safe spaces for people to ask the questions and share the stories they want, the service we provide litigants can prove more fruitful and productive. one justicecorps saturday training, bay area legal aid’s melody saint-saens led a workshop on domestic violence restraining orders (dvros). she noted that in thoroughly discussing a litigant’s situation, often issues can be spotted that weren’t explicitly articulated. for example, i may learn that the person seeking a dvro is worried about being unable to acquire citizenship for herself and her child if she reports her husband’s abuse. i can mirmalek 8 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 then point her attention to remedies including the vawa self petition/i-360 that will allow her to receive public benefits and employment benefits, and also puts her on the path to the adjustment of her and her child’s status. in this way, through creating safe spaces for people to talk to us about their situation, we are able to spot issues beyond the original question and recommend other resources. dismantling power and privilege ultimately, the work to produce procedural justice necessarily requires self-reflection and critical self-reflexivity on the part of the staff and interns. and so, a discussion of power and privilege is important to the discussion about listening, cultural competency, and the creation of safe spaces, especially in the context of the united states where privilege is often divided along lines of race, gender, and class. in this regard, justicecorps’ trainings include a session with members’ university representatives. in these smaller groups, facilitated by campus representatives (who have received their own social justice training), we read and discussed a poem about a group of women who had a charity event in which they would go into impoverished communities and give the people there food. the poem was embedded with references to the “dirty poor” and the ladies who would lift their skirts so they wouldn’t get soot on them (dungy). my campus representative facilitated a discussion about how our privilege – be it economic, racial, or institutional – plays out within the context of the shc. this conversation was an important reflective exercise because i could see my privilege play out early on in my work at the self-help center. for example, the interns and i were often skeptical of property declaration forms that had “none” in each category. it took a moment to step back and realize that the possession of a car, house, furniture, and bank accounts are not as commonplace as our own backgrounds might lead us to believe. and so, through constantly re-evaluating the places of privilege i occupy, i can better confront them and avoid perpetuating them back into the world. understanding intersectionalities: incorporating service into larger contexts on the one hand, there is the discussion of all that can or cannot be incorporated into meaningful access at the site of the self-help center. on the other hand, this discussion has continuously pointed to the larger context within which litigants and interns interact. and so, it is important to understand the service of providing meaningful access within a larger context. intersecting community service during the break, the judge overseeing the domestic violence restraining order hearings invited me and the other justicecorps members watching the case to her office. she spoke to us about how emotionally heavy these proceedings can be, especially because she reads through the entire case, including all the stories of violence. we asked her how she stays positive and not overwhelmed. she responded by telling us about her work with low income, youth of color in east oakland as well as her walks around lake merritt. her lesson to us was about the importance of self-care and community engagement: “you can get stuck in this bubble where you only see pain and violence. you have to go looking for the beautiful.” my work at the self-help center has been emotionally heavy. there is the nature of the problems faced by people. in addition, every day the sheer number of people who experience mirmalek 9 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 variations of problems and are seeking legal solutions confronts me. the sheer number of people who come in with different cases makes it difficult to remember names. there are so many people who deal with legal problems, so many people who come to the self-help center seeking legal information. there are so many people for whom access to justice is impossible without the legal information provided by the shc. in an attempt to locate our justicecorps work within the larger community, the justicecorps program’s team leaders organize a service engagement project on martin luther king jr. day. this year, we pulled weeds at the lake merritt garden. it is important that community engagement projects are embedded in the pedagogy of justicecorps service, because it situates our service within the larger community context. intersecting alternative justice models: homeless court and judicial shadowing in my first visit to the homeless court, i found myself engrossed in conversations with fellow muslims who had just gone through the process and who, upon sitting with me to complete a survey, shared their happiness intertwined with islamic phrases like “allahu akbar” and “alhamdulillah.” in this way, a shared understanding of a way of life and seeing the world facilitated the creation of a safe space. there has been a lot of headway in terms of providing alternative justice models that seek to help solve the underlying causes of legal problems rather than only providing solutions to the legal problems that surface. my participation in the justicecorps’ judicial shadowing day allowed me to learn from judge baranco about the variety of institutionalized, alternative justice models, including drug court, and the inner processes of homeless court. here, i was introduced to a world in which justice was produced with an eye to the multiplicity of injustices for which the litigant is in court. additionally, justicecorps members have the opportunity to be directly involved with homeless court, where people who are homeless and show a record of moving to get back on track can have their traffic citations expunged from their records and, sometimes, have their parole dismissed. justicecorps members help complete exit surveys for each of the litigants; the responses are later used to quantify the impact of homeless court. judge baranco articulated an intention to use alternative justice courts to confront the reality that many formerly incarcerated people remain in poverty because their criminal records exclude them from employment. framework of holistic service given that the self-help center is literally the only point of access for many people, it is important to take advantage of this space to offer information about other resources, the same way that police officers or emergency room doctors offer criminal protective orders and refer people to the shc when they respond to a call of domestic violence. the self-help center’s referrals to clean slate programs or homeless court provide a means for us to take advantage of our position assisting litigants and connect them with other services. by means of referrals and connecting individuals to other legal aid programs, the self-help center and we, the justicecorps interns, are able to stay true to the mission of the justicecorps and provide support that empowers community members to advocate on their own; that means addressing issues in a holistic manner. however, this still falls short because inevitably the issues and the overwhelming nature of them are such that no simple referral will help. moreover, encouraging follow-through is difficult within this short interaction. this frustration and the resulting discussions have allowed me to develop my own understandings of the limitations and resource mirmalek 10 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 challenges that non-profit, legal aid organizations must confront, even in (or perhaps, especially in) the context of state budgeting and fund allocations. lessons in limited resources each day, i found myself faced with a similar frustration. site policy did not allow for the provision of pens or family law forms. at a center dedicated to reducing the disparities in access to justice, we were to ask the litigants – some of whom are from low-income communities with very little access to computers, printers, and internet – to print the forms off of the internet or pay 50 cents per sheet at the local law library. as for those who did not have a black or blue pen, they were to go downstairs and pay $1.75 for a pen – otherwise, they would have to fill out the forms at home. when i asked if i could just give my own pens, i learned that this would create an expectation that pens were provided and would result in unequal treatment. i found this argument to be legitimate, but the “no pens” situation to be wrong. and so, i went home, cleaned out a jar, and gathered together all the free, promotional pens i had received as a college student. on monday morning, i went in for my shift and placed the pen jar by the doorway entrance to the self-help center in a slightly inconspicuous corner. for that day, whenever anyone mentioned not having a pen, i referenced an unidentified jar that sat outside. originally, my reaction to the “we don’t give out pens or family law forms” rule was a mix of frustration, skepticism, and surprise. inevitably, in any organizational context, there are limited resources that include time, space, money, and people. in order to give out pens and free forms, the shc needs additional funding so that the money that pays for the pens and forms doesn’t take away from its other core functions. the center has already reduced its drop-in hours and at 12 p.m. we have to close the door to incoming litigants, regardless of who the person behind the door is. i felt similar conflicting feelings when, at 12 p.m., i was to close the doors of the shc and reject people whose pleas included the always tempting, “i only have one quick question!” one of the team leaders explained the ways in which maintaining limits creates a more sustainable program. thus, closing the doors at 12:00 p.m. serves the purpose of sustaining open hours of 8:30 a.m.–12:00 p.m. five days a week. ultimately, it is a difficult move to accept, but one must take into account the depletion of resources and the perpetuation of unfairness to the people who showed up earlier. one could deride the shc for not being open 24/7, since the timing of problems does not always coincide with its business hours. however, this would again require the money for staffing and other resources. in this way, the limitations that are set are not arbitrary or intended to be discriminatory. rather, they are reflective of the limitations of the funding structure, the inherent limitations of how much a small group of people can take on, and the ways in which legal institutions are really only one-track minded solutions to multi-faceted struggles. all of this said, a few months back, the budget opened to allow the interns and staff of the self-help center to give out pens. i, of course, welcomed this decision as by that point, i had run out of pens to put outside. moreover, in mid-december, the family law facilitator announced that, starting in january 2014, we would be allowed to give out free family law forms. almost immediately, i volunteered to create the filing system, print copies of the forms, and organize a master copy binder for the self-help centers in oakland and alameda. through these acts, i learned how much justice relies on logistics and resources. verbal commitments are not enough. a group of committed people who lack the necessary resources, also, is not enough. the work that happens behind the scenes is often deemed less worthy. however, in supporting the functioning of the self-help center, and doing the tasks that require less specialized knowledge, mirmalek 11 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 we, the members, contribute by freeing up time for the staff to work on projects for which we don’t have the expertise. this humbling experience has taught me to understand the multiple roles involved in improving the justice system. conclusion once, a woman came in, limited linguistically and emotionally, her speech was stuttered with long gaps to collect tears and keep them inside, locked away. she wanted a restraining order on a man she used to love. her paperwork was filled out completely with question marks. i sat next to her, shifting my seat to face her, saying hello to the young child with her who looked tired and bored. as i shifted my seat to face her, i learned the value of love exemplified through a smile of peace and a greeting of hope. her case was in no way new, unique, or unseen prior. regardless of who came in we provided them with information about the process, made sure their forms were correctly completed, gave them referrals to other legal help in the area. this woman’s story is the source memory that reminds, re-signifies, and gives meaning to my work. even as the temporal distance between that event and today increases, the emotional distance remains miniscule. as i spoke with her of solutions, her smile opened up a bit. she nervously laughed at my rolled eyes at filing requirements, eyes that provided a transition and mnemonic device to explain the importance of the original-copy-copy format for filing her paperwork. i explained, “so, after you make two copies you give the original and the two copies to the clerk. the clerk will then give you back the two copies you made, and keep the original for the judge.” as i created to-do lists and highlighted forms and procedural flowcharts i found the power of public service as sharing – sharing one’s time and one’s borrowed knowledge, knowledge that someone before shared with me in order for me to share. mercy and humility are the only consequences of this realization. it was friday morning, the next week, and i was sitting in on friday's domestic violence court hearings. there, i saw her familiar name called and her restraining order approved. the moment was not the archetype of beautiful, as it was filled still with shaking hands and nervous throat clearings, with a man unsuccessfully attempting to assert power through eye contact. while i never did catch her that day to thank her and wish her luck, it never really mattered because public service is never about me, it’s about that continued transferring, growing, sharing of love, support, and empowerment. as my time as a justicecorps intern comes to a close, the journey of applying this new knowledge and experience begins. i entered what was then a new situation with what i believed to be developed notions about what service consists of and what it should or should not look like. and yet, each day in my internship, i was confronted repeatedly by questions and concerns that had not been previously factored into my evaluation of community service. my time at justicecorps has further embedded in me the passion to pursue experiences that tackle injustice and inequality from a variety of angles. as new paths appear, reappear, and reconfigure, i will remember the stories that were painstakingly shared with me: the fathers who wanted to visit their children but who had never learned how to read, let alone fill out paternity paperwork; the families facing eviction because of diminishing paychecks, layoffs, and lack of savings; and the mothers whose shaking hands struggled to fill out the restraining order paperwork. in my heart, these stories will be cherished and remembered as the stories of warriors against societal injustice, of immoral persons inflicting violence and pain, of systemic injustice and structures that were at times inaccessible, and of people who, regardless of the situation, were still able to push forward. i will also think of the people whose stories were untold, whose circumstances mirmalek 12 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 never allowed them to come to the shc to ask their questions and seek legal remedies. i will continue working to achieve justice, or what cornel west calls, “what love looks like in public” (shuster 2014), which i understand not only to mean social justice as a systemic struggle, but also as one that incorporates kindness, compassion, respect, mercy, and humility on an everyday level with everyone i meet. ~ alhamdulillah. i dedicate this essay to the people who, without attorneys, have dealt with u.s. legal system paperwork. thank you to my mother, zahra khorsandi, my sister, talat mirmalek, and my father, mohamad mirmalek for being the ones who keep me grounded and critical, and without whom i would never be the person i am today. thank you to yana pavlova, program specialist for justicecorps, for her support and kindness both throughout the justicecorps program as well as in writing this piece. thank you to huda tahboub for being not just a great friend but also a great editor. finally, thank you to donna bickford for feedback that was critical, patient, and open to possibilities. references “california rule of the court: title 10 rules.” 2014. judicial council of california. california state bar. 2007. “justice gap fund.” california state bar, october 10. “chief justice speaks on effect of budget cuts.” 2012. california courts: the judicial branch of california. press release. april 16. http://www.courts.ca.gov/17536.htm. dungy, camille t. “the lovers of the poor.” poetry foundation. elkins family law task force. 2009. draft recommendations, invitation to comment. grosfugel, ramon. 2014. “decolonial studies.” lecture, ethnic studies, university of california, berkeley, ca, october 1. hough, bonnie. 2010. “self-represented litigants in family law: the response of california’s courts.” california law review 1 (15): 15-24. judicial council, statewide action plan, supra note 1, at 1. “justicecorps: bay area region.” california courts. http://www.courts.ca.gov/17536.htm mirmalek 13 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 justicecorps. 2014. “justicecorps faqs.” judicial council of california. llop, christina. 2013. “languagecorps.” workshop handout. judicial council of northern california. los angeles times. 2006. “superior courts.” los angeles times, april 17. http://www.latimes.com/opinion/editorials/la-ed-judges17apr17-story.html#page=1. shuster, david. 2014. “cornel west talks to david shuster.” al jazeera, february 24. an  evalua)on  of  the  chemtronics   superfund  site       megan  brooks-­‐planck,  eden  may,   michael  bu7rick,  meng  yuan  li,   elizabeth  bonnell,  davis  jones,   rebecca  johnson,  and  stephanie   williams   warren  wilson  college   what’s there? •  during the operation of chemtronics inc. a large number of chemicals passed through the site. •  for the most part these chemicals have been capped or neutralized. •  contaminants that remain on site are currently undergoing treatment to prevent spread, and ultimately, to be removed. •  currently, contaminants remain contained within the site. topics •  risk assessment practices •  bz •  cs and rdx •  chlorinated solvents chemistry air stripping •  perchlorates •  remediation with vegetable oil reference •  parts per billion (ppb) – one part in a billion or approximately 1 tablespoon of sugar in lake tomahawk •  half life – the time it takes for half of a substance to break down   •  precipitation – formation of a solid within a solution or other solid •  volatile – the tendency of a substance to vaporize •  migration – movement of a substance from the point of origin risk  assessment   megan  brooks-­‐planck   risk assessment •  the epa determines risk using a four step process. – hazard identification – dose-response assessment – exposure assessment – risk characterization cs  and  rdx   eden  may   what is cs? •  “tear gas” •  non-lethal, used as an aerosol •  can damage lungs, heart and liver •  present in soil at some sites •  decomposes quickly in water •  half life is 41 minutes what is rdx? •  produced as an explosive •  can cause nausea, vomiting, confusion and amnesia •  epa human health standard 103 micrograms/ liter •  220 micrograms/liter in one well rdx degradation and remediation: •  in situ – anaerobic conditions reduction •  cannot be attributed to single biological or chemical process •  similar explosives may also be removed by reductive processes •  conclusions –  microbial and chemical processes play important roles in reducing rdx in the aquifer –  reduction time took ~10 days for abiotic transformation –  electron donors enhance rate –  rhodoferx spp. bacteri critical to in situ reduction in anoxic conditions bz   michael  bucrick   what is bz? •  3-quinuclidinyl benzilate •  potent hallucinogen •  tested and produced during 1960's and 70's •  designed to be distributed as aerosol •  never saw official use •  exposure limit •  id50 (incapacitating dosage): 0.00616 mg (direct i.v.) degradation of bz •  no bz detected in recent years •  small amounts of benzilic acid decomposition product are present (less than 2 parts per million) •  any bz not removed during initial clean-up has turned to benzilic acid •  storage barrels of bz were removed 25 years ago •  if any bz was missed, its decomposition rate would indicate that less than .0000000005% remains current levels of bz preliminary soil concentration (1988): benzilic acid: 56.9mg/kg of soil bz: 17.1mg/kg of soil chemtronics site data (2007): benzilic acid: soil concentration: 9.3mg/kg of soil groundwater concentration: 1.4mg/l water bz: soil: not detected groundwater: not detected chlorinated  solvents   meng  yuan  li   what are chlorinated solvents?   •  metal degreasing agents •  are present at highest concentrations on site •  found at high levels in some wells, not in other wells •  common industrial pollutant •  carcinogenic to humans exposed at work –  kidney, liver cancer –  non-hodgkin lymphoma •  neurobehavioral deficits –  long-term exposure to low concentration of tce •  evidence only from long term high level exposure what are chlorinated solvents? tce    trichlorethylene                     tca trichloroethane chloroform epa drinking water limits 5 micrograms/liter 200 micrograms/liter 70 micrograms/liter all found in groundwater at levels exceeding epa limits in some wells epa standard for tce = 5ppb 0   2000   4000   6000   8000   10000   12000   14000   1993   2001   2011   c o n ce n tr a) o n  ( p p b )   year   tce  in  one  back  valley  shallow  well   perchlorates   elizabeth  bonnell   what is perchlorate? source: •  fireworks •  warfare •  some chemical processes •  can form naturally chemtronics site sources •  explosives health effects of perchlorate •  competes with iodide in the thyroid gland – only at high perchlorate levels – some concern for pregnant women •  not likely to cause cancer current levels •  2500 micrograms/liter in one chemtronics well •  6 micrograms/liter maximum permissible level in california •  not travelling to off-site wells what are they doing to clean it up? •  no previous methods at chemtronics •  possible methods: – anaerobic degradation now being tested •  seems promising – treatment through physical processes not likely now bioremedia)on:   emulsified  vegetable  oil   davis  jones   what does reduction mean?   reduction is the gain of electrons   if something gains electrons (is reduced) something else has to lose the electrons (is oxidized)   some bacteria can speed up the reaction   vegetable oil is a possible source of electrons leading to reduction of pollutants general remediation •  july 2012 – enhanced in situ bioremediation (eisb)using food grade vegetable oil (evo) approved by the epa – contractor •  four sites tested in front valley •  current activity: fsct – feasibility screening/ candidate testing – microcosm testing – bacterial strains – shallow well test general remediation •  evo provides underground emulsion to stimulate boz – biologically active zone •  boz stimulates bacterial growth •  acts as electron donor to reduce chlorinated solvents reduce = gaining an electron contaminants treated other  types  of  remedia)on   rebecca  johnson  &  stephanie  williams   remediation: air stripping •  contaminated water enters at the top of the column as air enters at the bottom •  packing provides increased surface area •  chlorinated solvents enter the gas phase •  treated water exits through the bottom of the column, solvents are off gassed reaction in air •  light can cause removal of chlorinated solvents in air •  tce breaks down into co2 and hcl •  the half life of tce is 3.5 days •  after two weeks, tce is essentially gone from air other  methods  for  removal  of  solvents     bioremediation -  bacteria remove cl and replace with h -  final product is harmless -  currently being tested on-site   natural attenuation “let nature take care of it” (bioremediation, dilution, etc)   zero-valence iron -  metal-water interface –  corrosion of iron undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   superfund and the swannanoa community megan brooks-planck warren wilson college with the discovery of toxic waste dumps in the 1970s, a need developed for cleanup and removal of hazardous materials. waste left behind stays behind, and can pollute soil, water, and air, ultimately leading to human contamination. the superfund was established in 1980 as part of the comprehensive environmental response, compensation, and liability act (cercla) as a means to mandate the cleanup of hazardous waste sites by responsible parties (u.s. environmental protection agency 2012b). once a hazardous site is placed on the national priorities list (npl) due to the threat of hazardous substances, pollutants, or contaminants it is slated for cleanup led by the environmental protection agency (u.s. environmental protection agency 2012a). the chemtronics site in swannanoa, north carolina, was placed on the npl in 1982. swannanoa, north carolina is home to the chemtronics superfund site. in the spring of 2013, the epa helped concerned citizens in swannanoa form a community advisory group (cag) as a liaison to the superfund site owners, the epa, and the general public. our advanced environmental chemistry class had the opportunity to serve this cag by researching and presenting the highly technical information regarding the site and the potential dangers it presents to the community. working with the chemtronics cag was so much more than a service project. warren wilson college is one of the few colleges that require service in order to graduate. at the time of my attendance, each student had to complete 100 hours of service as well as a comprehensive reflection of his or her service. by my senior year in 2013, i had completed many hours of service for a wide range of causes and organizations, but this project was something different. service-learning courses have the unique ability to bring textbook information into a real context with a meaningful purpose. i had participated in other servicelearning projects in other classes, but never before in the chemistry department. the study of chemistry is often restricted to the lab or classroom, so having the opportunity to apply serious chemistry in a meaningful way was fantastic. the chemtronics superfund site is located just miles from warren wilson college, but is also close to homes within the swannanoa community. curiosity and even animosity associated with the site is only natural. while the contamination present on the site is the result of industry, the superfund in itself has a mixed reputation in many communities. the epa remediation process is a slow one. even the initial steps of establishing potentially responsible parties (prp) to be held accountable can take years, and until that is determined the clean-up process cannot begin. additionally, there is often suspicion of government agencies working within the community. superfund in general is an unwelcome presence, indicating contamination and hazardous materials, but the chemtronics site is one of particular notoriety. operating as a manufacturer for the united states department of defense, the site saw production of many hazardous chemicals during its years of operation. chlorinated solvents, a common pollutant at superfund sites, are present in the highest concentrations here, but several unique pollutants are also found onsite. perhaps the most unusual is 3-quinuclidinyl benzilate, commonly referred to as bz. this compound was manufactured in the 1960s and 1970s as a weaponized hallucinogen, but never saw official use. following government orders, all brooks-planck 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   stockpiles of this compound were destroyed, and due to its natural instability any remaining traces have long since decomposed into its harmless constituent parts (u.s. environmental protection agency 2008). a well-known output of the chemtronics site is the compound 2chlorobenzalmalononitrile, also known as cs gas, or tear gas. this non-lethal aerosol has a short half-life in both air and water. the half-life of a compound is the amount of time it takes for half of the substance to break down. for example, the half-life of cs in water is just 15 minutes, indicating that after 15 minutes only half of the original material remains, after 30 minutes only a quarter of the original material remains, and so on. this short half-life means that cs is not persistent in air or water. since the closure of the site, cs in air and water has long since broken down. the half-life in soil is longer however, and so some traces do remain present on the site (u.s. environmental protection agency 2009). the compound cyclotrimethylenetrinitramine, or rdx, was also produced at the chemtronics site. rdx is a potent explosive, many times more powerful than tnt, and has negative effects if consumed. in anaerobic, or oxygen-free, conditions rdx biodegrades naturally. this compound is capable of leaching from soil to groundwater, and potentially on to plant or aquatic life (agency for toxic substances and disease registry 2012). rdx is present at the chemtronics site. since the chemtronics site was placed on the npl in 1982 efforts have been focused on preventing the spread of these contaminants found onsite, rather than removing them completely. this prevents spread of unwanted contaminants, without the cost associated with complete remediation. the priorities of a site on the npl are primarily to determine what hazards and risks are present, to prevent these hazards from spreading to offsite locations, and to finally remove contaminants altogether through the process of remediation. environmental remediation is essentially the removal of pollution or contaminants from soil, water, and air. many methods of remediation exist, on a scale of availability to the area, cost, and effectiveness against a given contaminant. bioremediation is a method of remediation applied at the chemtronics site that uses natural processes to remove targeted contamination. this can be accomplished through certain types of plants or bacteria. one method uses emulsified vegetable oil to increase the natural rate of remediation by providing resources for bacterial growth, which in turn reduce the amount of certain types of contaminants. air stripping is another type of remediation used to treat water contaminated by chlorinated solvents. water is run through a column where target materials are transferred to air. there they quickly break down, releasing comparatively clean water. during its years of remediation, the chemtronics site has undergone intensive testing of soil, water, and air, the results of which are available to the public in the nearby warren wilson college library. this data includes years of reports consisting of thousands of pages of text and numbers. in spring 2013, the advanced environmental chemistry class worked in conjunction with the chemtronics cag to process this data, introducing it in a form that the public more easily understands. students, including myself, chose topics of concern and focused on key questions related to the site. these topics included specific chemical compounds, types of remediation and removal, and epa processes. students produced a comprehensive report on their individual topic for the class, as well as a group powerpoint and individual poster presentations for the cag. my topic was on risk assessment practices as carried out by the epa. this method of risk assessment is a four-step process, beginning with identification of any possible contaminants onsite. the next step is dose-response assessment, analyzing the way in which any given amount brooks-planck 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   of a contaminant will affect human health. following this step, exposure assessment determines current risk of exposure, testing air, water, and soil near the contaminated site. the final step is risk characterization, taking all the previously collected information into account. this end product is a detailed assessment of the current and potential risk posed by a contaminated environment, such as the chemtronics site (office of emergency and remedial response 1989). the research process began with students gathering information on the site as a whole. the sheer volume of data available in the library archives was almost overwhelming, and the class worked together a great deal during this process, comparing notes, suggesting resources, and helping each other find and understand data. this exploration into the history of the site provided a framework for students to begin their own research on individual topics, while placing information into a local context. a group powerpoint was created in order to bring together each of the individual topics for presentation to the swannanoa community. each student presented a powerpoint to the rest of the class on his or her specific topic for initial feedback and to determine the best possible order of topics. the presentations were then combined into one document. one of the most helpful parts of the process was a practice presentation to the environmental policy class, a group of students interested in the site, who were able to offer advice on presenting to the general public. it was important to keep the final audience in mind when carrying out research, and especially when preparing the powerpoint presentation. after this practice session, final feedback was collected and used to create posters for the chemtronics cag. as a student i put more time into this project than any other service project i participated in during my four years at warren wilson college. the first part of the task, finding the information, may have taken the longest, especially considering the sheer volume of data that each student had to search through, but for me at least, this step was not the most difficult. as a student of both environmental chemistry and environmental policy, i was not new to the language of the epa. avoiding technical language that might be unclear or confusing to those who are less familiar with the subject matter was a challenge for me. in the process of drafting, proof-reading, and discussing the project with others in and out of the chemistry department, it became easier to discuss the topic from a variety of viewpoints, rather than focusing on the technical or political aspects of the issue that come more naturally to me. during this process i learned to closely analyze my own work, asking myself if i was being clear, or if i could answer questions on this topic as needed. unlike typical class presentations i could not expect my audience to have a background in environmental sciences or chemistry. it was very important that i make no assumptions. the cumulative moment of this project was the night of our presentation for the chemtronics cag. it was at this point in the project that we actually interacted with community members, an experience that brought our studies outside the classroom in a real, beneficial way. we were able to hear their concerns, questions, and thoughts on the chemtronics site, and the superfund presence there. as a policy student i have studied the importance of community involvement, but actually taking part in it was something else entirely. it was taking this final step that brought everything else together, all of our research, time, and work had brought us to this final point of interaction, and it was there that we were able to make a difference. we arrived early to the meeting so that we could set up our posters and prepare for our presentations. we were scheduled to speak toward the end of the meeting, and were able to sit and observe before our turn came. those participating in the cag were community members from all walks of life. brooks-planck 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   while a few of those present had a true understanding of the site, many more knew only the rumors that have flooded the community for years. i observed the difficulty of keeping participants focused on the task at hand, allowing questions without getting off topic, and making sure every voice was heard. i was impressed by the group leaders, and took away valuable tips on coordinating such a diverse group of concerned citizens. when it came time to present our data, the meeting was reaching its close. the first student gave an oral overview of the project, outlining the history of the site, and providing some definitions on the “reference” slide of the powerpoint. this slide was projected during the poster presentations to help the audience understand some of the more technical terminology used on the posters. most importantly, she explained the current status of the superfund site. while contaminants are still present on the site, extensive testing has shown that none of the contaminants present are traveling offsite (u.s. environmental protection agency 2007). while there is still a great deal to be done before the site itself is fully remediated, the epa has succeeded in containing contamination. she then introduced the topic of each succeeding student, and we took questions as a group, before inviting participants to come forward and ask questions of us individually. each student had a poster prepared and was ready to answer questions and explain his or her topic. the community was interested, positive, and very kind to us. all of us were able to have conversations with members of the community and provide the positive news that those chemicals researched by this group are not leaving the superfund site and currently presented no threat to those living in the area. i know that my own experience was a very positive one. i was able to connect to a part of my own community and those living near me, and i felt that we were able to ease some of their concerns with the research we had carried out. the chemtronics site will be a part of the swannanoa community for many years to come, and i would love to see the cag and the warren wilson college chemistry department continue this relationship. not only would this relationship provide a service to the community, but would also greatly benefit participating students and provide them with a true sense of accomplishment. as remediation continues on the site, more and more data will become available, hopefully showing a downward trend in contamination. on a personal level, conducting research and finding answers for this project helped to sharpen my skills in thorough record keeping and careful note taking, and my experience working with the community allowed me to continue developing my interpersonal skills. presenting a difficult subject to the community helped me make challenging concepts clearer and understandable. i was lucky to be a part of this service-learning project, which also received very positive feedback from the class as a whole. comments from my classmates spoke very highly of the program, explaining that they saw their research and communication skills grow, all while learning to apply course materials in a real-world setting. while service learning has been a part of my college experience from the beginning, i couldn’t have planned a better note to finish my final semester on, and i hope that those who come after me in the environmental studies department can share this empowering experience. ~ i would like to thank dr. vicki collins for all of her efforts creating this project and guiding each of us through the process. we couldn’t have done it without her insight and support through the entire semester. i would also like to thank dr. jessa madosky who serves as the moderator of the chemtronics cag and guided us through the cag during our presentation and communication. brooks-planck 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   references agency for toxic substances and disease registry. 2012. toxicological profile for rdx. http://www.atsdr.cdc.gov/toxprofiles/tp78.pdf (accessed august 4, 2013). office of emergency and remedial response. 1989. risk assessment guidance for superfund volume i. epa/540/1-89-002. washington, dc. u.s. environmental protection agency. 2007. second superfund five year report chemtronics superfund site. epa id: ncd 095 459 392. atlanta, ga. –––. 2008. acute exposure guideline levels: agent bz (3-quinuclidinyl benzilate). http://www.epa.gov/opptintr/aegl/pubs/bz_interim.pdf (accessed august 4, 2013). –––. 2009. acute exposure guideline levels: tear gas (cs). http://www.epa.gov/oppt/aegl/ pubs/tear_gas_interim_sept_09_v1.pdf (accessed august 4, 2013). –––. 2012a. "national priorities list." environmental protection agency. http://www.epa.gov/superfund/sites/npl/index.htm. –––. 2012b. "superfund: basic information." environmental protection agency. http://www.epa.gov/superfund/about.htm. an evaluation of the chemtronics superfund site megan brooks planck undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 reaching my peers: virtual and abroad service learning paisly symenuk university of alberta as i sit at my computer, reflecting upon my final service-learning experience in my undergraduate degree, i have no internet connection, no cellphone, and no close friends or family within 14,000 kilometers of me, and yet, i feel more connected than ever. i am in senanga, a small but lively town that sits on the bank of the zambezi river in the western province of zambia. two white egrets sit on the shore, as small wooden boats travel to and from the local market to collect groceries for the week. this includes going upstream with multiple 25 kilogram bags of maize, better known as “millie mill,” which will be made into the local favorite, nshima. here is where i completed my final service-learning component just days ago. here, and all around the world. next year, along with my bachelor of science in honor’s nursing and a certificate in international learning, i will also graduate with a certificate in community engagement and service-learning. for my final course, in partial requirement for this certificate, i was able to combine my passion for global health into the framework and approach of community service learning through the development of my own independent study course: advanced perspectives on global health. the office of community service learning at my institution offers this type of course to allow students the opportunity to study a new area or context. this course can be supervised by any willing professor, and involves a service component alongside the course content. the readings i chose for this course span topics that are currently pertinent in global health or areas that i have not had the opportunity to explore in my previous courses. for the service portion, i chose to work with my student and novice nurse peers from around the world to develop the first-ever global peer mentorship program targeting this population specifically. my first readings in service learning were from butin (2010) nearly five years ago, but the same outlook still rings true for me in the conception of this course: that those being served should be involved in how the service is being completed. often, there is a perceived or innate power difference between those serving and those on the receiving end. therefore, i endeavored to complete the service component for a community that i am a part of. i wanted to work with my peers to create something that will enable us to not only become better nurses, but better global citizens. in this project, i saw myself as both the served and the serving. i also see those who have engaged virtually or in person as serving and also being served. they have aided in the creation of a program for a community they are a part of and also have access to the benefits that this program will offer. this program aims to create what geertz (1973) describes as webs of meaning, to bring meaning to who we are as individuals within a local and international context through interaction with our peers. as it stands, there was no platform for student or novice nurses to communicate, partner, or learn from each other. as the largest group of healthcare workers worldwide (and arguable the most important, but i may be a little bit bias), it is imperative, early in our careers, that we engage across borders if we have any chance of tackling some of the biggest and most complex global health issues that have no respect for national boundaries. i have been very privileged to be able to travel during my past five years in university. what motivates me most to continue in the area of global health is meeting people that are just like me: people my age, who are passionate about health, who love to learn from people in different cultures, and who ultimately symenuk 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 want to make a difference on this planet. it is easy to see that traveling to other countries is not possible for everyone, and unfortunately never will be. however, i thought to myself, why should the ability to travel be the barrier that inhibits future and young nurses from interacting with each other? this interaction should be viewed as imperative for the future of our profession in a globalized world. we have innovative, free technology in almost every corner of the world, including some of the most remote regions, where cell phones are used in everyday life. why can’t students and novice nurses use the same technology to communicate and learn from one another? the answer is that we can and we must, and the service-component of this course serves to use technology to connect peers around the world. i have developed a deep appreciation for the idea that education does not need to have a traditional teacher-student hierarchical format. through my last five years of education, the framework for knowledge transfer is rooted in the teacher-student, giver-receiver transfer of knowledge. freire (1994) and butin (2010) describe the idea that community-service learning has the ability to disturb this power imbalanced transfer and challenge hegemonic norms of who are the holders, givers, and creators of knowledge. peer mentorship enables those who have similar levels of education to have a reciprocal relationship whereby both members of the dyad are teachers and students at the same time, both recognized for their unique insight and knowledge that we encourage they share through this program. the service portion of this course is what i will reflect on in this paper. it can be split into three different components: a virtual component, an abroad component, and a module development. virtual component as i set off to begin the development of a global peer mentorship program, i was in edmonton, in my third year of nursing, on placement at a large tertiary care facility in thoracic surgery. this setting did not exactly allow me the privilege of traveling to gain insight and input from my peers around the world (nor does a student budget for that matter). having extensive experience attending nursing conferences, i am fortunate to have a large network of student and novice nurses to reach out to for input. after creating a survey using googleforms, a free web program that allows multiple formats of questions, i shared this survey through my social media accounts while encouraging my peers to do the same. social media is a means that allows for instant snowballing of surveys via “sharing” functions, and this served our survey very well. within eight days, there were 91 student and novice nurse respondents from 16 different countries and 30 different nursing educational institutions represented. being able to receive input from a vast number of students from around the world through this survey was successful. through this survey, i was able to gather crucial information about accessibility, level of interest, background, means of communication–including language and platform and preferred program structure–and many other areas. some of the challenges faced with this survey were that the majority of students were canadian student or novice nurses. a limitation, that i am sure hindered the participation of an even more diverse sample, is that this survey was only available in english. this sample also is reflective of my social media network–student and novice nurses from canada made up the majority of participants. symenuk 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 abroad component last may, i was fortunate to participate in an interdisciplinary health course in zambia, through the school of public health at the university of alberta. through this, i connected with a nursing school in the western province of zambia called senanga school of nursing and students from the university of zambia. the senanga school of nursing just opened in the fall of 2015, and is serving a huge need in this area that has been burdened with an extreme lack of health care workers. between april and may 2016, i was privileged to engage with nursing students that are attending nursing institutions in zambia. this was an incredible opportunity to meet with some of my peers from across the world, to learn from them, to hear their stories, and appreciate what they are passionate about. these students gave incredible insights into how to make the program most accessible for them and the content they would most be interested in learning. many of the insights that were shared were things that i would have never considered prior to our conversations, such as the size of the files that they need to download; they may have to download them via data because of the lack of consistent wifi connection. module development the final component of the service portion of this course was the development of the global peer mentorships module, informed by class readings, the virtual survey, and the discussions abroad with my peers from zambia. this program opened for applications in august 2016 and is hosted by the global association of student and novice nurses (gasnn). the program will span six months, requiring two hours per month commitment and the capacity to host 20-30 student and novice nurses (10-15 pairs). the program will match participants with a peer from another country. each month, the dyads will be sent an outline of that week with readings, important questions to look at, and a creative component. the content of this program is intended to explore areas of global health that entry-to-practice education doesn’t often cover. some of the topics that will be covered are trade, investment and health, neglected diseases, and disaster management/mitigation. the creative component each month gives participants the opportunity to bring each other visually to their own unique contexts, related to the month’s topic. my experience in nursing is that we are not often able to enter a creative realm within our education. this component will give participants the opportunity to share media stories, podcasts, videos, and personal photos. the creative components submitted by the pairs each month will be compiled and disseminated outside the dyads to all of the participants, keeping them aware of what others are exploring through the program. at the end of the program, there will be a collaborative project the participants will work on individually and submit to the program coordinators. creating this module would not have been possible without my peers engaging in this process. the content, the format, and the means in which communication will occur would have been completely off base. for my final service-learning course, i am so fortunate to have been able to give something back to my community at a global level in the hope of making a small difference in the development of global citizens. ~ symenuk 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 i would like to thank the office of community service learning at the university of alberta– without csl, i would never be graduating in a few short months. to dr. sylvia barton, thank you for your continual support in all of my global health endeavors. symenuk 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 references butin, dan w. 2010. service-learning in theory and practice: the future of community engagement in higher education. new york: palgrave macmillan. geertz, c. 1973. the interpretation of cultures. new york: basic books. freire, p. 1994. pedagogy of the oppressed. new york: continuum. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 beyond laboratory walls: the rewards and challenges of bringing product development into the community aoife mitchell dublin institute of technology introduction in autumn 2015, as a final year undergraduate of nutraceuticals for health and nutrition in dublin institute of technology (dit) in dublin, ireland, i was met with great curiosity upon learning about the option of completing my undergraduate final year, capstone research thesis through community-based research (cbr). it was something i had never heard of before and felt it would be an interesting way of both gaining valuable real-life experience through collaborative methods while completing a vital component of my degree. studying in the north, inner city of dublin exposes a student to the rich and diverse communities in the surrounding areas. while considered a disadvantaged area, it has pockets of promising ventures and innovation with community growth at its core. one such venture is community development through the non-profit organization desireland. this organization is headed by local people who are “connecting nature, people and place to promote health and well-being in dublin’s northwest inner city” through the regeneration of disused land, wildlife conservation, citizen-led programs, and reduction in food and crop wastage (desireland 2012). as a student studying in the north, inner city of dublin, i am a member of that community and therefore the opportunity to work with these organizations is key to their mission of complete community involvement in creating better urban living. as a food science major, it was proposed that i collaborate with desireland in conjunction with students learning with communities (slwc) to develop a blight resistant potato-based food product that is both environmentally and economically sustainable. we decided on potato chip production with the use of locally grown blight resistant potatoes and the reuse of locally sourced healthy oils in keeping with both my nutraceutical background and my community partners’ environmental background. as a food science and nutraceutical major it was vital that a health aspect was incorporated into the project and this was done by choosing healthier oils and cooking methods. the oils chosen for the research were specifically selected for their low levels of saturated fat, making them a healthier choice than the oils typically utilized in potato chip production. it would be my responsibility to provide an appropriate oil/potato combination that was both environmentally sustainable, palatable, and had the potential to create profit that would be injected back into future community work. it was hoped that when the research was complete the production of the potato chips could be passed onto a community kitchen with the help of a standards operation procedure (sop) designed by me. this research would also pave the way for future undergraduate projects, as i was undertaking an initial step in product development; there are many other steps involved that would make great future projects for undergraduates. by collaborating on this product development project, both the community partner and i would gain mutual benefit in knowledge, experience, profit, innovation, and life skills learning as well as an appreciation of the culture and community we are both a part of. mitchell 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 learning about community-based research at the beginning of this journey, i had an understanding of what community-based research was. i knew it involved collaboration, communication, integration of knowledge, and dedication in order to achieve an objective set by all parties (wilding 2008). this was immediately evident upon my first collaborative meeting with my academic supervisor, a students learning with communities coordinator and the community partner from desireland. community-based research is a shared research venture between an academic and a community partner in order to create an output or a service that will be of mutual benefit to all. it is about building on the strengths already evident in the co mmunity and using them to the best of their ability. cbr encompasses social change and whole community participation and contribution of expertise for the common good (israel et al. 1998). it was clear, from our initial brainstorming of ideas and thoughts, that collaboration was going to be a key factor in this research, ensuring that both the community partner and i gained what we initially hoped to from the project. with the community partner’s knowledge and the skills i had acquired through my scientific career thus far, this would be possible. at the time, i was preoccupied with ensuring that i had chosen the right avenue upon which to carry out my thesis. however, nearing the end of the research i had become determined to guarantee that the community partner would find something sustainable and useful in my research and i continued to be motivated by hoping to achieve a thesis of the highest standard. a major element of my cbr project was the inclusion of several members of the community and others outside of the community. this included a chef from a local restaurant in the city who demonstrated the potato chip production process on a more industrial level, an organic farmer who was the source of the blight resistant potatoes in county wicklow just outside of dublin, and a grocer who provided a variety of oils previously used for transportation of olives and sundried tomatoes. all contributed greatly to the research and showed equal passion for the venture. it was important to include as many local people as possible and notify them of research happening locally. this, however, meant navigating a massive communication network which was often difficult and went far beyond a “traditional” final year project. learning from community based research communication as a process of more than four months, often communication dwindled between both parties and at points i felt the research was becoming less a novel method and more a traditional approach to research as i regularly worked alone. communication routes included emails and meetings, which were often difficult due to various other commitments of all parties. effective communication is key to community based research as this is the optimum method to ensure collaboration is continual. however, regardless of the lapses in communication, the objective of creating a crisp product from blight resistant potatoes and a carrier oil in an environmentally and economically sustainable way remained at the forefront of all my research and writing. leadership creating a product in conjunction with desireland allowed me to see the process of product development from the beginning to an almost finished project while injecting ideas and making changes myself the entire journey. the research was my responsibility and i was mitchell 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 encouraged by both my academic supervisor and community partner to take hold of the research and develop it whilst still incorporating multiple perspectives into a single critical thinking process. it was a meaningful process and one which i felt was all consuming as the lead decision maker. however, i did not view this as a negative aspect of the research, but rather an opportunity to demonstrate determination and self-guidance. problem solving problem solving became a major component of my research. materials, methods and eventually taste-testers were not provided and consequently had to be sourced. this in itself was a massive learning curve. it provided me with the opportunity to think critically, manage time, organise meetings and navigate through endless possible materials, methods and contacts until a solution was achieved. in the midst of the research, this was often frustrating as i felt my classmates were receiving more assistance than me as they were participating in more traditional lab based research, but i realise now that i obtained invaluable experience from managing my own work. however, this often led to reservation with regards to my capability of running this project and the growing workload. self-doubt i asked myself is this worth the extra work and effort? many times throughout the collaborative research process as it required a high level of commitment and time. i often wondered whether it was a positive experience to have so much obligation to the project with the objective to give the work to another party upon completion. for some time, it seemed counter-productive, but eventually i realized that this was the essence of future collaboration projects i would potentially work on. partaking in a cbr project and contributing such efforts is similar to a work-related team approach whereby both the team and others benefit from it. upon reflection, i feel it simply took time for me to see the benefits i was reaping from such as unusual experience, while still recognizing the challenges it can often yield. community-based research challenges community-based research is challenging by nature as it recognizes a multiple number and sources of expertise including: the generalized knowledge of the community from an academic standpoint, the hands-on, real world expertise of community members, the scientific expertise of the students and academics, and the basic knowledge within the community on that area. therefore seeing each other’s perspective was often a test. my main goal was to complete my thesis at the highest standard with scientific methods and analysis, gaining a deeper understanding of my major field of study, while attempting to maintain the task set out. while the community organization, not unsurprisingly, was more focused on the end-product and its potential applications within the community as that is its overall aim as a community development cohort. community-based research demands relationship building, mutual understanding, trust, and a middle ground whereby both parties are engaged and happy to communicate. as strand and co-workers (2003, 80) suggested, community-based research requires “shifting of perspectives” and an understanding of what the community wants and how one can achieve this. sharing the power of the project with equal appreciation for all parties’ requests was the most challenging element of cbr. this obstacle was overcome with open channels of communication, continual updating, and compromise. mitchell 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 community aspect again, it has only been upon consideration that i have come to comprehend that the core of community-based research is allowing the community to be identified as a single unit (bell et al., 2016) with contributors from all walks of life such as a student, a lecturer, a college officer, a community worker, chefs, restaurateurs, local proprietors and farmers all of which played vital roles in my cbr project. while demographically and indeed at times geographically all involved varied, the sense of community was always evident and the end goal clear. while science and research is so often defined by work done behind the closed doors of a laboratory, cbr attended to social inequalities and broke down the typical marginalisation seen between scientists and community members. people i encountered through the process were interested and enthused by the work and the method of research which was reassuring and agreed that science should not be something misunderstood or hidden from the general public who benefit from it daily and so often ignite the research process. as the project drew to a close, i was confident in the work i was to provide to the community partner. it was clear from the work carried out that there were great opportunities and possible venture underlying my results. upon presenting my research as a whole, it was with great pride and indeed relief that the objective of the research was completed. both i, my academic supervisor and our community partner see great potential in the future of the results that were uncovered from my work and i am assured that the success from this research will continue to be seen for some time within the community i worked directly with and indeed dit. the success of this project and the method at which it was carried out will also continue to be of great benefit and advantage to me in the future. personal development into the future upon reflection, i was reminded of the characteristics that have been known to be attributed to dit graduates including enterprising, engaged and effective. an enterprising graduate, being one of leadership, innovation and with the ability to collaborate. an engaged graduate with ethics and motivation and finally an effective graduate who is a strategic thinker and resilient in challenging situations. it is these attributes i feel i gained as a graduate having completed this community based research. community based research allowed me be my own leader and creative director within a co-operative setting. it exposed me to a variety of people whose opinions, ethics and concerns i had to include in my work and with this in mind, kept me highly motivated. it involved critical thinking and problem solving which taught me to navigate through often difficult situations. i am confident in the ideals of a dit graduate and feel this research has helped me greatly in achieving the high standards expected. conclusion community based research enhanced my self-awareness and my position in the community as a scientist. it gave me a great sense of community although i was working outside of my own locality. cbr highlighted the attitudes of the general public towards science to me, which can often be negative and misunderstood, and gave me an opportunity to bring science out of the lab and into the community where it could be appreciated and further integrated into everyday lives. it has given me the opportunity to learn valuable skills and gain the ability to integrate them into any future research i embark upon as a graduate. mitchell 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 ~ i would first like to sincerely thank my thesis supervisor dr. barry ryan for his encouragement and support throughout this venture as well as kaethe burt-o’dea for all her help. also, thank you to the community of stoneybatter for its innovation, co-operation, and knowledge. i would also like to thank my dear parents aine and fran for their love and guidance. finally, i would like to dedicate this paper to my late brother, eoin. references bell, r., s. tumity, g. kira, c. smith, and l. hale. 2016. “using a community based participatory research model within an indigenous framework to establish an exploratory platform of investigation in obesity.” obesity 2: 19-24. desireland. 2012. lifeline project. http://desireland.ie/lifeline-project/. israel, b., a. schultz, e. parker, and a. becker. 1998. “review of community-based research: assessing partnership approaches to improve public health.” annual review of public health 19: 173-202. strand, k.j., n. cutforth, r. stoecker, s. marullo, and p. donohue. 2003. community-based research and higher education: principles and practices. san francisco: jossey bass inc., u.s. wilding, p.m. 2008. “reflective practise: a learning tool for student nurses.” british journal of nursing 17 (11): 720-724. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 putting down the foundation: of a house, of my heart, and of a life lauren slovensky new york institute of technology as a sophomore at new york institute of technology (nyit) this past semester, i had a life-altering experience during my spring break holiday. i, along with twenty other students from nyit, took part in the alternate spring break program run by faculty that partners with the nonprofit organization bridges to community to build a home in the town of san juan de la maquana, dominican republic. in the community we visited, i had never seen such extreme poverty before. the daily reality of the people who lived there was a culture shock to me and forced me to come to grips with my own reality, the sheltered life i had experienced most of my life; i was inundated with emotions of fear and sadness that hit me all at once. from that moment on, i knew i had to put forth my best effort. but i knew even my best effort would not be enough by any measure to make the sort of change i would ideally have liked to see. visiting the dominican republic has changed many aspects of my life, specifically: my attitude, my mindset, and my passion. as mentioned above, this life-changing experience occurred because of collaboration between our university and an organization called bridges to community. bridges to community is a non-denominational organization that addresses the needs of a community through direct communication with the residents. the organization hosts community meetings that allow residents to voice their concerns. residents that attend these meetings can then request that a home be built or request other necessities. bridges to community had already built several homes and a youth center in san juan de maquana. the youth center provides tutoring for residents to help prepare them for a brighter future and break the cycle of poverty. without the youth center and its staff, attending college would never be an option for these kids due to the gaps in the educational system. many of those at bridges have little literacy skills, even in their native language. in addition to improving children’s literacy skills, bridges to community also helps kids develop writing skills, learn other languages such as english, and tutors them on other subjects taught in school. this organization is a very crucial part of the town’s development. another aspect of our experience with bridges to community was to understand the magnitude of the problems confronting people in the dominican republic, particularly the corruption at all levels of government. the facilitators of bridges to community shared with us that trees are cut down in the dominican republic and smuggled into haiti. haiti’s scarcity of trees creates massive flooding of villages since the trees serve to hold down the water. dominicans were losing trees without their knowledge so corrupt officials could profit. the extent of corruption occurs at all levels. we were told that to get elected, the mayor of this community paved the roads and promised free rice and beans for every family, but only on the day of election. having promised that families would not have to worry about food and other necessities, he subsequently never delivered on those promises. complicating the matter is the corruption at the top as well. we learned the president of the dominican republic is also corrupt and acts like a dictator doing very little to help a country that is struggling. knowing about the extensive corruption helped me understand the problems on a structural level, but it was the experiences with the people i encountered on a daily basis that slovensky 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 created a newfound passion within me for helping others. the people taught me more than i could ever imagine about myself and about the extreme poverty that some people experience. for example, residents lacked basic elements of an infrastructure. many were without adequate housing and paved roads in addition to having no food to eat. although the governor had appropriated money for these services, he did nothing while his own family lived lavishly exemplifying the pervasive, extensive corruption within the country. partnered with bridges to community, my classmates and i built a house in the community of san juan de la maquana, dominican republic working with the community for five days, six hours each day. first, we dug out the foundation and gathered impacted mud on the ground, using a pick ax. next, we nailed barbed wire to wooden posts that was used as rebar to reinforce the concrete walls that we later poured and mixed. we took great satisfaction in watching the house being built and community members were integral in communicating their needs during the building process. however, it was sad to see community members wearing the same clothes every day and many were without shoes, some as young as three years old. despite the apparent hardship, satisfaction came from providing a home for a husband and wife and their thirteen children. my experience in the dominican republic was enormously different than the life i live with my own siblings growing up as a middle-class child in a mostly upper-class community; i feel as if i lived my entire life in a bubble, completely unaware of poverty. as a result of this trip, i do not intend to live life regretting my newfound desire to work with underprivileged communities, realizing that most of my life i got almost everything i asked for at christmas and my birthdays. i wish someone had told me that many others do not have the same privileges. i do not need the next ipod, but the community around me needs food on the table. this transformed my thinking about what is really, really important in life, but i had to experience another culture for that to happen. this event made me aware of the privileged life and blessings i was given. it is a true privilege growing up as a middle-class child and not having to worry about the next meal. sadly, kids in the community are mostly only able to eat flour and water, as part of a largely starchbased diet. this alone is a major setback they face from an early age. seeing for the first time children with swollen stomachs and yellowing eyes, both major signs of protein deficiency, was heartbreaking. i held back the tears but felt sorrow and helplessness at not being able to do anything to help these kids. most amazing, however, was when i saw their pure happiness while they played, realizing that regardless of how many hardships they were experiencing, they possessed an inner strength and joy nonetheless. the fact that they love their lives filled me with personal joy, but most importantly, it opened my eyes that there is a world that is often neglected and unheard of beyond the world i live in. after serving in the dominican republic and having felt personally transformed through my experiences and struggles, my attitude has changed tremendously. first, i have a new appreciation for the magnitude of people facing poverty in my own neighborhood. seeing a homeless people now, i understand that there might be something facing them that is beyond their control. they are human and should be treated as such. having been surrounded in the san juan de maquana community, i observed how community members interacted with each other and how tight their bond is for their families. the strength of the love they expressed towards each other they would never trade for any riches. i came to realize through my experiences with their culture that having so much and spending slovensky 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 wantonly does not lead to absolute happiness. sometimes what really matters is not wealth in numbers, but wealth in spirit and love for each other. another lesson learned from my trip is to live each day at a time, not dwelling on tomorrow. the people do not look beyond the current day. they live in the present regardless of what tomorrow brings them, even though tomorrow might bring them no food. no matter what the day has brought, they keep on smiling, taking each present moment with grace and thankfulness. their smiles warmed my heart and brought me joy, which gave me hope for a better future. it gave me hope that one day this community will prosper and provide for its citizens the help they desperately need. the lessons i learned and the changes i made in my life could not have been made possible without community members. however, there is one person in particular who made the biggest difference of all. a four-year-old boy named ongo was one of the many children i met during the trip. he taught me more than any adult could ever teach me about hard work and perseverance. every day, no matter what kind of day he was having, he would show up with a smile, ready to work with us. as soon as we picked up our shovels, he picked up his and once he started, he did not stop. he had a house smaller than my room and in my time there, i only say him eat flour and water, and nothing else, but he did not give up. seeing this inspired me to never give up and keep a smile on no matter how hard my day. i can only hope that someday when ongo grows up he will make a difference in the lives of his community, having risen above the extreme poverty he faces daily. the hope is that he will never stop smiling and make a better future for himself. deep in my heart, i believe that he will. like ongo, the children of this community have little money, but that seems completely normal to them. they are, however, rich in a unique way. they make the best out of life with the bare minimum, having learned to find happiness from the littlest things. they share compassion for others and although they might not have a new gameboy or barbie doll, they have something greater: pure happiness. those kids have never had the happiness that i did from material possessions, but i came to realize how superficial that was, a lesson i needed in my life. i had become too wrapped up in “stuff,” and forgot about the pure joy of just being happy and the kids of san juan maquana helped me to see the pure joy of simply living. for example, the first time i saw dominican kids jump off a tree into a watering hole experiencing pure joy, i was jealous. i felt like that was missing from my own childhood. these kids showed me that when life’s twists and turns occur, how you handle them is what matters most. even when it appears they have nothing, there is always something to smile about and something to share. having spent time with these kids provided me with life-changing lessons. before this, i had blinders on, taking many things for granted. now, i want to devote my life helping underprivileged individuals facing poverty. i would also like to start my own organization similar to bridges to community, using its model as my foundational base and its principles of community involvement providing housing, economic support, and helping these individuals pursue careers in their field of interest. witnessing such extreme poverty broke my heart, and i found myself not wanting to leave when our time was finished. i thought that if i could stay a year of two more, i could make a bigger difference. more homes could have been built and i could have forged stronger bonds with the families living there. not being fluent in spanish was the biggest hurdle to overcome, but by the time i return next year, i hope to rectify that dilemma so i can bond even more with residents. slovensky 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 also, i will learn more about their culture so they can become more comfortable with us. during our trip, many of the residents were hesitant to speak to us and although our struggles as americans might not appear as detrimental as their struggles, sharing them helps bridge the gap and shows that we are ultimately all human. the cultural barriers themselves were transformative, helping me gain an awareness of the privileges of being an american citizen. we live in a democracy intolerant of pervasive corruption and we are free to pursue educational opportunities. but what we can learn from the community of san juan maquana is invaluable too. we can learn to live in the moment rather than the fast-paced, work-focused world we are programmed to believe is normal. my experience with community members abroad also taught me to live with hope and joy, finding happiness in the everyday. it was these big and little lessons that truly changed me and will continue to for my entire life. before the trip, if someone were to ask me, “what is your purpose in life?” i would have been flustered by the question and not known how to answer it. sometimes i would say, “to make money and be successful.” following the trip, i have put much thought into this question. now i have a clearer understanding of what my purpose in life might be. now if someone asks me the same question i would answer, “to help others because i have come to terms with the fact that without committing myself to others, my life would have less purpose.” this trip has given me more than i could ever imagine; building a house for a family with thirteen kids transformed me. it has taught me that living life to its fullest potential involves helping others anyway one can while embracing a smile, and when life knocks you down, get back up on your feet and walk another day with grace. the people of san juan de la maquana find joy in the simplest things. when i was on the construction site, another lesson from the trip appeared to me. a girl was playing catch with a ball of dirt we got from the floor. this girl did not need the physical object, the ball. it was the activity that brought her joy. i realized the same joy i had playing basketball and baseball, this girl got from playing with a dirt ball, she was living in the moment. in conclusion, i went to the dominican republic to help people, but in the end, i went there to be taught. i came home with more than i gave and a new perspective on life; i’m grateful for the experience. bob marley best captured it in the lyrics when he said, “don’t worry about a thing every little thing is going to be alright.” in life’s saddest moments, the only thing you can do is give your best smile, find your passion, and go with it. ~ i would like to thank all the professors at new york institute of technology who have made this trip happen. especially my professors, amy bravo and adrienne mcnally, who have dedicated endless hours to the alternative spring break. without them, students would not have this lifechanging trip also, i would like to thank bridges to community, who has organized both winter and spring break programs at new york institute of technology. without their partnership, creating this trip would be difficult. slovensky 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 lastly, i would like to thank the 12 students who joined me on this trip. i have created a bond with each and every student that i will carry with me for the rest of my life. they made this experience the most memorable and i am truly grateful for that. mission of hope action research: analyzing and understanding local homeless emily roberts coe college abstract mission of hope is an organization in cedar rapids, iowa that provides services to hungry and homeless clients. recently, mission of hope has made substantial improvements in their new location and services and is looking to better serve their clients. action research is an ideal tool to find these areas of improvement and to enable people to find solutions to problems in their everyday lives. this project looks deeper into the lives of the clients of mission of hope to best provide suggestions for the organization. the organization mission of hope is a local organization in cedar rapids, iowa that aims to provide physical, emotional, and spiritual help to its clients by living out its motto, “loving others unconditionally–one heart at a time.” self-labeled as a community center of mound view neighborhood, the organization primarily serves to alleviate hunger and homelessness. the vision of mission of hope is to provide a holistic service to give each client that walks in a fresh start. the organization is relatively successful in serving the community with services such as free meals, a 24/7 shelter, worship, clothing access, food pantry, and other supportive services. in the last seven months, mission of hope relocated and is currently improving its services to best meet the needs of its clients. defining the problem the project began january 2015 in the coe college honors action research course. the first step in the process was to visit mission of hope and meet with the directors. during this initial meeting, i learned that mission of hope moved into its current location in november. with more square footage and an opportunity for expanding services, mission of hope desires to be a “one stop shop” to provide solutions for homelessness. in addition to the food pantry, emergency clothing, and free lunches, mission of hope provides a shelter for transitional housing that currently houses 27 men, mental health referrals to the abbey center, aa meetings, and services to those formerly incarcerated. this move to a new location was an opportunity to refocus their vision to not only feed people today, but to give each client a fresh start. a recurrent 24-hour cycle related to homelessness that leads to a constant worry for food and shelter leaves little time to advance in other aspects of life. mission of hope aims to provide these needs while enabling their clients to be introspective and help themselves, as well. while mission of hope produces many success stories and knows that many clients are very fond of their services, not each story is readily successful. some clients do not move into a home or gain employment. to interpret this gap in outcome, mission of hope would like to understand what motivates some clients to apply for a job more than others. the directors of mission of hope would also like to know what makes their services preferable to those of other organizations. little information is known about the current homeless population of cedar rapids. there is a lack of documentation found when doing a literature review. most standard homelessness data in cedar rapids comes from the point in time collection. this count is cedar rapid’s main source to understand the number of homeless in cedar rapids, however it leaves much unknown about the demographics and plight of the homeless population. the last major survey done regarding linn county’s iowa’s homelessness was the 2005 iowa statewide homeless survey for all counties in iowa. linn county reported the third largest number of homeless, 1,875, or a 1.0% homeless (iowa council on homeless 2005). the cedar rapids community school district reported the most homeless students (iowa council on homeless 2005). in iowa, mental health and disabilities were found in 40% of respondents. while this information is extremely valuable, it is outdated and may not reflect the current state of the cedar rapids community that mission of hope serves. at the time of the last snapshot of service and shelter use in 2012, 16,238 iowans were homeless in 2012 and served by i-count agencies (statewide homeless management information system) (iowa institute for community alliances 2012). the linn county hunger free network distributed a food survey to meal sites and food pantries. this survey found valuable information about access barriers and contributing factors to food needs, and it provided statistics about the local community (united way 2010). an updated, comprehensive, cedar rapidsspecific survey is necessary to truly understand the population mission of hope serves. action plan the mission of this action research project is to help the organization assess and achieve success. the first piece of this is to understand the mission of the organization. the main research question is why do services at mission of hope motivate some clients to move toward a job and home more than others? this prompts further questions such as who is mission of hope serving? what services are being utilized? what services should be added? answering these questions would help fulfill mission of hope’s desire to best serve every client. additionally, quantifying this information could potentially lead to the receipt of more grants. my action plan is to observe the services provided by mission of hope, specifically the daily free lunches, food pantry, and emergency clothing closet. i plan to talk to clients to gain a deeper understanding of the population served. this information gained from conversations will directly enlighten me about the clients and organization by identifying strengths and areas of improvement of mission of hope. these conversations will allow me to gain this knowledge about the organization and clients to create an effective survey for future use. as a quantitative measure for mission of hope, i will draft and dispense a survey to understand the population mission of hope serves and the population’s current needs. this survey will provide ongoing insight about the population mission of hope is continually serving and give clients the opportunity to identify areas of improvement. from both the conversations and the survey, i will develop suggestions to invest more time and resources to better existing services as well as analyze the feasibility of expanding mission of hope’s services. process to conduct any research with human subjects, i had to complete an institutional review board proposal. my human subjects review form required me to describe my project, the benefits, risks, protocol, and develop a consent form to receive information from any participants. given the sensitive nature of the project, analyzing homelessness, it was vital to be aware of the trust and ethnics necessary to gain this information. to best serve those invested and affected by mission of hope, i had to identify all groups impacted by mission of hope. the stakeholders of the organization are the directors, workers, volunteers, clients, the neighborhood surrounding mission of hope, and all citizens of the city of cedar rapids. the difference mission of hope can make in the lives of many has the potential to impact the surrounding community and economy. in fact, the level of crime in the mound view neighborhood has dropped 85% since the community center moved in. once my research question and action plan were defined, i began to spend several hours a week at mission of hope. by visiting during lunch hours, i was able to see in action the free lunches over the noon hour, clothes closet, and food pantry, which both operate from 1:00 to 4:00 in the afternoon. i was able to engage in participatory action research, enabling me to build trust with clients and work alongside them in the clothes closet and food pantry. this also permitted me to visit with volunteers and clients receiving the services. a key characteristic of action research is to give voice to the clients, helping them to realize they have power and knowledge about their situation. i have met and heard about many life stories and how mission of hope plays some role in each visitor’s life. a key goal of mission of hope is to provide those who are unemployed skills during volunteering that will help them in the workforce, such as stocking shelves or helping in the kitchen. the services of mission of hope cater to those from all walks of life. they may provide resources to enroll at kirkwood for someone looking to earn a degree, or provide emergency clothing to a woman leaving town to escape an abusive husband. for a client with a criminal background, mission of hope can provide necessary direction and encouragement to find a job. while at mission of hope, i have witnessed unemployed visitors emerge happily employed and others utilizing lists of businesses that are hiring. for a volunteer serving community service hours, mission of hope can provide a meaningful experience that will leave the visitor feeling empowered and successful. the social atmosphere is a major determinate of why clients love mission of hope. talking over the lunch hour in a safe, welcoming environment is appealing. many commented that the new location provided more security, and that environment created by the current directors has improved substantially since several months ago. the overwhelming feeling from mission of hope clients was the sense of community. some commented that mission of hope would do anything for any client, and that any client who did not want to gain every advantage they could from mission of hope just wanted to “stay on the street.” from one interview in particular, the feeling was expressed that “anyone who didn’t come into mission of hope happy would leave happy.” the client felt that mission of hope had helped him pick up jobs, worship, find shelter, enjoy recreational activities, form friendships, and generally “do it all.” according to the client, “any resource is always within your reach here. if you know why you’re here and know where you want to go, you’ll get there. if you don’t want to know, then you’ll hate it.” this gives insight as to why some clients take full advantage of the services mission of hope provides, as they have a sense of responsibility and a goal. on the other hand, if others do not desire to move onto the next step, they will not. to develop a better understanding of the demographic of the clients mission of hope serve, i drafted a survey to fill the needs of mission of hope and began a literature review of current surveys studying homelessness. i combined questions from united way’s food survey by linn county hunger free network, 2012 city of pasadena homeless survey, and homeless persons survey in san mateo county. these resources served as a foundation for the survey and educated me to the basic needs and problems of many homeless. to specifically give voice to the participants of the survey, i added several open-ended questions to allow for participants to share their story if they so desired. after an original draft, mission of hope suggested further exploring the areas of drugs, alcohol, and domestic abuse, as they are prevalent in the community. to provide opportunity for these questionnaires, supplementary questionnaires were created based on information from the mayo clinic about domestic violence, and the nation council on alcoholism and drug dependent self-tests on drug and alcohol dependence. surveys were completed during the month of april. the methods to dispense the survey were not standardized or randomized. this was done to produce a natural feel while completing the questionnaire, ideally to generate more genuine responses. while the method was not entirely consistent, the aim of action research is not to be generalizable, but to gain insight. the consent form did produce some discomfort for some participants, as they noted it had some large words and unfamiliar ideas. further, many clients were hesitant to provide a signature to reveal their identity, so initials were allowed. some avoided taking the survey, leading me to believe there was understandable hesitation to provide personal information. participants were made aware that they did not have to complete the survey, and they could stop at any time if they wanted. some surveys were completed with the help of a friend, and one survey was done verbally, so reading level should be taken into account. results from direct conversations at mission of hope, i have gathered some suggestions to improve the functioning of the organization. currently, clients are allowed to visit the clothes closet to pick out donated clothes as well as receive food from the pantry every two weeks. to do so, each client must sign in with their id and wait in line. however, some clients try to come in more often than they should, which leads to a situation where a volunteer must determine if their situation warrants an extra visit. this can be difficult if a client continually comes in more often than allowed, but the system is not closely monitored. this is of further issue if the supplies in the pantry or clothes closet are insufficient to sustain the extra allowance. a clearer understanding of how often clients can come in may allay the issue. there is often an influx of clients coming in on warmer days, and mission of hope has been serving more people than before, likely due to the improved location. children are commonly seen at mission of hope, and i have heard clients ask for diapers and other children’s needs. catering to these younger clients may be important as more visit mission of hope. clients have suggested improvements such as incorporating exercise or coordinating athletic activities, furnishing showers for clients, and constructing ramps in the building to give easier assess to the services mission of hope provides. recently, the clothes closet and food pantry have been relocated to a lower level for easier access, so this transition can be further analyzed for success. twenty-six participants agreed to complete the survey. the surveys were distributed and collected during the free lunch service. the following provides a profile of respondents. seventeen of the respondents were female and nine were male. 73% of respondents reported having a disability or health condition. 54% of respondents reported having a mental health problem. mission of hope currently offers services and referrals, so these services could be more advertised and encouraged. 11.5% of respondents reported having a drug or alcohol problem. less than 1% of respondents were veterans. 35% of respondents reported being victims of sexual violence, and 15% responded they preferred not to answer or skipped the question. 11.5% of respondents reported they had been released from a correctional institution within the last 12 months. 12% of respondents reported having less than twelve years of education, 46% reported having a high school education, and 42% reported having completed college. 65% of respondents reported being unemployed, with 35% of them reporting it being due to disability. five (5) of the 26 respondents, or 19%, reported themselves as homeless. those responding as homeless reported the reasons being eviction (2), not enough money to pay rent/mortgage (4), and problems with drugs/alcohol (1). other agencies participants reported visiting in the past three months include waypoint services, foundation 2, catherine mcauley center, housing resources, willis dady emergency shelter, house of hope, bridgehaven pregnancy support center, hacap, and the safe place foundation. this graph shows the services respondents reported needing. there was a strong need for food/meals. services that mission of hope may want to focus on include help for dental care, transportation, finding first and last rent, health care, bedding/clothing, shower/laundry, educational services, and legal assistance. 18 3 3 3 2 6 1 2 5 2 1 5 4 3 2 1 1 3 1 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20 n u m b e r o f r e sp o n d e n ts services needed services currently needed for potential barriers stopping clients from using a food pantry/free meal, participants reported transportation (7), the number of times services can be accessed (2), hours of service (4), location of pantries (3), income limit (1), awareness of different pantries/meal sites (3), and other (5). this shows a need for more food services. additionally, the question for using multiple food pantries indicates it may be valuable to assess the feasibility of allowing clients to visit the food pantry more often. eleven participants responded that if they were not eating lunch at mission of hope, they would not be eating lunch. those who answered yes said they would be eating at locations such as at home, a restaurant, or at hyvee. only one participant responded that they have had a negative experience at mission of hope. for the open-ended questions about benefits from mission of hope, respondents indicated they had received services including food, clothes, a phone, worship, a job, support, friends, networking and a sense of purpose. participants that responded to the question about how mission of hope is different from other organizations they have visited commented how each client is not just a number, no one looks down on anyone else, and how welcoming mission of hope is. to give a sense of the community mission of hope provides between all clients, volunteers, and workers, one participant commented, “i have never experienced a more helpful service anywhere, anything you need the mission will find a way for you with some of the great people that work here.” other comments again stressed that coming to mission of hope is now a pleasant experience that is fulfilling in many aspects of their lives. 3 6 2 4 11 number of times in 1 week how many times would you use a food pantry/free meal? 12 9 1 0 2 0 1 1 number of food pantries how many different food pantries do you use per month? 8 7 5 3 number of meals missed how many meals do you miss in one week? when improving the survey for future use, some improvements could be made to encourage more informative answers. to provide flexibility, several questions listed “other” as an option. however, it seemed that this may have been an option to simply avoid provide information, so a blank space next to the option “other” may encourage more open-ended information. the question about being a “single individual” or “adult member of a family” seemed to produce confusion. this could be altered to more directly ask about being single, married, with children, etc. open-ended questions did provide some clients the opportunity to expand on any topic they wanted, however they could be edited to provide more insightful responses. questions such as “have you had any negative experiences” led to answers of only yes or no, and “how has your life changed since using mission of hope” received many answers of “better.” the question preceding it, “what benefits have you gotten from mission of hope” seemed very similar and led to repetitive responses. the two questions could be combined or made more clear and specific to solicit different answers. other questions that could be added may be related to if an unemployed person is job searching, if they have a car, and if they have a phone. these topics would direct mission of hope to these specific services such as transportation, phones, and job availability that they may have the resources to provide. further, homelessness could be defined in the survey and nearhomelessness could be included in the survey, since many participants indicated they were not homeless. the iowa council on homeless defines homelessness as “a person without fixed, regular and adequate nighttime shelter, a person whose primary nighttime residence is a supervised shelter designed to provide temporary accommodations or a public or private place not designed for a regular sleeping space for humans.” they further define near-homelessness as “a person or household in imminent danger of eviction, a person or household in imminent danger of having their utilities disconnected, or a person or housing seeking housing assistance.” clarifying these words and providing a baseline would provide more accurate results and understanding of the clients. to fully understand the successes of some clients over others, a question could be added about the client’s beliefs and hopes about what they will accomplish in life. this step may also aid in the vision to help clients verbalize and reach their goals. conclusions the survey i developed will help to understand the nature and extent of the trends in homelessness in cedar rapids and aid in meeting the needs and gaps in services for homeless individuals. as mission of hope continues to settle into their new location, they will continue to adjust to serve the needs of the community. currently, it is valuable for the organization to adjust to filling the space available in their new location and cater to their increasing number of clients. it seems likely that as the weather gets warmer and more people are outside, free daily lunches will be more utilized. it seems wise to ensure the main services are equipped for this influx of people. with the adjusted location of the food pantry and clothes closet, more signs are being displayed about the allowance of items to take. as this becomes clearer and the system becomes more understood, the clients will hopefully be more compliant with the rules. once that service is steady, more analysis can be done to potentially expand to offer computers and a workspace for those in school. through my surveying and conversations with many benefited by mission of hope, i have come to understand and feel a part of a passionate organization. generally, clients are especially appreciative of the services mission of hope provides. the new location has been very beneficial for the organization. many improvements have been made already over the course of the past year as mission of hope caters to more clients and builds a community. steps for the future the next step for the survey would be to update it, asking additional informative questions to clients. once the survey is improved, it can be redistributed to the clients of mission of hope. as more surveys are completed, a more complete picture of the population mission of hope serves is visualized. more respondents will also lead to more suggestions as to how to improve the services mission of hope offers, and instill a sense of purpose for more clients. the data collected from the survey can be formatted into an updated report. additionally, the data may be used for informational pamphlets, grants applications, or to overlay in informational videos. a goal of action research is to instill this sense of achievement simply by participating. in turn, allowing more clients to tell their story and goals, more lives can hopefully be benefited. services to consider for the future of mission of hope are a workspace for students, a tutoring program for young children, exercise programs or smoking intervention programs to encourage good health for all clients. incorporating more physical or mental health rehabilitation may be beneficial for the clients of mission of hope to lead happy, healthy lives. bibliography hunger and homeless action coalition. “homeless persons survey.” http://www.plsinfo.org/healthysmc/26/homeless_person_survey.html. iowa council on homelessness. (2005). “2005 iowa statewide homeless study.” retrieved from http://www.iowapolicyproject.org/2006docs/060112-homelessstudy.pdf. iowa institute for community alliances. (2012). “iowans experiencing homelessness.” retrieved from http://icalliances.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/2012-annualreport.pdf. mayo clinic. (2015). “adult health.” retrieved from http://www.mayoclinic.org/healthy-living/adult-health/in-depth/domestic-violence/art20048397. ncadd. “alcohol self test.” retrieved from https://ncadd.org/index.php/learn-about-alcohol/alcohol-abuse-self-test, ncadd. “am i drug addicted?” retrieved from https://ncadd.org/learn-about-drugs/drug-abuse-self-test. http://www.iowapolicyproject.org/2006docs/060112-homelessstudy.pdf http://icalliances.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/2012-annual-report.pdf http://icalliances.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/2012-annual-report.pdf http://www.mayoclinic.org/healthy-living/adult-health/in-depth/domestic-violence/art-20048397 http://www.mayoclinic.org/healthy-living/adult-health/in-depth/domestic-violence/art-20048397 https://ncadd.org/index.php/learn-about-alcohol/alcohol-abuse-self-test united way. (2010). “linn county hunger free network food survey.” retrieved from http://unitedwayofeastcentraliowa.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/11/lchfn-surveyreport.pdf. urban initiatives. (2012, may). “2012 city of pasadena homeless survey.” retrieved from http://www.urbaninitiatives.org/images/pdfs/pasadena2012_homelesssurvey.pdf. http://unitedwayofeastcentraliowa.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/11/lchfn-survey-report.pdf http://unitedwayofeastcentraliowa.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/11/lchfn-survey-report.pdf appendix. mission of hope consent form. you are being asked to participate in a study for mission of hope. your participation is voluntary. there is no negative consequence to you if you do not participate. you may choose to stop your participation at any time and the notes will be returned to you. please ask questions if there is anything you do not understand. you will not benefit directly from participating in this study. there are no known physical or psychological risks nor is there any cost to you for participating is the study. you answers will be kept confidential. all data will be processed anonymously. notes will be responsibly disposed of following the study. the final results may be presented to mission of hope and at a research presentation at coe college. your name will not be used in any report that may result from this study. the person who asked you to participate, emily, is a student in the action research class at coe college. questions about this study or concerns about research-related injury can be directed to professor roger johanson in the department of education at coe college. if you have general questions about being a research participant, you may call professor nükhet yarbrough, the chair of the human subjects committee for coe college. i have read the above information about this study and have been given an opportunity to ask questions. i agree to participate in this study. ----------------------------------- -------------------------------------------------------------- print your name or initials signature or initials today’s date undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 impact of action research at a local homeless organization emily roberts coe college my community-engaged research project was conducted in the context of an action research course, facilitated through the coe college scholar’s program. previously, the course was taught in coe’s education department at the graduate level where the research focus was on the local k-12 school district. due to both a need expressed by several community partners to complete survey research and an increasing demand from coe students to work in and with their community, this undergraduate action research course was formed as a pilot project. three main objectives of the course were to: introduce the principles of action research on the undergraduate level, allow college scholars to be leaders in building research partnerships with local non-profits, and teach students about the impact of action research in a community-engaged context. in the academic portion of the course, we completed readings from our textbook and conducted discussions on our readings within the class of six students. the course was centered on a large-scale investigative research project and culminated with presenting our findings both to our community partners and to the campus community. action research is a cyclic process of organized inquiry that is completed in a collaborative way. no longer separate, the “researcher” and “client” must work as one to understand the situation, identify problems, and find solutions. this empowering, participatory process can be easily focused on community needs, which was the focus of this course. rather than applying the action research framework to a for-profit entity, our class elected to apply our coursework in the community on systematic inequalities. a crucial piece of this undertaking was to listen to community needs. the course faculty member partnered with coe’s director of community engagement to identify non-profits with research questions. potential community partners were identified, and the organizations sought out our course in response, replying that they would be interested in partnering with students. this community reciprocity was important to ensure our projects would be related to real questions in the community that needed to be answered, an important aspect of community-based research. each of the six students in our class was offered potential projects, and each of us chose a nonprofit organization in the community to partner with based on the fit and our personal interests. my chosen project was partnering with a local community center that aids in the fight against hunger and homelessness. i took this course because i aspire to do research with biostatistics. i entered the process with a strong interest in research, data, and human behavior, only having previous experience with empirical research. as a math and psychology major familiar with scientific, quantitative methods, i did not realize the significance of this type of research. i knew this course would offer a new perspective, perhaps widening my view while looking at data, as action research is less commonly used in the scientific realm. i entered the course with the traditional expectations of number crunching, required readings, presentations, and a final grade. however, it soon became so much more than that. the value of action research as a legitimate method to help the community became apparent. trying to improve the efficacy of an organization and help people who are suffering is no small feat, especially not having had personally dealt with the issues at hand. engaging myself in the complexity and delicacy of this organization was as fascinating and challenging as other coursework. in this community-based project, i was no longer the “researcher,” but a participant. no longer looking for a significant likelihood in a set of data, i roberts 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 was looking to make a viable difference in the lives of those at the organization and in the community at large. fortunately for me, i was paired with an organization that made as much of an impact in my life as i hope i have for them. i now understand the value of community-based research. this has allowed me to view research from a different perspective and motivates me to do research that directly benefits people. it is evident that research with the community has the potential to be just as impactful as empirical research. my community-based research landed at the intersection of hunger and homelessness. working with mission of hope has been an opportunity to understand, but more importantly, witness how the cedar rapids community is being served. partnering with this assemblage brought its challenges. my first hurdle was recognizing the complexity of building trust with all members of the community. typically, the clients of mission of hope are anonymous and relatively transient. this creates difficulty when building trust, which is necessary to have personal conversations about homelessness and needs. this process was further complicated with my presence as a young, female student from a private college. it was important to convey to clients my intentions in surveying and interviewing them. my goals were to find answers to questions not yet realized and stimulate needed change to help in the long run. mission of hope allowed me to serve with the volunteers and workers while gaining insight. amid speaking with clients and hearing their voices, i have learned how to be ethical, nonjudgmental, and supportive. i was able to work outside of my comfort zone by learning how to appropriately receive sensitive information from the clients. over time, i became a familiar face, which added to my credibility and aided in clients sharing personal and difficult experiences with me. i have heard many stories and tribulations from clients; however, only those who were aware my project was taking place and that they were participating in it were included in my results. balancing casual participation, while being ethical, and gaining consent for the institutional review board was an important lesson in this research. empowering these clients to share their stories enables them to improve their own lives. by sharing their trials with me, i’ve gained a firsthand observation and knowledge of the cedar rapids homeless community. surprisingly, yet appreciatively, while getting immersed in helping others, i found it actually grounded me and brought purpose and perspective to things in my own life. these changes in the clients and myself are more than can be measured in a survey or tested through calculations. my efforts were more than just academic. i have continued visiting mission of hope to volunteer in its clothes closet and food pantry. each day that i entered mission of hope inspired me to further work within the community. i am grateful this project gave me a better understanding of the cedar rapids homeless community. as action research and communitybased research aim to give voice, i believe i have done that and intend to further share in the successes of this organization and its clients. presenting my process and findings at our annual research symposium allowed me to spread and hopefully instill the challenges and successes i have found in this project in others. one of the directors at mission of hope has even helped me to network with a foreign exchange student from china, who is currently attending a university across the state and is interested in philanthropy and psychology. the impact of this community research continues to expand and amaze me. i am grateful for the directors of mission of hope, martin dwyer and pat ralston, who steadfastly encouraged and applauded me. their selfless dedication has clearly made the difference at mission of hope and in the lives of many. with their goals and passion, i was able to create and execute a research project with my community that will support the work of mission of hope and improve the lives of many. roberts 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 ~ i would like to thank dr. roger johanson for leading our action research course at coe college. i would also like to thank kayla lyftogt for her expertise in the field and persistent encouragement with this endeavor. i would like to thank those associated with the undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research for this opportunity to share this work and further give voice to the clients of mission of hope. lastly, i would like to thank my family for their endless support in all of my pursuits. emily roberts, coe college research emily roberts, coe college reflection 1 tracking of paternity and divorce project report: litigant follow through at the van nuys self-help legal access center corina mcintyre abstract this research project was launched with the goal of identifying the factors preventing self-represented litigants from completing their divorce or paternity cases. the results are a compilation of responses from 76 self-represented litigants who visited the van nuys self-help legal access center between november 2011 and february 2012 to complete their initial paperwork, i.e. petition and summons. the focus of this study is on the move between this first step of the divorce or paternity to the second step of the process. the results indicate areas that need improved quality and consistency of information given to litigants. this includes improved information that troubleshoots non-paradigm cases, i.e. cases in which the litigant is unable to file or serve the other party. background: self-represented litigants in family law being a self-represented litigant is not easy. as noted by hough, each year over 70% of family law cases in california courts were filed by a self-represented litigant (hough 2010). retaining the services of a lawyer is usually not financially possible for these litigants so they represent themselves in their family law cases because there is no other feasible option. data shows that “more than 90% of the 450,000 people each year who use self help programs in california earn less than $2,000 per month” (judicial council of california/administrative office of the courts 2007). the cost of hiring an “inexpensive” family law attorney may cost $300 per hour with a minimum upfront retainer fee of $5,000 or more. generally, selfrepresented litigants cite lack of financial resources as the primary reason they were unable to hire a lawyer. another common reason cited is that the litigant perceives his or her case to be simple enough so as not to require the assistance of a lawyer (mather 2003). the issues that litigants face in cases such as divorce and paternity are often complex already and made even more confusing by the barriers to accessing the legal system and obtaining court orders. self-represented litigants lack the formal training or educational background to understand and utilize the law. these litigants struggle with conforming their requests (e.g. custody and visitation orders) to the standards of the court. for instance, some of the these barriers include an inability to understand the legal language, confusion with conforming paperwork to the court clerk’s standards, unintuitive procedural rules and requirements, and shortage and inaccessibility of language translators. as a result, the court process is inaccessible to low-income self-represented litigants who are unable to hire an attorney. in the last ten years, however, the courts have made tremendous progress in developing resources and programs to assist self-represented litigants in navigating the legal system. the judicial council of california’s task force on self-represented litigants has secured funding for self-help legal access centers in many of the courts. it has also incorporated pilot projects and other research programs to determine better ways of handling the problems faced by selfrepresented litigants as they try to obtain court orders on various family law issues. it remains 2 crucial, however, to continue improving the services provided to litigants so that they may successfully complete their cases. this may be accomplished on various policy levels, including within the processes of the court and in the framework of the legal services provided by self-help centers. california justice corps program description california justice corps is a program with an innovative approach to solving the systemic issue of equal access to justice. in 2004, justice corps began as a pilot project in los angeles county. presently, justice corps provides volunteer member support to self-help legal access centers in 48% of the state of california (justice corps 2012). justice corps places college students in part-time positions as volunteers in the self-help legal access centers throughout the state of california. justice corps members provide direct assistance to low-income selfrepresented litigants in family law, housing law, and consumer affairs. minimum time members commit to 300 hours of service over the course of an academic year and receive a $1,175 education award at the end of service. justice corps graduate fellows commit to 1700 hours of service over the course of a year and receive a $20,000 living allowance and a $5,000 education award. currently, approximately 250 college students serve as justice corps members each year. since 2004, 1,000 members have contributed as follows: “provided 258,000 instances of assistance in up to 24 different languages; filed 160,250 legal documents; provided over 159,450 referrals; and completed more than 331,000 hours of service” (justice corps 2012). due to the success of the program and the positive impact it has on the california court system, in 2010 the administrative office of the courts was “awarded a new americorps grant of $1 million per year for three years to expand its california justice corps program” (metropolitan news company 2010). directors of justice corps are also actively working on expanding services to the target population by implementing additional innovative pilot programs. one such program is virtual courthouse that, as noted by the company site, “is a combination of multimedia technologies and business processes, integrated with a customer-friendly user interface. the dre replicates the current process of dispute resolution in an online environment, removing constraints of time, expense and distance” (virtual courthouse 2012). this system allows litigants to file their claims online and come to a mediation settlement or arbitration agreement with the other party. this process is particularly useful for litigants who are willing to compromise and collaborate toward a mutually agreeable solution. another program that justice corps full-time fellows are working on is a new case management program. because there is a multitude of old cases that have yet to reach judgment sitting in court archives, the court is beginning to contact the parties and compel them to finish their cases. the problem though many self-represented litigants are beginning divorce or paternity cases, very few of them are successfully completing their cases. there are many ways that self-help legal access centers might evaluate their effectiveness and ability to meet the needs of their target population. for instance, at self-help centers operated by neighborhood legal services of los angeles county, litigants fill out a brief exit survey after their visit to determine their satisfaction with services and a blank space for any comments or suggestions for improvement. one study noted 3 that of the self-represented litigants who responded the ratios were, “47% extremely satisfied; 43% very satisfied on exit surveys; 95% of those in follow up interviews satisfied” (greacen). this form of evaluation is useful at first glance to know that litigants appreciate the services. yet, it does not indicate the success rate or the percentage of litigants who are actually completing their cases and reaching the judgment phase (i.e. obtaining court orders). previous research has indicated various points of confusion a litigant may encounter on the path to obtaining a court order for his or her case. for example, uncontested judgment may be very difficult to accomplish. in dissolution cases, litigants frequently do not understand that after filing their petition they must take additional steps to finish the case. a common error is the perception that the court will automatically enter a judgment six months after the petition is filed as long as the opposing party does not respond (a report to the california legislature family law information centers: an evaluation of three pilot programs 2003). an uncontested default judgment is often the most straightforward case for a self-represented litigant to successfully complete on his or her own. a litigant could potentially complete an uncontested default judgment in only three visits to the van nuys self-help legal access center. the three visits would entail the following. on the first visit, the litigant would complete the summons and petition. after serving the other party, the litigant would return for a second visit to complete the “request for default setting”. lastly, after the request is granted by the court, the litigant would return for a third visit to prepare the judgment packet. yet, if the goal of the self-help legal access center is to help these litigants reach judgment despite the numerous obstacles, then evaluative processes are necessary to improve the centers’ services. the centers need to receive feedback from the litigants a couple months after they file their petition to see if they became confused and lost at any step. as noted by greacen, “large numbers of people come to self-help programs and use their services. studies show that varying percentages of persons follow through with the forms and information provided to attempt to resolve their problem – in court or otherwise” (graecen). it is great that self-help centers are able to provide free services to low-income litigants. however, the centers must evaluate their services critically to ensure that the services are working effectively toward helping litigants not just to begin their cases, but also to finish them. the van nuys self-help legal access center serves as a particular example of a greater societal problem confronting low-income and self-represented litigants in the court system. the policy recommendation formulated as a result of the topad project will function to serve as a model to improve the quality of legal services provided by self-help legal access centers to lowincome and underrepresented members of the community. specifically, it will reveal and address the problems litigants face in completing their divorce or paternity cases. research question why do litigants that take the time to come to the self-help legal access center to prepare and file petitions for dissolutions of marriage or paternity not follow through with the process until its completion? 4 methods the van nuys self-help legal access center collects the contact information from each litigant who gives permission to be contacted regarding his or her case on intake forms. the litigant indicates his or her consent to be called or emailed by signing an additional sticker on the intake form. as a pilot project, the sample size included both english and spanish speaking litigants who petitioned for divorce or paternity between november of 2011 and february of 2012. there are two ways in which responses to the survey were collected. first, emails of litigants were inputted into the survey monkey database and litigants had the option of completing the survey online. second, litigants are contacted by phone for a brief survey. usually these phone conversations lasted between five and ten minutes per litigant. the responses were recorded and inputted into the manual data entry on the survey monkey account.1 the questions address the litigants’ experience in the self-help legal access center and subsequent progress with their cases. it targets potential sources of confusion or problems impeding litigants’ successful completion of their cases. this includes questions pertaining to filing with the court clerk, service on the other party, and their ability to return to the self-help legal access center to complete the second step of their case. it also provides litigants the opportunity to explain any other issues or problems they encounter regarding their cases. the survey is comprised of nine questions. they are as follows: 1) do you have judgment papers signed by a judge? 2) did you file your initial divorce or custody papers with the court? 3) please enter the case number found on your court papers. 4) if you did not file your initial divorce or custody papers with the court, why not? 5) did you have a friend/relative/sheriff/ or someone else give a copy of your court papers to your spouse or other parent? 6) if you were not able to have someone else give your spouse or the other parent copies of your court papers, why not? 7) after you filed your divorce or custody papers, did you return to the legal aid office on the 3rd floor of the van nuys court building to continue your divorce or custody case? 8) if you did not return to the legal aid office to continue your divorce or custody case, why not? 9) do you have any suggestions or comments for the legal aid office? is there something that the legal aid office can improve upon? litigants were contacted a minimum of forty-five days after their first visit to the selfhelp center. usually, they were contacted two to three months after their first visit. depending upon the contact information provided by the litigant, he or she was either contacted via telephone or via email with a survey monkey link. 100 litigants were sent an email. 186 litigants were called at least one time. most litigants were called between three and five times on different days. results initially, i was concerned about successfully contacting litigants, this very class of people who essentially disappeared from the court system after filing their initial paperwork. thinking that the use of technology could help elicit responses from litigants by email, i used survey monkey email links. unfortunately, this proved to be an essentially useless method. of the 100 litigants i sent survey monkey emails to, i received only 1 response. fortunately, telephone calls 1 survey monkey is an online program that collects and organizes data for research purposes. (www.surveymonkey.com) 5 proved to be a useful method. a total of 76 litigants were successfully surveyed. from this sample size, 13 of these litigants were spanish speaking and 63 of these litigants were english speaking. though 83% of the litigants (spanish and english combined) had filed their initial paperwork with the court, 91% reported that they had not completed their case. obtaining a divorce in california takes a minimum of six months, so the fact that most litigants had not finished their case was not surprising, given the fact that i was calling them about two to three months after completing the first step in their case. figure 1 reasons why litigants did not file their initial paperwork with the court after a litigant’s first visit to the center, he or she needs to take their paperwork from our center on the third floor to the court clerk’s office on the first floor (if their filing court is van nuys). yet, 17% of litigants who left our center did not successfully file their initial paperwork with the court. table 1 indicates the reasons why litigants were unable to file their petition and summons with the court. as our litigants are low-income and usually cannot afford the $395 filing fee, almost all of them fill out fee waiver forms. of those who did not file, 40% reported that it was because their fee waiver was denied by the court; 20% of the litigants who did not file reported that they were unsure if they still wanted to continue their case; 5% did not know they had to file the papers with the court; 5% personal matters prevented them from filing; 5% were waiting to hear back from the self-help center; 5% did not have the time to return to the court to file; 20% reported other reasons. 40% 20% 20% 5% 5% 5% 5% reasons why litigants did not file their initial paperwork with the court (n=13) the court did not approve my fee waiver and i could not afford the $395 filing fee. not sure if i still want to continue my case. other personal matters prevented me from filing. i did not know i needed to file my papers. waiting to hear back from the self-help center. i have not had time to return to the court to file. 6 figure 2 reasons why litigants were not able to serve the other party of the litigants that were able to successfully file their petition and summons with the court, many had trouble with serving the other party. one-third of the spanish speaking litigants were unable to serve the other party, while12% of the english speaking litigants were unable to serve the other party. table 2 indicates the reasons why litigants were unable to serve the other party. of these litigants combined, 50% could not serve due to the other party living outside the state or country; 20% due to the service process was done incorrectly; 20% were unable to find the other party; 10% were considering stopping their case. i'm confused on how to serve the other party. 0% i do not know how to find the other party., 20.0% i am considering stopping my case., 10.0% the other party is in the military. 0% the service process was not done properly., 20.0% the other party lives in another state or country. , 50.0% reasons why litigants were not able to serve the other party (n=13) 7 figure 3 reasons why litigants did not return to the center for the second step many litigants did not return to the self-help center to complete the second step in their case. 92% of spanish speaking and 59% of english speaking litigants did not return to the center for their second visit. see table 3 for the reasons why litigants did not return to the center for the second step in completing their cases. 36% of these litigants never returned because they either could not file or could not serve the other party; 27 % of these litigants incorrectly believed that their case was moving forward or were simply unsure of what to do next; 14% had to work and could not take time off; 11% were waiting to receive something in the mail from the court or self-help center; 8% were still waiting the thirty-one days since the other party was served before returning; 4% had changed their mind and wanted to stop the case. conclusions the results from this study indicate areas in which litigants are getting stuck in their cases, and these are all areas that the self-help center can improve the quality and consistency of information. many of the litigants who visit the self-help center are entirely or partially dependent upon public assistance to pay household expenses. the fact that 40% of the litigants who did not file were unable to do so because their fee waiver was denied by the court is a major point of concern. when asked, these same litigants reported that they still wanted their divorce, but could not afford the filing fee. many of these same litigants reported that they were unaware of the fact that they could return to the self-help center to re-do the fee waiver. thus, because the litigants had already received assistance from the self-help center once, they assumed that there was nothing else they could do until they came up with the $395 filing fee. usually the self-help center instructs litigants only on how to personally serve the other party because it can be the most straightforward type of service. many litigants gave up after they could not personally serve the other party due to the other party being out of the state or not knowing how to find the other party. here is a point that needs to be addressed on the litigant’s first visit to the self-help center. litigants need to be informed that if they cannot serve the other 19% 4% 8% 22% 14% 11% 8% 14% reasons why litigants did not return to the center for the second step (n=49) served the other party, but don't know what to do next. changed mind and want to stop their court case. believed their case was moving forward or they were finished. could not serve the other party. i had to work and could not take time off. waiting to receive something in the mail from the court or self-help center. still waiting the 30 days since service before returning. could not file because their fee waiver was rejected. 8 party for any reason, to please return to the center so that we can assess the litigant’s individual situation and give better information tailored to their circumstances. obtaining a paternity or divorce takes a minimum of three visits to the self-help center and a minimum of six months in california. litigants are instructed to return to the center thirtyone days after the other party is served. so perhaps most concerning is the fact that 92% of spanish speaking and 59% of english speaking litigants did not return to the center for their second visit. it is clear that litigants are getting stuck during or after the first step of the divorce or paternity process. as a result, many litigants fail to complete the subsequent steps in their cases. this prevents them from reaching the judgment phase and obtaining court orders. litigants would benefit from a checklist/to-do list after their first visit that includes information at probable points of trouble. this should include information on what to do if the litigant’s fee waiver is rejected or they cannot find the other party. the center must provide better information on the legal process and next steps in litigants’ cases. for example, many litigants do not understand how to serve the other party when he or she is out of the state or country. many litigants falsely believe that the court or center will contact them with instructions on what to do next. it is apparent that volunteers must make clear on the litigant’s first visit that the litigant is responsible for moving his or her own case forward. it seems as though phone calls, voicemail, and/or text messages may be effective ways to remind litigants to return to the center thirty days after filing or if they encounter any problems before then. note that the number of litigants who claimed to have completed their case may be much lower if some of those litigants incorrectly believed they were finished with their case after filing the initial paperwork with the court. it takes a minimum of six months to obtain a divorce. litigants were contacted between two to four months after their first visit. in addition, results from spanish speaking litigants should be viewed as preliminary due to the small sample size. future directions currently, i am in the process of revising the handouts given to litigants on their first visit to the center. i am also working on a checklist/to-do list for litigants which includes information such as what to do if you’re fee waiver is rejected, what to do if you cannot find/serve the other party, etc. often the information given to litigants is based on a paradigm case (one in which the litigant files, serves the other party, and returns to the center after 30 days for the second visit). the findings in my study clearly indicate that many litigants get stuck at various points in the early steps of the process. i am also currently working on recruiting a justice corps member from next year’s class to take over the topad project. someone might want to implement the policy changes and then re-survey the litigants to see if there is improvement. another option is to work on a study which targets later phases of the divorce or paternity case (e.g. from request to enter default setting to the judgment phase). ideally, future research projects should include a more comprehensive focus on spanish speaking litigants and the implementation of policy changes followed by a survey to determine the positive or negative changes. acknowledgements faculty advisor: professor robert chau romero, ucla cesar e. chavez chicana/o studies department 9 community partner: roberta stovitz, neighborhood legal services of los angeles county civic engagement coordinator: colleen quinn, ucla center for community learning special thanks to rodrigo aguilar, cristian cecilia cruz-gallardo, and jeff greenfield for help making calls to litigants. references california courts/judicial branch of california. 2012. “california justice corps.” http://www.courts.ca.gov/programs-justicecorps.htm. greacen, john m. “self represented litigants and court and legal services responses to their needs what we know.” http://www.courts.ca.gov/partners/documents/srlwhatweknow.pdf. hough, bonnie. 2010.“self-represented litigants in family law: the response of california’s courts”. california law review circuit 1.15: 15-24. judicial council of california/administrative office of the courts. 2007. “handling cases involving self-represented litigants: a bench guide for judicial officers.” http://www.courts.ca.gov/documents/benchguide_self_rep_litigants.pdf. judicial council of california. 2003. “a report to the california legislature family law information centers: an evaluation of three pilot programs.” http://www.courts.ca.gov/documents/flic-full.pdf. mather, l. 2003. changing patterns of legal representation in divorce: from lawyers to pro se. journal of law and society, 30(1), 137-155, p. 149. metropolitan-news company. 2010. “aoc receives $1 million grant to expand justicecorps.” http://www.courts.ca.gov/documents/aoc_received__1million.pdf. virtual courthouse. 2012. http://virtualcourthouse.info/the-virtualcourthouse-story.html. 10 appendix i: english version of the topad project survey hello ms. or mr. _______________ . my name is ____________and i am a volunteer with the van nuys self-help-center. in ____________(month) of _________(year) you came to the center for assistance with your ___________(divorce or custody) case. i am calling to follow up with your case and ask you a few questions. this voluntary survey is part of a project aimed at improving the services at the legal aid office and helping you finish your court case. if you are willing, we would greatly appreciate your answers to the brief survey questions below so that we can improve the quality of our services. thank you! 1. do you have judgment papers signed by a judge (look for form fl-180 or fl-250)? yes no if yes, then it sounds like you have court orders. if other (please specify): 2. did you file your initial divorce or custody papers with the court? yes no 3. please enter the case number found on your court papers: please enter the case number found on your court papers: 4. if you did not file your initial divorce or custody papers with the court, why not? the court told me i had to pay a filing fee, and i could not afford it. i couldn't find my spouse or other parent. my spouse or other parent and i worked things out. 11 not applicable. i filed my papers with the court. other (please specify) 5. did you have a friend/relative/sheriff/ or someone else give a copy of your court papers to your spouse or other parent? yes no other (please specify) 6. if you were not able to have someone else give your spouse or the other parent copies of your court papers, why not? i'm confused on how to give my spouse or the other parent copies of my court papers. i do not have anyone to help me give copies of my court papers to my spouse or the other parent. i do not know how to find my spouse or the other parent. my spouse or the other parent is in the military. my spouse or the other parent is in another country. (please tell us which country) other (please specify). or if your spouse or other parent is in another country, which country? 7. after you filed your divorce or custody papers, did you return to the legal aid office on the 3rd floor of the van nuys court building to continue your divorce or custody case? yes no other (please specify) 8. if you did not return to the legal aid office to continue your divorce or custody case, why not? i gave copies of my court papers to my spouse or other parent, but i'm not sure of what to do next. i changed my mind, and i want to stop my court case. 12 i thought that i was finished with my court case. i could not give my spouse or the other parent copies of my court papers. i had to work and could not take time off. i returned to the legal aid office, but the judge never signed my judgment (look for forms fl-180 or fl-250). other (please specify) 9. do you have any suggestions or comments for the legal aid office? is there something that the legal aid office can improve upon? please explain. better information on the court process and the next steps for my case. better information on how to give my spouse or other parent copies of my court papers. someone at the legal aid office who speaks my native/primary language. other (please specify) 10. thank you for your time in completing this survey. remember, unless you have a form called a judgment that is signed by a judge (look for form fl180 or form fl-250), you are not finished with your court case. if you want to complete your case or stop your case, please return to the legal aid office monday-friday mornings at 8:30am and please bring all of your court papers. * no attorney-client relationship is being created through this communication. legal information or other services cannot be provided via e-mail. your responses to this survey are for statistical purposes only and are not privileged or confidential. 13 appendix ii: sample revised handout for litigants first visit to do checklist for starting a divorce or paternity case: (you must follow these steps in order) 1. make 2 copies of your entire packet. 2. file the original + 2 copies of your packet with the court clerk 3. give the court clerk $ or application for fee waiver. ***if your fee waiver is rejected by the court and you cannot pay, please return to the self-help center and we will redo the fee waiver with you. 4. have someone (not you) personally hand/serve 1 copy of your packet + blank response packet to the other party. ***if you cannot find or serve the other party, please return to the self-help center and we will give you more information on how to do this. 5. have the person who gives copies/serves the other party fill out the “proof of service summons” (1 page sheet) and give it back to you. you return to the court clerk’s office and file this paper. ***if you lose this paper or need help, please return to the center. 6. ***return to the self-help center for your 2nd visit 31 days after the other party is served. you are not yet finished with your case, but are on the right track. return to the center by: ____________ _____________________________________________________ reminders: *only you can move your case to the next step. neither the self-help center nor the court do the next step for you. nothing happens unless you make it happen. you will not receive anything in the mail from the court or the self-help center after your first visit. *if you get confused on your next step or cannot complete one of these steps, then please return to the center monday-friday at 8am (first come, first serve). 1 tracking of paternity and divorce project report: litigant follow through at the van nuys self-help legal access center corina mcintyre abstract this research project was launched with the goal of identifying the factors preventing self-represented litigants from completing their divorce or paternity cases. the results are a compilation of responses from 76 self-represented litigants who visited the van nuys self-help legal access center between november 2011 and february 2012 to complete their initial paperwork, i.e. petition and summons. the focus of this study is on the move between this first step of the divorce or paternity to the second step of the process. the results indicate areas that need improved quality and consistency of information given to litigants. this includes improved information that troubleshoots non-paradigm cases, i.e. cases in which the litigant is unable to file or serve the other party. background: self-represented litigants in family law being a self-represented litigant is not easy. as noted by hough, each year over 70% of family law cases in california courts were filed by a self-represented litigant (hough 2010). retaining the services of a lawyer is usually not financially possible for these litigants so they represent themselves in their family law cases because there is no other feasible option. data shows that “more than 90% of the 450,000 people each year who use self help programs in california earn less than $2,000 per month” (judicial council of california/administrative office of the courts 2007). the cost of hiring an “inexpensive” family law attorney may cost $300 per hour with a minimum upfront retainer fee of $5,000 or more. generally, selfrepresented litigants cite lack of financial resources as the primary reason they were unable to hire a lawyer. another common reason cited is that the litigant perceives his or her case to be simple enough so as not to require the assistance of a lawyer (mather 2003). the issues that litigants face in cases such as divorce and paternity are often complex already and made even more confusing by the barriers to accessing the legal system and obtaining court orders. self-represented litigants lack the formal training or educational background to understand and utilize the law. these litigants struggle with conforming their requests (e.g. custody and visitation orders) to the standards of the court. for instance, some of the these barriers include an inability to understand the legal language, confusion with conforming paperwork to the court clerk’s standards, unintuitive procedural rules and requirements, and shortage and inaccessibility of language translators. as a result, the court process is inaccessible to low-income self-represented litigants who are unable to hire an attorney. in the last ten years, however, the courts have made tremendous progress in developing resources and programs to assist self-represented litigants in navigating the legal system. the judicial council of california’s task force on self-represented litigants has secured funding for self-help legal access centers in many of the courts. it has also incorporated pilot projects and other research programs to determine better ways of handling the problems faced by selfrepresented litigants as they try to obtain court orders on various family law issues. it remains 2 crucial, however, to continue improving the services provided to litigants so that they may successfully complete their cases. this may be accomplished on various policy levels, including within the processes of the court and in the framework of the legal services provided by self-help centers. california justice corps program description california justice corps is a program with an innovative approach to solving the systemic issue of equal access to justice. in 2004, justice corps began as a pilot project in los angeles county. presently, justice corps provides volunteer member support to self-help legal access centers in 48% of the state of california (justice corps 2012). justice corps places college students in part-time positions as volunteers in the self-help legal access centers throughout the state of california. justice corps members provide direct assistance to low-income selfrepresented litigants in family law, housing law, and consumer affairs. minimum time members commit to 300 hours of service over the course of an academic year and receive a $1,175 education award at the end of service. justice corps graduate fellows commit to 1700 hours of service over the course of a year and receive a $20,000 living allowance and a $5,000 education award. currently, approximately 250 college students serve as justice corps members each year. since 2004, 1,000 members have contributed as follows: “provided 258,000 instances of assistance in up to 24 different languages; filed 160,250 legal documents; provided over 159,450 referrals; and completed more than 331,000 hours of service” (justice corps 2012). due to the success of the program and the positive impact it has on the california court system, in 2010 the administrative office of the courts was “awarded a new americorps grant of $1 million per year for three years to expand its california justice corps program” (metropolitan news company 2010). directors of justice corps are also actively working on expanding services to the target population by implementing additional innovative pilot programs. one such program is virtual courthouse that, as noted by the company site, “is a combination of multimedia technologies and business processes, integrated with a customer-friendly user interface. the dre replicates the current process of dispute resolution in an online environment, removing constraints of time, expense and distance” (virtual courthouse 2012). this system allows litigants to file their claims online and come to a mediation settlement or arbitration agreement with the other party. this process is particularly useful for litigants who are willing to compromise and collaborate toward a mutually agreeable solution. another program that justice corps full-time fellows are working on is a new case management program. because there is a multitude of old cases that have yet to reach judgment sitting in court archives, the court is beginning to contact the parties and compel them to finish their cases. the problem though many self-represented litigants are beginning divorce or paternity cases, very few of them are successfully completing their cases. there are many ways that self-help legal access centers might evaluate their effectiveness and ability to meet the needs of their target population. for instance, at self-help centers operated by neighborhood legal services of los angeles county, litigants fill out a brief exit survey after their visit to determine their satisfaction with services and a blank space for any comments or suggestions for improvement. one study noted 3 that of the self-represented litigants who responded the ratios were, “47% extremely satisfied; 43% very satisfied on exit surveys; 95% of those in follow up interviews satisfied” (greacen). this form of evaluation is useful at first glance to know that litigants appreciate the services. yet, it does not indicate the success rate or the percentage of litigants who are actually completing their cases and reaching the judgment phase (i.e. obtaining court orders). previous research has indicated various points of confusion a litigant may encounter on the path to obtaining a court order for his or her case. for example, uncontested judgment may be very difficult to accomplish. in dissolution cases, litigants frequently do not understand that after filing their petition they must take additional steps to finish the case. a common error is the perception that the court will automatically enter a judgment six months after the petition is filed as long as the opposing party does not respond (a report to the california legislature family law information centers: an evaluation of three pilot programs 2003). an uncontested default judgment is often the most straightforward case for a self-represented litigant to successfully complete on his or her own. a litigant could potentially complete an uncontested default judgment in only three visits to the van nuys self-help legal access center. the three visits would entail the following. on the first visit, the litigant would complete the summons and petition. after serving the other party, the litigant would return for a second visit to complete the “request for default setting”. lastly, after the request is granted by the court, the litigant would return for a third visit to prepare the judgment packet. yet, if the goal of the self-help legal access center is to help these litigants reach judgment despite the numerous obstacles, then evaluative processes are necessary to improve the centers’ services. the centers need to receive feedback from the litigants a couple months after they file their petition to see if they became confused and lost at any step. as noted by greacen, “large numbers of people come to self-help programs and use their services. studies show that varying percentages of persons follow through with the forms and information provided to attempt to resolve their problem – in court or otherwise” (graecen). it is great that self-help centers are able to provide free services to low-income litigants. however, the centers must evaluate their services critically to ensure that the services are working effectively toward helping litigants not just to begin their cases, but also to finish them. the van nuys self-help legal access center serves as a particular example of a greater societal problem confronting low-income and self-represented litigants in the court system. the policy recommendation formulated as a result of the topad project will function to serve as a model to improve the quality of legal services provided by self-help legal access centers to lowincome and underrepresented members of the community. specifically, it will reveal and address the problems litigants face in completing their divorce or paternity cases. research question why do litigants that take the time to come to the self-help legal access center to prepare and file petitions for dissolutions of marriage or paternity not follow through with the process until its completion? 4 methods the van nuys self-help legal access center collects the contact information from each litigant who gives permission to be contacted regarding his or her case on intake forms. the litigant indicates his or her consent to be called or emailed by signing an additional sticker on the intake form. as a pilot project, the sample size included both english and spanish speaking litigants who petitioned for divorce or paternity between november of 2011 and february of 2012. there are two ways in which responses to the survey were collected. first, emails of litigants were inputted into the survey monkey database and litigants had the option of completing the survey online. second, litigants are contacted by phone for a brief survey. usually these phone conversations lasted between five and ten minutes per litigant. the responses were recorded and inputted into the manual data entry on the survey monkey account.1 the questions address the litigants’ experience in the self-help legal access center and subsequent progress with their cases. it targets potential sources of confusion or problems impeding litigants’ successful completion of their cases. this includes questions pertaining to filing with the court clerk, service on the other party, and their ability to return to the self-help legal access center to complete the second step of their case. it also provides litigants the opportunity to explain any other issues or problems they encounter regarding their cases. the survey is comprised of nine questions. they are as follows: 1) do you have judgment papers signed by a judge? 2) did you file your initial divorce or custody papers with the court? 3) please enter the case number found on your court papers. 4) if you did not file your initial divorce or custody papers with the court, why not? 5) did you have a friend/relative/sheriff/ or someone else give a copy of your court papers to your spouse or other parent? 6) if you were not able to have someone else give your spouse or the other parent copies of your court papers, why not? 7) after you filed your divorce or custody papers, did you return to the legal aid office on the 3rd floor of the van nuys court building to continue your divorce or custody case? 8) if you did not return to the legal aid office to continue your divorce or custody case, why not? 9) do you have any suggestions or comments for the legal aid office? is there something that the legal aid office can improve upon? litigants were contacted a minimum of forty-five days after their first visit to the selfhelp center. usually, they were contacted two to three months after their first visit. depending upon the contact information provided by the litigant, he or she was either contacted via telephone or via email with a survey monkey link. 100 litigants were sent an email. 186 litigants were called at least one time. most litigants were called between three and five times on different days. results initially, i was concerned about successfully contacting litigants, this very class of people who essentially disappeared from the court system after filing their initial paperwork. thinking that the use of technology could help elicit responses from litigants by email, i used survey monkey email links. unfortunately, this proved to be an essentially useless method. of the 100 litigants i sent survey monkey emails to, i received only 1 response. fortunately, telephone calls 1 survey monkey is an online program that collects and organizes data for research purposes. (www.surveymonkey.com) 5 proved to be a useful method. a total of 76 litigants were successfully surveyed. from this sample size, 13 of these litigants were spanish speaking and 63 of these litigants were english speaking. though 83% of the litigants (spanish and english combined) had filed their initial paperwork with the court, 91% reported that they had not completed their case. obtaining a divorce in california takes a minimum of six months, so the fact that most litigants had not finished their case was not surprising, given the fact that i was calling them about two to three months after completing the first step in their case. figure 1 reasons why litigants did not file their initial paperwork with the court after a litigant’s first visit to the center, he or she needs to take their paperwork from our center on the third floor to the court clerk’s office on the first floor (if their filing court is van nuys). yet, 17% of litigants who left our center did not successfully file their initial paperwork with the court. table 1 indicates the reasons why litigants were unable to file their petition and summons with the court. as our litigants are low-income and usually cannot afford the $395 filing fee, almost all of them fill out fee waiver forms. of those who did not file, 40% reported that it was because their fee waiver was denied by the court; 20% of the litigants who did not file reported that they were unsure if they still wanted to continue their case; 5% did not know they had to file the papers with the court; 5% personal matters prevented them from filing; 5% were waiting to hear back from the self-help center; 5% did not have the time to return to the court to file; 20% reported other reasons. 40% 20% 20% 5% 5% 5% 5% reasons why litigants did not file their initial paperwork with the court (n=13) the court did not approve my fee waiver and i could not afford the $395 filing fee. not sure if i still want to continue my case. other personal matters prevented me from filing. i did not know i needed to file my papers. waiting to hear back from the self-help center. i have not had time to return to the court to file. 6 figure 2 reasons why litigants were not able to serve the other party of the litigants that were able to successfully file their petition and summons with the court, many had trouble with serving the other party. one-third of the spanish speaking litigants were unable to serve the other party, while12% of the english speaking litigants were unable to serve the other party. table 2 indicates the reasons why litigants were unable to serve the other party. of these litigants combined, 50% could not serve due to the other party living outside the state or country; 20% due to the service process was done incorrectly; 20% were unable to find the other party; 10% were considering stopping their case. i'm confused on how to serve the other party. 0% i do not know how to find the other party., 20.0% i am considering stopping my case., 10.0% the other party is in the military. 0% the service process was not done properly., 20.0% the other party lives in another state or country. , 50.0% reasons why litigants were not able to serve the other party (n=13) 7 figure 3 reasons why litigants did not return to the center for the second step many litigants did not return to the self-help center to complete the second step in their case. 92% of spanish speaking and 59% of english speaking litigants did not return to the center for their second visit. see table 3 for the reasons why litigants did not return to the center for the second step in completing their cases. 36% of these litigants never returned because they either could not file or could not serve the other party; 27 % of these litigants incorrectly believed that their case was moving forward or were simply unsure of what to do next; 14% had to work and could not take time off; 11% were waiting to receive something in the mail from the court or self-help center; 8% were still waiting the thirty-one days since the other party was served before returning; 4% had changed their mind and wanted to stop the case. conclusions the results from this study indicate areas in which litigants are getting stuck in their cases, and these are all areas that the self-help center can improve the quality and consistency of information. many of the litigants who visit the self-help center are entirely or partially dependent upon public assistance to pay household expenses. the fact that 40% of the litigants who did not file were unable to do so because their fee waiver was denied by the court is a major point of concern. when asked, these same litigants reported that they still wanted their divorce, but could not afford the filing fee. many of these same litigants reported that they were unaware of the fact that they could return to the self-help center to re-do the fee waiver. thus, because the litigants had already received assistance from the self-help center once, they assumed that there was nothing else they could do until they came up with the $395 filing fee. usually the self-help center instructs litigants only on how to personally serve the other party because it can be the most straightforward type of service. many litigants gave up after they could not personally serve the other party due to the other party being out of the state or not knowing how to find the other party. here is a point that needs to be addressed on the litigant’s first visit to the self-help center. litigants need to be informed that if they cannot serve the other 19% 4% 8% 22% 14% 11% 8% 14% reasons why litigants did not return to the center for the second step (n=49) served the other party, but don't know what to do next. changed mind and want to stop their court case. believed their case was moving forward or they were finished. could not serve the other party. i had to work and could not take time off. waiting to receive something in the mail from the court or self-help center. still waiting the 30 days since service before returning. could not file because their fee waiver was rejected. 8 party for any reason, to please return to the center so that we can assess the litigant’s individual situation and give better information tailored to their circumstances. obtaining a paternity or divorce takes a minimum of three visits to the self-help center and a minimum of six months in california. litigants are instructed to return to the center thirtyone days after the other party is served. so perhaps most concerning is the fact that 92% of spanish speaking and 59% of english speaking litigants did not return to the center for their second visit. it is clear that litigants are getting stuck during or after the first step of the divorce or paternity process. as a result, many litigants fail to complete the subsequent steps in their cases. this prevents them from reaching the judgment phase and obtaining court orders. litigants would benefit from a checklist/to-do list after their first visit that includes information at probable points of trouble. this should include information on what to do if the litigant’s fee waiver is rejected or they cannot find the other party. the center must provide better information on the legal process and next steps in litigants’ cases. for example, many litigants do not understand how to serve the other party when he or she is out of the state or country. many litigants falsely believe that the court or center will contact them with instructions on what to do next. it is apparent that volunteers must make clear on the litigant’s first visit that the litigant is responsible for moving his or her own case forward. it seems as though phone calls, voicemail, and/or text messages may be effective ways to remind litigants to return to the center thirty days after filing or if they encounter any problems before then. note that the number of litigants who claimed to have completed their case may be much lower if some of those litigants incorrectly believed they were finished with their case after filing the initial paperwork with the court. it takes a minimum of six months to obtain a divorce. litigants were contacted between two to four months after their first visit. in addition, results from spanish speaking litigants should be viewed as preliminary due to the small sample size. future directions currently, i am in the process of revising the handouts given to litigants on their first visit to the center. i am also working on a checklist/to-do list for litigants which includes information such as what to do if you’re fee waiver is rejected, what to do if you cannot find/serve the other party, etc. often the information given to litigants is based on a paradigm case (one in which the litigant files, serves the other party, and returns to the center after 30 days for the second visit). the findings in my study clearly indicate that many litigants get stuck at various points in the early steps of the process. i am also currently working on recruiting a justice corps member from next year’s class to take over the topad project. someone might want to implement the policy changes and then re-survey the litigants to see if there is improvement. another option is to work on a study which targets later phases of the divorce or paternity case (e.g. from request to enter default setting to the judgment phase). ideally, future research projects should include a more comprehensive focus on spanish speaking litigants and the implementation of policy changes followed by a survey to determine the positive or negative changes. acknowledgements faculty advisor: professor robert chau romero, ucla cesar e. chavez chicana/o studies department 9 community partner: roberta stovitz, neighborhood legal services of los angeles county civic engagement coordinator: colleen quinn, ucla center for community learning special thanks to rodrigo aguilar, cristian cecilia cruz-gallardo, and jeff greenfield for help making calls to litigants. references california courts/judicial branch of california. 2012. “california justice corps.” http://www.courts.ca.gov/programs-justicecorps.htm. greacen, john m. “self represented litigants and court and legal services responses to their needs what we know.” http://www.courts.ca.gov/partners/documents/srlwhatweknow.pdf. hough, bonnie. 2010.“self-represented litigants in family law: the response of california’s courts”. california law review circuit 1.15: 15-24. judicial council of california/administrative office of the courts. 2007. “handling cases involving self-represented litigants: a bench guide for judicial officers.” http://www.courts.ca.gov/documents/benchguide_self_rep_litigants.pdf. judicial council of california. 2003. “a report to the california legislature family law information centers: an evaluation of three pilot programs.” http://www.courts.ca.gov/documents/flic-full.pdf. mather, l. 2003. changing patterns of legal representation in divorce: from lawyers to pro se. journal of law and society, 30(1), 137-155, p. 149. metropolitan-news company. 2010. “aoc receives $1 million grant to expand justicecorps.” http://www.courts.ca.gov/documents/aoc_received__1million.pdf. virtual courthouse. 2012. http://virtualcourthouse.info/the-virtualcourthouse-story.html. 10 appendix i: english version of the topad project survey hello ms. or mr. _______________ . my name is ____________and i am a volunteer with the van nuys self-help-center. in ____________(month) of _________(year) you came to the center for assistance with your ___________(divorce or custody) case. i am calling to follow up with your case and ask you a few questions. this voluntary survey is part of a project aimed at improving the services at the legal aid office and helping you finish your court case. if you are willing, we would greatly appreciate your answers to the brief survey questions below so that we can improve the quality of our services. thank you! 1. do you have judgment papers signed by a judge (look for form fl-180 or fl-250)? yes no if yes, then it sounds like you have court orders. if other (please specify): 2. did you file your initial divorce or custody papers with the court? yes no 3. please enter the case number found on your court papers: please enter the case number found on your court papers: 4. if you did not file your initial divorce or custody papers with the court, why not? the court told me i had to pay a filing fee, and i could not afford it. i couldn't find my spouse or other parent. my spouse or other parent and i worked things out. 11 not applicable. i filed my papers with the court. other (please specify) 5. did you have a friend/relative/sheriff/ or someone else give a copy of your court papers to your spouse or other parent? yes no other (please specify) 6. if you were not able to have someone else give your spouse or the other parent copies of your court papers, why not? i'm confused on how to give my spouse or the other parent copies of my court papers. i do not have anyone to help me give copies of my court papers to my spouse or the other parent. i do not know how to find my spouse or the other parent. my spouse or the other parent is in the military. my spouse or the other parent is in another country. (please tell us which country) other (please specify). or if your spouse or other parent is in another country, which country? 7. after you filed your divorce or custody papers, did you return to the legal aid office on the 3rd floor of the van nuys court building to continue your divorce or custody case? yes no other (please specify) 8. if you did not return to the legal aid office to continue your divorce or custody case, why not? i gave copies of my court papers to my spouse or other parent, but i'm not sure of what to do next. i changed my mind, and i want to stop my court case. 12 i thought that i was finished with my court case. i could not give my spouse or the other parent copies of my court papers. i had to work and could not take time off. i returned to the legal aid office, but the judge never signed my judgment (look for forms fl-180 or fl-250). other (please specify) 9. do you have any suggestions or comments for the legal aid office? is there something that the legal aid office can improve upon? please explain. better information on the court process and the next steps for my case. better information on how to give my spouse or other parent copies of my court papers. someone at the legal aid office who speaks my native/primary language. other (please specify) 10. thank you for your time in completing this survey. remember, unless you have a form called a judgment that is signed by a judge (look for form fl180 or form fl-250), you are not finished with your court case. if you want to complete your case or stop your case, please return to the legal aid office monday-friday mornings at 8:30am and please bring all of your court papers. * no attorney-client relationship is being created through this communication. legal information or other services cannot be provided via e-mail. your responses to this survey are for statistical purposes only and are not privileged or confidential. 13 appendix ii: sample revised handout for litigants first visit to do checklist for starting a divorce or paternity case: (you must follow these steps in order) 1. make 2 copies of your entire packet. 2. file the original + 2 copies of your packet with the court clerk 3. give the court clerk $ or application for fee waiver. ***if your fee waiver is rejected by the court and you cannot pay, please return to the self-help center and we will redo the fee waiver with you. 4. have someone (not you) personally hand/serve 1 copy of your packet + blank response packet to the other party. ***if you cannot find or serve the other party, please return to the self-help center and we will give you more information on how to do this. 5. have the person who gives copies/serves the other party fill out the “proof of service summons” (1 page sheet) and give it back to you. you return to the court clerk’s office and file this paper. ***if you lose this paper or need help, please return to the center. 6. ***return to the self-help center for your 2nd visit 31 days after the other party is served. you are not yet finished with your case, but are on the right track. return to the center by: ____________ _____________________________________________________ reminders: *only you can move your case to the next step. neither the self-help center nor the court do the next step for you. nothing happens unless you make it happen. you will not receive anything in the mail from the court or the self-help center after your first visit. *if you get confused on your next step or cannot complete one of these steps, then please return to the center monday-friday at 8am (first come, first serve). corina mcintryre research tracking of paternity and divorce project report: litigant follow through at the van nuys self-help legal access center abstract background: self-represented litigants in family law the problem research question methods results conclusions future directions acknowledgements references appendix i: english version of the topad project survey 1. do you have judgment papers signed by a judge (look for form fl-180 or fl-250)? 2. did you file your initial divorce or custody papers with the court? 3. please enter the case number found on your court papers: 4. if you did not file your initial divorce or custody papers with the court, why not? 5. did you have a friend/relative/sheriff/ or someone else give a copy of your court papers to your spouse or other parent? 6. if you were not able to have someone else give your spouse or the other parent copies of your court papers, why not? 7. after you filed your divorce or custody papers, did you return to the legal aid office on the 3rd floor of the van nuys court building to continue your divorce or custody case? 8. if you did not return to the legal aid office to continue your divorce or custody case, why not? 9. do you have any suggestions or comments for the legal aid office? is there something that the legal aid office can improve upon? please explain. 10. thank you for your time in completing this survey. remember, unless you have a form called a judgment that is signed by a judge (look for form fl-180 or form fl-250), you are not finished with your court case. if you want to complete your case or... appendix ii: sample revised handout for litigants corina mcintryre research tracking of paternity and divorce project report: litigant follow through at the van nuys self-help legal access center abstract background: self-represented litigants in family law the problem research question methods results conclusions future directions acknowledgements references appendix i: english version of the topad project survey 1. do you have judgment papers signed by a judge (look for form fl-180 or fl-250)? 2. did you file your initial divorce or custody papers with the court? 3. please enter the case number found on your court papers: 4. if you did not file your initial divorce or custody papers with the court, why not? 5. did you have a friend/relative/sheriff/ or someone else give a copy of your court papers to your spouse or other parent? 6. if you were not able to have someone else give your spouse or the other parent copies of your court papers, why not? 7. after you filed your divorce or custody papers, did you return to the legal aid office on the 3rd floor of the van nuys court building to continue your divorce or custody case? 8. if you did not return to the legal aid office to continue your divorce or custody case, why not? 9. do you have any suggestions or comments for the legal aid office? is there something that the legal aid office can improve upon? please explain. 10. thank you for your time in completing this survey. remember, unless you have a form called a judgment that is signed by a judge (look for form fl-180 or form fl-250), you are not finished with your court case. if you want to complete your case or... appendix ii: sample revised handout for litigants undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 improving nutrition in immigrant youth travis sovronec university of washington introduction human physiology requires nutrients to perform almost any function. when proper amounts of each nutrient are consumed, the body performs efficiently. interacting systems work together without being hindered by a weak part. adequate nutrition can improve performance in sports, it can lower medical bills, and it can increase test scores. however, inadequate nutrition can inversely affect these areas. inadequate nutrition means someone is consistently not meeting daily dietary guidelines, possibly eating too much of one food group or not enough of certain foods. ultimately this means someone is not receiving enough vitamins, minerals, proteins, carbohydrates, or fats to sufficiently supply their body’s daily needs. after a few days of not meeting proper intake levels, there will be less available nutrients for cells to use. this decreases cell function, resulting in fatigue or errors in simple tasks. when daily dietary intake levels are not met, it becomes harder to accomplish goals in all areas of life. immigrant youth have a disproportionately higher risk of inadequate nutrition compared to u.s.-native youth due to economic status, educational status, and targeting by large corporations (chilton et al. 2009). immigrants are challenged by these barriers because they may not be able to afford healthy foods and may not realize which foods are truly good for them. it is crucial to take steps to reduce inadequate nutrition in immigrant youth, so they can have equal opportunities for success. economic status is closely related to nutritional opportunities and the availability of foods to a family. while a wealthy family will be able to afford healthy foods, a family under the poverty line may have trouble traveling because they do not have access to a car and may not have time to use the bus system. furthermore, poor families may not be able to afford healthy foods because they tend to be expensive, especially when compared to junk food. nationally, many immigrant families have a higher prevalence of living below the poverty line (21%) versus u.s.-born families (15%) (potochnick and arteaga 2016). education level can also play a role in inadequate nutrition as knowledge of perceived healthy foods can dictate eating patterns. furthermore, knowledge of how to cook food and ways to manipulate a recipe to make meals healthier are crucial to healthy eating choices. 65.4% of immigrants reported one to four servings of fruits and vegetables per day as the nutritional recommendation when experts recommend five to nine servings. along with this, immigrants reported having misunderstandings about serving sizes and vitamin consumptions, which can lead to inadequate intake (yeh et al. 2008). immigrants also face a barrier to adequate nutrition when they are targeted by fast food corporations as consumers. to increase profits, corporations often target minority populations who have a history of spending money on a product. this creates a cycle in the fast food industry as low-income families purchase fast food the most, so they are targeted the most by advertisements, which influences those families to purchase more fast food (chilton et al 2009). population i am working with middle and high school-aged youth in the studio program in high point, west seattle. this program is offered through neighborhood house, which provides soveniec 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 services and teaches various classes to low-income immigrant populations. the high point community is a high-immigrant population area, with high concentrations of immigrants from east african countries such as somali, egypt, and ethiopia. this population has an average household income of about $60,000 and about 32% of the population is below the poverty line, compared to $80,000 and 7% in seattle. part of this low income can be due to three out of every ten households being owned by a single mother (“high point” 2013). another contributor to this low income may be the inability to speak english well, as this affects 6% of the population in high point (“high point” 2013). the immigrant and low economic statuses of people in high point create many barriers to accessing healthy foods, making the people vulnerable to inadequate nutrition. impacts inadequate nutrition can be harmful to an individual as well as a community. it is a contributing factor to obesity, which directly costs americans about $70 billion per year (colditz 1999). one study reinforces that fast food is associated with inadequate nutrition by finding that regular fast food consumption increased odds of being obese (or=1.23) (fraser et al. 2012). so as immigrants are exposed to fast foods more, they have a harder time meeting daily dietary guidelines, which increases their odds of becoming obese (fraser et al. 2012). poor nutrition is associated with medical conditions such as obesity, diabetes, hypertension, and cardiovascular diseases; therefore, poor nutrition may contribute to increased medical costs with those diseases (dharod, croom, and sady 2013). a problem with consuming cheap fast foods is the ultimate costs in resulting medical conditions. this is especially harmful for low-income families who consume cheap food because they cannot afford to eat healthy. if medical conditions develop, they will pay for doctor’s visits and treatments. unfortunately, this contributes to a cycle of poverty as high medical bills will decrease family funds, which contributes to more fast food, which leads to more medical problems. and if families cannot afford to pay for these treatments, the cost of medical service will be placed on the community. inadequate nutrition can affect energy levels, ability to fight of illnesses, and psychological status. this impacts how youth perform in school and how adults work at a job, which can limit future opportunities. the effects of inadequate nutrition in school and work is most clearly shown in studies of obese individuals, which reveal there is a much higher rate of absenteeism (average of four school days missed per month). being absent from school or work can be due to many issues; however, obesity creates more barriers to attending school or work, such as doctor’s appointments, illnesses, slow performance, and lack of energy. absenteeism is harmful to communities as it decreases performance in work and school and limits an individual’s social mobility (taras and potts-datema 2005). stakeholders when talking with stakeholders, i learned of many things currently being done for communities and techniques they thought were best. elizabeth kimball, who works at king county public health as a healthy eating program manager, believes that inadequate nutrition is a problem in this community because it’s associated with the high prevalence of diabetes in the somali refugee population. she also commented, “u.s. adolescent somali refugees learn about healthy eating in school; however, peer influence and easy access to junk food, fast food, and soveniec 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 sugary drinks, in addition to eating traditional foods at home, may increase their risk of developing diabetes.” she believes the most important and changeable factors that need to be addressed are the unfamiliarity with healthy foods and how to prepare them. if adolescents become familiar with healthy foods, learn how to prepare them, and gain resources to access them, they will be better equipped to maintain healthy eating behaviors and avoid diabetes. zev, who works at neighborhood house, directly interacts with the community and believes inadequate nutrition is one of the greater problems the community needs to address. there is a high prevalence of fast food restaurants and not many places to access healthy foods. access is especially challenging because most students do not have cars or reliable transportation, so they can only access stores or restaurants within walking distance of their homes. what is currently being done currently, there are many programs and resources around high point that address the issue of nutritional deficiencies. the agency we are working for, neighborhood house, offers cooking classes to teach parents how to cook healthy foods for their families (neighborhood house 2017). this program takes place at the local community center and lasts about an hour. in addition, high point health and neighborcare health are clinics that focus on nutrition counseling and how nutrition affects other areas of life (high point health 2015; “patient programs” 2017). public health in king county has created the partnerships to improve community health coalition, which allocates funding from federal government to be used for community health. in 2015, this coalition received $8 million to improve access to healthy environments and implement practices to improve nutrition (“partnerships” 2015). nationally, the healthy hunger-free kids act targets inadequate nutrition, allocating funds to improve school foods. this act was implemented in 2010; it requires more fruits and vegetables to be included in school meals, low/fat-free milk varieties, lower calorie food options, and reduced sodium and fat (bostock 2015). inadequate nutrition is a great burden on the community of high point because of its association with obesity, medical costs, and daily functioning. these outcomes limit the social mobility of residents, trapping the community in a state of low income and high poverty. while many interventions are in effect to reduce economic barriers, education barriers, and targeting, these interventions are not stopping the problem of inadequate nutrition. barriers that can be further minimized by an intervention is the economic and education status of community members. because of their economic status, they have limited access to healthy foods and because of their educational status, they do not know strategies to make healthy food more affordable. to address these areas, i plan on introducing a nutritional program to teach the kids how to grow healthy foods in a nearby garden, so it is accessible and cheap. recommendation to reduce the public health burden of inadequate nutrition, i am recommending a curriculum to teach kids a way to access inexpensive, healthy foods. this curriculum would be implemented at neighborhood house, where youth from this community currently go for afterschool programs to learn more about stem fields and college preparation. studio is already based on six-week curriculum topics designed to introduce kids to certain fields. these fields can range from coding to photography to music, so i believe a six-week nutrition program soveniec 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 could easily be implemented. each of these programs are taught by mentors who attend the university of washington and are knowledgeable in certain fields. while these mentors may not be experts in a topic, there is usually pre-designed curriculum to help them teach the youth. i created a curriculum for neighborhood house, so it can provide gardening and nutrition information to mentors, who can teach the topic in the future. to complete my recommendation, i have added slides, videos, and websites to a six-week curriculum to teach the youth. my curriculum has sections on gardening techniques and nutrition to teach the youth an inexpensive way to access healthy foods. it also aligns with studio’s focus on tinkering, meaning the youth can be creative and have the freedom to explore gardening in their own way. to plant foods, i will use the bee garden, which is located next to the neighborhood house, so it is easily accessible through the six-week program. teaching the youth gardening techniques is beneficial because they can apply the techniques at home to directly provide healthy food to their families. this curriculum would take place during spring when the weather is nicer as plants will be more likely to grow and the kids would want to be outside. specifically, this curriculum would be carried out by the studio mentors or neighborhood house staff each spring. by creating a curriculum for neighborhood house, any mentor can teach kids about this topic. because studio mentors come from uw every year to teach the youth, there will be a consistent supply of people who can teach the curriculum. furthermore, these mentors are volunteers, so they would not need to be paid. the only costs associated with this intervention would be purchasing seeds for the kids to plant, any fertilizer to help the plants grow, and gardening equipment, if needed. the low cost of this intervention and long-term stability will make it an easy program to implement. i am making this recommendation because it is cheap, effective, and is different from many current strategies being done in high point. the program itself is not expensive, and it also teaches youth in this community how to grow healthy foods in an accessible and inexpensive fashion. in high point, there is an unused p-patch; i hope kids will take the techniques they learn to grow foods at this p-patch to provide healthy foods to other members of their community. many schools use techniques like this to improve healthy eating in students and have found positive results (gatto et al. 2017; ratcliffe et al. 2011; gibbs et al. 2012). these schools have found that a school-based gardening intervention increases a kid’s willingness to try new fruits and vegetables and improves their ability to identify healthy foods (ratcliffe et al. 2011; gibbs et al. 2012). these are important beginning steps to improving nutritional health, especially in kids that tend to be picky eaters. if we can increase kids’ willingness to try foods, they are going to be more likely to eat healthy foods, which may be perceived as gross before tasting (gibbs et al. 2012). a school in l.a. introduced a 12-week gardening program to immigrant youth and found the program was associated with a reduced risk of obesity. furthermore, this intervention directly increased fiber intake of participating students (gatto et al. 2017). this l.a. school program is similar to the one i plan on designing and targets a similar population, so similar results are expected on the community of high point. most importantly, this intervention is unique from other programs in high point as it targets a different population than most other interventions. most other local interventions in high point target parents or families; while these are helpful, it is important to create good habits in the next generation to stop a cycle of poor eating and low socio-economic status. while there are national programs that benefit youth, they do not target immigrant youth and these national programs can lose effectiveness on the individual level. for instance, the healthy hunger-free kids act improves the nutritional value of foods at school, soveniec 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 but does not teach kids the benefits of healthy foods, so kids may simply avoid eating school meals. furthermore, stakeholders from neighborhood house recommended using the p-patch to teach kids how to garden. by implementing this intervention, i will teach kids how to better utilize their neighborhood p-patch. in addition, this curriculum satisfies another stakeholder’s idea in that it would make the youth more familiar with healthy foods, which can increase their likeliness to try healthy foods (gibbs et al. 2012). by teaching immigrant youth techniques to grow their own healthy foods, accessibility will be improved in high point. this intervention will eliminate economic and educational barriers, which should lead to healthier eating. furthermore, other research shows the positive effects of school gardening on youth nutrition. by implementing this cheap and sustainable curriculum, i hope to reduce inadequate nutrition in immigrant youth of high point, which can reduce their risk of obesity and improve their daily functions. if successful, this intervention will improve the lives of kids and the socio-economic status of this community. ~ i would like to thank professor deb hinchey for her support and encouragement through my service learning experience. i would also like to thank neighborhood house and the university of washington-studio program for allowing me to work and study with them. soveniec 6 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 references bostock, tara. 2015. “from national policy to your kids’ lunchroom: how king county nutrition directors worked together for healthier school meals.” public health insider. https://publichealthinsider.com/2015/03/04/from-national-policy-to-your-kidslunchroom-how-king-county-nutrition-directors-worked-together-for-healthier-schoolmeals/. chilton, m., m. m. black, c. berkowitz, p. h. casey, j. cook, d. cutts, r. r. jacobs, et al. 2009. “food insecurity and risk of poor health among us-born children of immigrants.” american journal of public health 99(3): 556–562. colditz, graham a. 1999. “economic costs of obesity and inactivity.” medicine and science in sports and exercise 31 (11 suppl): s663-7. dharod, j. m., j. e. croom, and c. g. sady. 2013. “food insecurity: its relationship to dietary intake and body weight among somali refugee women in the united states.” journal of nutrition education & behavior 45 (1): 47-53. fraser, l., g. clarke, j. cade, and k. edwards. 2012. “fast food and obesity.” american journal of preventive medicine 42 (5): e77-e85. gatto, n. m., l. c. martinez, d. spruijt-metz, and j. n. davis. 2017. “la sprouts randomized controlled nutrition, cooking and gardening programme reduces obesity and metabolic risk in hispanic/latino youth.” pediatric obesity 12 (1): 28. gibbs, l., p. k. staiger, b. johnson, k. block, s. macfarlane, l. gold, j. kulas, et al. 2012. “expanding children’s food experiences: the impact of a school-based kitchen garden program.” journal of nutrition education and behavior 45 (2): 137-146. high point health. 2015. http://www.taylorgoodhealth.com/. “high point neighborhood in seattle, washington (wa), 98106, 98126 detailed profile.” 2013. city-data. http://www.city-data.com/neighborhood/high-point-seattle-wa.html. neighborhood house. 2017. http://www.nhwa.org/index.php. “partnerships to improve community health.” 2015. king county. http://www.kingcounty.gov/depts/health/partnerships/pich.aspx. “patient programs.” 2017. neighborcare health. https://www.neighborcare.org/programs. potochnick, s., and i. arteaga. 2016. “a decade of analysis: household food insecurity among low-income immigrant children.” journal of family issues, july 27. https://doi.org/10.1177/0192513x16661216. https://publichealthinsider.com/2015/03/04/from-national-policy-to-your-kids-lunchroom-how-king-county-nutrition-directors-worked-together-for-healthier-school-meals/ https://publichealthinsider.com/2015/03/04/from-national-policy-to-your-kids-lunchroom-how-king-county-nutrition-directors-worked-together-for-healthier-school-meals/ https://publichealthinsider.com/2015/03/04/from-national-policy-to-your-kids-lunchroom-how-king-county-nutrition-directors-worked-together-for-healthier-school-meals/ http://www.taylorgoodhealth.com/ http://www.city-data.com/neighborhood/high-point-seattle-wa.html http://www.nhwa.org/index.php https://www.neighborcare.org/programs https://doi.org/10.1177/0192513x16661216 soveniec 7 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 ratcliffe, m., k. merrigan, b. rogers, and j. goldberg. 2011. “the effects of school garden experiences on middle school-aged students' knowledge, attitudes, and behaviors associated with vegetable consumption.” health promotion practice 12 (1): 36-43. taras, howard, and william potts-datema, 2005. “obesity and student performance at school.” journal of school health 75 (8): 291. yeh, ming-chin, s. b. ickes, l. m. lowenstein, k. shuval, a. s. ammerman, r. farris, and d. l. katz. 2008. “understanding barriers and facilitators of fruit and vegetable consumption among a diverse multi-ethnic population in the usa." health promotion international 23 (1): 42-51. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 asset mapping and barriers to access in the hill district melana dayanim university of pittsburgh introduction the hill district is a neighborhood in pittsburgh, pennsylvania between oakland (the university hub) and downtown (the business and industrial hub). the neighborhood began as a cross-cultural settlement where immigrants from many origins mingled and prospered. between the 1930s and 1950s, the neighborhood was at the center of the pittsburgh jazz scene and african american cultural life (fox 2012). however, the construction of the civic arena hockey stadium that began in 1958 led many residents to lose their homes, breaking up the community geographically and beginning the economic downfall of the neighborhood. currently, the neighborhood benefits greatly from its strong communal ties and community organizing assets such as hill house association. hill house is a community organization that employs a holistic approach to deliver a vast array of social services to hill district residents. in the effort to continue to understand the hill district’s built environment and improve the neighborhood’s social and economic life, hill house began an asset mapping project in conjunction with ucsur. i had been involved in the hill district for about a year through the global brigades alternative spring break (asb) in the hill and other various volunteer opportunities at the time i first heard of the project. the first time i went to the hill district i only knew what to expect from rumors, news reports, and light pre-reading required before our service-learning experience began. i am not sure i had quite internalized the negative warnings of violence and danger in the community, but i was not prepared for what i would encounter. we met with numerous community organizations that work towards the advancement and empowerment of the neighborhood and its community. we met passionate civil servants who showed us the true soul of the community, even if we could not yet appreciate it ourselves. i was inspired enough to help plan the asb in 2017 and will spearhead the asb in 2018. when the opportunity arose to work more closely with hill house and its inspiring faculty on a long-term project, i immediately jumped at the opportunity. while i had this experience and connection with the community, my experience with mapping began when i joined ucsur and hill house in creating this map. i study politics and public health at the university of pittsburgh. before i began mapping, i had never realized the deep history as well as the wide breadth of uses that physical representations of data have for health and political issues. asset mapping originated as an “asset-based community development strategy for community building and capacity development” in 1993 (lightfoot 2014). it has grown into one of the most prominent tools in epidemiological studies, community-based participatory action research, and in needs assessment. the world health organization “has recognized that asset-based approaches to health promotion are critical for supporting overall population health and reducing health disparities” (lightfoot 2014). the literature continuously acknowledges the “importance of neighborhood environments as structural conditions that shape individual lives and opportunities” (diez-roux 2001). asset mapping is a logical extension of this principle; the built environment has the ability to affect the well-being of a community and as such must be understood in order to empower and engage the community. dayanim 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 the community based research (cbr) fellowship at the university of pittsburgh honors college enabled a cohort of student researchers—including me—to develop and execute research projects with full collaboration of a community partner and faculty advisor. hill house, the community partner, and ucsur hope the construction of this asset map helps to not only reduce barriers to access of already existing assets, but also prevents redundancy and increases desirability of new assets entering the neighborhood. methods preliminary research i first conducted background research on how best to find and identify community resources. this research was sourced from knowledgeable professionals at ucsur as well as dr. dara mendez, who guided the process towards the correct resources and how best to verify them online in addition to the best practices for verifying resources in person. additional sources came from a short review of relevant literature concerning creation of databases to be used for various purposes, but most poignantly mapping. this guidance and the review helped me to find that a combination of internet sourcing and on-site sources is the best practice for creating databases of assets in a community. internet sourcing the internet sourcing process had been started long before this cbr project began. as such, there were a plethora of sources already plugged into a database including from the hill house website, the hill district community development corporation website, and the united way community asset list. i extracted additional resources from simple searches, documents throughout the websites of both hill house and hill cdc, and the pittsburgh city website. virtual ground truthing in gis mapping, “ground truth” refers to reality on the ground of data sourced remotely. in this case, i used ground truthing to validate the data collected in the internet sourcing phase of the research. i initially sought out the ground truth using google maps as a way of virtually looking at the neighborhood to see what resources could be verified by looking at a street view in addition to what new resources could be found. in this way, i could scour large sections of the hill district and discern the credibility of the online information. at times a resource found online had actually been shut down, or its location was incorrectly reported. additionally, many resources were identified that had either no website or were overlooked in internet sourcing. like all the methods used in creating this map, once a new resource was identified through virtual ground truthing, i could research it online to learn more. on-site ground truthing this on-site ground truthing is similar to the process above with the exception of my physical presence in the neighborhood as a way of verifying resources. the advantages of this method over a virtual method are synonymous with the limitations of google maps street view. dayanim 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 the street view might be dated, all points of interest cannot be reached, and the technology has a way of warping perception so that it is difficult to truly understand the geography and to tell if a resource is in fact operational. the on-the-ground approach eliminates these problems at the expense of dealing with weather, the vastness of space, and exhaustion. i found this approach was very effective in identifying the true nature of many collected resources from the web. database generation the database is itself a google sheet with many columns for different aspects of a resource. the name, address, description, website, phone number, type, and other pertinent information is found and documented for each resource in the database. these addresses will be used to create a map and the descriptions are used to identify the type of the resource. this database is the core of the research and is a method as well as the result of this study. type-generation exercise each asset must be categorized into a type in order to sort and divide the long list of assets. examples of types include health, transportation, government, and business. types may have multiple subtypes within them to further specify the function of the asset. examples of subtypes within the type of health are dentistry, emergency medicine, and mental health services. the type and subtype generation was done in a meeting with the community partner in which many stakeholders present identified different categories of resources in the hill district in addition to type categories i created as different sorts of resources were continuously encountered. typing each asset was categorized by the types of resources it provides for the community according to the list of types generated previously. if the asset fell under a type, a 1 was marked in the corresponding column. if an asset did not fall under another type, a 0 was marked in that column. assets could have more than one type since a single asset can provide many different sorts of resources and serve in different roles. this process felt subjective at times, as though i was inserting my own personal view of a given community asset’s functions. figure 1 shows an excerpt of resources by type to illustrate the multi-faceted nature of many of the hill district’s community assets. figure 1: typing excerpt mapping creating the final map was the last and most challenging of all my research methodologies. my inner political science major instincts periodically wanted to forsake this map and retreat to more comfortable territory like a literature review. this is where my faculty dayanim 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 mentor and ucsur were the most help in my research. dr. mendez gave expert guidance from the beginning about how best to approach the entire project of making a map with both theoretical and experiential background. she was the first to suggest not only making a digital map, but also the program eventually used to create the map, google mymaps. elizabeth monk was my main contact at ucsur who continuously supported me as i tracked down as many assets as i could possibly uncover. ucsur graciously supplied its own neighborhood outline information for the map through this struggle, i did manage to eventually conquer the digital map. the map was constructed using a layer for each type of asset. users can therefore look at all of the health resources on the map by themselves and layer on other types as they wish, allowing for maximum convenience in searching for a community resource that matches their desires. i am proud and only slightly embarrassed to report that when i finished the first few layers of my map i had a moment of such complete joy that i began to tear up. seeing my work in a concrete way was one of the most satisfying academic moments i have ever experienced. the digital asset map is the first step in what will hopefully be a useful resource for hill district residents as it transitions into a more easily accessible format. results and discussion the research yielded two final products: a database of resources and a preliminary community asset map. i like to differentiate them in the following way: the final database reveals how many of each asset exist within the community according to this study, and the final map product reveals the dispersion of assets throughout the community. to make this point clearly, i generated a pie chart (figure 2) using the typing results. note, assets have been double-listed if they were sorted under more than one type. figure 2: type breakdown of community assets in the hill district the most prominent types of assets are businesses and community organizations followed by health and religious assets. categories like senior support, government, and ecological seem poorly represented in the community according to these statistics. however, it is important to recognize that this chart is a stand-alone entity without context or comparison. there is no indication from this chart that when compared to the highest performing and most resilient communities certain categories should be larger or smaller to promote community success. without a proper comparison with the same metrics in other communities, these data dayanim 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 lack context and are only marginally useful. furthermore, this presentation of data leaves out how the resources are physically concentrated within a community. the map results, however, are revealing as to the distribution of the assets throughout the neighborhood. the following are geographical depictions of where resources are by type. figure 3: business figure 4: health figure 5: religion figure 6: education figure 7: arts and culture figure 8: ecological it can be seen from looking at visuals of where each resource lies on the map that the pie chart does not reflect the whole story. for example, businesses of the hill district lie mainly in the middle hill and uptown portions of the neighborhood. upper hill is almost completely void of business establishments. additionally, while health resources are relatively common, they are spread out more evenly. religious institutions, however, are almost equally as abundant as health resources, but are physically closer together and more centrally located within the neighborhood. adding the additional information provided by the map reveals patterns in physical space with respect to how accessible types of resources are to the community. dayanim 6 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 the final, composite map product will be used as a tool by both hill house association and the community of the hill district to understand what resources are available to them within their own neighborhood and where these resources are located. figure 9: final asset map personal reflection unlike the average cbr fellow, i did not design most of this project on my own. the cbr fellowship had always been on my radar as it is an amazing opportunity to help make ethical change in a community. as with many of the opportunities i have seized in my time at pitt, i was given a chance to apply for the cbr fellowship with hill house and ucsur and could not find it inside me to say no. however, this wasn’t the usual forced “yes” i have been known to hand out. the prospect of furthering a project dreamed up by a community, especially one i feel so invested in, was too interesting to even consider walking away from. the most important piece, above all others, is that this project originated within the community it would later serve. outsiders pushing their ideas and biases onto a community have led to failed urban renewal projects and increasing intercommunity distrust among other negative externalities noticeable throughout pittsburgh. as a middle-class white student entering a primarily low-income black space, i could not immediately understand and identify with the hill district community as it was so unlike the one i was familiar with. however, the resources available to me through the cbr program and the university of pittsburgh gave me, an outsider, the ability to enable hill house, an inside organization, to achieve one of its goals that emanated from community-identified issues. i could empower without imposing. through this process i observed the many different paths projects take during their work period, how vital communication is to success, and how obstacles can be overcome with consistent collaboration. these lessons became increasingly apparent as my product strayed continuously further away from what i had envisioned at the outset of the project. i faced challenges that were both posed by the community and myself. the greatest obstacles i faced from the very beginning were my lack of experience mapping, and my lack of knowledge as to what exactly community-based research entails. the latter was tackled with continued education as i was introduced to a great body of literature on service-learning and ethical community engagement during the weekly seminars organized by the cbr fellowship. these readings gave my work the context of a greater struggle to define how students can become ethically involved in communities. the lessons i learned from an exploration of these ideas continue to help me through the ethical dilemmas i face in international service-learning and volunteer opportunities dayanim 7 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 throughout pittsburgh. i have been so taken with this literature that i have founded a service learning journal club through the university honors college that brings students together to discuss and deliberate these issues. another obstacle crept up on me as i was working on this project. i could not help but question how big or how important the asset mapping project was in the greater context of the struggle in the hill district. the neighborhood is one in need of more affordable housing, greater economic and social opportunity, educational efforts, and public health attention. as i continued to wonder how a map could truly help make resources more available, i began to realize the extent to which a map can facilitate understanding. seeing what is around you enables connections between the community and resources that might have been less visible before being laid out concretely. awareness of one’s community resources provides a sense of empowerment and a reassurance that one’s community matters and has all that a community needs to feel viable. asset maps can show communities, and the surrounding region, a greater truth about the neighborhood beyond rumors and news reports. this project is important to both the hill district community and my personal growth as a scholar and citizen. while the process was not always straightforward, and the communication was not always perfect, in the end i have a tangible product of which i am proud. this pride does not render the map complete; rather, i hope the map is changed and reshaped and reimagined. now is the time for the people and community organizers of the hill district to take the map and do with it whatever they wish. i am overjoyed and honored to have been of service to this vibrant and storied community and fully intend to continue working with it into the future. ~ elizabeth monk and robert gradeck from ucsur for all of the time and resources they have put into making this project succeed in all aspects. dr. dara mendez of the university of pittsburgh graduate school of public health for the knowledge and guidance she shared in regards to mapping, social epidemiology, professionalism, and methods. cheryl hall-russell, terri baltimore, and carmen ellington of hill house association for their contributions to the project and for making working with a busy and expansive non-profit so smooth. holly hickling for helping me get involved in the cbr program, providing flexibility and understanding throughout the process, and for being an inspiration to continuously engage in the pittsburgh community. the spring 2017 cbr cohort for their passion, sharing, and tireless work for a wide range of amazing causes. dayanim 8 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 references diez-roux, ana v. 2001. “investigating neighborhood and area effects on health.” american journal of public health 91 (11): 1783-1789. fox, randy. 2012. “pittsburgh’s hill district: the death of a dream.” huffington post, july 16. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/randy-fox/pittsburghs-hill-districtdream_b_1669867.html. lightfoot, elizabeth. 2014. “asset mapping as a research tool for community-based participatory research in social work.” research on social work practice 38 (1): 59-64. salhotra open accepted edit ay undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   the vocabulary initiative: a model for vocabulary instruction neeraj salhotra rice university introduction and research statement the u.s. currently has wide income and racial achievement gaps in reading. the disparity between african americans or hispanics and caucasians is multiple grade levels; in other words, 13-year-old caucasians' reading scores are equivalent to those of 17-year-old hispanics or african americans (family facts 2009). while this reading gap has multiple causes, the vocabulary disparity is one of the primary drivers. these vocabulary differences are present when students begin school and only widen in each successive school year. additionally, vocabulary understanding is critical for reading comprehension and thus success on standardized tests and ultimately success in high school and college. it is clear, therefore, that if the nation hopes to reduce the reading achievement gap and help boost college completion rates for lowincome and minority americans, the vocabulary gap must be addressed. to address this gap in reading achievement, the vocabulary initiative (tvi), a non-profit organization that aims to reduce this vocabulary gap by teaching common roots, prefixes, and suffixes to fifth and sixth grade students, was founded in 2011 in houston, texas. this paper describes the initiative's pedagogy, a pilot program established in one school within the houston independent school district (hisd), and findings from an evaluation of the program. the paper is organized in the following manner: a brief literature review about the reading achievement gap and vocabulary's effect on it, a statement on the inequalities within hisd, a discussion of tvi and its teaching methods, an explanation of the pilot program and its results, and an analysis of the program's findings, limitations, and prospects for expansion. literature review the u.s. has a significant reading achievement gap: a 25 point gap between hispanics and caucasians and a 21 point gap between african americans and caucasians (hemphill and vanneman 2010). minorities are therefore on average four grades behind their caucasian peers. these gaps are present throughout school and then manifest themselves on the scholarship aptitude test (sat), wherein caucasians average 100 points more than african americans and 80 points more than hispanics on the sat reading section (national center for education statistics 2011). researchers have advanced multiple in-school reasons for this achievement gap, including: lack of high-quality pre-k (jencks and phillips 1998), the summer learning loss (alexander, entwsile, and olson 2004), and low-quality teachers (jackson 2009). additionally, some have posited that out-of-school factors, such as neighborhood characteristics (turley 2002 and ainsworth 2002) and family background (duncan 2011 and lareau 1987) drive the achievement gap. one important, yet often overlooked, factor driving the achievement gap is variation in vocabulary levels. vocabulary disparities drive the achievement gap through a twostep process. first, vocabulary is crucial for reading comprehension (hiebert and kamil 2005); thus, students with larger vocabularies better understand what they read while students with salhotra 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   limited vocabularies comprehend less material and fall behind (blachowicz, fisher, ogle, and watts-taffe 2006).. second, minority students tend to have lower vocabulary levels as compared with caucasian peers (hiebert and kamil 2005). these two facts together suggest how vocabulary affects the achievement gap: low-income and minority students tend to have smaller vocabularies than high-income and caucasian students and thus score lower on reading exams thereby contributing to the reading achievement gap. several researchers have documented the effects of the vocabulary disparity on achievement scores. for example, moats (2001) found that low-income students know nearly 15,000 fewer words upon entering school than their middle-income peers. this disparity in part causes low-income students to start kindergarten 60% behind their more wealthy peers (lee and burkam 2002). these vocabulary gaps then increase each academic year (stanovich 1986), and, as expected, reading achievement gaps only widen as children become older (“the campaign for grade-level reading 2013). finally, perhaps the strongest evidence for the inter-play between vocabulary levels and reading scores comes from the u.s. department of education's naep test. recent naep data shows that students who score the highest on the reading exams also score highest on the vocabulary tests, and students who score poorly on reading assessments tend to have smaller vocabulary levels (national center for education statistics 2012). moreover, this relationship is true for all the grades tested—fourth, eighth, and eleventh. while the literature is unclear about the direction of the causation, in other words, do low vocabulary levels cause lower reading achievement or are they simply a byproduct of lower reading levels, one could reasonably posit that vocabulary levels have an effect on reading scores. if this is true, then a vocabulary intervention may help improve reading scores and ultimately reduce the broader achievement gap. this uncertainty regarding the direction of causality between vocabulary levels and reading scores necessitates a program like the vocabulary initiative and a study such as the one described below. reading achievement gap in houston independent school district building on the earlier discussion of the nationwide reading achievement gap, this section briefly discusses the educational picture in hisd. understanding this information is essential because the vocabulary initiative aimed to address houston's vocabulary gaps. hisd has a significant reading achievement gap: in 2011 tests showed a 34 point gap between hispanics and caucasians, a 37 point gap between african americans and caucasians, and a 31 point gap between wealthy and low-income students (u.s. department of education 2011). in grade-level terms, low-income eighth graders and hispanic eighth graders score virtually equal to fourth grade high-income students and fourth grade caucasian students, respectively (u.s. department of education 2009). moreover, the reading scores of african american eighth graders are not statistically greater than those of fourth grade caucasian students (u.s. department of education 2009). hispanics, african americans, and low-income students are, therefore, nearly four grades behind caucasian and high-income students. these gaps continue in high school and on the sat, as caucasian students score 143 points higher than hispanic students and 146 points higher than african american students on the sat critical reading section (houston independent school district 2013). the k-12 gaps coupled with sat score disparities contribute to the higher high school dropout rates for hispanics and african americans as compared with caucasians (texas education agency 2010a). these dropouts annually cost houston $165 million in foregone wages and $16 million in lost state and local tax salhotra 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   revenue, not to mention the reduced upward mobility for many low-income minorities (alliance for excellent education 2011). hisd, not unlike several other large urban school districts, has a wide reading achievement gap that can be narrowed by reducing vocabulary gaps. the vocabulary initiative: mission and teaching methods the vocabulary initiative (tvi) is a non-profit organization founded in 2011 to help address the aforementioned vocabulary and reading achievement gaps in houston. tvi emerged after a conversation that i had with my friend, karthik soora, a 2011 teach for america corps member. soora described his teaching experience and his realization that his eleventh grade students were under-prepared for standardized tests because their vocabularies were limited. as we discussed and brainstormed ways to address this challenge, one idea that emerged was focusing on building the vocabularies of upper-elementary and junior high students that would then carry over to high school. this plan seemed somewhat more effective, scalable, and sustainable than trying to teach thousands of vocabulary words to eleventh grade students in preparation for the sat. tvi's mission is to reduce the vocabulary achievement gap by teaching common roots, prefixes, and suffixes to houston's low-income fifth and sixth graders. the program addresses poor vocabulary among elementary students, which creates a negative feedback cycle — elementary students cannot understand what they are reading, leading to a loss of interest in reading, which reduces their vocabulary levels and ultimately exacerbates the vocabulary gap. tvi therefore aims to increase the vocabulary of primary students, so as to prevent the cumulative negative effects that culminate in a wide reading achievement gap. tvi 's mission also explicitly states that the vocabulary instruction will be centered on common prefixes, suffixes, and root words. although researchers have not agreed upon the "best" means of teaching vocabulary (mckeown and beck 1988), tvi decided to focus on word parts for five reasons. first, it is not practical to teach directly the meanings of all the important vocabulary words. moreover, research shows that focusing on word meanings alone "does not adequately reduce the gap between students with poor versus rich vocabularies because of the size of the gap" (baker, simmons, and kameenui 1995). second, stahl and shiel (1992) hypothesize that teaching word parts allows students to expand their vocabularies efficiently because each phoneme is associated with multiple words. third, research shows that understanding word parts helps students define unknown words by breaking the word down into pieces they may know (dale and o’rourke 1986). fourth, because hisd's student-body is 62% hispanic and nearly 60% bilingual and/or english-as-a-second language speakers, word parts often have cognates in other languages that students can leverage to build their vocabularies (texas education agency 2010b). finally, teaching prefixes and suffixes allows for students to receive continued exposure to the word parts throughout junior high and high school. building on these theorized benefits, tvi designed a curriculum to teach word parts to fifth and sixth grade students. as mentioned above, some existing research has documented the efficacy of teaching word parts; nevertheless, tvi's approach is unique on multiple levels. first, by creating a computer algorithm to determine the sat's most frequent roots, prefixes, and suffixes phonemes, tvi aligned lessons with the sat. this algorithm was created by mr. obi nwabueze, a rice university student. we decided to use this instructional method because it both helped students prepare for standardized exams such as the psat and the sat and allowed tvi teachers to introduce higher-level words. second, rather than teaching the prefixes, suffixes, salhotra 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   or root words in isolation, every weekly instructional unit featured news articles as the medium to teach the word part and several words using the phoneme. selecting articles that related to students' coursework (e.g. scientific discoveries), pertinent topics (e.g. bullying), or universal musical interests (e.g. justin bieber) helped engage the students and generate enthusiasm for learning vocabulary. tvi partnership with ripley charter house and rice university in fall 2011, i co-founded tvi to address the reading achievement gap within hisd. tvi approached ripley charter house, an hisd school in a low-income neighborhood, to set up a partnership. ripley charter house was selected as the pilot school for several reasons. first, the school's student-body was 94% hispanic and 96% free or reduced lunch (education.com 2013). because most of the students were both hispanic and low-income, they likely had lower vocabularies than caucasian, high-income students, and thus teaching at ripley could help reduce the vocabulary achievement gap. second, the school was close to rice university, which made it convenient for rice university students to teach classes. third, the school had teach for america corps members who knew tvi's co-founder and helped tvi approach ripley charter house's principal, ms. karen elsen. ms. elsen agreed to form a partnership, and she assigned tvi to ms. laura robinson's fifth grade class and ms. lauren tolman's sixth grade class. tvi then asked ms. elsen and the two teachers if a pre-test and post-test could be given to measure student growth. both teachers and the principal agreed, and tvi then gave the pre-test in september. finally, tvi approached rice university professor bob stein to help guide the research process and advise on the research design. my role in this partnership was four-fold. first, i helped develop the idea for and ultimately co-founded tvi. second, i engaged the principal and teachers at ripley house charter school to build the partnership. third, i taught the weekly fifth grade class. fourth, i sought out rice university professor bob stein to advise the research project. tvi pilot program as community-based research while the term “community-based research” has several meanings, one widely accepted definition is: "a partnership of students, faculty, and community members who collaboratively engage in research with the purpose of solving a pressing community problem or effecting social change" (strand, marullo, cutforth, stoecker, and donohue 2003, 3). the university of notre dame center for social concerns also notes: “such research is a collaborative effort between academic researchers and non-academy based community members that aims to generate social action and positive social change” (center for social concerns 2008). these two definitions suggest that community-based research has two major components: a partnership among various stakeholders and an attempt to enact positive change. based on these two definitions, tvi’s pilot program certainly constitutes a communitybased research program. firstly, as mentioned earlier, tvi’s pilot program encompassed all three key stakeholders: faculty to supervise the research, students who conducted the research, and community members who both supported the research and ensured that the project positively benefits the community. secondly, tvi’s vocabulary instruction project in low-income schools aimed to narrow the reading achievement and thus, more broadly, aimed to “generate positive social change.” salhotra 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   tvi pilot program and findings during the 2011-2012 school year, tvi launched a pilot program in one fifth grade classroom and one sixth grade classroom at ripley house charter school. as stated above, before the teaching began, tvi administered a pre-test which showed students at 23% proficiency in reading. the pilot program began in september 2011 and ended in may 2012. classes were held weekly on fridays from 7:55 a.m. – 8:40 a.m. in one fifth grade and one sixth grade class, each of which had twenty students. i taught the fifth grade class, and the sixth grade class was taught by mr. zain shauk. mr. shauk is a young professional in the houston-area who is a friend of tvi's co-founders. in both classrooms, tvi used the same weekly curriculum that contained in-class readings, worksheets, and weekly quizzes. each week's reading, worksheet, and assessment aligned to one or two word parts, which were selected from the sat word list. after determining the root(s) to be covered, tvi selected a pertinent topic (bullying, scientific discoveries, etc.) that could serve as the theme for the week. the theme and phoneme were then used to design the reading, worksheet, and assessment. all these materials and the assessment questions were aligned to the post-test. an example of an in-class reading, a worksheet, and the weekly quiz is attached in appendix a. at the end of the year, tvi determined effectiveness both qualitatively—observations by the homeroom teacher—and quantitatively—number of words covered and improvement from pre-test to post-test. the results from both sources of data were extremely promising. qualitatively, the fifth grade homeroom teacher noted that: "the vocabulary initiative helped my students improve their vocabularies, and this growth was evident throughout their various inclass and out-of-class assignments." qualitatively, throughout the year, students learned over twenty word parts and 100 challenge words that will undoubtedly help them throughout school and ultimately on the sat exam. regarding the pre-test and post-test, both classes administered the exams to measure growth. tvi designed the pre-test based on the computer algorithm's results of the most common phonemes on the sat. the curriculum was designed to teach these important prefixes, suffixes, and word parts. for the fifth grade class, the pre-test was given in september 2011 and the post-test in may 2012, and our hypothesis was that post-test scores should show statistically significant increases over pre-test scores. for the sixth grade class, teaching was limited to one semester, as such, the pre-test was given in september 2011 and the post-test in december 2011. our hypothesis was that these post-test scores should still show statistically significant increases over pre-test scores, but the growth will be lower amongst sixth graders because of the reduced instructional time. the figure below shows the improvement in both the fifth grade and sixth grade classes. for the fifth grade class, the reading score went from a pre-test average of 19% to a post-test average of 85%. using the fifth grade data, the differences means test between pre and post-test scores is statistically significant (t=16.5, p<.000). for the sixth grade class, the reading score went from a pre-test average of 25% to a post-test average of 61%. using the sixth grade data, the differences means test between preand post-test scores is statistically significant (t=8.9, p<.000). salhotra 6 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   ultimately, through both qualitative and quantitative metrics, tvi's pilot program seems to have been successful at increasing vocabulary levels. analysis, limitations, and program expansion the vocabulary initiative was created to help address houston's vocabulary gap and by extension the reading achievement gap. tvi targets low-income elementary students to help prevent the negative feedback cycle that often traps certain students at below grade readinglevels. focusing on word parts allows the organization to efficiently teach vocabulary words, as each phoneme can be leveraged into several sat-level words. using our curriculum, tvi launched a pilot program at ripley house charter school and has seen significant growth—test scores rising from a 19% pre-test average to a 85% post-test average. the pilot program, however, did have three important limitations. first, there was no control group with which to compare the tvi classes. second, the students at ripley charter house are not a random sample since their parents chose to enroll them at the school. third, the pilot program only lasted for one year (or one semester in the sixth grade class); thus, it is unclear whether students retained vocabulary knowledge after completing the tvi classes. ultimately, tvi's model of using word parts to teach vocabulary to elementary school students is quite transferrable. that is, schools around the country could adopt this project, and teachers could incorporate some of the existing curriculum into their classrooms. alternatively, the project could continue as community-based research, as students, community members, and faculty could form non-profit organizations similar to tvi and offer weekly vocabulary courses. these classes could be during school or perhaps as an afterschool program at a local community center. finally, tvi could be launched as a service learning project, wherein college or upper high school students in a reading class lead the weekly vocabulary classes. community members could, for example, partner directly with an english class or reading class and solicit those students to teach vocabulary. such a model would not only benefit the community and the students receiving instruction but also the student-teachers who would better understand reading and gain more experience applying their knowledge. in the final analysis, regardless of which pre-­‐test;  5th  ;   19%   pre-­‐test;  6th  ;   26%   post-­‐test;  5th  ;   85%   post-­‐test;  6th  ;   61%   a ve ra ge  s co re  o n  t es t   grade  level     average  pre-­‐test  and  post-­‐test  score   pre-­‐test   post-­‐test   salhotra 7 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   method is selected, expanding tvi has potential to boost vocabulary levels among underserved students, to help close the reading achievement gap, and to play a role in expanding opportunity and securing better futures for students. personal reflection through my involvement in tvi, i learned several important lessons about both pedagogy specifically and service-learning generally. inside the classroom, i learned that it is imperative to relate new material to student interests. one problem tvi initially had was students were not motivated in the vocabulary. this lack of investment manifested itself through students not paying attention during weekly lessons and thus performing poorly on the weekly quizzes. tvi brainstormed solutions to increase engagement and after discussions with the classroom teachers decided to infuse the lessons with topics to which the students could relate. this seemingly minor change had a significant impact on the weekly lessons, as students were more engaged and therefore better grasped the material. i also learned that for educational programs, working closely with the classroom teachers is crucial. tvi engaged ms. tolman and ms. robinson throughout the process and involved them in all the lesson planning. this collaboration then allowed the two homeroom teachers to infuse their own lessons with the vocabulary words tvi taught. moreover, the teachers also reminded students to complete their tvi homework assignments. the support tvi received from both ms. tolman and ms. robinson was essential in the positive results tvi achieved. more broadly, in any service-learning project, it is imperative to collaborate with community partners, for they have on-the-ground experience and can provide advice about how to design and implement the project. community leaders also know what interventions will actually help and which would just be superfluous and have little impact. finally, and perhaps most importantly, any service-learning project is ultimately designed to serve the community. as such, community members who actually live and experience the effects of the project must be consulted throughout the process. more important than the other lessons, tvi showed me that individual service-learning projects can make a difference in people's lives. in this case, the weekly instruction not only helped students expand their vocabularies but also introduced them to the importance of future standardized tests. in fact, i have remained in contact with multiple students, and they continually tell me that the vocabulary instruction has helped them in their current classes. their words are constant reminders that service-learning projects can positively impact others' lives. this message is the most enduring lesson of the tvi program. ~ i would like to acknowledge dr. robert stein, who has served as my advisor and mentor throughout my time at rice university. his guidance was central to the development and progress of this project. i also wish to thank ms. laura robinson and ms. lauren tolman, both of whom allowed the vocabulary initiative into their classrooms. without their support, this initiative would not have been possible. finally, i would like to acknowledge the tireless support of karthik soora, rahul rekhi, rohit rekhi, amol utrankar, mehul shah, tina munjal, kavita pallod, and zain shauk who helped establish and execute the vision of the vocabulary initiative. salhotra 8 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   appendix a: sample curriculum material the vocabulary initiative! building words, building futures. name: student number: date: in-class reading on bullying asher brown's worn-out tennis shoes still sit in the living room of his cypress-area home while his student progress report — filled with straight a's — rests on the coffee table. the eighth-grader killed himself last week. he shot himself in the head after enduring what his mother and stepfather say was constant harassment and malice from four other students at hamilton middle school in the cypress-fairbanks independent school district. the four students acted malevolently towards brown since they bullied and maligned him because of his small size, his religion and because he did not wear designer clothes and shoes. they students also maligned asher by calling him names and saying he was stupid. the 13-year-old's parents said they had complained about the bullying to hamilton middle school officials during the past 18 months, but claimed their concerns fell on deaf ears. his parents said they made several visits to the school to complain about the harassment from the malevolent students. once the bullying started, asher’s parents realized that he was always feeling very down. he never wanted to attend school or go to any events where his classmates may be present. in fact, he even started eating less and had no appetite at mealtimes; in other words, he was malnourished. shot himself with pistol brown was found dead on the floor of his stepfather's closet at the family's home in the 11700 block of cypresswood about 4:30 p.m. thursday. he used his stepfather's gun to kill himself. he left no note. david truong found the teen's body when he arrived home from work. his parents said brown had been maligned, called names, and endured harassment from other malevolent students since he joined cy-fair isd two years ago. as a result, he stuck with a small group of friends who suffered similar harassment from other students, his parents said. his most recent humiliation occurred the day before his suicide, when another student tripped brown as he walked down a flight of stairs at the school, his parents said. when brown hit the stairway landing and went to retrieve his book bag, the other student kicked his books everywhere and kicked brown down the remaining flight of stairs, the truongs said. durham said that incident was investigated, but turned up no witnesses or video footage to corroborate the couple's claims. salhotra 9 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   'i hope you're happy' the truongs say they just want the harassment and malice to stop so other students do not suffer like their son did and so another family does not have to endure such a tragedy. "our son is just the extreme case of what happens when (someone is) just relentlessly malevolent," amy truong said. malice: root word: _______________________________________________________________ meaning of root word: ________________________________________________________ meaning of whole word: ________________________________________________________ part of speech: _____________________________________________________________ malevolently: root word: _______________________________________________________________ meaning of root word: ________________________________________________________ meaning of whole word: ________________________________________________________ part of speech: _____________________________________________________________ malign: root word: _______________________________________________________________ meaning of root word: ________________________________________________________ meaning of whole word: ________________________________________________________ part of speech: _____________________________________________________________ malnourished: root word: _______________________________________________________________ meaning of root word: ________________________________________________________ meaning of whole word: ________________________________________________________ part of speech: _____________________________________________________________ salhotra 10 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   the vocabulary initiative! building words, building futures. name: student number: date: worksheet for week 5 2nd semester ripley match the correct definition to each of the following words. _____________ malign a. ill will, hatred _____________ malice b. poorly or badly nourished ____________ malevolent c. mean, or evil ____________ malnutritioned d. to speak badly about someone what part of speech are the following words? 1. what part of speech is malign? a. noun b. verb c. adjective d. adverb 2. what part of speech is malice? a. noun b. verb c. adjective d. adverb 3. what part of speech is malevolent? a. noun salhotra 11 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   b. verb c. adjective d. adverb write a couple sentences using either the word malice or malign explaining a time you experienced bullying or saw bullying happen. ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ the vocabulary initiative! building words, building futures. name: student number: date: week 4 second semester-review test: define the following words: 1. malign: __________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________ 2. malevolent: __________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________ 3. malnourished: __________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________ 4. malice: __________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________ salhotra 12 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   references ainsworth, james. 2002. “why does it take a village? the mediation of neighborhood effects on educational achievement.” social forces 81 (1): 117-152. alexander, karl, doris entwisle, and linda olson. 2004. “schools, achievement, and inequality: a seasonal perspective.” in summer learning research, policies, and programs, edited by geoffrey borman and matthew boulay, 25-51. mahwah, n.j.: l. erlbaum associates. alliance for excellent education. 2011. "education and the economy: boosting local, state, and national economies by improving high school graduation rates." alliance for excellent education, july 1. http://all4ed.org/reports-factsheets/education-and-the-economyboosting-state-and-local-economies-by-improving-high-school-graduation-rates/. baker, scott k., deborah c. simmons, and edward j. kameenui. 1995. vocabulary acquisition: synthesis of the research. (technical report no. 13). eugene: university of oregon, national center to improve the tools of educators. blachowicz, camille l. z., peter j. l. fisher, donna ogle, and susan watts-taffe. 2006. “vocabulary: questions from the classroom.” reading research quarterly 41 (4): 524539. the campaign for grade-level reading. 2013. “summer learning loss.” the campaign for grade-level reading. http://gradelevelreading.net/our-work/summer-learning-loss. center for social concerns. 2008. "community based research." center for social concerns. http://socialconcerns.nd.edu/faculty/cbr.shtml. dale, edgar and joseph o’rourke. 1986. vocabulary building. columbus, ohio: zaner-bloser. duncan, greg j. 2011. whither opportunity? rising inequality, schools, and children's life chances. edited by richard murnane. new york: russell sage foundation. education.com. 2013. "ripley house charter school." education.com. http://www.education.com/schoolfinder/us/texas/houston/ripley-house-charter-school/. family facts. 2009. “test scores reveal an achievement gap between whites and minorities." family facts. http://www.familyfacts.org/charts/520/test-scores-reveal-anachievement-gap-between-whites-and-minorities. houston independent school district. 2013. “2011-2012 college-bound assessment report.” houston independent school district. salhotra 13 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   jackson, c. kirabo. 2009. "student demographics, teacher sorting, and teacher quality: evidence from the end of school desegregation." the journal of labor economics 27 (2): 213-256. jencks, christopher and meredith phillips, eds. 1998. the black-white test score gap. washington, dc: brookings institution press. hemphill, f. cadelle and alan vanneman. 2010. achievement gaps: how hispanic and white students in public schools perform in mathematics and reading on the national assessment of educational progress. (nces 2011-459). washington, dc: national center for education statistics, institute of education sciences, u.s. department of education. hiebert, elfrieda h. and michael l. kamil. 2005. teaching and learning vocabulary: bringing research to practice. mahwah, nj: erlbaum. lareau, annette. 1987. “social class differences in family-school relationships: the importance of cultural capital.” sociology of education 60 (2): 73-85. lee, valerie e. and david t. burkam. 2002. inequality at the starting gate: social background differences in achievement as children begin school. washington, dc: economic policy institute. mckeown, margaret g. and isabel l. beck. 1988. “learning vocabulary: different ways for different goals.” remedial and special education 9 (1): 42-46. moats, louisa c. 2001. “overcoming the language gap.” american educator 25 (2): 5, 8-9. national center for education statistics. 2011. “table 153.” digest of education statistics, 2011. (nces 2012-001). http://nces.ed.gov/programs/digest/d11/tables/dt11_153.asp. –––. 2012. the nation’s report card: vocabulary results from the 2009 and 2011 naep reading assessments. (nces 2013–452). washington, dc: institute of education sciences, u.s. department of education. stahl, steven a. and t. gerard shiel. 1992. "teaching meaning vocabulary: productive approaches for poor readers." reading and writing quarterly: overcoming learning difficulties 8 (2): 223-41. stanovich, keith. 1986. “matthew effects in reading: some consequences of individual difference in the acquisition of literacy.” reading research quarterly 21 (4): 360-407. http://leo.oise.utoronto.ca/~kstanovich/pdfs/reading/rrq86a.pdf. strand, kerry, sam marullo, nick cutforth, randy stoecker, and patrick donohue. 2003. “origins and principles of community-based research.” in community-based research and higher education: principles and practices, 1-15. san francisco: jossey-bass. salhotra 14 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 2, fall 2013   texas education agency. 2010a. “district dropout and completion summary tables.” secondary school completion and dropouts in texas public schools 2008–2009. austin, texas: department of assessment, accountability, and data quality: division of accountability. –––. 2010b. 2008–2009 academic excellence indicator system report. houston independent school district: department of research and accountability. turley, ruth n. lópez. 2002. “when do neighborhoods matter? the role of race and neighborhood peers.” social science research 32 (1): 61-79. u.s. department of education. 2009. 2009 reading assessment. institute of education sciences, national center for education statistics, national assessment of educational progress (naep). –––. 2011. 2002–2011 reading assessments. institute of education sciences, national center for education statistics, national assessment of educational progress (naep). undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 pushing forward: examining client motivation in a family treatment drug court aisling a. ryan bates college in response to the growing drug epidemic in the 1980s, family treatment drug courts were established in the united states. justice professionals noticed that the same parents would reappear in court for both substance dependence and child custody cases and decided there had to be a way to decrease recidivism and to increase the number of sober, stable caregivers once child custody cases closed (“history” 2014). family treatment drug courts (ftdc) are treatment programs that serve to establish permanent welfare for the child by providing comprehensive, intensive, individualized substance abuse services to the addicted parents after a child protection order has been filed by the department of health and human services (dhhs) (state of maine 2011). ftdcs collaborate with the court, child welfare system, local health providers, the family, and close friends to help clients achieve sobriety and implement a permanent plan for the children. while the program does not guarantee reunification following graduation, ftdcs are more likely to result in family reunification or in a child permanency plan at a faster pace (green et al. 2007). the first miami-dade drug court was established in 1989, and 492 more drug courts opened within the following ten years (“history” 2014). three hundred family drug courts, in particular, are operating in the u.s. as of 2012 (marlowe and carey 2012). the motivation that it takes to overcome addiction is unfathomably challenging. however, motivation to overcome addiction is also absolutely necessary for the parents to return to a sober, healthy psychological state and regain custody of their children. however, motivation to succeed in an intense program, such as the family treatment drug court, often requires parents to face the problems they have learned to avoid, such as unhealthy relationships or life responsibilities, while remaining sober. family treatment drug court research this study examined clients enrolled at a family treatment drug court, and the purpose of this research is to analyze motivational strategies and possibly implement motivational techniques that assist clients through the family treatment drug court program. this paper addresses the following three questions:  what key internal characteristics, environmental influences, or objectives motivate a client to succeed in the program?  what motivational technique or method can we tangibly implement into the family treatment drug court to improve its road to success and increase the graduate rate?  how can motivational strategies be used to develop client progress over a long period of time? ryan 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 overview of the problem substance abuse for some people, the idea of “quitting” a destructive substance seems easy to comprehend. however, there are too many physical, psychological, or environmental factors that contradict this general belief, even despite the severe consequences that follow use. reflecting on a bio-psychosocial model of addiction risk, those who are susceptible to substance dependence may also face other factors that result in addiction, such as a negative home environment (either with parents who have used, chaotic relationships, or abuse), peer pressure, poor school achievement, and mental illness (“drugs, brains, and behavior” 2010). the neurochemistry in the brain alters dramatically for a substance dependent person, so much so, that he or she may go above and beyond to either continue feeding the addiction or trying tirelessly to heal. according to miller and macdonald (2011), addictive substances “hijack” the reward-related learning system in the brain. dopamine, a neurotransmitter in the nucleus accumbens directly connected to pleasure, serves as the primary neurotransmitter-linked addiction (danahay 2012). despite where pleasure is derived from—whether it is through food, reward, sex, or a drug—the brain registers the dopamine activity in the same way (“drugs” 2010). this reasoning in particular is why drugs and alcohol manipulate this specific transmitter—to feel good. cocaine, for example, releases ten times the amount of dopamine than what a natural pleasure stimulant would release, whereas methamphetamine receptors replace dopamine receptors (danahay 2012). dopamine linked to glutamate, a receptor involved with learning and memory, takes over the reward-related learning and memory pathways in the brain (miller and macdonald 2011; danahay 2012). as dopamine levels continue to increase, the brain becomes overwhelmed, and it adjusts by producing less and less dopamine, reducing the number of dopamine receptors. substance users attempt to compensate the side effects of tolerance and low dopamine levels by increasing drug doses (“drugs” 2010). moreover, the desire transforms into intense cravings when the amygdala (emotion center in the brain) reveals intense memories of the drug, usually triggered by a stimulus (i.e., a friend or dealer’s house). this particular moment is where people have the tendency to relapse. approximately 40-60% of recovering individuals experience at least one relapse (miller and macdonald 2011). the neurochemistry effects tend to be only one of many destructive obstacles related to substance abuse. in reality, recovering from an addiction often consists of reconstruction of thought process, behavior, and human functioning. the brain itself, for instance, is entirely restructured or even deteriorated after years of addiction, so much so, that recovery usually requires restoring brain matter. for example, for full dopamine restoration to occur, a methamphetamine addict would have to remain sober for 14 months (danahay 2012). the major problem with this, however, is that a child custody case closes after 12 months, two months before a methamphetamine dependent parent has the time to make a full neurological recovery. in regards to other substance dependent parents, the department of health and human services (dhhs) is requesting for parents to not only make a full neurological recovery, but also recover from mental illness or conquer any environmental influences that could trigger addiction and become financially stable enough to care for a child. the aftermath of a traumatic event, whether it is a violent home environment, childhood sexual trauma, or maltreatment, often results in posttraumatic stress disorder (ptsd), a ryan 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 psychological disorder triggered by a traumatic event, causing the victim to experience severe anxiety, depression, or phobia (“what is” 2013). according to the national co-morbidity survey replication study (ncs-r), 53% of 9,282 participants with a substance use disorder had experienced a traumatic event before the age of 18 years old (green et al. 2010). known as the self-medication hypothesis, drugs and alcohol are often used to modify intense emotional states, such as anxiety and depression symptoms of ptsd; individuals utilize substances as a coping mechanism (nordfjærn 2011; jacobsen, southwick, and kosten 2001). however, according to jacobsen, southwick, and kosten (2001), the physiological arousal triggered by withdrawal may intensify ptsd symptoms, often escalating to more severe anxiety and depression symptoms. due to a number of external and hereditary influences, mood and personality disorders are often co-morbid with substance abuse. a person diagnosed with a mood or anxiety disorder, for example, is twice as likely to also have a substance use disorder, and the same statistic is true of the reverse (“drugs” 2010). addictive thoughts, behaviors, and feelings hopwood and his colleagues (2011) concluded that people suffering from an addiction have very similar pathological traits. due to neurological deterioration, personality disorders, and environmental influences, most individuals primarily experience the side effects of drugs and alcohol, which include negative temperament, mistrust, aggression, and eccentric perceptions. it was also observed that emotional and social detachment, disinhibition, self-harm, and a lack of self-esteem were common with substance dependence (hopwood et al. 2011). in addition to environmental and biological factors that cause stress for a person suffering from substance dependence, a perceived locus of control—the degree in which a person feels that life outcomes are due to his or her own behaviors, thoughts, or external to the environment—has the potential to make impaired habit control even more complicated for addicts to fully recover (ersche et al. 2012; haynes and ayliffe 1991). according to ersche et al. 2012), substance dependent individuals have a perceived internal locus of control over their addiction. this means they believe their addiction is due to their own actions, thoughts, and behaviors, and therefore the addiction itself is controllable. however, behaviors that reinforce addiction treatment, such as attending health appointments, are often related to an external locus of control—in which the outcomes are due to factors out of their own control (haynes and ayliffe 1991). therefore, this disassociation between their addiction beliefs versus their outcomes points to a sense of control imbalance and stress. the stress of cognitive imbalance is directly connected to lacking cognitive control, which subsequently presents itself through negative behaviors and characteristics, such as dishonesty, negative temperament, and other addictive traits. lacking cognitive control can be defined as lacking the process in which the mind responds to its own errors and conflicts by enhancing attention to task relevant events and attributes (botvinick et al. 2001). lacking cognitive control is a detrimental consequence of stress, as studies show that “error” behaviors directly relate to cortisol regulation (a stress hormone released in the brain), which therefore directly associates error-response, such as making excuses or suppression, and stress (compton, hofheimer, and kazinka 2013). the consequences of stress make it more challenging for the human mind to make reasonable decisions when under a severely overwhelming situation. ryan 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 motivation: approaches and evidence-based treatment even with psychiatric care, effective medication, and outstanding social support, a person can only overcome an addiction if there is full recovery engagement. according to current research, evidence-based therapy is supported by efficient research that demonstrates method effectiveness by closing the gap between science-based work and the community today (miller et al. 2006). therefore, it is highly recommended for professionals to work with clients strictly under the conditions set by evidence-based therapies. goals: measuring motivation the motivation to treat an addiction is a complex, multidimensional thought process, which results in barriers to measuring outcomes and motivational success (substance abuse and mental health services administration 2013). however, members of the u.s. department of health and human services consensus panel recommended that substance abuse treatment be measured based on self-efficacy, value of change, readiness to change, decisional balancing, and motivation for using substances. trans-theoretical model of the stages of change prochaska’s trans-theoretical model of the stages of change (ttm) is a biopsychosocial model that examines changing behaviors and characteristics reflected through cognitive stages (prochaska, norcross, and diclemente 1994). in the precontemplation stage, a person has never considered changing his or her patterns of behavior. an individual may feel that substance use is not a risk at all. in order to overcome this stage, prochaska and his colleagues argue that consciousness raising and social liberation (ridding past feelings of demoralization that may have occurred leading up to substance dependence) are essential to transition to the next stage in recovery. the shift to the contemplation stage occurs when a person begins to see the risk behind the substance use and weighs out the costs and benefits of treatment. a person may start seeking information and looking into change. in order to shift to the stage of preparation, individuals must experience an emotional arousal and a self-revelation during contemplation, recognizing that the possibility for change exists. the preparation stage is the stage prior to treatment. this may begin with a person first experimenting with sobriety alone. this stage also includes planning, examining one’s self-efficacy, or understanding self-capability. in order to shift to the action stage, the individual must be fully committed to treatment. a person in an action stage addresses his or her substance use. this is also the “honeymoon” stage, in which positive belief in one’s sobriety may occur before maintenance. maintenance is the final stage of the trans-theoretical model. a person works to maintain sobriety and prevent relapse and learn how to avoid triggers and remain stable during this time. maintenance requires total behavioral change. it occurs when a person begins to exchange unhealthy behaviors with permanent, healthy behaviors (known as countering), as well as taking control of his or her surrounding environment and building positive relationships with others. rewards are extremely effective at this stage (prochaska, norcross, and diclemente 1994). recurrence, also known as relapse to a previous stage, occurs regularly, especially when facing past triggers, such as people, memories, or addictive thoughts. this can happen at any ryan 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 moment, and individuals must learn to set realistic, achievable goals to progress through stages (substance abuse and mental health services administration 2013). prochaska, norcross, and diclemente (1994) demonstrate recurrence as an upward spiral. when relapse occurs during recovery, it is best to acknowledge that substance use occurred and examine the details of how and why it happened. similar to an upward staircase, a client learns to avoid relapse and triggering environments the more often relapse occurs—moving step by step until he or she no longer sees the bottom (prochaska, norcross, and diclemente 1994). motivational interviewing motivational interviewing is one of the most effective methods for professionals in changing the way recovering individuals perceive their own thoughts and behavior, as it facilitates a client-centered approach that allows for a person to come to conclusions on his or her own terms (substance abuse and mental health services administration 2013; carroll et al. 2006). motivational interviewing requires the professional to ask clear-cut, self-motivational questions that pinpoint ambivalent thought processes of the client. addressing ambivalence towards substance use by focusing on intrinsic thoughts, rather than outside pressures, is a method that relieves frustrations of recovery and promotes self-directed decisions (zuckoff 2013). eventually those who are involved begin to draw independent conclusions regarding life decisions, consequences, and ambivalent thoughts. the motivational interviewing approach is geared to target thoughts and behaviors at each stage. for example, an individual who is shifting from the preparation to action stage may result in expressing the interest in joining treatment. this would require the counselor to ask questions, such as “why is this a good idea for you to go into treatment?” or “who is going to be impacted by this decision?” it is particularly effective because it applies to most substance abuse and mental illness thought processes, in addition to its effectiveness across gender, ethnicity, and age (carroll et al. 2006). methods participants three family treatment drug court (ftdc) clients were interviewed for the study. each client who participated in the program primarily struggles with substance dependence, but may also be facing additional challenges that have caused the child to leave the home. some of the most common drugs of choice among the clients are alcohol, opiates, cocaine, and marijuana. however, clients claim they have experimented with other illegal substances as well. in order to graduate the program, clients must complete their ged, live in a stable home, and have a steady income. therefore, the clients have a variety of educational backgrounds. while some have yet to complete their ged, others have completed their associate degree. nonetheless, all clients are currently living below the state poverty level. the study included an interview with the family treatment drug court case manager and the supervisor of case management of the state’s pretrial services. the ftdc has one primary case manager who works with each family treatment drug court client to ensure sobriety, safety, and accountability. the primary role of the case manager is to build a relationship with the client through check-ins, one-on-one meetings, and group sessions. through this, the case manager is regularly updating and tracking client progress. one of the ryan 6 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 most important parts of the case manager’s role is to meet with the clients in the court setting in order to update the ftdc team. additionally, the case manager assists clients in setting goals for themselves, such as housing steps, health appointments, or plans for attending treatment. this role also includes random drug testing at least two times a week and team meetings with clients’ treatment providers, department of health and human services caseworkers, guardians ad litem, and attorneys in order to remain updated on the case and future stability plans. the supervisor of the state’s pretrial services oversees the case management of the ftdc case manager. the st. mary’s intensive outpatient program (iop) liaison for ftdc was interviewed for this study. the iop liaison is a licensed clinical social worker and a clinician of st. mary’s iop program that serves as a liaison in the family treatment drug court program. while the clinician only has one-on-one interactions with clients who are a part of the clinician’s specific iop program, the clinician plays a strong role in the family team meetings every monday. as a segment of the social work code of ethics, a clinician is required to assist any client in need. therefore, the liaison intervenes at times within the courtroom and during team meetings and represents the iop programs. one substance abuse counselor and the counseling supervisor of tri-county mental health services were interviewed for the study. while the counselor supervisor oversees the work of the counselors, the counselor acts as the liaison between client treatment and the family treatment drug court. therefore, the role of the counselor is to conduct an assessment based on the bio-psychosocial model, evaluate whether the client is a good fit for the ftdc program based on the child protective case and the assessment, and then finally act as a provider if a client does not already have a provider. the counselor also runs focus groups and programs, such as seeking safety for trauma and parents in recovery. in this case, the counselor sees the clients approximately five hours each week that there is a family treatment drug court meeting. the counselor only provides substance abuse counseling, and refers clients to other mental health providers if needed. two counselors at the blue willow counseling and iop program were interviewed for the study. both counselors see a few of the ftdc clients individually at least once a week, providing mental health and substance abuse treatment. however, they also run group support sessions a few times a week, focusing on stability and sobriety in everyday life. two caseworkers for the department of health and human services were interviewed for the study. in addition to implementing a long-term reunification plan, the department of health and human services (dhhs) caseworker is primarily responsible for the safety and security of the children through the child protection dependency matter. by collaborating with the ftdc team, treatment providers, the parents, and the children’s caregivers, the caseworkers ensure children’s welfare is being met. this may include ensuring the children are going to school, being properly fed, or receiving the mental, behavioral, or physical health services that they need. while the dhhs caseworker also tries to assist families in child-parent reunification, family reunification is not always possible, despite client success in the drug court. dhhs and the ftdc program are two separate entities; the primary goal of the department is child wellbeing, while the primary goal of ftdc is parent stability. nonetheless, the dhhs caseworker and the ftdc team meet regularly to ensure both parties understand the client in a similar matter. three parent attorneys/guardians ad litem were interviewed in the study. the key role that parent attorneys play is to represent the parents or their children (if they are guardians ad ryan 7 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 litem) in the open child protective custody case. therefore, these participants play a key role in the legal aid for parents during the ftdc program. the attorney liaison for the ftdc, in particular, plays a key role in bridging the work of dhhs and ftdc with the clients, as they understand both the case and the progress in the family treatment drug court. the state coordinator for drug courts does not have direct contact with the clients. however, the primary role includes attending major ftdc meetings across the state, while also implementing suggestions for greater success. the coordinator is also the one who implements new drug court programs where needed across the state. finally, one judge was informally interviewed for the study. the presiding judge of the family treatment drug court program is responsible for conducting and overseeing all ftdc hearings, which includes enforcing implementation of treatment plans to maintain stability and sobriety. the role of the judge in the family treatment drug court is to ensure that family team meetings are productive and effective for the clients. additionally, it is also the role of the judge to impose sanctions and rewards that will effectively and smoothly assist clients through the program. the judge closely collaborates with the ftdc team to ensure this occurs. procedure seventeen participants were interviewed for this study. initial contact was either through the state’s pretrial case manager or via email, and interviews were scheduled at a time and place that was convenient for the participants, while still allowing confidentiality and professionalism to occur during the interview. before beginning the interview, participants were informed of the research process and were required to sign a consent form, indicating they understood the purpose and the procedure of the interview (see appendix 1 for clients and see appendix 2 for professionals). the consent form indicated that the interview was confidential and not directed to the outcomes of clients’ cases. additionally, participants were well informed that if any questions made them feel uncomfortable, they were more than welcome to leave the interview or pass on questions without penalty. as an incentive for clients to participate in the interview, they were entered into a raffle for a $25 gift card for a location of their choosing. all interviews were recorded and approximately 30 minutes long. due to the differences in experience and perspective, two sets of interview questions were used—one set for the clients (see appendix 3) and one set for the professionals (see appendix 4). however, the two sets of questions targeted similar content. this was to ensure participants could address the study questions based on their own experience and background. because all data is derived from interviews, the sessions were audio recorded after participant consent was obtained. the recordings were immediately taken to a lab at the college. interviews were too large to be stored on a secure online storage area. therefore, each interview was burned to a compact disk and secured in the lab. all recordings were transcribed, and the notes taken were also secured in the lab. for confidentiality purposes, all cds and transcriptions were destroyed by may 2014. coding and thematic analysis transcribing the interviews was considered the first read-through. this first read-through was to establish an impression and a familiarity of the interviewing process; detailed and close note taking was conducted. ryan 8 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 coding for potential themes was conducted after the first read-through. the intention behind the coding was to expose meaning, patterns, and possible themes brought up during the interview. some of the codes included behaviors and outcomes, communication, intrinsic motivation, and visible turning points. these codes moved beyond descriptive analyzing by utilizing descriptive codes, analytic codes, and categories. utilizing repetition, comparisons, and transitions, frameworks were constructed prior to the third read-through. the frameworks were established based on the patterns observed through coding. opinions and quotes from each interview were documented and categorized within the frameworks. for example, if a framework is “clients are extrinsically motivated,” then participants who mention they are recovering just to regain custody of their children are placed in this framework. once each interview was coded, analysis of thematic connections took place. the frameworks provided a tool to implement conclusions utilizing a grounded theory research approach. themes, comparisons, and repetition within these frameworks allowed conclusions to be drawn and webbed together. all procedures have been approved by the college’s institutional review board and the representatives of the district court involved with this ftdc. results clients and professionals associated with the family treatment drug court were interviewed to establish motivational factors that drive clients to graduate the program. coding the interview transcriptions resulted in the following themes: 1) intrinsic motivation, 2) mental illness, 3) readiness to change, 4) motivational interviewing, and 5) participant feedback: opinions for growth. intrinsic motivation based on participant feedback, intrinsic motivation, in which the client is enrolled in the program for one’s own goals and personal strides (rather than for others, such as a family member or for material awards) was concluded to be the most significant indicator of client motivation. some behaviors that suggest a client is intrinsically motivated are first-person statements, perceptions of accomplishments and accountability during sobriety, a lack of determination to change only for the sake of others (such as changing in order to reunify with their children or to “prove” themselves to the department of health and human services). an example of a graduating client’s intrinsic drive is reflected below: q: what keeps you going through the program? a: seeing how far i’ve come in life, and my kiddos are a constant reminder of being sober and do what i do, and i do just get a lot out of it… i have the most sober time, and seeing all of the new people coming in and struggling, it hurts to see them, but it reminds me of why i don’t do that anymore. and it makes me feel good because people look up to me and ask me for support… i like counseling groups. i was the one who put myself into them, they didn’t tell me to… i get a lot out of it, and it keeps me accountable, and i think that’s one of the reasons why i like it. you know, i used to pull one under people’s eyes, like “oh i’m sober in 6 months” and nobody would ever know, but now i can legit be like “look i am sober, and i can prove it,” and it feels really good to be honest and not be judged… i love it. ryan 9 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 clients, counselors, case managers, and attorneys alike mentioned intrinsic motivation as a powerful indicator that progressive, manageable change is likely to occur. this is because change often occurs when thoughts and behaviors begin to agree with one another (sobell et al. 1993). in this case, once a client’s mindset shifts to a more self-motivating, self-directing mentality, physical changes begin to align. for example, he or she will begin to realize counseling is important, not just required. therefore, intrinsic motivation was one of the most prominent factors influencing self-efficacy, behavior change, and motivation to graduate the family treatment program. because of this, the following themes found from the interviews are targeted towards highlighting characteristics and evidence-based methods that affect the overall goal of intrinsic motivation. readiness to change readiness to change implies aligning the client’s state of mind and motivation to change with treatment that he or she currently needs in order to progress to sobriety and stability. a client’s readiness to actually make a physical and mental change derives from connecting attitude and decision making to realistic, physical behaviors. a majority of participants mentioned that clients enter the program with a completely precontemplative mindset, indicating a lack of commitment and externally motivated decision making. case managers, for example, note that the lack of personal readiness to make the change is often exposed early on in the program: “…because i have a lot of people that actually go to the information session but don’t sign up… because they’re not ready for that level of supervision, where here they have to report to one supervisor versus a whole team… but some of them start because they think they have to do it… sometimes they’re not ready even when they complete the program… there are so many other things going on…and that can be frustrating for people who are in drug court and doing really well.” for these clients, intrinsic motivation to change is slim to non-existent. the clinical supervisor, for example, observes extrinsic motivation in the ftdc quite often: “if clients are just motivated by their kids, they might be like ‘as soon as i’m done [with the program], i’m going back to drinking because drinking wasn’t my problem.’ you hear that and you see different levels of motivation.” this statement reflects ftdc’s team ideology of personal motivation. many ftdc team members were clear that clients can only succeed if they are personally motivated to become healthy. clients have a tendency to be dismissed from the program if their motivations are directed by finishing the program without goals of becoming sober. for example, some of the participants mentioned that clients who are at risk for dismissal may show up to appointments and pass drug tests, but will search for any opportunity to cheat their way to graduation through lying, fake testing, or making excuses. however, the clients who succeed in the program eventually evolve these negative behaviors into full efforts to avoid triggers and develop honest relationships with the ftdc team. the reason for this is due to the personal motivation they have to become healthy and sober. ryan 10 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 trans-theoretical model of the stages of change and the ftdc while the ultimate goal is to become intrinsically motivated, the process to reach that stage is reflected heavily though a particular evidence-based theory—the prochaska’s transtheoretical model of the stages of change (prochaska, norcross, and diclemente 1994) (see figure 1). as mentioned, clients who enter the family treatment drug court program are likely not intrinsically motivated to become sober and stable, and this is often the reason that clients will state their interest in graduating and regaining custody of their children, but will not have a complete understanding of the required behavior to do so (parent attorney, personal conversation, 2013). through an evidence-based perspective, participants have seen success stories of clients who have completely shifted their mentality throughout the program, regaining control of their sobriety and their child custody case. based on participant feedback, in addition to observation of the ftdc, a majority of clients first enter the program with a completely precontemplative mindset, directed by the status of their child custody case and their attorney’s strong recommendation to join the program. intrinsic motivation to complete the program is misguided or, at times, non-existent, as clients may not completely realize the extent of their addiction. rather than rehabilitation, many clients actually need to be abilitated particularly because their whole life has lacked structure, rules, and guidelines (state coordinator, personal conversation, 2013). q: why do clients participate in the program? a: they do it because they think they’ll get their kids back if they do it. sometimes clients are individually motivated to get their life back together, and that’s their motivation, but i think many times they think their best shot at getting their kids back is to do the program if it’s a substance abuse case. it’s like they feel this pressure because judge b will make it pretty clear that it’s a good program and “i’m referring you to here,” even though its voluntary, and even though it’s not the right fit, even though i might have concerns that they’re going to be successful, but they feel that dhs, judge, attorneys are telling them to do it, which is not always the right reason, but sometimes that’s all it takes, you have to get in there somehow, and maybe it will change over time, but there definitely is a pressure. (parent attorney, personal conversation, 2013) similar to proshaka’s recommendations, counselors, case managers, and attorneys work with clients in this precontemplative stage to raise consciousness of their treatment needs. clients who are likely to succeed in the ftdc eventually shift their mindset and transition from external factors taking control of their lives to internal motivations, such as taking care of themselves or their children and priding themselves in their accomplishments: “i think a lot of their beliefs change. cbt and self-efficacy that they can do it, start recognizing that they can do it… that they really start to change their friends, environment… structure is huge…people who don’t have structure when they leave iop makes or breaks.” (counselor, personal conversation, 2013) comparable to prochaska’s model, a sense of arousal, self-revelation, and commitment exists in clients who are successful at the ftdc. also similar to the characteristics of intrinsic motivation and the ttm, the rewards of succeeding and becoming stable in the program are often related to the children, a move forward in the child custody case, becoming employed, or renting an apartment, rather than more immediate rewards, such as gift cards, or time off from case ryan 11 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 management-client check-ins. similar to the action and maintenance stage, participants have claimed that successful clients take control of their environment, their case, and their sobriety: “that’s when you see the things we had talked about earlier… people saying, wow i really need to revisit where i am living, i need to change who i hang out with, daily routine (not sitting in front of the tv until i am depressed). you really start seeing people take control over their environment and the external factors that they think control their use.. i think that is really the biggest change, when someone says ‘i want to…’ versus ‘tell me what to do’ … when the ‘i’ statements come around, then you know it helps…” (parent attorney, personal conversation, 2013) client relapse seen at the ftdc mirrors relapse patterns of prochaska’s model. prochaska perceives relapse as an upward spiral, a concept that through each relapse (which is bound to occur during recovery) the client learns how to manage future potential relapses (prochaska, norcross, and diclemente 1994). similar to an upward spiral, clients may decline, but learn how to manage future triggers and relapse patterns. despite the number of times it occurs, clients eventually learn to control their relapses until they reach a turning point (prochaska, norcross, and diclemente 1994). this sort of positive behavior is reflected upon by a parent attorney of the ftdc: “…but that final relapse was his turning point for him… he said, before that, he was doing what he was supposed to do, but it wasn’t internalized… and it was that final relapse that turned him around… and that was the turning point for him, because when you looked on paper, it seemed like a hopeless situation for him… his case was open for over a year, and he was about to lose his child forever, and i hear from him time to time and he’s doing really, really well… it’s one of these successes that i’ll hold on to, you know, when another client is not doing well, i think of him… i think the motivator varies… but sometimes it’s that feeling of ‘you’re done’…” motivational interviewing discussions with attorneys, substance abuse counselors, and the case management team revealed that motivational interviewing was foundational for employee and counseling methods. it was interesting to see how each member of the ftdc took a personal approach in assisting clients through motivational interviewing. used particularly by the counselors and case management, motivational interviewing was said to be the core of intrinsic motivation for the clients. using a method of “change talk” during therapy and in the court room has helped clients align their thoughts with their behaviors, developing an understanding of what choices they are responsible to make independently. according to participants, motivational interviewing is also a powerful tool to help parents understand why battling addiction is necessary for their children. counselors, the judge, and case managers help parents become intrinsically motivated to stay on track during recovery. as a clinician of the ftdc points out, motivational interviewing helps parents become independent and responsible during recovery: “change talk… people are out to get me versus people tried to help me… it’s all about talking to the client… motivational interviewing… helping them realize what choices they have… what they actually want to do… it’s up to them though… same in the ftdc… it’s very important to ryan 12 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 take care of their own treatment and well-being. some past clients were very focused on others, and changed when they started to think about themselves and their kids at stake.” what the clinician referred to as the columbo approach of motivational interviewing, consciousness awareness of the addiction is not only seen at the ftdc, but also a standard approach in prochaska’s model. raising consciousness in order for clients to transition out of the precontemplative stage was a theme that the ftdc team acknowledged to be extremely helpful: “their addictive mind thinks differently than their non-addicted mind… it’s a slow and painful process for the clinician…sometimes you just have to go with it. start raising some doubts… the work is going to happen when they walk out the door denying… eventually they will be thinking about it.” (clinician, personal conversation, 2013) motivational interviewing is a foundational method in prochaska’s model, allowing for clients to transition from one psychological-behavioral stage to another. therefore, the emphasis on motivational interviewing has been profoundly helpful at the ftdc and a primary example of how prochaska’s model could be implemented in the program. the primary case manager who works with these clients using evidence-based techniques to establish independent motivation, meaning that clients work on motivating themselves, rather than depending on others. using techniques, such as motivational interviewing, the ftdc team uses these particular evidence-based treatment strategies daily. this self-directed motivation is often a key factor for the ftdc team in understanding if the client is potentially on a track to graduate. this is often when the team also sees clients making “tangible changes, such as employment” (case manager, personal conversation, 2013) or “understanding personal accountability to succeed” (dhhs case worker, personal conversation, 2013). participant feedback: opinions for growth immediate feedback and proximity are two elements that have had a tendency to work well for clients at the ftdc, but are said to be weaker aspects of the program. the team checkins, for example, occur at the ftdc every other monday. while there are one-on-one case management meetings every week, there are times where clients will be sanctioned or rewarded for behavior that occurred over two weeks prior. ftdc team members have found this extremely challenging in the program, as immediate feedback is one of the only ways clients will learn and recover: “what would be very helpful would be an immediate response…. two weeks later? we must be addressing those issues immediate… we get emails from a pre-trial worker on thursday, but things happen on monday or tuesdays… we need to push those immediate responses. they don’t feel supported. if i was in their position, and i have dhhs, clinicians, etc., and no one was responding to my needs, i would feel that the team is so big, but no one is there for me. then what’s the point?... ‘if i call my druggie friend, they’ll be there for me.’ pre-trial workers need to be more responsive.” (clinician, personal conversation, 2013) it is evident through clinicians and case managers that immediacy and proximal, rather than distal, feedback is extremely important in early stages of the recovery process. immediate feedback assists clients in managing priorities, and allows for growth in decision making. ryan 13 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 according to participants, ftdc clients would truly benefit from immediate feedback, and hopefully gain the ability to motivate themselves independently. participants also emphasized that treating mental illness could provide huge opportunities for increasing intrinsic motivation in the ftdc. in this case, mental illness is defined as the following: a clinically significant behavioral or psychological syndrome or pattern that occurs in an individual associated with present psychological, social, or physical distress that obstructs a client’s ability to recover from drug and alcohol dependence and be a stable, functioning caregiver of his or her child. 1 according to the ftdc team, untreated mental illness can create an unwanted cause-andeffect barrier to intrinsic motivation. undiagnosed mental illness can cause misunderstood, negative behaviors. untreated mental illness may also inhibit positive behaviors that progress towards intrinsic motivation. it will impede the readiness someone has to change his or her behaviors, as mental illness often fogs life-affecting choices and thought processes, such as personal fault, that result in positive turning points for substance abuse (parent attorney, personal conversation, 2013). because of this, there is a barrier between intrinsic motivation, positive selfesteem, high self-efficacy, interest to remain accountable for one’s actions, and openness to treatment options. the causes and inhibitions of untreated substance abuse may lead a client to a downward spiral, as negative thoughts often decrease self-efficacy and self-esteem. however, because of this, strained personal relationships with the caseworker, case manager, counselor, family members, and the children may occur. this is where “dead ends” in treatment and perceived external locus of control are also major players. the added stress can potentially trigger substance use or cause more severe mental illness, causing greater unnecessary confusion to case outcomes, and leaving the ftdc unclear of the dhhs decisions. “…for mood disorders, ptsd, you know, bipolar disorder, things that are common… you’ve got to catch that, if you don’t identify it, you’re not going to treat it, if you’re not going to treat it, then it triggers relapse and affects quality of life… and it affects parenting, too… so it is a problem…” (state coordinator, personal conversation, 2013) additional productive strategies all three clients and almost all of the professionals mentioned that the support and care provided by the ftdc team was a huge strength. the dedication provided by the team, to work out of the ordinary and establish accountability is a new occurrence in many clients’ lives. clients claim that the ftdc is the one place they can go and not feel judged. additionally, the passion of judge beliveau keeps the program at high momentum. “i like the structure, the stability, i love the support, i love that they treat you like human beings, not like criminals or pieces of shit, they treat everyone the same, but everyone works their own program, and they try to assist you and help you out, you know and better your life” (client, personal conversation, 2013) 1 the dsm-iv classifies substance dependence as a psychological disorder (american psychiatric association 2000). however, for the case of this study, mental illness is defined as a syndrome or mental disorder that obstructs a client’s ability to recover from substance dependence (american psychiatric association 2000). ryan 14 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 reflection of research questions what key internal characteristics, environmental influences, or objectives motivate a client to succeed in the program? for many of the clients in the family treatment drug court program, graduating the program means more than just regaining stability, becoming sober, and even regaining custody of their children. participants in this study made it extremely apparent that graduating the program means changing brain chemistry, breaking ties with loved ones, learning new coping styles, recovering from mental illness, avoiding people and places that could cause triggers, improving personal identities, and becoming overall different caregivers than before. for most clients, becoming intrinsically motivated to graduate the ftdc really means becoming motivated to change the only life that they have ever known, and pushing forward to a life that begins with withdrawals, loneliness, a lack of self-control, and no easy self-medicating route out. at this point, it seems acceptable to acknowledge that intrinsic motivation is not the magic key to a healthy, stable lifestyle. rather, intrinsic motivation is a key goal that every successful client has reached, as it indicates a lifestyle transition and a union between a productive mentality and positive behavior. because of this, intrinsic motivation is a powerful internal characteristic that promotes positive environmental influences (good friends, for example) to reach the most valuable objectives—his or her children’s well-being and the client’s own personal recovery. what motivational technique or method can we tangibly implement into the family treatment drug court to improve its road to success and increase the graduate rate? as mentioned, one of the most profound challenges for the ftdc team is altering client mentality from an addicted mind to a recovery-driven mind. motivational interviewing is an example of a strategy that is used in the courtroom and during therapy that slowly alters a client’s mentality. ftdc team members who have utilized motivational interviewing have claimed to see changes in behavior because thoughts towards those behaviors have changed. therefore, based on research and interviews, using the motivational interviewing technique at all times could be an exceptional way to promote client motivation and independence. how can motivational strategies be used to develop client progress over a long period of time? intrinsic motivation requires a complicated, challenging journey for clients who are struggling with life-altering substance dependence, and prochaska’s transtheoretical model of the stages of changes focuses on breaking down the psychological stages needed to recover. focusing on prochaska’s model would be a very interesting way for the ftdc to discriminate behavior and mindset while in the program over time. furthermore, because the prochaska’s model has been well researched, it could potentially be used to measure motivation, target therapy needs, and catch signs of relapse or stage reversal in the ftdc program. according to interviews and client experience, characteristics and qualities of prochaska’s model seem to already exist in the drug court—from precontemplation in clients who relapse or were dismissed to positive intrinsic motivation of successful clients. therefore, it would be extremely interesting to examine client motivation through the lens of prochaska’s model over a long period of time. ryan 15 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 additional note mental illness was mentioned as a significant barrier to client motivation, as it often results in a lack of self-awareness or psychological functioning required to be influenced by motivational interviewing, or understand the necessities of changing lifestyles. mental illness also creates challenging barriers when assessing recovery needs, as clinicians have a difficult time determining if behavior is due to addiction or mental illness. this was a major factor that was addressed during the study, and one that significantly affects clients’ opportunities for success. concluding statements parental substance dependence not only affects the parent, but it is a serious detriment on the physical and psychological well-being of the children involved. because of this, family treatment drug courts focus on a vital need in the judicial court system—parent recovery. intrinsic motivation is a key characteristic of clients who have been successful in the program because it indicates that the personal interests and beliefs of the client are the leading forces behind behaviors and decisions they are making. it means that the behavior is reflecting the clients’ mentality and desires to improve themselves, rather than the behavior mirroring the wishes of the ftdc judge and the rest of the team. intrinsically motivated clients are more willing to find strength and incentive to avoid triggers and unhealthy relationships, to find a job or housing. however, intrinsic motivation also indicates that the clients want to recover so their children are not affected by a harmful environment. hopefully through prochaska’s model, motivational interviewing, and other intrinsically-oriented evidence-based therapies, ftdcs could potentially make a difference in clients’ journeys to recovery and stability, and help clients understand their vital role in their children’s futures. family treatment drug courts are incredible establishments to improve parents and children who are in need. ~ i would like to express my gratitude to dr. robert greene of case western reserve university for his incredible guidance and mentorship, to dr. krista aronson of bates college for her support and encouragement, and to honor john beliveau for fostering my interest in family treatment drug court research. ryan 16 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 figure 1. prochaska’s stages of change and the most useful change processes the figure below represents the prochaska’s trans-theoretical model of the stages of change. each component shown below represents the psychological requirement needed to pass on to the next stage of recovery. precontemplation contemplation preparation action maintenance consciousness raising social liberation emotional arousal self-revelation commitment reward countering environmental control helping relationships ryan 17 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 appendix 1 family treatment drug court client consent form the family treatment drug court is a great option for families to collaborate with the justice system, treat substance dependence, and develop a stable environment for the children. however, in order for families to graduate the program, they must be motivated to succeed. i am conducting research to determine what motivational strategies and goals will benefit families to graduate the family treatment program. if you consent to participating in the program, you will be asked a set of questions about your experience with the family treatment drug court, what pushes people to graduate the program and what has worked and not worked for you in the past. things to know:  the interview will take about 30 minutes, and it will be scheduled at a time that works for you.  i understand that this is a sensitive topic, so please do not answer questions that make you feel uncomfortable!  you may leave at any time without penalty.  the interview will be audio recorded. however, this session is confidential, which means your files and program information will only be open to individuals who already have access to these files (case manager, the judge, etc.). you may have a copy of the interview recording if you would like it. otherwise, all personal interviews will be destroyed following the completion of the research. if for some reason you do not feel comfortable with audio recordings, let me know, and we can discuss other recording possibilities, such as note taking.  findings from this research will be confidential, and your personal information will not leave the courthouse.  for clients: this interview has nothing to do with your case, which means whatever you say will not affect what happens in the courtroom. you should feel free to say what you would like during the interview! i will keep all information confidential unless you mention new information that potentially harms yourself or others. o additionally, i will try to ask all of the questions necessary to the study. however, any pertinent research information will be taken from your family treatment drug court file. you can enter your name in a raffle for a $25 gift card to thank you for participating in the project! your participation would be greatly appreciated and would help us to learn how to improve the family treatment drug court process! if you consent to participating in the project, please sign below. signature _____________________________________ thank you for your time and if you have any questions feel free to contact me! aisling ryan krista aronson ryan 18 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 appendix 2 family treatment drug court consent form the family treatment drug court is a great option for families to collaborate with the justice system, treat substance dependence, and develop a stable environment for the children. however, in order for families to graduate the program, they must be motivated to succeed. i am conducting research to determine what motivational strategies and goals will benefit families to graduate the family treatment program. if you consent to participating in the program, you will be asked a set of questions about your experience with the family treatment drug court, what pushes people to graduate the program and what has worked and not worked for you in the past. things to know:  the interview will take about 30 minutes, and it will be scheduled at a time that works for you.  i understand that this is a sensitive topic, so please do not answer questions that make you feel uncomfortable!  you may leave at any time without penalty.  the interview will be audio recorded. however, this session is confidential, which means your files and program information will only be open to individuals who already have access to these files (case manager, the judge, etc.). you may have a copy of the interview recording if you would like it. otherwise, all personal interviews will be destroyed following the completion of the research. if for some reason you do not feel comfortable with audio recordings, let me know, and we can discuss other recording possibilities, such as note taking.  findings from this research will be confidential, and your personal information will not leave the courthouse. your participation would be greatly appreciated and would help us to learn how to improve the family treatment drug court process! if you consent to participating in the project, please sign below. signature _____________________________________ thank you for your time and if you have any questions feel free to contact me! aisling ryan krista aronson ryan 19 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 appendix 3 client interview questions signals defense mechanisms and mental health relapse characteristics tangible solutions intro question what’s your daily schedule like being a part of the ftdc? who do you see? what appointments do you have? how long are they? motivation  why did you decide to participate in the program?  why do you want to graduate? older clients: the program seems really hard to keep up, but you seem to have done an amazing job so far. what keeps you going? newer clients: what do you hope to get out of this program? have things been overwhelming? has it been difficult to start? the program  what do you feel is the hardest part about graduating the program?  have things become easier or more difficult over time? o do you find it easier or harder to maintain sobriety and keep up with the program?  what would you want to see change in the family treatment drug court program?  what do you like about the family treatment drug court program? thesis questions  what key internal characteristics, environmental influences, or objectives motivate a client to succeed in the program?  what motivational technique or method can we tangibly implement into the family treatment drug court to improve their road to success and increase the graduate rate?  how can motivational strategies be used to develop client progress over a long period of time? ryan 20 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 appendix 4 employee interview questions signals defense mechanisms and mental health relapse characteristics tangible solutions intro question  can you tell me about your daily interactions with family treatment drug court clients? o when do you see them, how long, what do you usually talk about? motivation  why do clients decide to participate in the program?  what drives a client to graduate the program?  what keeps a successful client in the program? o do you see a difference between successful clients and unsuccessful clients?  for example: motivation, behaviors, defense mechanisms behavior  what client behaviors or thoughts do you see change over time? o do you notice any patterns the longer clients are in the program?  what are some reoccurring behaviors you tend to see from the clients? relapse  what do you see when a client is beginning to relapse? o what are the signs? o what are their behaviors and thoughts?  what influences usually lead to relapse?  when clients are struggling, what seems to pick them back up? mental health  what role does mental health play on a treatment plan?  do you feel clients are receiving sufficient mental health assistance in this program? would you prefer to see more or less? program  what do you feel is the most successful method to assist clients in gradating the program?  only 18% of clients graduate from the ftdc. do you have any suggestions of how we can bolster this number?  overall, what do you think works well in the family treatment drug court program? thesis questions  what key internal characteristics, environmental influences, or objectives motivate a client to succeed in the program?  what motivational technique or method can we tangibly implement into the family treatment drug court to improve their road to success and increase the graduate rate?  how can motivational strategies be used to develop client progress over a long period of time? ryan 21 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 appendix 5 debriefing statement thank you for your participation in this study! the primary purpose of this study is to determine what can be done at the family treatment drug court to improve the graduation rate through motivational strategies and techniques, and your assistance with this is much appreciated! if you have any questions, comments, or concerns relating to this study, please contact: aisling ryan ryan 22 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 references american psychiatric association. 2000. diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders: dsm-iv-tr. botvinick, matthew m., todd s. braver, deanna m. barch, cameron s. carter, and jonathan d. cohen. 2001. “conflict monitoring and cognitive control.” psychological review 108 (3): 624-652. carroll k. m., s. a. ball, c. nich, s. martino, t. l. 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2014 hopwood, christopher j., mary c. zanarini, charles a. sanislow, andrew e. skodol, leslie c. morey, robert l. stout, john g. gunderson, m. tracie shea, shirley yen, anthony pinto, john c. markowitz, thomas h. mcglashan, emily b. ansell, and carlos m. grilo. 2011. “pathological personality traits among patients with absent, current, and remitted substance use disorders.” addictive behaviors 36 (11): 1087-1090. jacobsen, l. k., s. m. southwick, t. r. kosten. 2001. “substance use disorders in patients with posttraumatic stress disorder: a review of the literature.” american journal of psychiatry 158 (8): 1184-1190. marlowe, d. and s. carey. 2012. “research update on family drug courts.” national association of drug court professionals. http://www.nadcp.org/sites/default/files/nadcp/ reseach%20update%20on%20family%20drug%20courts%20-%20nadcp.pdf. miller, michael and ann macdonald. 2011. “how addiction hijacks the brain.” harvard mental health letter 28 (1): 1-3. miller, william r., james l. sorensen, jeffrey a. selzer, and gregory s. brigham. 2006. “disseminating evidence-based practices in substance abuse treatment: a review with suggestions.” journal of substance abuse treatment 31 (1): 25-39. nordfjærn, t. 2011. “do severity levels of substance use relate to self-reported variations in psychosocial distress?” journal of substance use 16 (6): 422-438. prochaska, james o., john c. norcross, and carlo c. diclemente. 1994. changing for good: the revolutionary program that explains the six stages of change and teaches you how to free yourself from bad habits. new york: william morrow & co. sobell, l.c., m. b. sobell, t. toneatto, and g. i. leo. 1993. “what triggers the resolution of alcohol problems without treatment?” alcohol clin exp res 17: 217–224. state of maine, administrative office of the courts family division. 2011. “family treatment drug court policies and procedures.” http://www.courts.maine.gov/maine_courts/ drug/family.html. substance abuse and mental health services administration. 2013. http://www.samhsa.gov/cooccurring/default.aspx. “what is post-traumatic stress disorder (ptsd)?” 2013. national institute of mental health http://www.nimh.nih.gov/health/topics/post-traumatic-stress-disorder-ptsd/index.shtml. zuckoff, a. 2013. “mi changes.” motivational interviewing: training, research, implementation, practice 1 (2): 1. http://www.samhsa.gov/co-occurring/default.aspx http://www.samhsa.gov/co-occurring/default.aspx http://www.nimh.nih.gov/health/topics/post-traumatic-stress-disorder-ptsd/index.shtml undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 project hope: hearing other people’s experiences sitka arianna beech, laurel carlsen, rae cunningham, stephanie francisco, joy huffman, maria lee, susan nguyen, and ashley sapp university of alaska, anchorage alaska’s homeless are concentrated in anchorage with roughly 1,200 people living in emergency shelters, transitional housing, or makeshift camps outdoors (anchorage coalition to end homelessness 2015). while definitions vary by agency, homelessness as referenced in this paper describes the experience of a person “who has no fixed nighttime residence or who has a nighttime residence that is designed to provide temporary shelter or is a public or private place not intended to provide sleeping accommodations for human beings” (maurer and smith 2013, 534). with the election of mayor ethan berkowitz in 2015, there is a renewed policy and effort in anchorage to house the city’s homeless, turning the public spotlight on a population that often goes unseen (andrews 2015). social workers, shelter staff, law enforcement, and healthcare providers (hcps) are among anchorage’s professionals that frequently work directly with the local homeless population. hcps are uniquely positioned to interact with the homeless when they are the most vulnerable. however, providers are likely to feel underprepared from their training and education to handle the complex health and social needs of the homeless (mcneil, guirguis-younger, dilley, turnbull, and hwang 2013). we conducted a review of the literature to assess the reported needs of homeless individuals, including their experiences with hcps. we also reviewed qualitative research examining the attitudes of providers, nurses, and nursing students toward the homeless client. articles that explored educational interventions on students’ attitudes toward the homeless were examined to develop our intervention and recommendations. few studies examine the priority needs and quality of life issues among the homeless population from their perspective. a study conducted with 140 homeless individuals in four canadian cities concluded that the priorities of the homeless extend beyond housing to include: healthcare access, living conditions, finances, employment, relationships, and recreation (palepu, hubley, russell, gadermann, and chinni 2012). these themes were further distilled to four general concepts: autonomy, stability, respect, and equality of rights (palepu et al. 2012). when it comes to health-related needs, homeless individuals often have different priorities than those determined by the hcp. a common finding in a phenomenological study conducted in the united kingdom was that homeless individuals felt that their needs were not prioritized and went under-addressed or dismissed altogether (rae and rees 2015). some individuals felt that they received substandard care and unrealistic advice from hcps who disregarded their living situation (rae and rees 2015). several studies found that patient perceptions of discrimination from nursing staff and other providers are a significant predictor of whether patients will seek healthcare services in the future. one study found that a single bad experience with a hcp can result in a homeless individual not seeking clinic services, even if he or she has serious health problems (oudshoorn, ward-griffin, forchuk, berman, and poland 2013). experiences in which homeless individuals felt unwelcome in healthcare encounters were consistent with feelings of being dehumanized, not listened to, or disempowered (wen, hudak, and hwang 2007). homeless women interviewed in another study reported that negative experiences were associated with hcps’ use of primarily dehumanizing, authoritative, and disrespectful communication styles (biederman and nichols 2014). the results of a random-controlled trial found that those who reported discrimination in beech, carlsen, cunningham, francisco, huffman, lee, nguyen, and sapp 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 healthcare settings were 32 times more likely to correlate discrimination due to mental illness (skosireva, o’campo, zerger, chambers, gapka, and steriopoulos 2014). in a mixed methods study of ethnic and racially diverse persons experiencing mental illness and homelessness, 61.5% perceived discrimination being due to homelessness or poverty, 50.6% due to race, ethnicity or skin color, and 43.7% due to mental health problems or alcohol/drug use (zerger, bacon, corneau, skosireva, mckenzie, gapka, and stergiopoulos 2014). the homeless patient’s perception of discrimination is consistent with hcps’ attitudes toward the homeless. a systematic literature review identified the existence of negative attitudes among nurses towards homeless people, which included regarding the homeless as dehumanized objects (parkinson 2009). other studies suggest that similar attitudes exist among nurses toward patients with a history of illicit drug use (chu and galang 2013). additional research is needed to examine hcps’ attitudes toward the homeless who also experience substance abuse and or mental illness. proposals as to why negative attitudes exist largely center on the fact that hcps are lacking in clinical exposure and specific training to address the social determinants of health affecting the homeless population (mcneil et al. 2013). therefore, interventions to change the stigma of homelessness among hcps are largely directed at nursing and medical students in their undergraduate education (dugani 2011). in a cross-sectional study of medical students and emergency room physicians, researchers found that students had a higher level of empathy and interest in caring for the poor when compared to er physicians who were in mentoring roles (fine, zhang, and hwang 2013). the researchers suggest that clinical experiences that incorporate health screening and promotion before er experiences may better prepare students as well as foster their empathy for the homeless population (fine, zhang, and hwang 2013). in a randomized control study, the group who received an educational program about homelessness were less likely to believe that homelessness is due to personal characteristics, were more likely to believe that homelessness is a solvable problem, and had a less negative attitude toward the homeless when compared to the control group (wisehart, whatley, and briihl 2013). four additional studies each showed a positive change in attitude among nursing students towards homeless individuals following an experience in which they worked directly with the homeless population (parkinson 2009). the research consistently supports the development of clinical placements that expose students to the complex needs experienced by homeless people in a non-emergency setting. such placements hold the promise of contributing to students’ personal growth, increasing their sense of social responsibility, and ultimately breaking barriers to healthcare access for the homeless population. additional evidenced-based research is needed to determine which educational model works best. assessment the first step in this phenomenological research was to organize semi-structured interviews with the homeless population. we designed a survey that included ten questions (appendix a). of the ten, four questions were for demographic purposes to determine the age group, gender, ethnicity, and veteran status of participants interviewed. the additional six questions were open-ended prompts focused on past experiences in healthcare settings and current challenges facing the homeless population in alaska. beech, carlsen, cunningham, francisco, huffman, lee, nguyen, and sapp 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 although the assessment was not organized to focus on any particular demographic, only those that were age 18 and older were permitted to be included. of the 74 participants interviewed, 21 (28%) were women and 53 (72%) were men. three participants (5%) were between 18 and 25 years old, ten (14%) were between 26 and 35 years old, 16 (21%) were 36 to 45, 36 (48%) were 46 to 59, and nine (12%) were over 60 years of age. ten (13%) of the participants were veterans compared to 63 (86%) non-veterans. one person (1%) was unsure whether he would be considered a veteran. the vast majority of persons surveyed identified themselves as alaska native individuals; this group made up 61% (45 total) of the individuals interviewed. thirteen (17%) identified as white, seven (9%) identified as black, three (4%) described themselves to be of hispanic ethnicity, two (3%) individuals identified as asian, two (3%) as native american, and two (3%) did not identify with any of the above ethnicities. interviews were conducted over a five-day period at three anchorage locations, including central lutheran church, brother francis shelter, and project homeless connect. during each interview, participants had the option of receiving foot care from one student while another student recorded responses to the survey questions. foot care consisted of cleansing and assessing both feet followed by appropriate treatments, which included filing and trimming toenails, exfoliation, moisturizing, and occasional application of mentholated ointment for treatment of fungal infections. this was all done under the supervision of our professor, dr. michele burdette-taylor, phd, msn, rn-bc, cwcn, cfcn. using the two-person team approach in assessment allowed for a safer setting, and may have resulted in better understanding of the client’s responses. this method of data collection demonstrated caring and interest in each individual, which promoted communication. an additional benefit was that in some instances the foot care took longer than the interview, which allowed for conversations to develop at a comfortable, relaxed pace. the casual, unhurried design may have especially aided communication with the alaska native segment of the population, who can be less comfortable talking at length in clinical and formal settings. diagnosis nursing students at university of alaska anchorage (uaa) have minimal communitybased clinicals that provide a focused exposure to the homeless population. little is known about nursing students’ attitudes towards the homeless as well as homeless individuals’ experiences with healthcare providers. based on our assessment findings and review of the literature, a diagnosis of readiness for enhanced knowledge related to insufficient clinical experience with the homeless population was applied. planning our diagnosis of readiness for enhanced knowledge prompted us to plan a teaching intervention. we discussed ways to translate the experiences with the homeless population and present them to future nurses. it was our hope that by sharing quotes, pictures, and stories from these individuals that a sense of empathy and awareness of the unique needs of the homeless population would increase among our audiences. the structure for our interventions was guided by the responses we obtained from the qualitative portion of the surveys. these responses were sorted into themes, which were supported by quotes and anecdotes from the interviews. this sorting process resulted in the beech, carlsen, cunningham, francisco, huffman, lee, nguyen, and sapp 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 identification of five themes: barriers, perceptions, relationships, trauma, and desire for independence. barriers is a theme that represents perceived hindrances in issues like obtaining health care, employment, and sobriety. these barriers perpetuate a feeling of hopelessness and frustration expressed by the homeless population surveyed. the theme of perception relates to the stereotypes and negative labels that the homeless population feels are placed on them, which can marginalize their identity and sense of personhood. relationships is a theme that reflects the burden of lost relationships, the need for privacy as well as social connections, and different types of interpersonal conflict experienced. trauma encompasses the experiences of abuse, violence, and physical and emotional injuries, which often marked the beginning of an individual’s homelessness. this theme not only represents horrific experiences, but remarkable examples of resilience. lastly, desire for independence was a theme expressed in the desire to start over, to be self-sufficient, and to recover. despite difficult life circumstances and apparent obstacles, some participants verbalized future goals and plans. our goal was to represent the homeless population as individuals, putting a spotlight on their own experiences and stories. we felt that by teaching nursing faculty and students particularly, our findings have the potential to influence these current and future providers and ultimately the healthcare system in positive ways. intervention our project consisted of two primary interventions to raise awareness of the homeless population in anchorage and share the qualitative findings from the interviews conducted. the first intervention targeted nursing students specifically, consisting of a 25-minute presentation to approximately 40 undergraduate students enrolled in their third semester of community/public health nursing. we created a powerpoint presentation that gave the students an introduction and background of our population based on the literature, which led to a discussion on the effect of health care providers’ attitudes with the homeless population. using the nursing process, a summary of our assessment, diagnosis, plan, and implementation regarding project hope was explained to the students. after presenting our future recommendations, a robust question and answer period followed, allowing us opportunity to clarify and describe experiences. several informational documents were given to the students including a brochure summarizing the data collected, a pamphlet containing quotes and stories gleaned from our qualitative surveys, and a list of volunteer opportunities the students could pursue on their own to become involved and serve the homeless population in anchorage. at the end of the presentation, the students were requested to complete a comment card (appendix b). the second intervention was an all-day event called “project hope: hearing other people’s experiences” held in the lobby of the health sciences building at uaa. our project name holds significant meaning and came about as we interviewed one participant who explained that hope: hearing other people’s experiences is a popular concept in the 12-step recovery program alcoholics anonymous. it is the idea that sharing one’s personal experience of hardship and recovery will instill hope in others to recover. at the project hope event, we displayed the real-life stories, photographs, and quotations from the homeless individuals we had surveyed. a table of community resources was offered to all who visited our event along with the same brochure and pamphlet presented to the nursing class previously. as individuals walked through this central gathering area of the health science building, they could view the pictures and stories displayed at their leisure. this gave our group opportunities to discuss our project and beech, carlsen, cunningham, francisco, huffman, lee, nguyen, and sapp 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 answer the many comments and questions that were generated. we invited all to complete the comment cards available and a majority of participants did so. evaluation the method of evaluation consisted of comment cards that were collected during the two interventions. the comment cards consisted of five likert scale statements, two close-ended questions regarding participation in community services for those experiencing homelessness, and one open-ended question inviting general feedback (appendix b). the first three likert scale statements, which were adapted from the health professional’s attitude towards the homeless inventory (hpathi) survey, composed a basic assessment of the respondent’s attitude toward the homeless individual. hpathi is an “instrument that measures providers’ attitudes toward the homeless and could offer meaningful information for the design and implementation of educational activities that foster more compassionate homeless health care” (buck, montero, kneuper, rochon, clark, melillo, and volk 2005). ideally the assessment of nursing students’ attitudes toward the homeless would have included a pretest to determine the level of awareness and empathy before the interventions. this was not feasible due to time constraints and also the ethics of conducting an assessment on a convenience sample of nursing students. a significant limitation of the project was that awareness and empathy for the homeless population could not be accurately measured and therefore evaluated as a result of the interventions. there was a total of 173 comment card evaluations obtained from both interventions. almost two-thirds (65%) of the respondents were students in nursing and health-related fields. the majority of comments (79%) indicated that they strongly agreed that homeless people have a right to basic health care. in response to the statement: homeless and non-homeless people cannot really understand each other, the majority of comments were either undecided (37%) or disagreed (28%). the majority (66%) did not agree with the statement: homeless people choose to be homeless. based on the benchmarks established by the hpathi survey, this basic assessment suggests positive attitudes among the respondents toward the homeless (buck et al. 2005). administration of the full-length hpathi to nursing students before and after clinical experiences with the homeless would yield more meaningful results. the immediate impact of the interventions may have stimulated interest in serving the local homeless population. of the nursing students surveyed, 36% indicated that they have not participated in community service with the homeless, but the majority (73%) expressed interest in a clinical rotation in which they serve the homeless. this interest was also indicated by one of the comment cards that stated, “it would be great if you guys would push to have clinical experiences added into the school of nursing curriculum.” another response from a nursing student commented that they “[w]ould love to see some of the affiliated organizations take students for community health offered in the junior year of the nursing curriculum.” other comment cards noted that they [nursing students] were glad we had worked with homeless individuals, as they felt this was a population that needed aid and advocacy. recommendations a discussion of hcps’ attitudes towards the homeless population would be incomplete without presenting our recommendations directed to the nursing faculty and undergraduate nursing students. expanding service learning and clinical opportunities in the community should beech, carlsen, cunningham, francisco, huffman, lee, nguyen, and sapp 6 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 be paramount for nursing educators, as classroom knowledge is insufficient (jarrell, ozymy, gallagher, hagler, corral, and hagler 2014). this would help meet educational objectives such as increasing students’ cultural competency, skill in assessing vulnerable populations, and an increased awareness of services and policies (jarrell et al. 2014). this is particularly valuable to future nurses in light of anchorage’s diverse makeup. students who have ample opportunities to provide health screening and promotion activities for vulnerable populations are less likely to feel overwhelmed during future clinical encounters, especially in the emergency room (fine, zhang, hwang 2013). there are untapped community clinical opportunities in anchorage, including but not limited to the brother francis shelter, the domiciliary (a residential treatment facility for homeless veterans), clare house, and anchorage neighborhood health clinics. as a side note, while our project concentrated on homeless adults in general, other subpopulations such as women, teens, and children may well benefit from future assessments and interventions. most undergraduate clinical experiences are faculty directed, but examples from the literature can guide future nursing students seeking community clinical experience. in 2007, students at the university of toronto independently formed partnerships with community health providers and opened a clinic for toronto’s underserved (dugani 2011). increased empathy and social accountability through direct experiences with underserved populations can empower students and spark innovative ideas that link education with community needs (dugani 2011). these direct experiences also enable students in identifying and managing unconscious bias, a barrier to the therapeutic relationship (teal, gill, green, and crandall 2012). in addition, there is a need for nursing school administrators to monitor and promote positive role modeling by preceptors. when caring for the homeless and underserved client, clinical supervisors’ attitudes can influence students’ beliefs and behaviors positively or negatively as discussed previously (fine, zhang, and hwang 2013). conclusion project hope laid the groundwork on which other students in health-related fields might build. this group of senior-level baccalaureate nursing students collected valuable data that has the potential to inform future interventions with the homeless population and health care providers who serve them. the sustainability of the project will require the continuation of the partnerships established with community leaders and service organizations, as well as future opportunities to share our findings through print and oral presentations. our professor, dr. michele burdette-taylor, is passionate about community health nursing and working with the homeless population. her guidance will be an asset to future nursing students at uaa. ~ i'd like to thank professor shelly taylor for guiding us through this bold project and my coauthors for their hard work and patience. to the un-housed men and women in anchorage, thank you for sharing your stories. i carry your insights with me in my nursing practice. – laurel carlsen project hope succeeded under the watchful mentoring of our professor: dr. michele burdettetaylor phd, msn, rn-bc, cwcn, cfcn. special thanks also to central lutheran church, brother francis shelter, and project homeless connect for providing the venues for our beech, carlsen, cunningham, francisco, huffman, lee, nguyen, and sapp 7 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 interviews and community service. finally, thanks to all the individuals who were willing to talk and tell their stories to us – you are the heart of it all. – joy huffman this project was made possible by the guidance and heart of our professor dr. michele burdettetaylor phd, msn, rn-bc, cwcn, cfcn, and through the help of brother francis shelter, central lutheran church, and project homeless connect. a special thanks to my group who put in countless hours and taught me through their strengths. and finally thank you to all the participants in project hope. you have forever touched my heart and i am truly grateful for this experience. – ashley sapp references anchorage coalition to end homelessness. 2015. “point in time count – anchorage.” http://www.anchoragehomeless.org. andrews, l. 2015. “anchorage mayor aims to house 300 homeless people in 3 years.” alaska dispatch news. http://www.adn.com/article/20151117/anchorage-mayor-aims-house300-homeless-people-3-years. biederman, d. j., and t. nichols. 2014. “homeless women’s experiences of service provider encounters.” journal of community health nursing 31: 34-48. buck, d., f. monterio, s. kneuper, d. rochon, d. clark, a. melillo, and r. volk. 2005. “design and validation of the health professionals’ attitudes toward the homeless inventory (hpathi).” bmc medical education 5 (2). chu, c., and a. galang. 2013. “hospital nurses’ attitudes toward patients with a history of illicit drug use.” canadian nurse 109 (6): 29-34. dugani, s. 2011. “development of imagine: a three-pillar student initiative to promote social accountability and interprofessional education.” journal of interprofessional care 25 (6): 454-456. fine, a. g., t. zhang, and s. w. hwang. 2013. “attitudes towards homeless people among emergency department teachers and learners: a cross-sectional study of medical students and emergency physicians.” bmc medical education 13 (112). jarrell, k., j. ozymy, j. gallagher, d. hagler, c. corral, and a. hagler. 2014. “constructing the foundations for compassionate care: how service-learning affects nursing students' attitudes towards the poor.” nurse education in practice 14 (3): 299-303. maurer, f. a., and c. m. smith. 2013. community/public health nursing practice: health for families and populations. 5th ed. st. louis, mo: elsevier. http://www.anchoragehomeless.org/ http://www.adn.com/article/20151117/anchorage-mayor-aims-house-300-homeless-people-3-years http://www.adn.com/article/20151117/anchorage-mayor-aims-house-300-homeless-people-3-years beech, carlsen, cunningham, francisco, huffman, lee, nguyen, and sapp 8 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 mcneil, r., m. guirguis-younger, l.b. dilley, j. turnbull, and s. w. hwang. 2013. “learning to account for the social determinants of health affecting homeless persons.” medical education 47 (5). oudshoorn, a., c. ward-griffin, c. forchuk, h. berman, and b. poland. 2013. “client-provider relationships in a community health clinic for people who are experiencing homelessness.” nursing inquiry 20 (4). palepu, a., a. m. hubley, l. b. russell, a. m. gadermann, and m. chinni. 2012. “quality of life themes in canadian adults and street youth who are homeless or hard-to-house: a multi-site focus group study.” health and quality of life outcomes 10 (93). parkinson, r. 2009. “nurses’ attitudes towards people who are homeless: a literature review.” diversity in health and care (6): 1-14. rae, b. e., and s. rees. 2015. “the perceptions of homeless people regarding their healthcare needs and experiences of receiving healthcare.” journal of advanced nursing 71(9): 2096-2107. skosireva, a., p. o’campo, s. zerger, c. chambers, s. gapka, and v. stergiopoulos. 2014. “different faces of discrimination: perceived discrimination among homeless adults with mental illness in healthcare settings.” bmc health services research 14 (376). teal, c. r., a. c. gill, a. r. green, and s. crandall. 2012. “helping medical learners recognize and manage unconscious bias toward certain patient groups.” medical education 46 (1): 80-8. wen, c. k., p. l. hudak, and s. w. hwang. 2007. “homeless people’s perceptions of welcomeness and unwelcomeness in healthcare encounters.” journal of general internal medicine 22 (7): 1011-1017. wisehart, c. g., m. a. whatley, and d. s. briihl. 2013. “the effectiveness of the faces of homelessness educational program on student attitudes toward the homeless.” north american journal of psychology 15 (3): 483-494. zerger, s., s. bacon, s. corneau, a. skosireva, k. mckenzie, k, s. gapka, and v. stergiopoulos. 2014. “differential experiences of discrimination among ethnoracially diverse persons experiencing mental illness and homelessness.” bmc psychiatry 14 (353). beech, carlsen, cunningham, francisco, huffman, lee, nguyen, and sapp 9 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 appendix a: survey survey by uaa nursing students january 2016: project hope: hearing other people’s experiences objective: the purpose of this survey is to bring awareness to nurses who might better serve those experiencing homelessness. signature line for consent: ______________________________________________ survey taken by: __________ 1. age range: 1-17 18-25 26-35 36-45 46-59 over 60 2. gender: m or f 3. ethnicity: na white native alaskan black hispanic asian pacific islander other 4. are you a veteran? y or n 5. tell me about your living situation. do you see yourself as homeless? if so, how long have you been homeless? 6. do you have access to health care services? y or n if yes, where? 7. tell me about a story or experience you had with a nurse or doctor. 8. what services would you like to see offered for yourself or people experiencing homelessness? 9. what are your main needs / challenges? 10. what would you like nurses & doctors, or people in general, to know or understand about being homeless? appendix b: comment card project hope program of study: __________________________ strongly disagree – 1 – 2 – 3 – 4 – 5 – strongly agree 1. homeless people have a right to basic healthcare. 1 2 3 4 5 2. homeless and non-homeless people cannot really understand each other. 1 2 3 4 5 3. homeless people choose to be homeless. 1 2 3 4 5 4. i am comfortable providing care to a homeless person. 1 2 3 4 5 5. i am interested in a clinical rotation working with the homeless. 1 2 3 4 5 6. i have participated in community service events with those who experience homelessness. circle: yes/no if yes, how? circle any: soup kitchen/ shelter visits/ church affiliation/ project homeless connect/ other we would appreciate any feedback about project hope: the service-learning scholar model: maximizing impact by improving communication and student voice in service learning emily voorhees western michigan university service learning traditionally follows a paradigm in which the student acts not only as the service provider, but is also tasked with connecting the experience back to course objectives (furco 2003, 14). acting as the service providers puts students in direct contact with the community partners, and oftentimes means that a large amount of communication responsibilities falls to the student. despite the large amount of leadership responsibilities inherent to the student’s role in the service-learning relationship, the student is the only member of the service-learning relationship that has no formal leadership position. the instructor is in charge in the classroom, and the community partner is in charge at the service site. students are informally in charge of conciliating the objectives of both parties; however, they receive no formal leadership role. most institutions that offer service-learning courses adhere to this traditional model, and therefore most research regarding service learning analyzes this specific model exclusively (cooper 2002, 29). thus, the majority of the issues that have been associated with service learning are issues identified by research on the traditional model. recently, a different type of model—the service-learning scholar model—has emerged. in this model, a student with experience in service learning acts as a mentor for students currently enrolled in service-learning courses, as well as a liaison to the community partner and course instructor. many universities have implemented some variation of this model already, with success. virginia commonwealth university has been implementing a model very similar to the one discussed in this article for the past ten years, with the program growing “at an exponential rate” (brown, pelco, and hise 2013, 12). likewise, the college of william and mary also offers a service-learning program based on the scholar model. students involved in this program said the service-learning scholars were “extremely helpful” and gave them “a more concrete idea of what would be expected of [them] in the seminar and in the community” (perkey 2011, 203). the service-learning scholar model merits further research, as the presence of a formal student leadership role makes this model more resistant to the issues surrounding the lack of student voice in service learning. this article examines the effects of a formalized servicelearning scholar model on the issues of student voice, communication, and overall impact on education and community. i was an intern at western michigan university’s office of servicelearning (osl) at the time of the implementation of a unique service-learning scholar model. in the sections that follow, i will attempt to qualitatively analyze the ways in which the servicelearning scholar model improves upon communication and student voice in order to maximize the impact of service learning at western michigan university. service-learning issues in the opening to the 2011 collection problematizing service-learning: critical reflections for development and action, andrew furco observes that research on service learning is just now beginning to critically analyze some of the issues with the pedagogical voorhees 2 practice. among the issues mentioned by furco (2011) and others (ward and vernon 1999; perkey 2011; epstein 2011) are concerns about logistical communication, student voice, and project leadership. these concerns cut across the groups typically associated with the servicelearning relationship: the community partner, the student, and the course instructor. community partners have identified communication—or a lack thereof—as an issue with many service-learning arrangements. for example, in a study which assessed community perspectives on service learning, a majority of community partners interviewed felt that “communication needed to be increased so that the campus was more aware of the agency’s needs” (ward and vernon 1999, 12). problems with communication left community partners reporting that they were often unsure of their roles and responsibilities and what the expected outcomes of the service-learning projects were. failure to communicate puts service-learning projects at risk of leaving community partners feeling used, like “laboratories where students are sent to serve without reciprocity and personal investment” (ward and vernon 1999, 15). students echoed this concern, listing problems communicating with the community partner among their major issues when tackling a service-learning course, along with not fully understanding the concept of service learning (perkey 2011, 207-12). as is the case with community partners, issues with communication can leave students unsure of their roles and responsibilities. when combined with an unclear concept of what service learning is, students may have difficulty meeting the objectives of their project and, in turn, reflecting on the experience, decreasing the success of the project and its overall impact on both the student and the community. in addition, students reported feeling unattached to the outcome of the projects in which they were involved due to lack of student voice and power (perkey 2011, 211-12). the lack of student voice in service-learning projects is a concern shared by course instructors (epstein 2011). despite the incredible amount of student participation in service learning, students have very few opportunities to lead service-learning projects. the lack of formal student leadership roles in service-learning partnerships is all the more surprising because acting as the service provider calls for the student to take action and make decisions in consultation with their community and faculty partners (kenary 2009). thus, students have something of an informal leadership role during service-learning projects already. student leadership roles in service learning allow for the students to take ownership of their service-learning experience. an analysis of successful service-learning projects highlights the unique advantages of “positioning students as the organizers of their programs logistics” (esptein 2011, 196). such benefits, as shira epstein documents, include increased student investment in service-learning projects and more meaningful student reflections (esptein 2011). while epstein acknowledges that issues sometimes arise when students assume leadership roles in service-learning projects, she maintains that service-learning course instructors “can reflect on these hindrances,” and approach these issues “not with a desire to erase them, but with a confidence that in naming them, they may better understand and expand the possibilities of their practice” (2011, 197). many of the issues with student leadership identified by epstein, such as confusion about individual responsibilities, are the result of the leadership role being too informal. as such, examining the possibilities of expanding the practice by creating a formal student leadership role may be beneficial. this article reports on western michigan university’s own unique version of the servicelearning scholar model, which was piloted in 2015 and which sought to address the issues of logistical communication and student voice that arise over the course of service-learning voorhees 3 partnerships. the following section describes western michigan university’s implementation of the service-learning scholar model. description of the service-learning scholars corps western michigan university’s office of service-learning (osl) created the servicelearning scholars corps program to maximize the impact of service-learning courses, which unite a wide range of community organizations (including nonprofit organizations and small businesses) with western michigan university students, faculty, and staff. with the support of a 2015-2016 michigan campus compact and michigan nonprofit association diversity, inclusion, and equity in communities research and writing grant, the osl hired five undergraduate students to serve in the service-learning scholars corps. the undergraduate students who comprised the corps, known as the service-learning scholars, were trained in leadership strategy and communication skills. they were also prepared to guide service-learning reflection and conduct service-learning research. the scholars leveraged this training and preparation to scaffold individual service-learning projects and maximize their impact on the community and the students’ education. typical responsibilities of the scholars included communicating with community partners and students, mentoring students in regards to project timelines and tasks, and promoting opportunities for the students to individually reflect and problem solve. ideally, having the scholar manage correspondence gives instructors sufficient time to observe the collaborations as they are occurring, allowing them to put a focus on maintaining academic standards. in turn, students are made to feel comfortable expressing their concerns to someone who is relatable and whose purpose is to listen to them and provide the necessary assistance. this designated channel for feedback also gives students, faculty, and community partners the opportunity to enhance the service-learning experience and make it as successful as possible for all parties involved. the goals of the service-learning scholars corps were threefold: (1) to train students as leaders in civic, business, and educational settings; (2) to maximize the quality of the direct services offered to community partners; and (3) to maximize the quality of the educational experiences offered to students. western michigan university’s osl aimed to achieve its first goal by training the scholars as leaders in civic, business, and educational settings by mentoring the scholars throughout the academic year. training consisted of a comprehensive orientation at the beginning of the semester and bi-weekly practicum meetings thereafter for the duration of the year. the skills gained from these trainings were also meant to potentially assist the scholars in succeeding as leaders in civic, business, and educational settings after graduation. the second goal, maximizing the quality of the direct services offered to community partners, was addressed on the part of the service-learning scholars corps in three observable ways: (1) conducting one site visit with each community partner at the beginning of each semester; (2) communicating with each community partner at least three times per semester; and (3) engaging community partners in an interview-based reflection at the end of each semester. finally, the service-learning scholars corps attempted to achieve its third goal—to maximize the quality of the educational experiences offered to students—by getting involved with service learning at the university level. this involvement entailed communicating with participating faculty and students about their experiences with service learning. additionally, the scholars conducted a research project to evaluate the impact of their services. the goal of this research was to assess the impact of the service-learning scholars corps on the experience of voorhees 4 students, community partners, and course instructors; the results of this research are presented in the following two sections. first, an overview of the research methodology is offered and, second, a discussion of the research results is provided. methodology western michigan university’s service-learning scholars corps was implemented in the fall 2015 semester, and continued into the spring 2016 semester. during this time, servicelearning scholars assisted in projects which paired students with community partners across a variety of disciplines, such as education, healthcare, and job training. in addition to acting as mentors during these projects, the scholars conducted research on the impact of their presence. students, instructors, and community partners were asked to assess the impact of the scholars on multiple occasions throughout the service-learning experience. to obtain evidence of these impacts, two methods of assessment were employed. the first method consisted of conducting mid-semester and final interviews, in which project specific questions were asked about the scholars’ impact. these questions were aimed at assessing the effect of the scholars’ presence on the goals of the service-learning scholars corps. thus, the interview questions called for students, community partners, and course instructors to reflect on the overall impact of the scholars on the students’ education and the direct services provided to the community. in addition to these interviews, assessment of satisfaction included the distribution of surveys. these surveys were made up of four to six statements regarding the scholar’s impact; each survey participant was asked to use a likert scale to rate the impact of the scholar (see appendix 1 for a copy of the survey form). evidence supporting the use of likert scale surveys shows that it is widely regarded by both researchers and subjects as the easiest and most reliable method of gathering and interpreting the opinions of a population (hasson and arnetz 2005, 2). in addition, five-point likert scales, such as the one used in the present study, are typically considered the most valid, as these scales allow for less subjectivity between intervals and require less clarification (dawes 2008, 62). the interviews and the surveys complemented each other in that the interviews attempted to account for some of the limitations associated with using a likert scale. such limitations stem from attempting to quantify qualitative data. the most notable limitation of likert scales is that “artificial categories might not be sufficient to describe a complex continuous, subject ive phenomenon” (hasson and arnetz 2005, 2). although a respondent may “strongly agree” that the service-learning scholars corps achieved the maximum amount of impact on the direct services provided to the community, the rating provides no insight into how this impact was achieved. when combined with the responses given in the interviews, the actual cause of the increased impact is made more apparent. this impact, which was assessed through survey and interview methods, was initially documented by the five service-learning scholars in a series of eight white papers for the osl. (see the 2016 white papers authored by bell, finke, forner, loving, and ruesink). the scholars individually authored the papers, with some scholars authoring multiple papers. due to the scale of the research, the scholars based their papers only on the results of the surveys and interviews that they personally conducted. the white papers also provide quotations from written correspondence with students, instructors, and community partners, as well as scholars’ personal experiences and insights. voorhees 5 i served as an undergraduate student intern with the osl and was charged with aggregating and analyzing the data reported in the eight white papers, and more comprehensively assessing the impact of the service-learning scholars corps on students, community partners, instructors, and even the scholars themselves. to aggregate the data collected by the servicelearning scholars, i engaged in small-scale data mining–analyzing the data collected by the individual scholars to determine whether a larger effect was achieved. to analyze the data collected by the service-learning scholars, i cross-examined the results of the surveys and interviews with the scholars’ white papers. as such, i occupied a more objective position from which to approach the data and assess the service-learning scholars corps model piloted by the osl. results the average score for all responses across the three groups was 4.3 out of 5 (see figures 1, 2, and 3; see also the 2016 white papers authored by bell, finke, forner, loving, and ruesink), indicating that on average, students, community partners, and instructors agreed or strongly agreed that the presence of the service-learning scholars had a positive impact on the overall experience. items such as: “this service-learning partnership achieved the maximum amount of impact on the educational experience provided to the students as possible” and “this service-learning partnership achieved the maximum amount of impact on the direct services provided to the community as possible” also had average scores of agree to strongly agree from all three groups, showing that the outcomes of the study were consistent with the goals of the service-learning scholars corps–to maximize the impact of the experience for both students and community partners. when broken down by student, scholar, community partner, and course instructor, the results of the interviews and surveys show how these goals were met from every perspective of the service-learning relationship. student results the combined results of the interviews and the surveys indicated that the servicelearning scholars corps increased the impact of the experience on the students’ education by improving communication and creating a channel for student feedback. on average, students strongly agreed with the survey item: “this service-learning partnership achieved the maximum amount of impact on my educational experience as possible,” giving it a mean score of 4.56 out of 5 (see figure 1). in the interviews, students expressed how the scholars improved communication with the community partners. one student commented that the scholars’ “role in getting the initial contact was very important, because i felt like i wasn’t getting through to [the community partner] initially” (ruesink 2016, 14). another student had the following to say about the impact of the scholars: “the scholar’s initial communication with me helped to eliminate any qualms i had about the experience. it has truly made this an experience that i have, and will continue to, recommend to my friends” (ruesink 2016, 14). one class of service-learning students involved in the study had a particularly difficult time navigating the demands of the community partner in conjunction with the course objectives. the students had concerns about the scope and focus of the project after the initial meeting with the community partner. in order to resolve this issue, the students contacted the service-learning scholar for guidance. the scholar was able to help facilitate solutions by attending partnership meetings, sending meeting re-cap emails, and acting as a mentor while the students attempted to voorhees 6 mediate their conflicting objectives. in other words, the scholar was able to use the formal leadership role to address the concerns of the students, while ensuring the completion of the project. during the service-learners’ mid-semester presentation, they introduced the servicelearning scholar as being “helpful and supportive during times of confusion” (ruesink 2016, 15). when interviewed, students involved in the project reported that the scholar recognized the concerns of the students, but also, “helped to see the issues from [the community partner]’s side of things. this is crucial to problem solving” (ruesink 2016, 16). the evaluations from students showed that the scholar was able to increase student voice in the project by providing a channel for student feedback and concerns and act as a formal representative for students as a whole. in addition, the scholar was successful in modeling the appropriate way to approach a professional situation. having a mentor involved in what is many students’ first professional experience will ideally allow for a greater level of confidence in their actions, and, therefore, increase the likelihood that these experiences will significantly impact the student. generally, the results of the interviews indicated that the students “felt very supported” by the scholars (ruesink 2016, 16). from the interview responses, it can be determined that the scholars’ communication and involvement had a positive effect on the service-learning partnership and increased the impact on the participating students’ educational experience. with the addition of the scholars’ role in the service-learning relationship, there is also a possibility to benefit a greater number of people. the scholars themselves stand to gain professional skills, especially in the area of communication and self-management, thus fulfilling the second goal of the service-learning scholars corps: to train students as leaders in civic, business, and educational settings. one scholar noted some examples of the specific behaviors which were impacted by his experience in the service-learning scholars corps: towards the beginning of the semester, i spent far too much time crafting emails. i also would go into meetings and realize after that i had forgotten to mention an important detail. however, now, my emails are second nature and take much less time. in meetings, i have learned to write down the things that i want to accomplish and make sure those topics are covered. (ruesink 2016, 23) through the service-learning scholars corps program, scholars are also poised to come into contact with their communities and the leaders in it, and potentially develop professional relationships with those leaders. one scholar reported, “i honestly feel closer to the real issue of kalamazoo after being involved as a scholar. i’ve lived here my entire life and been unaware of leaders in the community working to change this city for the better” (ruesink 2016, 23). community partner results from the results of the community partner surveys and interviews, it can also be concluded that the service-learning scholars corps was successful in achieving its goal of maximizing the quality of the direct services offered to community partners by enhancing communication. during a mid-semester interview, one community partner representative discussed the benefits of having a service-learning scholar involved in the project. “the students are awesome, but it’s great knowing exactly who to contact” (ruesink 2016, 20). another community partner representative echoed her sentiment, stating that, “we have no complaints about the students, but it’s important to have that point of contact” (ruesink 2016, 21). the results of the interviews indicated that the scholars’ presence brought a general sense of reassurance to the community voorhees 7 partners. as one community partner stated: “the scholar provided a name and a face. we felt very comfortable reaching out to him” (ruesink 2016, 21). the likert data obtained from the final interviews with community partners also showed the positive effect the service-learning scholars corps had on the various service-learning partnerships. on average, the community partners agreed with all items on the survey. most notably, the statement “the service-learning scholar corps maximized the impact of this service-learning partnership” received an agree or strongly agree from 95 percent of community partners (see figure 2). course instructor results results of course instructor feedback appeared to support the student results, illustrating the ways in which the service-learning scholars corps enhanced the quality of the educational experience offered to students. based upon the results of the interviews, the course instructors not only appreciated having a scholar to manage correspondence with the community partner, but they also noted the students’ comfortability in communicating with the scholars. one instructor noted that the “scholar program lent credibility to the process” for the “simple fact that a student who had completed this class chose to attend the reflections says a lot about the value of those reflections to that student . . . which the other students recognize” (ruesink 2016, 19). having some students in formal leadership roles brought an increased sense of student ownership and investment to the project, therefore maximizing the overall impact on education. the surveys completed by the instructors revealed that, on average, instructors agreed with all items on the survey. all eleven of the responses were agree or strongly agree for the statements, “the service-learning scholars corps improved the quality of the educational experience provided to my students through this service-learning partnership” and “the servicelearning scholars corps improved the communication between me and my community partner(s),” highlighting once again how the service-learning scholars corps achieved its goals of maximizing the quality of the direct services offered to community partners and the educational experiences offered to students (see figure 3). limitations as previously stated, the service-learning scholar model isn’t nearly as well represented in research as the traditional model of service-learning. for this reason, many problems lie in the external validity of the study and the lack of similar studies to validate results. the study was small in its sample size and duration. with just 40 participants taking part in the survey and interview process, all from the same community, and all in a one-year timeline, the study would need to be replicated across other institutions and populations to ensure that the results are valid and reliable. replication would reinforce the assumption that these results will generalize if the service-learning scholar model were implemented in other settings. conclusion when the results of the survey and interview responses across groups are considered in their entirety, it is reasonable to conclude that the scholars did in fact have a positive effect on the impact of the service-learning experience for both the community partners and students. the success of similar programs at other institutions, like the virginia commonwealth university and voorhees 8 the college of william and mary, lend some hope that the results of this study are generalizable and reflective of the true benefits of the service-learning scholar model. the most promising outcome of the study is that the service-learning scholars corps appeared to have the most prominent effect on the exact aspects that it hoped to, in exactly the ways it had aimed to. the results of the surveys seemed to indicate that all parties agreed that the presence of the scholars maximized the quality of the direct services offered to community partners and the educational experiences offered to students. the results of the interviews expanded upon these findings, by highlighting the way that the increased impact was due to improved communication and increased student role in the projects. the addition of positive feedback from the scholars showcased the fulfillment of the service-learning scholars corps’ third goal: to train students as leaders in civic, business, and educational settings. if the service-learning scholar model were shown to have similar benefits across many other settings and populations, the model could serve as a solution to some of the issues associated with what furco calls the “raw challenges” of service-learning and the “inherent, thorny nature of community engagement” (2011, x). voorhees 9 references bell, theresa r. 2016. “western michigan university service learning scholar corps: the impact on healthy aging.” white paper, office of service-learning, western michigan university. brown, erin b., lynn e. pelco, and sabrina hise. 2013. “providing peer mentors through a service-learning teaching assistants program.” lessons from the field: weaving community-engaged learning and peer mentoring into developmental education 1 (1). http://www.compact.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/03/c2c-vcu-final1.pdf. cooper, jay r. 2002. “social responsibility and types of service learning: a comparison of curricular service learning, co-curricular service learning, and traditional community service.” phd diss., western michigan university. dawes, john g. 2008. “do data characteristics change according to the number of scale points used? an experiment using 5 point, 7 point and 10 point scales.” international journal of market research 51 (1). http://ssrn.com/abstract=2013613. epstein, shira e. 2011. “who’s in charge?: examining the complex nature of student voice in service-learning projects.” in problematizing service-learning critical reflections for development and action, edited by trae stewart and nicole webster, 175-200. charlotte: information age publishing, inc. finke, elizabeth a. 2016. “the effectiveness of western michigan university’s service learning scholar model in serving an alternative therapeutic program.” white paper, office of service-learning, western michigan university, kalamazoo, mi, 2016. ———. 2016a. “the effectiveness of western michigan university’s service learning scholar model in in partnership with an adolescent mental health agency.” white paper, office of service-learning, western michigan university. ———. 2016b. “the effectiveness of western michigan university’s service learning scholar model in serving the lgbt+ community.” white paper, office of service-learning, western michigan university. forner, hannah. 2016. “western michigan university service learning scholar corps: the impact on recidivism.” white paper, office of service-learning, western michigan university. furco, andrew. 2003. “issues of definition and program diversity in the study of servicelearning.” in studying service-learning: innovations in education research methodology, edited by shelley billig and alan waterman, 13-19. new york: routledge. ———. 2011. “foreword.” in problematizing service-learning critical reflections for development and action, edited by trae stewart and nicole webster, 175-200. charlotte: information age publishing, inc. voorhees 10 hasson, dan, and bengt b. arnetz. 2005. “validation and findings comparing vas vs. likert scales for psychosocial measurements.” international electronic journal of health education 8:178-92. http://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ej794094.pdf. kenary, judith. 2009. “service learning experience and undergraduate leadership behaviors: an action research case study.” phd diss., university of hartford. loving, devine. 2016. “western michigan university service learning scholar corps: the impact on health equity.” white paper, office of service-learning, western michigan university. ———. 2016a. “western michigan university service learning scholar corps: the impact on inclusivity.” white paper, office of service-learning, western michigan university. perkey, angela. 2011. “service-learning: a student’s perspective and review.” in problematizing service-learning critical reflections for development and action, edited by trae stewart and nicole webster, 201-19. charlotte: information age publishing, inc. ruesink, timothy. 2016. “western michigan university service learning scholar corps: the impact on unemployment.” white paper, office of service-learning, western michigan university. ward, kelly, and andrea vernon. 1999. “community perspectives on student volunteerism and service learning.” paper presented at the annual meeting for the association for the study of higher education, san antonio, texas, november 18-21. figures voorhees 11 total strongly agree agree neutral disagree strongly disagree average score all survey responses 36 22 11 3 0 0 4.53 students item 1 item 2 item 3 item 4 9 9 9 9 6 8 2 6 2 1 6 2 1 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4.56 4.89 4.11 4.56 figure 1. results of five-point likert scale survey assessing the satisfaction of students regarding western michigan university’s service-learning scholars corps. for a sample survey form and complete list of survey items, see appendix 1. total strongly agree agree neutral disagree strongly disagree average score all survey responses 119 63 36 15 5 0 4.32 community partners item 1 item 2 item 3 item 4 item 5 item 6 20 20 20 20 *19 20 11 11 7 9 13 12 7 5 8 6 3 7 2 3 4 4 2 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 4.45 4.3 4.05 4.15 4.47 4.5 figure 2. results of five-point likert scale survey assessing the satisfaction of community partners regarding western michigan university’s service-learning scholars corps. for a sample survey form and complete list of survey items, see appendix 1. *note: portions of some assessments were left blank. total strongly agree agree neutral disagree strongly disagree average score all survey responses 63 20 33 8 2 0 4.13 instructors item 1 item 2 item 3 item 4 item 5 item 6 11 11 11 *10 *10 *10 1 8 2 1 1 7 10 3 7 5 7 1 0 0 2 3 2 1 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 4.09 4.73 4 3.6 3.9 4.4 figure 3. results of five-point likert scale survey assessing the satisfaction of course instructors regarding western michigan university’s service-learning scholars corps. for a sample survey form and complete list of survey items, see appendix 1. *note: portions of some assessments were left blank. appendix 1 voorhees 12 the following are samples of the likert items that were included with the exit interviews at the end of both semesters. evaluation items for community partners: the following likert items were asked of community partners during the exit interviews conducted by corps members as well as on the confidential electronic survey distributed at the culmination of each semester. a 4.0 or above on question 4 would indicate that the service-learning scholars corps program had, from the perspective of the community partner, maximized the impact of the direct services provided to the community through the service-learning partnership. strongly disagree 1 disagree 2 neutral 3 agree 4 strongly agree 5 1. the service-learning scholars corps improved the quality of the direct services provided to the community through this service-learning partnership. 2. the service-learning scholars corps improved the communication between my organization and my faculty partner. 3. the service-learning scholars corps offered leadership to this partnership. 4. this service-learning partnership achieved the maximum amount of impact on the direct services provided to the community as possible. 5. this service-learning partnership achieved the maximum amount of impact on the educational experience provided to the students as possible. 6. the service-learning scholars corps maximized the impact of this service-learning partnership. evaluation items for faculty partners: the following likert items were asked of faculty partners during the exit interviews conducted by corps members as well as on the confidential electronic survey distributed at the culmination of each semester. a 4.0 or above on question 5 would indicate that the service-learning scholars corps program had, from the perspective of the faculty, maximized the impact of the educational experience offered to students through the service-learning partnership. strongly disagree 1 disagree 2 neutral 3 agree 4 strongly agree 5 1. the service-learning scholars corps improved the quality of the educational experience provided to my students through this service-learning partnership. 2. the service-learning scholars corps improved the communication between me and my community partner(s). 3. the service-learning scholars corps offered leadership to this partnership. 4. this service-learning partnership achieved the maximum amount of impact on the direct services provided to the community as possible. 5. this service-learning partnership achieved the maximum amount of impact on the educational experience provided to the students as possible. voorhees 13 6. the service-learning scholars corps maximized the impact of this service-learning partnership. evaluation items for service-learning students: the following likert items were asked of servicelearning students on the confidential electronic survey distributed at the culmination of each semester. a 4.0 or above on question 1 would indicate that the service-learning scholars corps program had, from the perspective of the students, maximized the impact of the educational experience provided to the students through the service-learning partnership. strongly disagree 1 disagree 2 neutral 3 agree 4 strongly agree 5 1. this service-learning partnership achieved the maximum amount of impact on my educational experience as possible. 2. the service-learning scholars corps maximized the impact of this service-learning partnership. 3. the service-learning scholars corps provided strong leadership to this partnership. 4. this service-learning partnership achieved the maximum amount of impact on the direct services provided to the community as possible. patel syringe exchange service mapping and analysis with neighborhood level factors within pittsburgh pennsylvania samik patel university of pittsburgh introduction drug overdose accounts for over 50,000 deaths in the united states per year, with a death rate that has been steadily rising over the last two decades (brown and wehby, 2016). deaths related to opioid overdoses from prescription drug opioids have had similar rising trends (brown and wehby, 2016). the opioid epidemic now involves illegal opioids such as heroin and illicitly manufactured fentanyl (o’hara, 2016). the national trend for the opioid epidemic is displayed in allegheny county, pa with a steady increase in overdose related deaths since 2006; an all-time high of 635 allegheny county residents died from drug related overdoses in 2016 (husley, 2016). the majority of these drug overdose related deaths involved opioids. it seems that this increased rate of opioid use would be correlated to an increased rate of drug injection. hcv (hepatitis c), a blood borne infection, is most commonly transmitted through injection drug use and can survive in syringes for nearly a month after contamination. hcv poses a significant threat of outbreak, and as a result, syringe access programs, such as prevention point pittsburgh (ppp) are imperative in minimizing infection and preventing outbreak (allegheny city council, 2008). ppp is currently the only syringe access program in allegheny county. ppp engages in syringe exchange encounters that also include risk reduction education, referrals to additional services, and provision of sterile injection equipment. ppp collects a small amount of information from every client during a needle exchange through exchanger forms. this data includes number of returned needles, gender, race, neighborhood of residence, and various referrals that are filled out on paper and then electronically charted. risk environments shape drug use and related harms through aspects of the social and physical environment that can increase the chances of harm. further examination into physical environments, such as the number of vacant homes, and social environments, such as the number of unsupervised youth, have led to the development of social disorganization theory. social disorganization theory is derived from the idea in that certain structural characteristics impact a community’s social cohesion and social control. a previous study explored social disorganization theory by finding the effect of social disorganization factors such as racial/ethnic heterogeneity, family disruption, and urbanization on social networks and organizational participation could lead to crime and delinquency. this implies that the neighborhood and the conditions driving it on a physical, social, and economic level may play a greater role in crime rates than the actual population itself (shaw and mckay, 1942). additionally, this study looked at the social determinants of health by looking at the effect of neighborhood level factors on health outcomes (shaw and mckay, 1942). previous studies have additionally looked at the effects of social disorganization theory on drug use and behaviors that may influence drug related harm. a previous study in 2007 indicated that neighborhood poverty, a common indicator of social disorganization, was related to the probability of an individual using drugs (williams and latkins, 2007). similarly, another study found that neighborhood racial composition was strongly associated with harm causing drug behaviors where african-americans were found to be less likely to share syringes (bluthenthal, 2007). this project attempted to address the needs of ppp through the use of the electronically charted exchanger forms. this dataset was entered by multiple individuals at ppp and thus there were discrepancies within the dataset. ppp sought to know basic statistics regarding syringe exchange distributor location and neighborhood of residence. this project utilizes the exchanger form data to determine if social disorganization related factors, such as median home value and percentage african american, in pittsburgh neighborhoods may influence syringe exchange behaviors at ppp. additionally, an exploratory analysis was performed to look at possible spatial clustering. a previous study utilized data from 2015 and comparisons of results between 2015 and 2017 data could allow for analysis of dynamics in the future. methods a) ppp new or exchanger form data ppp volunteers and staff collect information from every patron that utilizes the services at ppp at various exchange sites. this form collected information pertaining to: number of needles returned, race, neighborhood of residence, and number of needles taken. during the 2017 year, ppp was distributing syringes at sites located in the hill district, oakland/east liberty, and perry hilltop neighborhoods of pittsburgh. each patron is given a unique identifier at his or her first visit that can be utilized to track syringe data on an individual basis. at the request of ppp, this dataset was cleaned to ensure accurate spelling and numerical entries. ppp additionally requested deduplication of the data based on unique identifier, neighborhood, and syringe distribution site. this was performed with the use of python. descriptive statistics were calculated from the dataset with the use of spss. b) pittsburgh department of city planning: snap raw (2010) pittsburgh’s department of city planning produces a raw dataset that draws census information from various sources to provide information on all 90 neighborhoods within pittsburgh boundaries. neighborhood factors looked at from the dataset were percent africanamerican and median home value specifically. these factors were previously analyzed and found to be significant neighborhood level factors associated with hcv transmission at the neighborhood level (heilman, 2017). c) pittsburgh neighborhood boundaries (2017) the western pennsylvania regional datacenter generates a public shapefile that contains a pittsburgh map with boundaries for all neighborhoods within pittsburgh. neighborhood boundaries were merged based on specificity of the dataset presented by ppp. for example, within the ppp dataset common phrasing such as ‘northside’ for one of 18 possible neighborhoods within northside resulted in merging of the 18 northside neighborhoods into a larger spatial area by boundary. this merging behavior was performed for the homewood (3 neighborhoods), oakland (4 neighborhoods), squirrel hill (2 neighborhoods), southside (2 neighborhoods), point breeze (2 neighborhoods), hill district (3 neighborhoods), and lawrenceville (3 neighborhoods) areas as well. d) analysis qgis version 2.18.15 was utilized to display syringe data. contour plots displaying syringe number and syringe number/population were created through qgis. geoda was utilized to conduct an exploratory spatial data analysis and to assess spatial autocorrelation. a connection matrix of rook first order contiguity was created in geoda. contiguity refers to two spatial units sharing a common border of non-zero length. spatial correlation is a valuable parameter with use of geoda, as the degree of how similar an object is to one nearby can be determined. spatial autocorrelation for the data was found in geoda with the use of the univariate moran’s i tool. a moran’s i was computed for syringe number, syringe number per population, median home value, and percentage african american. additionally, a univariate local indicators of spatial autocorrelation (lisa) and local g* cluster map were computed for syringe number per population at a pittsburgh neighborhood level. the lisa is important as a tool in determining which regions make meaningful contributions to the global autocorrelation outcome. results/discussion cleaning the dataset and computing simple counting statistics indicated a total of 3,259 syringe encounters engaged in by ppp. 469,262 sterile syringes were distributed across 3 sites in the east liberty/oakland, hill district, and perry hilltop neighborhoods of pittsburgh. additionally, ppp served 1408 unique individuals as assessed by the number of unique codes within the dataset. there was a 92.3% increase in the number of unique individuals utilizing ppp’s syringe exchange service in 2017 as ppp served 732 unique individuals in the 2016 year. in 2017, there was a significant increase in syringes distributed per week in comparison to 2016 (figure 1). additionally, there was an increase in syringes distributed per week at all 3 distribution locations. the perry hilltop neighborhood location was recently opened in 2016; as such there is no data to show for prior years. figure 2: displays the syringe number exploratory analysis through the use of a visual contour. the drastic increase in syringe number is indicative of the increasing demand from the community for the services provided by needle exchange programs, such as ppp. the increased demand should necessitate an increase in funding as ppp can serve the needs of the community. analysis of neighborhoods where syringes were taken back indicated large numbers of syringes taken to northside, the hill district, southside, and oakland areas of pittsburgh (figure 2). the northside area is significantly greater in population than the hill district, southside, and oakland areas. when normalizing the number of syringes taken per population, a different contour distribution was obtained (figure 3). the northside area did not have a red contour as the northside is significantly greater in population. when normalized per population (figure 3), the oakland, squirrel hill, and shadyside neighborhood cluster display a decrease in gradient in comparison to the total syringe number map (figure 2). on the other hand, the central business district and strip district display an increased gradient when normalized to syringe per population. ppp has recently obtained an outreach vehicle for mobile sites and the results of the syringe number and syringe number per population map will help ppp in concentrating outreach efforts in particular neighborhoods of pittsburgh. increased demands in areas such as the northside area are important to address, as well as increased demands per population in areas such as shadyside, oakland, and squirrel hill. figure 3: displays the syringe number per population exploratory analysis through use of a visual contour. table 1: effect of neighborhood level factors and ppp syringe data on moran’s i spatial autocorrelation and respective p-value. analysis of syringe number and syringe number/population indicated similar moran’s i values of -0.089 (table 1). a negative moran’s i is important as this indicates a tendency towards dispersion. however, syringe number per population indicated a statistically significant p-value of less than 0.05, while syringe number did not. this indicates that normalized values of syringe number per population may be more spatially dispersed than expected if underlying special processes were random. median home value and percent african american both displayed significant p values, indicating that clustering could possibly be non-random. based on these results, we are unable to detect causation and correlations, however our results indicate that syringe number per population, median home value, and percent african american all display spatial clustering. factor moran’s i p-value syringe number -0.089 .1150 syringe number/population -0.089 .026 median home value .294 .010 percent african american .332 .003 figure 4: lisa map indicating clustering for the syringe per population value. dark green indicates p = .0001 and light green indicates p = .05. analysis of the lisa indicates regions of local clusters and spatial outliers (figure 4). based on this map, the hill district, south shore, and fairywood regions show locations of a significant statistic for syringe number per population as spatial outliers. this indicates that the syringe number per population for these areas may experience some form of clustering. the fairywood and south shore areas have 0 syringes per population and are proximal to areas where syringes per population are represented. further exploratory analysis with the use of g*cluster map indicated special clustering in similar regions (figure 5). the south shore, esplen, and duquesne heights neighborhoods showed areas of high clustering, while the hill district, fairywood, east carnegie, and west end neighborhoods showed areas of low clustering. the lisa and g*cluster maps displayed similar regions of clustering in their analysis. the results of this exploratory analysis will be utilized to give prevention point pittsburgh a better sense of where individuals using their services predominantly reside. additionally, the results of this study show neighborhood level differences in total syringe number and syringe number per population. figure 5: g*cluster map indicating clustering for the syringe per population value. red indicates areas of high significance, while blue indicates areas of low significance. reflection the community based research fellowship was a unique experience that allowed me to interact with a community partner to help them address a possible need. in addition to addressing the possible need through the use of python and spss statistical packages, i was additionally able to take the needle exchange dataset a step further and begin a preliminary exploratory analysis. my relationship with prevention point pittsburgh initially began as a volunteer in the bag packing role. i was particularly interested in the opioid epidemic at the time and thought that contributing as a volunteer in some form would be a valuable experience. i attended a training session and was very interested in understanding the role of the syringe exchange program in addressing the opioid epidemic. the bag packing role was eye opening because it allowed me to develop a better understanding of the people that prevention point pittsburgh not only served, but its larger role in the community. wanting to contribute to prevention point pittsburgh in a more contrarian form than bag packing, i reached out to them in hopes of possibly working on a community based research fellowship. prevention point pittsburgh gave me a dataset as well as some specific needs/questions that they would have liked addressed from the dataset. the results from this study were placed in grants that prevention point pittsburgh utilized for funding from the allegheny county health department. as a bioengineering student with a limited background in computer science, i learned and utilized python to clean the data and de-duplicate the data based on entries. i additionally did a fair bit of cleaning by hand for entries that were excluded from the python script. this process proved to be tedious, but was worthwhile in the larger scheme of the project. i additionally learned about qgis and mapping with the help of dr. christina mair at university of pittsburgh’s school of public health. the process of obtaining a map that matched with the prevention point dataset as well as with the neighborhood level factors distributed by the western pa datacenter was rewarding. throughout this process, i continually thought about the effects of this project on prevention point pittsburgh and the people that prevention point serves. they are currently experiencing greater demand than ever and the results of this project could help them in seeking funding. with an outreach vehicle, prevention point pittsburgh can attempt to go to the neighborhood directly as opposed to having individuals travel to certain sites for services. with the data from this project, the hope is that prevention point pittsburgh may be able to better target particular neighborhoods to individuals that may find the services of prevention point pittsburgh useful in an effort to curb the effects of the opioid epidemic. acknowledgements holly hickling for helping me become involved in the cbr and for being a role model in becoming actively engaged in one’s community. aaron arnold and prevention point pittsburgh for their contributions/guidance to the project and their selfless work in the pittsburgh community. university of pittsburgh cbr fellowship spring 2018 cohort as engagement in discussion centering around the various fellows’ projects was invaluable in creating a vision for this project. references allegheny county council. 2008. agenda synopsis: february 5, 2008. county of allegheny. retrieved from: http://allegheny.granicus.com/mediaplayer.php?view_id=4&clip_id=150 bluthenthal, ricky n. 2007. community characteristics associated with hiv risk among injection drug users in the san francisco bay area: a multilevel analysis. journal of urban health, 84(5), 653-666. doi:10.1007/s11524-007-9213-3. brown, ezequiel and wehby, george l. 2016. economic conditions and drug and opioid overdose deaths. medical care research and review. 1-16 heilman, dana. 2017. social disorganization theory and hepatitis c incidence. university of pittsburgh graduate school of public health master’s of public health hulsey, eric. 2016. opiate-related overdose deaths in allegheny county: risks and opportunities for intervention. allegheny county department of human services; allegheny county department of health. o’hara, kevin michael. 2016. advancing hiv prevention amidst an opioid epidemic in the united states. journal of the american academy of physician assistant. 29(2) 12-14 shaw, clifford r and mckay, henry d. 1942. juvenile delinquency and urban areas. chicago: the university of chicago press. williams, chyvette t and latkin, carl a. 2007. neighborhood socioeconomic status, personal network attributes, and use of heroin and cocaine. american journal of preventive medicine, 32(6), s203-s210. doi:10.1016/j.amepre.2007.02.006 does participation in enrichment activities affect overall performance of elementary and middle school students?: an evaluation of the relationship between tcnj bonner center and hedgepeth-williams k-8 school holly malerba diane c. bates department of sociology the college of new jersey january 2014 summary the purpose of this evaluation is to determine if hedgepethparticipation versus non-participation in enrichment activities (notably the academic sports academy afterschool program, or asa) academic outcomes, and if the number of times a student participates in enrichment activities leads to a better outcomes. based on records of participation in enrichment activities collected by the bonner center for community engagement (bcce) and on grade reports, this study finds statistically significant higher science grades for students who participated in enrichment activities when compared to those who did not, and that more participation produced higher science grades in a linear fashion. there is some evidence to suggest that grades in language arts were also improved, but the data is much less conclusive. we were unable to find any significant differences for participants and non-participants in terms of overall grades, math grades, social studies grades, or technology grades; we also found no difference in reported absences and tardies. nonetheless, significantly higher science grades denote an unequivocal and positive effect of participation in enrichment activities, which is particularly compelling given the low quality of data available (and thus the exclusion of many potential cases). better record-keeping of participation in enrichment activities would greatly facilitate future evaluation efforts and is likely to demonstrate a stronger positive impact. methods hedgepeth-williams students participated in a wide range of activities sponsored and organized by the bcce; these were recorded by compiling asa attendance records, asa registration rosters, other rosters, and student project artifacts (e.g., poems, essays, and artwork) from all known activities provided by the bcce in paper and electronic archives. student participation was then paired with the only complete hedgepeth-williams roster that was available to the researchers, from 2010-2011. student names were then replaced by numbers and matched to grade reports from 2011-12. because of the date of the grade reports, no data from hedgepeth-williams students or alumni who were currently in 8 th or higher grades were included in the final analysis, regardless of their previous participation in asa or other enrichment activities. subject grades represent arithmetic mean of four quarters of grades on a 100-point scale. the 100-point scale reflects either the original numeric scores assigned by hedgepeth-williams teachers, or a conversion of letter grades with the following scale: a+ = 97, a = 94, a= 90, b+ = 87, b = 84, b = 80, c+ = 77, c = 74, c= 70, d+ = 67, d = 64, d= 60, f, f= 55. letter grades of i, n, ni, o, s, and u were treated as missing data. one measure of academic outcomes involves absences and tardies. the number of absences and tardies for each student was recorded as part of the grade report. these were unchanged in the analysis. other dependent variables examined include the average overall grades (totaven), language arts grades (litaven), math grades (mataven), science grades (sciaven), social studies grades (socaven), and technology grades (techaven) of the students at hedgepeth-williams. the dependent variables are all represented as numerical variables ranging from 0 to 100. the average overall grades (totaven) is an average of the five original variables, average language arts grades (litaven), average math grades (mataven), average science grades (sciaven), average social studies grades (socaven), and average technology grades (techaven). the means and standard deviations of the dependent variables are shown in appendix 1. the distribution of the average overall grades (totaven) are shown in appendix 2. the distribution of the average science grades (sciaven) are shown in appendix 3. the first independent variable is whether or not a student definitely participated in enrichment activities (totdbin). the variable was coded so that students who had participated in enrichment activities were coded as 1, and students who had not participated in enrichment activities were coded as 0. the frequency distribution of definite participation versus non-participation in enrichment activities is shown in appendix 4. the second independent variable is whether or not a student is suspected of participating in enrichment activities (totmbin). students who were matched based on incomplete names were included in this measure as participating. the variable was coded so that students who may have participated in asa or tcnj activities were coded as 1, and students who had not participated in asa or tcnj activities were coded as 0. the frequency distribution of suspected participation versus non-participation in enrichment activities is shown in appendix 5. the third independent variable is the number of times the students definitely participated in enrichment activities (totdef). this variable is a numerical variable ranging from 0 to 8. students who participated in 6 or more activities were recoded into one category because there were very few students in this category. the frequency of participation in enrichment activities is shown in appendix 6. the fourth independent variable is the number of times it is suspected the students participated in enrichment activities (totmaybe). students who were matched based on incomplete names were included in this measure as participating. this variable is also a numerical variable ranging from 0 to 8. students who participated in 6 or more activities were recoded into one category because there were very few students in this category. the frequency off participation in enrichment activities is shown in appendix 7. findings students that participated in enrichment activities had higher average science grades than students that did not. there is a statistically significant relationship between average science grades (sciaven), and whether students participated in enrichment activities or did not participate in enrichment activities (totdbin, f=10.395, p=.001, and totmbin, f=6.492, p=.011). the average science grades based on definite participation versus non-participation are shown in appendix 8. the average science grades based on suspected participation versus non-participation are shown in appendix 9. whether students participated in enrichment activities or did not participate in enrichment activities and their average overall grades (totaven) was not statistically significant, regardless of whether totdbin (f=.357, p=.551) or totmbin (f=.626, p=.430) was used for whether or not the students participated in enrichment activities. there was not a statistically significant relationship between average language arts grades (litaven, f=.525, p=.470), average math grades (mataven, f=1.278, p=.259), average social studies grades (socaven, f=.341, p=.560), average technology grades (techaven, f=.497, p=.482), and whether students definitely participated or did not participate in enrichment activities (totdbin). furthermore, there was not a statistically significant relationship between average language arts grades (litaven, f=1.117, p=.292), average math grades (mataven, f=.195, p=.275), average social studies grades (socaven, f=.159, p=.690), average technology grades (techaven, f=.654, p=.420), and whether students are suspected of participating or not participating in enrichment activities (totmbin). the more students participated in enrichment activities, the higher average science grades they had. there was a statistically significant relationship between average science grades (sciaven) and the number of times students participated in enrichment activities (totdef, f=3.572, p=.002, and totmaybe, f=3.557, p=.002). the average science grades based on frequency of definite participation are shown in appendix 10. the average science grades based on frequency of suspected participation are shown in appendix 11. there is not a clear positive linear relationship between average language arts grades (litaven) and the number of times we suspect students participated (totmaybe), but it seems there is some improvement amongst students who participated in enrichment activities. there was a statistically significant relationship between average language arts grades (litaven) and the number of times students participated in enrichment activities, but only when students we suspect participated were included (totmaybe, f=3.020, p=.007). the average language arts grades based on frequency of suspected participation are shown in appendix 12. the number of times trenton elementary and middle school students participated in enrichment activities and their average overall grades (totaven) was not statistically significant, regardless of whether only the students we know for certain participated in the activities were included (totdef, f=1.052, p=.395) or whether all the students we suspect participated in the enrichment activities a number of times based on an incomplete name were included also (totmaybe, f=1.399, p=.221). there was not a statistically significant relationship between average language arts grades (litaven, f=1.547, p=.163) average math grades (mataven, f=1.293, p=.261), average social studies grades (socaven, f=1.652, p=.133), and average technology grades (techaven, f=1.134, p=.347), and the number of times students definitely participated in enrichment activities (totdef). furthermore, there was not a statistically significant relationship between average math grades (mataven, f=.518, p=.794), average social studies grades (socaven, f=1.342, p=.239), and average technology grades (techaven, f=1.422, p=.212), and the number of times students are suspected of participating in enrichment activities (totmaybe). participation and suspected participation was also compared to the number of absences and tardies recorded on grade records. there were no significant relationships between participation or suspected participation and number of absences or tardies. discussion trenton elementary and middle school students who participated in enrichment activities had statistically higher average science grades than students who did not, and greater participation in enrichment activities lead to statistically higher average science grades. however, it is difficult to conclude if there is a clear relationship between participation in the enrichment activities and average language arts grades of the students at the trenton elementary and middle school because there was a statistically significant relationship only when we included students we suspect participated in enrichment activities, but are not certain. the findings suggest that there is no statistical difference in average overall grades between students who participated in enrichment activities versus students who did not participate in enrichment activities. additionally, there is no statistical difference in average overall grades among students who participated in more enrichment activities. further research should control for variables such as grade level, and classroom teacher to see if there are different results on average grades research such as interviewing teachers that work with the students in order to be able to gain insight on other impacts of the enrichment activities such as increased participation levels and changes in behavior of students would be valuable. another proposal for future research involves comparing hspa scores of 11 th grade students who had participated in enrichment activities and students who had not participated in enrichment activities in elementary and middle school; this was not possible in this study because of missing data. further research should also consider a longitudinal study, to see if participation in enrichment activities in elementary and middle school has an impact on students in high school. all future evaluation would be improved by better record-keeping for enrichment activities and by securing complete student rosters for each grade from the elementary school for each year. storing such data in a single spreadsheet would greatly facilitate evaluation, although this would still need to be merged manually with grade reports and/or hspa scores. appendix 1: mean and standard deviation of dependent variables dependent variables mean standard deviation language arts grades 76.540 11.105 math grades 79.041 10.207 science grades 80.616 9.765 social studies grades 77.577 11.629 technology grades 76.320 17.719 average overall grades 78.292 10.081 appendix 2: distribution average overall grades appendix 3: distribution of average science grades appendix 4: frequency distribution of definite participation versus non-participation in enrichment activities value frequency valid percent participated 134 49.8% did not participate 135 50.2% total 269 100.0% appendix 5: frequency distribution of suspected participation versus non-participation in enrichment activities value frequency valid percent participated 152 56.5% did not participate 117 43.5% total 269 100.0% appendix 6: definite students frequency of participation in enrichment activities appendix 7: definite students and suspected students frequency of participation in enrichment activities appendix 8: average science grades based on definite participation versus non-participation participation number of students mean 0 128 78.664 1 133 82.494 total 261 80.616 appendix 9: average science grades based on suspected participation versus non-participation participation number of students mean 0 111 78.844 1 150 81.927 total 261 80.616 appendix 10: average science grades based on frequency of definite participation number of times student participated number of students mean 0 128 78.664 1 52 80.140 2 31 82.984 3 18 82.134 4 15 83.000 5 8 87.938 6 or more 9 89.435 total 261 80.616 appendix 11: average science grades based on frequency of suspected participation number of times student participated number of students mean 0 110 78.844 1 55 79.817 2 36 81.178 3 20 84.988 4 15 78.883 5 13 85.942 6 or more 11 88.765 total 262 80.616 appendix 12: average language arts grades based on frequency of suspected participation number of times student participated number of students mean 0 110 75.691 1 54 77.859 2 36 78.144 3 20 76.704 4 15 66.950 5 13 81.904 6 or more 13 79.780 total 259 76.540 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 reflections on community-based research holly malerba the college of new jersey in fall 2013, i took a sociology class offered at the college of new jersey (tcnj) called community-based research and evaluation. the course featured a collaboration with the bonner center for civic and community engagement (bcce) at tcnj to research and evaluate a variety of educational enrichment programs offered at a nearby elementary school. the programs were evaluated based on the academic outcomes for the elementary school students involved as well as in terms of providing learning opportunities for participating college students. this research project focused specifically on the academic outcomes for the elementary school students based on their participation in enrichment activities. the educational enrichment programs are offered to the students through a partnership between the elementary school, the bcce, and a local foundation that runs the after-school program, asa. it is essential that these educational enrichment programs have an impact on the students. according to the state of new jersey school performance report (2012), the elementary school is one of the lowest performing elementary schools in the state of new jersey and significantly lags in comparison to its peers in categories of academic achievement, college and career readiness, and student growth performance. literature shows the immense value of school-community partnerships in improving student academic achievement. according to bryan, “schools alone lack the necessary resources to address the large number of obstacles to learning that many minority and poor students in urban schools confront on a daily basis” (2005, 220). she articulates the importance of schoolcommunity partnerships by explaining that they are essential to developing “educational resilience” in students, or “the ability of children to succeed academically despite risk factors that make it difficult for them to succeed” (220). school-community partnerships can increase protective factors that foster resiliency in students, and extracurricular enrichment partnership programs have been successful in fostering resiliency and improving academic achievement (bryan 2005). sheldon (2003) found that school-family-community partnerships in low-income, urban schools contributed to improved scores among students on state tests. epstein (1996) discusses how the job of educating and socializing children is a shared responsibility of schools, families, and communities. therefore, family-school-community partnerships are necessary to best educate and socialize children. she theorizes that for families, communities, and schools to be most effective, they need to have some shared goals and missions, and work collaboratively. bouillion and gomez (2001) discuss how a disconnect between schools and communities can lead students to disengage in their education. they highlight the value of school-community partnerships in providing students the opportunity to see how their education in the classroom can provide them opportunities in the future. additionally, they found school-community partnerships to have mutual benefits by bringing together a diverse range of people and knowledge. although valuable, these partnerships are not without many challenges. bryan argues that the social, cultural, and political factors faced by students in urban schools can often present “seemingly insurmountable barriers” to partnerships between schools, families, and the community (2005, 219). epstein (1996) refers to some of the challenges in developing schoolmalerba 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 community partnerships, such as collaborative planning, and “sharing of time, space, staff responsibilities and budgets” (231). sheldon (2003) discusses how teachers and families can be obstacles to school-family-community partnerships. according to him, higher quality teachers help schools better face the challenges of partnerships. families can be obstacles to schoolfamily-community partnerships when parents are unable to speak english, come to the school, or help their children at home. bryan and henry (2012) claim that one of the biggest challenges of partnerships is maintaining and sustaining the partnerships. some of their suggestions to sustain partnerships include good planning and celebration of accomplishments. evaluation of a partnership’s programs can indicate these accomplishments and can help stakeholders to plan better based on what aspects of a partnership are working well and what aspects can use improvement. when comparing the benefits and challenges of school-community partnerships, the positive impacts on students clearly outweigh the negative. in the elementary school, the existing educational enrichment programs have the potential to greatly impact student achievement. however, without an evaluation of the existing programs, determining whether they are making the impact on the students that they were intended to is difficult. furthermore, an evaluation of the programs helps to identify more successful and less successful aspects of the enrichment programs to inform the bcce what areas could use improvement (bryan and henry 2012). the educational enrichment programs offered to the students have existed for almost ten years. in this time, there had been no evaluation of the programs. in the semester-long course, our class identified existing data sources to assess the participation of students in enrichment activities and their academic outcomes. we obtained records of participation in enrichment activities from the bcce and grade reports provided by the elementary school’s administration. some of the challenges we encountered were incomplete record keeping about students’ participation and difficulty obtaining grade reports from the school’s administration. the incomplete records seemed to be due to a lack of focus on evaluation and a lack of resources. the bcce and the after-school program both struggle to balance their many responsibilities due to a lack of staff, time, and funding. due to the high demands that these organizations face, evaluation was not a high priority. the school’s administration, particularly, did not seem to prioritize the evaluation. we had to adjust the time frame of our research due to the delay in the receipt of the grade reports from the school’s administration. a community-based research approach seemed to be the most adequate method of evaluation because the community partner had asked us to carry out the evaluation. in order to best understand what the bcce wanted out of the evaluation, including the organization in the research process made the most sense. using a community-based research approach enabled us to have a deeper understanding of the history and mission of the educational enrichment programs and their relationship with the elementary school. the bcce staff members were able to share their goals for the program and the challenges they had faced. prior to this experience, i had taken a course on quantitative research methods. this project with the community broadened my understanding of the material i learned in my research methods course. i learned how to apply traditional research methods in less traditional settings. the project taught me the value of research in settings where the findings can be directly applied to make changes. in comparison to a traditional research approach, where the researcher decides the research question, our class collaborated with the bcce to find out what issues were important to it. based on its program goals, we decided what outcomes would be most important malerba 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 and relevant to evaluate (hacker 2013). another difference between traditional and communitybased research is that researchers in a community-based research project have to have more flexible timelines, research designs, and research questions. additionally, community-based researchers have to compromise some of their own goals to align with the goals of the community partners. some of the benefits i found working with community partners were that we had greater access to data sources that the community partner could share with us, including the records of participation in enrichment activities. additionally, we were able to gain a deeper understanding of the elementary school and the enrichment programs by talking with representatives from the bcce. we were able to share our findings directly with the bcce and the after-school program, asa, which provides many of the enrichment activities, so that they were able to make use of the findings. we also were able to provide suggestions to the bcce about improving record keeping to make future evaluations much easier (hacker 2013). some of the disadvantages i found working with community partners were conflicting views on the importance of evaluation between the bcce, the elementary school, and the goals of our class. particularly, the school’s administration did not give high priority to the evaluation. due to this, we were unable to stick to our original time frame for the research because we did not receive the grade reports when we thought we would (hacker 2013). another disadvantage was the incompleteness of data we received from the community partners. many of the attendance records of the afterschool program and of the day programs did not list all students in attendance or listed incomplete names. in some cases, we were able to match an incomplete name with a student. at times we also used projects from the after-school program or day programs to identify students who had participated when there was not an attendance list. due to the incompleteness of the data, we were only able to include students in the evaluation we were certain had participated. therefore, there were probably many more students that had participated in the enrichment programs but could not be included. this lack of data can be attributed to lack of staffing, time, resources, and priority. i was able to witness firsthand the challenges faced by the community partners to evaluate their own programs. with limited time and resources, they already struggled to carry out the existing programs. finding extra time and resources to undergo an evaluation of these programs was even more difficult. i hope through our suggestions to the community partners they are able to understand small and quick changes they can make, such as record-keeping, that will significantly reduce the time and resources needed to carry out future evaluations. i also hope they will learn to give greater priority to evaluation because otherwise they are using time and resources without evidence that their programs are effective. i have learned the importance of flexibility, adaptability, and open communication in carrying out research with community partners. flexibility was a key component to this research project because we had to be willing to compromise on a research question, methods, and use of the findings that the community partners agreed upon. we had to adapt our time frame for research and research methods when things did not happen as planned. finally, open communication was essential to the success of the project. open communication allowed us to inform the community partners of our needs and time frame. it also allowed for our community partners to share their needs for the research project and their insider knowledge pertaining to the project. we communicated with the bcce by having a meeting with the members of our class and staff of the bcce. in the meeting, we were able to ask questions of them and they were able to ask questions of us. this was the best form of communication because it involved the most malerba 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 participants in the project and it was the most direct. the biggest difficulty we had communicating with the community partners was time delays in the responses of the community partners. since our class met twice a week, my classmates, professor, and i were very easily able to communicate about our progress on the project. there is no specific emphasis on science in the enrichment programs so it is surprising to find that scores in science showed improvement. it is possible that if we had more complete records, the students’ scores would have showed improvement in language arts and math. for example, there was a significant relationship between average language arts grades and the number of times students participated in enrichment activities, when students we suspect participated were included. i would suggest to the afterschool program that they incorporate science as a focus of their afterschool program. since the afterschool program is already positively impacting students’ performance in science, they could capitalize on this finding to have even greater impacts on students’ performance in science. if these improvements were reflected in a future evaluation, it would put them in a better position to gain more funding to be able to build on and expand their programs. since the evaluation, asa and the bcce have responded to the need for better record keeping. although they have already faced many challenges at the start of the school year due to a reorganization of the school district, they plan to implement a system to keep better attendance records in a spreadsheet. additionally, they were very surprised that the findings showed improvement in science scores. they suggested that this finding is possibly due to the fact that there are very good science teachers at the school, and the afterschool program might have simply reinforced good study habits and behaviors that were stemming from the science teachers. due to the findings of the evaluation, the afterschool program is rethinking its curriculum to incorporate more science to complement its existing curriculum, which is focused on language arts. i found the experience working with community partners to carry out research to be at times frustrating, but very gratifying. although we were not able to control the research as much as in other forms of more traditional research, i think the benefits outweighed the disadvantages. we were able to provide findings directly relevant to the community partner and build the community partner’s capacity to carry out further evaluation. as researchers, we were able to develop a greater understanding through our collaboration with the community partner. i am appreciative of my experience in this course for expanding and building upon my abilities as a researcher and i hope the community partners are able to benefit by applying the findings of the research. ~ i would like to thank my professor, dr. diane bates, for her constant support, guidance, and encouragement throughout the course of this project. i also would like to thank the community partners for their collaboration and my classmates for their hard work that made it possible to carry out the research. malerba 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 references bouillion, lisa m. and louis m. gomez. 2001. “connecting school and community with science learning: real world problems and school-community partnerships as contextual scaffolds.” journal of research in science teaching 38 (8): 878-98. bryan, julia. 2005. “fostering educational resilience and achievement in urban schools through school-family-community partnerships.” american school counselor association 8 (3): 219-27. http://graingered.pbworks.com/f/resilience-+school +%26+family+partnerships.pdf. bryan, julia and lynette henry. 2012. “a model for building school-family-community partnerships: principles and process.” journal of counseling and development 90 (4): 408-20. epstein, joyce. 1996. “perspectives and previews on research and policy for school, family, and community partnerships.” in family-school links: how do they affect educational outcomes, edited by alan booth and judith f. dunn, 209-246. mahwah, nj: lawrence erlbaum associates. hacker, kara. 2013. community-based participatory research. thousand oaks, ca: sage publications. sheldon, steven b. 2003. “linking school-family-community partnerships in urban elementary schools to student achievement on tests.” the urban review 35 (2): 149165. state of new jersey. 2012. nj school performance report. http://www.state.nj.us/education/pr/ 2013/21/ 215210080.pdf. holly malerba diane c bates research holly malerba reflection trimble measuring the efficacy of lead interventions in millvale, pennsylvania daly trimble university of pittsburgh abstract millvale, pennsylvania is a lower income borough on the outside of pittsburgh struggling with the risk of waterborne lead exposure, a problem prevalent throughout allegheny county. this study surveyed recipients of the free filter pitcher distribution program that occurred over the summer of 2017. researchers investigated pitcher usage behaviors and reasoning, other ways the recipient households invested to prevent lead exposure, water testing rates, and interest in community programs. surveys were mailed to 136 household addresses from the distribution list. the response rate was 24.6% (n=32) and represented a population with frequent filter use and interest in town initiatives. respondents also reported a high rate of purchasing bottled water to substitute for tap. additional data suggests that residents may be filtering their water and purchasing bottled water regardless of whether their homes put them at risk for lead exposure or not, indicating a need for more information about the nature of the region’s lead problems. the surveys show that, while the pitchers were a very successful intervention, millvale would benefit from more organized efforts to spread information, perform lead tests, and offer long-term solutions to its residents. introduction millvale is a classic “steel town” on the outskirts of pittsburgh, pennsylvania. despite the past few decades featuring disastrous floods, economic depression that began with the collapse of the steel industry, and the exodus of many town residents during its lowest periods, millvale appears to be entering a new chapter. after a particularly destructive hurricane season that caused heavy rainfall and flooding in 2004, early recovery grants brought financial life to the community. the last ten years have featured an uptick in entrepreneurial investment as well as new inhabitants who are able to count on millvale’s continuing affordability despite gentrification throughout the greater pittsburgh area. nationally recognized as an ecodistrict, it was one of the smallest towns in the country awarded for its sustainable and equitable urban planning (waltz 2016). with more revenue and residents arriving yearly, it is apparent to community advocates that a renaissance is forthcoming. despite this bright outlook, however, millvale still struggles with the challenges of a lower income community. it currently has to grapple with waterborne lead contamination, an issue difficult to detect and correct even in prospering neighborhoods. in the summer of 2016, pittsburgh water and sewer authority (pwsa) announced to its customers that some of its service properties had elevated lead levels. initially using soda ash, a safe water additive that prevents old pipes from corroding and leaking particulate into the water, pwsa had switched in 2014 to a cheaper reagent without notifying the pennsylvania trimble ! 2 department of environmental protection. following detection and resulting sanctions, pwsa was ordered to test customer households for lead. data indicated that many houses and neighborhoods now have lead levels that exceed federal standards. pwsa has since switched back to soda ash and also began a free lead test program (lurie 2016). over the summer of 2017, the city of pittsburgh distributed 20,000 free zerowater filter pitchers as the one of the first steps in a citywide clean water strategy (smeltz 2017). being a smaller neighborhood outside the city of pittsburgh, millvale received 200 of the filters. city and borough officials prioritized the handout process to families with pregnancies and children under the age of six, and pitchers were available for pickup at both the millvale borough office and millvale community library over the summer. borough and library officials collected recipient addresses, but no follow-up was made to determine filter efficacy, usage rates, lead test results, or town concerns. given the association of even low blood-lead levels in small children with negative cognitive outcomes, especially for those from lower income communities, millvale community library partnered with the university of pittsburgh to issue a follow-up survey eight months post-distribution (shell 2016). i first became involved with millvale in the summer of 2017 as a browne leadership fellow within the university of pittsburgh school of social work. i was employed in millvale community library and tasked with administering the community needs assessment (cna), a questionnaire gauging local challenges and assets. the interviews i ran revealed that citizens were very concerned about waterborne lead exposure. however, they often lacked the knowledge and resources to take appropriate preventative measures on their own. pittsburgh’s filter donations occurred while i was busy with the cna, and i was asked to informally aid people with test kit and filter acquisition while conducting the assessment. learning that many families were unaware that they qualified for free resources, i partnered with the borough office to ensure filters were stocked in millvale community library and to target patrons so they could get supplies on the spot. by the end of the summer and the handout period, one question remained – were pittsburgh’s efforts an adequate and effective strategy in millvale? that question morphed into a research project within the act fellowship, a community-based research program run through the pitt honors college. i spent the 2017-2018 academic year partnered with the library for a second time, and i designed the following intervention review. methods over the summer, home addresses were recorded into a computer or by hand whenever a household received a filter. only 136 addresses of the approximately 200 households were recorded and legible, and this subsection became the study cohort. a survey containing multiple choice, checkbox selection, and short answer questions regarding filter use behaviors, other preventative strategies, and community action plans were mailed to each address. an opening letter explained to the pitcher recipients that the survey was a project through millvale community library to better understand town needs. it also stated that respondents who returned their surveys within one week of receiving them would be mailed coupons for discounted filters as well as a $5.00 gift card to a popular local café. trimble ! 3 results response rate and demographics the survey achieved a 24.6% response rate (n=32). this excludes six surveys that were returned by the postal service. of the responses received, the extent of completion was variable. the vast majority of surveys had skipped questions and sections, and a few had additional “write-in” responses added in the margins or on the back of the copy. 68.8% of respondents were homeowners. only 28.1% of respondents reported having any children in the household. within that category, each household had an average of 2.2 children. 50% of all survey respondents reported that they had performed a lead test on their homes, and 43.7% reported that they had not. pitcher usage most respondents reported consistent pitcher usage, with 75% stating that they had not stopped using their filter for any reason since receiving it and 84.3% claiming that they always filtered their drinking water. regarding foodborne lead exposure risk, only 25% reported always using the pitcher when cooking. variable rates of filtration for child, infant, and pet needs were reported and depended on having a child or pet in the home. common complaints about the pitcher were its inconvenience, tendency to break or leak, and needing to have the filters replaced too often. additionally, 68.75% of respondents reported that they were unaware of the discount coupons offered on the pittsburgh water and sewer authority website. plans, expenses, community engagement residents are currently investing a good deal in short-term preventative strategies but also demonstrated interest in town-wide initiatives (figure 2). 62.5% of residents reported drinking bottled water in place of their tap water and spend a median of $18.00 per month, and 70% of respondents stated that they intend to buy more replacement filters. while 70% of the cohort indicated that they did not have long-term plans on their own, 68.7% reported interest in at least one larger millvale program offered on the survey. the most popular options were a communitywide lead screening initiative (43.75% of the cohort indicated interest), general wellness events in town (37.5%), and income-qualified free lead paint testing and pipe replacement (31.25%). trimble ! 4 discussion response rate and demographics it is difficult to pinpoint why the response rate was so low despite material incentive, but the demographic data is telling. compared to community census data collected over the summer of 2017, the respondent cohort has a disproportionate number of people who own homes, have already performed a lead test, and do not have any children. this is especially puzzling given that the filter distribution process was meant to target families. it is likely that the people who responded were more willing or able to do so than the typical filter recipient, perhaps due to a greater personal interest in the lead crisis, greater civic involvement and readiness to voice their opinions, or more time and resources to devote towards the survey. additionally, survey respondents often skipped questions they did not wish to answer. it is probable that the percentage of respondents who have children is higher than is listed because the respondents did not feel comfortable disclosing this information. the response rate and results may have been different if active surveying were used in place of mailed copies and if parents received extra or better incentives. pitcher usage the data indicates that the pitchers were largely a successful intervention in millvale. however, residents made clear that their needs are not fully met. anecdotally, respondents mentioned the prohibitive cost of filter replacements and the burdens of trying to get the filter in the first place or having to deal with repairs. high rates of pitcher use also do not mean residents are making the most healthful choice. if possible, tap water is the best option to drink because it is 1) subjected to higher governmental regulation than bottled water and 2) contains beneficial additives such as fluoride. filter pitchers remove all particulate indiscriminately, but residents seem to be using the pitchers and buying supplies regardless of whether they know they have a lead problem or not. additionally, mixed responses to the question “why did you begin filtering your water?” indicate a greater miscommunication in town (figure 1). while many residents cited potential risks and the overall scare of the lead problem, others simply wrote that there was lead contamination. however, many of those respondents said that they had not performed a test in the past two years or left that question blank. with this data in mind, it can be concluded that many residents need to be informed that pittsburgh’s lead crisis is a house-to-house issue and that filtering is not a panacea despite being helpful in certain situations. plans, expenses, and community engagement short-term preventative investments have proven costly for residents and are an additional burden in a neighborhood that already struggles financially. it is promising, then, that the programs with greatest demonstrated interest are the ones millvale community library and trimble ! 5 other local nonprofits plan to implement in the coming year (figure 2). the library aims to launch a grassroots testing campaign, and various local organizations regularly hold neighborhood health events. most importantly, the borough plans to work with pittsburgh water and sewer authority as well as allegheny lead safe homes program to offer free pipe replacement and lead paint services this year to those who qualify. in the meantime, residents would benefit from knowing about free short-term resources like the coupons and the free lead test program. reflection despite major gains in public health over the past century, a clean glass of water is still not a given in the united states. tap water always seemed like the great equalizer everyone pays for what they use, but it is ultimately a community resource. before flint became a household name, the term “water crisis” evoked the images of droughts in far-off deserts or of cholera outbreaks in the slums of distressed nations. century-long cracks in american infrastructure are now proving that we cannot readily refer to all of this country as developed and durable. flint, pittsburgh, and hundreds of other localities nationwide must fully commit to long term reinvestment and immediate interventions to overcome waterborne lead risks. what struck me as particularly important were the multitude of reasons people gave for filtering their water. general dissatisfaction with water quality, health problems, and having children in the home were common justifications. however, most respondents indicated that they either were “playing it safe” given the potential threat or believed that there was lead in the water. my concern is that people are filtering out the positive additives like fluoride from their tap supply, spending a median of $18.00 monthly on bottled water, investing in more filters, and experiencing real distress without having the evidence that anything is actually wrong with their pipes. at the same time, i believe residents and share their suspicion that the water issues in town are widespread and possibly extend beyond lead contamination. i have never lived in a situation where my water smells bleachy, looks cloudy, or seems to make me ill. they do. community health research is incomplete if it does not honor the lived experience of its subjects, and i think the collective “play safe” fears merit continued investigation. like all other researchers, i have more questions after the survey than i did before. analyzing my response data, i asked myself continually, “where are the mothers?” i was astounded that, despite the handout prioritizing young families and pregnancies, less than a third of my samples had a child in the house. zero households had a pregnancy at the time of the mailing. the overarching goal of this study was to ensure local children were benefitting from campaigns intended to protect them, and the mailed survey model was not an effective way to follow up with their caregivers. i think that a questionnaire strategy must have greater personalization and compensation if it is to get data from parents who are busy, private, or otherwise struggling. our immediate next steps are to launch a community-wide testing campaign and to get the town ready for a free pipe replacement program offered this september. our biggest challenge will be empowering residents to perform lead tests and continue filtering while cooperating with city programs focused on multiyear infrastructure projects. i think lead in trimble ! 6 millvale is a challenge that will not be solved for a number of years, but i also hope that future data shows we overestimated the problem. regardless, the town residents deserve swift and sustained action on par with the bills they already pay for substandard water. acknowledgments special thanks go to: keith caldwell, who has been a supportive and patient faculty mentor in both the browne fellowship and the act fellowship. holly hickling, the project advisor for the act fellowship and someone who always made sure her office door was open. brian wolovich, the community partner who cleared logistical hurdles and made the project possible while trusting researchers with his hometown. thank you also to staff at the millvale community library for collaborating with the researchers and treating them like your neighbors. finally, a very special thank you to millvale citizens who responded to the survey or who otherwise help to make their neighborhood a safer and healthier place for everyone. trimble ! 7 appendix figure 1. all responses to “why did you begin filtering your household water?” figure 2. community initiative interests possibility of lead in water • “because of all the water concerns.” • “had intestinal problems. thought it might be the water.” • “we already have health issues and don’t need anymore with the possibilities of lead in our water.” • “possible lead in the water.” • “lead scare.” 
 “lead test scares.” • “worried about lead content.” • “because of possible lead contamination.” certainty of lead in water • “lead.” • “lead.” • “i have kids i don’t want exposed to lead.” • “because we were told there was lead in it.” • “because all the lead in the water.” other • “cause smells like chlorine.” • “better drinking water.” • “always did. ‘taste.’” • “the water tasted ‘dirty.’’ • “smelled like chlorine and was cloudy.” • “taste/smell/quality was bad.” • “i was buying bottled water. i need pure water to drink. free pitcher great! less bottles.” • “my health.” • “i refuse to drink the tap h20…i shouldn’t smell bleach from my tap.” • “when we had to boil water.” • “to have safe water to drink.” trimble ! 8 references lurie, julia. 2016. “how one company contaminated pittsburgh’s drinking water.” wired, october 28. https://www.wired.com/2016/10/pittsburghs-drinking-water-got-contaminated-lead/ shell, ellen ruppel. 2016. “the brains of flint’s children, imperiled by lead, could still escape damage.” scientific american, july 1. https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/the-brains-of-flint-s-children-imperiled-by lead-could-still-escape-damage/ smeltz, adam. 2017. “city says distribution of water filters about halfway complete.” pittsburgh post-gazette, june 20. http://www.post-gazette.com/local/city/2017/06/20/pittsburgh-lead-water-filterdistribution-safe-water-program-pwsa/stories/201706200037 trentacosta, c. j., davis-kean, p., mitchell, c., hyde, l., dolinoy, d. (2016). “environmental contaminants and child development.” child development perspectives, 10(4), 228-233. doi: 10.1111/cdep.12191 waltz, amanda. 2016. “ecodistrict pivot 2.0 plan envisions a brighter future for millvale.” next pittsburgh, may 23. https://www.nextpittsburgh.com/business-tech-news/ecodistrict-pivot-2-0-plan-envisions a-brighter-future-for-millvale/ https://www.wired.com/2016/10/pittsburghs-drinking-water-got-contaminated-lead/ https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/the-brains-of-flint-s-children-imperiled-byhttps://www.nextpittsburgh.com/business-tech-news/ecodistrict-pivot-2-0-plan-envisionsundergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 community-made, community-led: exploring the history of boston chinatown neighborhood center michael wang tufts university introduction it was not just about pioneering services. it was about community control. it was about leadership development and providing pathways for people in the community to take leadership over our own destiny. (david moy interview 2016) standing on the corner of ash and oak streets in boston chinatown, the boston chinatown neighborhood center (bcnc) serves as an anchor for the city’s asian american community. bcnc, in its over 40 years of history, grew from a small gathering of local residents, parents, and community leaders, into the leading human social services provider for greater boston’s asian american community. the organization’s mission, “to ensure that children, youth, and families have the resources and supports they need to achieve greater economic success and social well-being,” highlights bcnc’s commitment to all individuals. bcnc provides assistance and resources for community members, both immigrants and nonimmigrants, to build a support system and preserve boston chinatown’s rich culture. the majority of those served are immigrant chinese with low family incomes and limited english ability. as a community-based organization, bcnc both serves and invests in the chinatown community. this commitment is seen through the organization’s leadership and programs. leading bcnc today is executive director giles li. joining the organization in 2006, giles embodies bcnc’s values of community participation and empowerment. giles oversees more than 80 staff members who manage programs that support learning and development for thousands of children, youth, and adults. under giles’ guidance, the organization’s familycentered approach underlies its eight programs, which include adult education, family childcare, recreation and fitness, and family services. bcnc did not start as the leading service provider that it is today. over 40 years ago, the organization found its roots in a dilapidated building borrowed temporarily from the boston redevelopment authority (bra). at the time, bcnc did not have the vast member base it has now. it did not have direct service programs to provide to the community. it did not have a permanent home. it was not even known then as bcnc. so how did bcnc form and how did it grow into the established organization it is today? what were the original goals for the organization? moreover, what were the organization’s relationship with and role in the boston asian american community? how does the present state of bcnc line up with the mission of its founders and contributors, and how has its role in the boston asian american community transformed over the years? these are the questions that giles and i looked to answer in spring 2016, 47 years after the founding of bcnc. this project, which looks into the formation of bcnc and its values, started with meeting some of bcnc’s original contributors. but, before i delve further into exploring bcnc’s beginnings, one must understand the beginning of boston chinatown. wang 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 background as far as [whites] were concerned, they were the only ones who had history here, not chinese for sure. for us, we didn’t have that information. it was like we were trying to create it ourselves. (stephanie fan interview 2016) boston chinatown began in the 1870s as a community of male chinese laborers. originally recruited in 1870 from the west coast after the completion of the transcontinental railroad, these 75 laborers served as strike breakers at calvin t. sampson’s shoe factory in north adams, massachusetts. the majority of these male workers came to the u.s. from china’s guandong province through the flow of chinese migrant labor under a contract system (to 2008). sampson continued this strategy by hiring another 50 chinese workers in 1871. replacing the factory’s union employees for cheaper wages, the chinese workers remained at the factory for a brief period of three years, as white men later replaced the chinese (to 2008). of the original 75 chinese workers, 70 made their way to boston where they settled in the south cove landfill area where many irish, italian, jewish, and syrian immigrants had previously established communities (to 2008). by the end of the 1800s and the early 1900s, this small community found its niche by establishing successful laundries and restaurants (to 2008). boston chinatown experienced an increase from about 200 people in 1890 to around 900 people in 1910 (chen 2014). as chinese merchants and workers populated the area, clan associations and family organizations sprung up as bases in chinatown for recreation, information, and support (chen 2014). many years later, in the 1940s, new waves of chinese immigrants found their way into boston chinatown. “in this period, boston’s chinatown became a site of intense contestation as an increasingly large and diverse chinese american community vied for space with an array of public and private entities” (chen 2014). despite chinatown’s growth during this time, boston experienced a period of urban decline that drove city planners to map out large-scale urban renewal. intercity highways served as a solution to connect affluent suburban areas with the then struggling urban centers; however, building highways into the central city also meant destroying residential areas that planners deemed dispensable (chen 2014). the vision for these highways offered a promise to reactivate cities through connecting them to larger regional and national economies, not through prioritizing communities already present within the city. in the process of designing the city’s future, community members were left out. boston officials focused on reversing population loss, capital investment, downtown commerce, and drawing the white middle-class back into the city (chen 2014). community input received little consideration in the planning process, highlighting the backdrop of community disengagement in urban renewal. as a result, the central artery highway in the 1950s and the massachusetts turnpike extension in 1962 tore through the heart of boston chinatown and destroyed a large section of the neighborhood’s residential area. residents, storeowners, restaurateurs, and others organized committees to protest the construction, but failed to halt the highway. chinatown experienced a huge loss in residential buildings near its commercial core, with hundreds of chinatown residents displaced (chen 2014). urban renewal served as a top-down approach for mapping the future of communities because of its disregard for community input. the highways reconfigured boston and its neighborhoods, and in doing so, the future of chinatown became uncertain. wang 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 around this time, bcnc began to take root under the name of the quincy school community council (qscc). qscc, and its transformation into bcnc since then, played a key role in the development of the boston chinatown community, though the foundation that it laid for the growth of organizations and community networks today is not widely known to either chinatown or boston residents. recording this history and the growth of bcnc from qscc served as the foundation for my project with bcnc. as i was volunteering at bcnc, giles proposed the idea for this project as a means to reflect on the organization’s foundations while preparing for its 50th anniversary. the idea began as a process of gathering stories, and then snowballed into a larger plan of integrating the reflections of bcnc’s founders into a greater timeline. it would serve to recognize and acknowledge the role that bcnc has played and the influence it has had on chinatown and the greater boston asian american community. in meeting and planning out the project, we developed key themes, which revolved around the following questions: how did bcnc form and how did it grow into the established organization it is today? what were the original goals for the organization? how was the organization’s relationship with and role in the boston asian american community, and how has its role transformed over the years? giles spoke often about the value of integrating all types of voices in this history project, including those of founders, board members, staff, and children and families involved in bcnc’s programs. moreover, we wanted to utilize this work as a foundation for a project that could grow and transform with the leadership of others in the future. for the purpose of this paper, which reports on the progress i made in my spring academic semester of 2016, we had to limit the extent of my involvement to three in-depth interviews with four people. theoretical framework and research methods that was our job, to push for what the community wanted. (sandie fenton and chet fenton interview 2016) for the structure of this project, i looked to incorporate the frameworks of communitybased participatory research (cbpr). cbpr serves as a collaborative approach to research and begins with an issue selected by a community partner. it continues with the involvement of community members and other stakeholders throughout the research process in decision-making, data gathering, and analysis (minkler and wallerstein 2008). public health scholars meredith minkler and nina wallerstein developed cbpr as an orientation to research that “emphasizes mutual respect and co-learning between partners, individual and community capacity building, systems change, and balancing research and action” (minkler and wallerstein 2008). through integrating the cbpr approach, i aimed for this project to be formed in conjunction with bcnc’s leadership and guidance. the cbpr approach is a research method that bases its goals, methods, and outcomes in the community partner. with this approach, the role of the researcher is to serve as a resource and facilitator for the community organization. giles has been the leader in establishing the direction and goals of the project. without giles and bcnc, my work would have lacked structure and purpose. giles and i started the project as a pilot to explore bcnc’s history chronologically with its creation in 1969. giles urged me to contact founders and early staff to get a bearing on how bcnc started and to tie in social movements of the time that influenced bcnc’s creation. in terms of what to ask in interviews, we also laid down preliminary questions, but giles advised me that fewer set wang 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 questions could lead to more unique and organic conversations. i interviewed four members of bcnc’s history in three separate meetings. recording these meetings with the permission of the participants, i then transcribed each interview and analyzed them for specific themes and trends. i coded each interview paying attention particularly to the individual’s connection to bcnc, background of bcnc and its functioning in its nascent stages, bcnc’s key values, the individual’s reflection on his or her involvement, and his or her view on the organization today. i tried to adhere to the tenets of cbpr in the process of this project by keeping the project’s goals based in the ideas of bcnc and the participants. the following sections of this report summarize my findings and interpretations. the interviews people who were involved [with qscc] were really involved. it was almost like a full-time job. it was intense and exciting to be creating something new, and also to meet people from these different communities. (sandie fenton and chet fenton interview 2016) in exploring the history of bcnc, i met with four individuals, each of whom were recommended to me by giles. this group consisted of stephanie fan, sandie fenton, chet fenton, and david moy. playing key roles in the formation of bcnc, or qscc at the time, these members each found their way to qscc through unique, sometimes unexpected, paths. stephanie lived in chinatown when the city of boston began planning for a new school there to serve the communities of chinatown, bay village, and the south end. a recent graduate of tufts university, stephanie returned to her original home in chinatown to stay with family. qscc served as a lead in the planning of the new school, and hired stephanie as a community organizer to act as a liaison between tufts-new england medical center (t-nemc) and community groups in the design of the school (program requirements and design specifications for the quincy school complex 1969). sandie and chet fenton, recently married, were new residents of a cramped apartment in boston’s bay village. playing crucial roles in the creation of qscc, sandie and chet found ways to involve themselves in every neighborhood they lived. “bay village had community meetings, and we went to one of them. they said, ‘oh, we need volunteers to be on this council that’s going to help plan this new school. anybody want to do it?’ we raised our hands, and that’s how it started” (sandie fenton interview 2016; chet fenton interview 2016). david moy began his relationship with qscc during his childhood in chinatown. “i guess my involvement in bcnc started before i realized it...i remember going there as a kid. there was a teen drop-in program. i didn’t even realize it was bcnc, but i used to hang out there” (david moy interview 2016). david joined qscc officially in 1981 as program developer and rose through the ranks to become the organization’s executive director for 15 years. the beginning you know, they’re planning this school, and it’s supposed to be a community school, but there’s nobody from the community who’s involved in the planning. (stephanie fan interview 2016) wang 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 qscc began in 1969 as a small group of community leaders to advise the creation of the new josiah quincy elementary school complex. two years prior to the formation of this council, though, t-nemc already had begun its design of the new school through the development of the quincy school project in t-nemc’s planning office (program requirements and design specifications for the quincy school complex 1969). sub-contracted by the boston school department to outline the new quincy school on tyler street, the planning office formed the advisory council through state and city agencies with jurisdictional relationships to new schools in boston (program requirements and design specifications for the quincy school complex 1969). in the following two years, the advisory council formulated a plan for the new school, concluding with a presentation to the communities of chinatown, bay village, and south end. in this meeting, the advisory council encountered complete opposition (program requirements and design specifications for the quincy school complex 1969). on august 15 in castle square, 50 to 60 residents of the three communities gathered to discuss the quincy school project. collectively, community members expressed disbelief in tnemc’s engagement, or lack thereof, with the community. “why are you planning a community school when you have no community?” “why had the staff taken so long to come to the community? by what right did they plan for, rather than with, the community?” among the crowd present at the august 15 meeting, there was a widespread sentiment that the neighborhoods deserved a serious role in the school’s development. as a result, the temporary committee formed as a means to voice community concerns (program requirements and design specifications for the quincy school complex 1969). the temporary committee, a precursor to qscc, initiated a connection between t-nemc and chinatown, bay village, and south end. the temporary committee met every week thereafter to discuss each other’s challenges and establish procedures for legitimizing their representation. “[we] wanted to somehow make more connections with the neighborhoods, with the people who were going to go to this school or be invested in this school in different ways. we were the representatives, but we didn’t want to be this elite group and then here are these communities” (sandie fenton and chet fenton interview 2016). the temporary committee tasked stephanie, along with a second community organizer, karl hahn, to facilitate the creation of the committee and work with community members to build its mission and procedures. in the late 1960s, disconnect between community and institution served as a key theme in boston’s redevelopment. horrendous public school conditions, desegregation busing, and advancement of culturally relevant academic curriculum permeated conversations and served as the backdrop for the creation of qscc. in boston’s schools, there was a fear of community. “you would have mostly white teachers and mostly white principals who put in their time at the poorer schools and would leave as soon as possible” (sandie fenton and chet fenton interview 2016). most teachers not only lacked investment in improving the public school system, but also discouraged community engagement. schools were deteriorating. teachers were unaccountable to parents. curriculum failed to empower students. growing out of the ocean hill-brownsville teacher’s strike for community control over schools in new york city, boston communities pushed education departments for increased involvement in schools (sandie fenton and chet fenton interview 2016). communities demanded open schools with multi-service components, which would allow neighborhoods to utilize school buildings for multiple purposes. they envisioned schools as neighborhood organizations, childcare centers, community meeting places, and recreation centers. communities saw the future of schools as the future of the neighborhood; they wanted access, engagement, and empowerment. qscc, in the face of crumbling school wang 6 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 systems and disengagement of communities, sought to bring the teacher together with the parent, to connect those creating a school with those utilizing the school. because the complete lack of school curriculum regarding asian americans failed to provide children in chinatown with context for the racial polarization of the city, the fight for community say in city decision-making also pressed for personalized and culturally relevant curriculum. “we never had asian american history. they never talked about it. you’re the subject, the recipient of all this anti-asian racism...there’s recognition that something’s wrong, but there’s no political analysis of what is wrong and what can be done about it” (sandie fenton and chet fenton interview 2016). the absence of asian american history in schools highlighted the failure of boston’s universal curriculum. the courses, lessons, and teaching styles did not reflect the experiences of the students and underlined disconnect between schools and communities. “that model wasn’t for anybody. it was an old school, fold your hands classroom...we had long outgrown this old english model” (sandie fenton and chet fenton interview 2016). communities were looking for a new type of school that empowered students and integrated community voices. boston communities called for a transformation in the public schools and for chinatown. qscc served as that model for change. the formative years we needed to be an active participant, not just the recipient of decisions made by the city and state. (david moy interview 2016) although qscc found itself in a new home on 34 oak street, its future still remained uncertain. the council was made up of a diverse group of members including white residents from the high-income bay village, along with black, puerto rican, and chinese members from the modest-income castle square apartment, and lower-income chinese residents from chinatown (program requirements and design specifications for the quincy school complex 1969). wealthy in terms of human resources, qscc unfortunately lacked material resources. through june 30, 1969, qscc received only $5,322 from the boston school department and the quincy school project to pay for the council’s two coordinators, stephanie fan and karl hahn (program requirements and design specifications for the quincy school complex 1969). in light of t-nemc’s scheduled opening of the new quincy school in 1972, the council pushed forward plans for the multi-use school. sub-committees sprung up to expedite planning and focused on subjects such as budget and personnel, curriculum, goals and policies, recreation, and preschool (program requirements and design specifications for the quincy school complex 1969). sandie fenton led the development of the preschool committee, which eventually formed the acorn preschool program. each of qscc’s members dedicated countless volunteer hours to laying foundations for the quincy school. all committees, through diligent planning and coordinating with community members, produced reports for eventual incorporation into an overall planning document (program requirements and design specifications for the quincy school complex 1969). under a collective goal of developing a more accessible, integrated, and communitybased school, the members of qscc presented a unified effort for the three communities. “there weren’t any territorial issues, no control issues. this was going to be a public school. people had their point of view on details, but we hashed them out. it was a pretty compatible group” (sandie fenton and chet fenton interview 2016). finally, in september of 1969, qscc finished its wang 7 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 planning document, the result of countless hours integrating the ideas and input of numerous planners, parents, community residents, and educators. it represented a consensus of planning between communities and institutions and served as an attempt to articulate holistically the needs of the community. the document put forth ideas for physical environment, programs, community objectives, and service requirements (program requirements and design specifications for the quincy school complex 1969). qscc’s quincy school plan painted a picture for what the community dreamed and how to implement its wishes. though qscc concluded its primary purpose with the production of the quincy school program requirements and design specifications document, it’s work was not finished. with the completion of this phase of qscc’s history and the exit of stephanie fan, sandie fenton, and chet fenton, many questions lingered. how would qscc continue? what would the goals of the organization be? would its membership change? david moy proceeded to answer these questions in his tenure with qscc. the growth of an organization i realized that an agency like bcnc had an important role...the role is that it’s not only about fighting for the community, but also [organizations] become vehicles for developing and engaging developing leadership in the community itself. (david moy interview 2016) in 1974, the organization’s acorn child care center had just opened and began by serving 14 children. moreover, in 1976, qscc launched its recreation and adult english as a second language programs. after just a few years, qscc had incorporated and grown into an established community organization that partnered with the newly built quincy school to provide after-school services and community programming. with strong support for staff and facilities from both the original three communities and the city, qscc developed its base and grew its services for children and families of the quincy school and the surrounding community. qscc, since its beginning, showed a strong inclination for developing leaders from its own communities. when david joined qscc officially as a program developer in 1982, he found himself in a position of growth. “i applied for that position and i was woefully inadequate… i was [previously] the youth worker. i had never written proposals. i had never done any of that stuff” (david moy interview 2016). despite david’s lack of experience in program supervision, qscc proceeded to hire him and invest in his future. the organization grew through its own community members. just as it had started, qscc continued to maintain close ties with the community and reinvest in members of its neighborhoods. participation served as the foundation of qscc’s service programming. in david’s career with the organization, qscc pioneered integrated programming of family and youth. understanding connections between services, david prioritized participation of members and staff in different services and promoted crossover of membership. prior to qscc, family services in boston chinatown came in the form of discrete programming that served only adults, only teens, or only children. for qscc, separation of services proved to be inefficient and ineffective. “it was kind of silly because all the folks we were serving were in the same family, but split up into these things” (david moy interview 2016). david saw the future of family services in chinatown as inclusive and connected, so he implemented a series of multi-year strategic plans to grow qscc and establish the organization’s holistic family-centered model. wang 8 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 the first multi-year strategic plan began with preserving and stabilizing programs from budget cuts during a fiscal crisis. as david started as the executive director of qscc in 1990, boston experienced a deep recession. in order for qscc to survive, the organization cut programs and laid off several staff members. david reallocated resources to save the preschool and develop the organization’s youth services. “up to that point, we were just what was called ‘gym and swim.’ we just had a pool where the program people dropped in. you know, good luck with whatever you were struggling with” (david moy interview 2016). providing opportunities for chinatown area youth, david and qscc looked to connect children and adolescents with mentoring and enrichment programs to build a pipeline to successful growth. in his second multi-year strategic plan, david sought for a transformation in community principles. “i think the biggest challenge is to recognize that we’re not a transient population, that we’re not sojourners, that increasingly, we are here to stay” (david moy interview 2016). for many chinese immigrants in boston who came to america for opportunity, barriers to civic participation served as obstacles to community empowerment. david’s push for change stemmed from the desire to promote community voices. in the community, this push created a split between older and younger generations of chinese americans. the contrast between generations characterized the differences between traditional chinatown family organizations and qscc. qscc looked to engage its members in more inclusive and democratic ways, pushing forward a mentality that looked to chinatown as a permanent community. at this time, in 1997, qscc also changed its name to bcnc to better represent its mission, programming, and location. david looked to develop an entirely new building for bcnc in his last multi-year strategic plan. in the creation of the new bcnc building, a greater struggle in the 1990s for community land grew out of control over parcel c, a city plot in boston chinatown where bcnc was located. the fight for parcel c represented a battle against institutional expansion and community control in chinatown. in this case, t-nemc again played the role of the institution looking to oversee the future of parcel c. bcnc, just as it had done in its formative stages as qscc, anchored the fight against t-nemc. bcnc, along with other chinatown community organizations, combatted the hospital’s original proposal of an eight-story garage (lai, leong, and wu 2000, 1-43). because bcnc originally owned two parcels of land in parcel c, boston chinatown successfully came together as a community and took back community land. bcnc was not just about social services. it was also about securing and building a future for chinatown. it was about chinatown making decisions for chinatown. ultimately, bcnc and other chinatown organizations developed the land to create new organization spaces and mixeduse housing (leong 1995, 99-119). developing a sound socioeconomic and political base in his 15-year tenure with bcnc, david solidified and advanced qscc’s original values of community investment, empowerment and decision-making, and social support. bcnc served and continues to serve as crucial social infrastructure that supports new immigrants and secures chinatown as a vibrant community for boston’s asian americans. the construction of bcnc’s new building established a permanent presence in what once was an uncertain future. “if we did not build our own home and own it, we would no longer be in chinatown in the future” (david moy interview 2016). key values that was what you want to see, enough of a commitment to your constituents that you’re willing to go the extra mile...that tells you that you really care about your wang 9 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 constituents. your programs grow based on the needs. (sandie fenton and chet fenton interview 2016) bcnc’s success as an organization stems from its origins as a community-based initiative and continues today through a commitment to its constituents. the creation of programs and the direction of the organization are based in the voices of its neighborhood residents. bcnc, from its very beginning, has valued the opinions of community members and provides pathways to empowerment. if chinatown calls for a service that no organization offers, bcnc accommodates those needs. the needs drive the organization. bcnc is about “being sure that you’re in tune with your constituents and continuing to work to address the needs and concerns you find there” (sandie fenton and chet fenton interview 2016). the strength of bcnc lies in the connection between the organization and the community. originally serving as a link between chinatown, south end, and bay village and t-nemc, bcnc continues to navigate the balance between community and institution. the organization continues to grow and thrive through community participation. bcnc not only pushes for community participation, but also community empowerment. the agency invests in the individual as a change maker; it develops skills and provides opportunities for boston’s asian american residents to lead the future of chinatown and the city. serving as the foundation of bcnc, the notion of taking community leadership into the hands of community members looks to make chinatown into a solid collective. the strong line of leadership within the organization has grown bcnc into critical infrastructure that supports the surrounding asian american community. emphasizing community-based and bottom-up approaches, bcnc’s internal leadership responds to and plans for community needs. “when you get bigger, you kind of get concentrated in our own problems and your own growth and your own issues. it’s easy to forget what other organizations [are] doing” (stephanie fan interview 2016). the ever-present obligation of bcnc to its constituents strengthens its commitment to boston chinatown. reflections [bcnc] really has welcomed everybody and tried to deal with any issues that come up. i think that’s one of the things that i appreciate most about the organization. (stephanie fan interview 2016) looking back on their relationships and experiences with bcnc, stephanie fan, sandie fenton, chet fenton, and david moy all expressed feelings of celebration and personal growth. the organization and its values served as alternatives to the norms and traditions of established chinatown organizations. the connection between community and leadership, although commonplace today, was a novel idea that broke conventional conceptions of institutions that siloed people and services. stephanie proudly regarded bcnc as having consistent and strong leadership. “i don’t think we’ve ever had a leader who has compromised the ethics” (stephanie fan interview 2016). according to stephanie, the organization has stuck to its core values for almost 50 years and has grown to meet whatever its community members need. although sandie and chet fenton were only heavily involved in the formative years, their experiences share a greater story of crossing boundaries and making connections. “for us to have this opportunity to work with people who were from different kinds of communities than wang 10 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 from what we were from was very enriching and enlightening” (sandie fenton and chet fenton interview 2016). despite not knowing whether their efforts would amount to success or not, sandie and chet worked tirelessly to support their community and push this neighborhood initiative. at the time, the two were new to bay village and jumped at the opportunity to contribute to their new home. sandie and chet had experience with community organizing and used their knowledge to drive home their values of participation, accessibility, and inclusion in the initial qscc meetings. “all those values were part of the project in driving the commitment to make this happen, and to make this happen in a way to be as inclusive as we could make it to be, that could serve the needs of the community as much as possible” (sandie fenton and chet fenton interview 2016). for david, his 15 years with bcnc as the executive director reinforced his initial belief that bcnc created pathways for community development. “i think the piece that i’m most proud of, or most happy about, was the notion that bcnc can be the incubator of community leadership, skills development, and engagement” (david moy interview 2016). david saw and continues to see bcnc as a foundation for the growth of boston chinatown. hoping to preserve chinatown in his time with bcnc, david engaged in historic fights with institutions such as tnemc to conserve community land. looking to the future chinatown is really not just a place. it’s really a state of mind (stephanie fan interview 2016). the future of bcnc lies in the future of chinatown and boston’s asian american community. in the past 50 years, the city’s asian american population has grown and transformed, and with the rising cost of living in boston due to a renewed interest in the city, boston chinatown is experiencing major changes (white 2013). what once were pedestrian filled streets are now luxury condos and high-end real estate. fewer and fewer chinese americans are able to afford living in boston chinatown and many are moving to the surrounding areas of quincy and malden. in his final years with bcnc, david began to anticipate this population shift. “when i started, most of our folks were from chinatown and south end or [jamaica plain], but as i kept looking at the numbers, i saw people becoming dispersed, but still coming to bcnc” (david moy interview 2016). the residents of boston chinatown felt economic pressure and sought new homes in the suburbs. david recognized the essential role that bcnc played not only in boston chinatown, but also in greater boston. no other social service organization in the greater boston area serves asian americans on the scale that bcnc does. because much of bcnc’s constituent population was moving out of boston chinatown, david expressed the need for satellite services. the establishment of satellite services for bcnc also posed the question of redefining bcnc and chinatown. “to me, the question becomes, is bcnc a geographic organization, meaning that we’re just located in chinatown, so we just service chinatown, or are we a linguistic, cultural, economic entity that serves a specific community wherever that community is” (david moy interview 2016). if a chinatown is based in its chinese population, then the shift in population outside of the city calls for a redefinition of chinatown. physical borders do not confine boston chinatown. it is not the buildings, the restaurants, and the stores wang 11 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 that make a chinatown; it is the people, the continuation and transformation of culture, and the personal connections, that create the community of chinatown. conclusion how did bcnc form and how did it grow into the established social service provider it is today? what were bcnc’s original goals and how has its role in the boston asian american community developed? how do the current values and services of bcnc compare to its original purpose? in the four months of my 2016 spring academic semester, i looked for the answers to these core questions. bcnc, as qscc, started as a three neighborhood-wide effort to input community voices into the design of the new quincy school. as qscc, the organization found its strength through the collective participation of community members from boston chinatown, bay village, and south end. throughout the formative years of qscc, organizational values and structures formed around supporting community voices and holistically responding to community needs. after its initial accomplishment of assembling program structures and goals for the quincy school, qscc proceeded to establish youth programs and adult education in an effort to unify communities and create a resource base for the three neighborhoods. bcnc served the boston asian american community as one of its first community-based social service providers and developed into crucial infrastructure for chinatown. through the continued investment in its communities, qscc grew with its constituents into the cornerstone that bcnc is today. bcnc continues its foundational values of prioritizing community needs and investing its resources into the growth and success of its constituents. through my project interviews with bcnc’s key members stephanie fan, sandie fenton, chet fenton, and david moy, i had the opportunity to dive deeper into bcnc’s history and understand better the purpose and goals of bcnc. throughout its almost 50 years of history, bcnc has successfully bridged community and institution in its nascent stage as qscc, pioneered holistic family services, invested in community development, served as a backbone in chinatown land disputes, and is now extending its reach to support the asian american population shifting to boston’s suburbs. bcnc has remained true to its community-based values for countless years, and will no doubt continue to do so as boston’s asian american communities transform in the years to come. ~ i would like to thank my professor and american studies advisor, jean wu, and my supervisor, giles li, for their continuous support, guidance, and dedication throughout this project and my undergraduate career. professor wu has been an amazing mentor and has played a key role in my growth through the past three years. she challenged and pushed me to expand my perspectives and stay grounded in my experiences. giles has been a role model to me throughout college and continues to be one. he offered opportunities for me to apply my academic background into hands-on work and i am incredibly grateful for his undying support. i would also like to extend my thanks to shirley mark and carolyn rubin, with whom i discussed ideas regarding this project. thank you to tom chen, who provided me with his dissertation. his knowledge informed my work and without it, i would have been lost. thank you also to stephanie fan, chet and sandie fenton, and david moy, who took the time to talk to me about their experiences with chinatown and bcnc. the interviews i had with stephanie, chet, sandie, and david inspired me and gave me the drive to continue the project. wang 12 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 appendix interview protocol introduction: this interview is to learn more about the history of boston chinatown neighborhood center (bcnc) and to provide unique individual perspectives on the organization’s role in the boston asian american community. working with giles li, bcnc’s executive director, i hope to develop a useful resource for bcnc to reflect on its work. the main research questions for this project are how was bcnc formed and what were the original goals for the organization? moreover, how was the organization’s relationship with and role in the boston asian american community? finally how does the present state of bcnc line up with the mission of its founders and contributors, and what is its role in the boston asian american community today? all of your responses are voluntary; you do not need to answer a question if you do not feel comfortable with it. i would like to ask for your permission to voice record this interview so i can better remember what was said during this interview. if you would like me to turn the voice recorder off at any point during the interview, please do let me know. would it be okay for me to voice record this interview? thank you for the opportunity to interview you. introductory questions: these questions are to learn more about your relationship with bcnc. 1. can you tell me about your relationship with bcnc? what were some ways that you were connected with the organization? 2. how are you connected to the organization today, if you are? history of boston: i am looking to tie together the historical landscape of boston into bcnc’s history and am interested in hearing more about social movements happening throughout bcnc’s growth. 1. what kinds of events were going on in boston, and particularly in boston chinatown, during the time of your involvement? 2. from your perspective, how and why did bcnc form? involvement with bcnc: i am interested in understanding bcnc’s role in the asian american community and how your involvement informed your perspective on chinatown. 1. what role did bcnc play in chinatown politics? 2. how did bcnc make its decisions? how does bcnc function specifically as a community-based organization? has the way it functions changed? 3. in regards to the transformation that chinatown has experienced in past years, how has bcnc adjusted with those changes, if at all? wang 13 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 a. in your time with bcnc, did the membership of the organization change (staff, donors, users)? what kinds of changes did you observe? reflection on time with bcnc: i am interested in hearing about your experiences with bcnc. 1. how would you characterize bcnc during your involvement? 2. what was the biggest challenge that bcnc faced when you were there and how was it resolved? 3. was there a lesson that you learned at bcnc that you hope bcnc does not forget? a. how did you come about learning this lesson? 4. during your time with bcnc, what was the mission and role of the organization in the boston chinatown/boston asian american community and what are they today? 5. in your perspective, how has bcnc grown to be the organization that it is today (leading human service provider for greater boston’s asian american community)? 6. could you please describe to me one of your fondest moments with bcnc? participant input for project direction: i am trying to keep the direction of this project open and would like some guidance and feedback. 1. what kind of things would you hope for bcnc’s future? 2. what do you see as the future for boston’s asian american communities? 3. who would you recommend looking to next for this project? 4. what kinds of questions would you recommend asking in future interviews? conclusion question: do you have anything else you wish to add? do you have any questions for me? post-interview statement: thank you so much for taking this time to talk with me. your opinions and stories will be very helpful for us to better understand bcnc’s history and role in the greater boston asian american community. once again, if you would like to add or remove any information, please contact me. i will also make sure to update you on the project’s progress and provide you with the final product. wang 14 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 references chen, thomas. “remaking boston’s chinatown: race, space, and urban development, 19431994.” phd diss., brown university, 2014. fan, stephanie. interview by author, march 4, 2016. boston, ma. fenton, sandie and chet fenton. interview by author, march 13, 2016. boston, ma lai, zenobia, andrew leong, and chi chi wu. “the lessons of the parcel c struggle: reflections on community lawyering.” asian pacific american law journal 6, no. 1 (2000): 1-43. leong, andrew. “the struggle over parcel c: how boston's chinatown won a victory in the fight against institutional expansion and environmental racism.” amerasia journal 21, no. 3 (1995): 99-119. minkler, meredith, and nina wallerstein. 2008. community-based participatory research for health: from process to outcomes. san francisco, ca: jossey-bass. moy, david. interview by author, march 16, 2016. boston, ma. program requirements and design specifications for the quincy school complex. 1969. prepared by the quincy school community council and the quincy school project staff of the planning office of the tufts-new england medical center. to, wing-kai. 2008. chinese in boston, 1870-1965. charleston, sc: arcadia pub. white, marian. 2013. “will luxury development overshadow chinatown's authentic flavor?” bostinno, october 11. http://bostinno.streetwise.co/2013/10/11/boston-chinatowngentrification-will-development-overshadow-its-authenticity/. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 the power of a different reality: finding strength in sheila corrine hays university of notre dame one of my favorite anonymous quotes reads: “attract what you expect, reflect what you desire, become what you respect, and mirror what you admire.” before my time at notre dame, i do not think that i interpreted the “becoming” or “mirroring” aspects of this saying correctly. i strived to become those who i was intimately familiar with; those who were most like me. i wanted to mirror the actions of people, i now realize, who share almost an identical background to my own. while respecting and mirroring the beliefs of those most like oneself is by no means harmful, this past semester, i have learned that remaining within one’s comfort zone will not result in optimal self-growth. to expand upon this original quote, i think that the best advice may be to first interact with a wide variety of individuals with different backgrounds, beliefs, and experiences to exhibit a comprehensive mindset. if humankind avoids interaction with diverse backgrounds, then their mindset remains unchallenged, and ultimately, resistant to change. this spring, i took a course called “writing for social justice” at notre dame. our class partnered with south bend organizations that serve marginalized individuals who each, as we learned, hold a unique, unrepresented story to share. the purpose of this course was to meet with an individual from one of these services, listen to her story with an open mind, and transcribe her words. with this class, i learned that one vital way to interact with those who represent a different background, those who have a unique story to share, is to listen. sheila, a blind south bend resident living with hiv, shared her story with me through a series of interviews. i remember at our initial meeting, sheila admitted that she has had a “crazy life,” one that she would not wish upon anyone. due to the suffocating stigma surrounding hiv at the time of her diagnosis and the resulting lack of medical care, sheila was left to navigate the infection without much guidance. while sheila’s story is most definitely difficult, it speaks to her strength, resilience, and faith as well. this story challenges me to be a better person by both “respecting” and “mirroring” sheila’s unwavering perseverance. additionally, this account emphasizes that because african americans continue to be disproportionately affected by hiv mortalities and diagnosis rates, this virus remains a threat to human dignity. by sharing sheila’s story, i hope to demonstrate the potential for growth in listening to another’s perspective and emphasize that the hiv poses a disproportionate threat to african american individuals. sheila’s story begins in 1983 with her husband. the two were happily married, and by listening to her soft words and gentle tone, i could immediately tell that he was an integral aspect of sheila’s life. sheila spoke openly about her husband’s drug use. following the birth of their first son, he struggled to find work. to support the family, sheila’s husband began selling drugs. sheila soon found, however, that “he really was his own best customer.” though sheila admitted that she considered herself an “enabler” of her husband’s actions, as the interviews continued, it seemed as though she was at peace with her past. after one day, finding her husband unconscious, sheila realized that “things have got to change.” sheila chose to admit her husband in a 90-day rehabilitation program that ultimately resulted in a routine aids test. when her husband called to admit that the results were positive, sheila was devastated. at the time, sheila 84 the power of a different reality: finding strength in sheila undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 was pregnant and feared that her own positive diagnosis may endanger the unborn baby’s life. when sheila described the period of waiting for her test results as the “worst two weeks of her life,” i was surprised. i soon, however, realized that my understanding of hiv posing minimal risk to both pregnancy and a mother’s life is sheltered. assuming that individuals have access to medication, resources, and information regarding hiv transmission is unrealistic. for example, during sheila’s pregnancy, the stigma surrounding the virus was so suffocating that many doctors refused her case. despite the dirty looks and heartless denials, sheila persevered to find a physician willing to deliver her son. though his hiv test returned negative, sheila would never recover from the fear of losing her child. sheila’s terror when describing her pregnancy as one of her most difficult trials led me to investigate the consequences aids may pose to pregnancy. when sheila was pregnant with her son, she feared for his safety due to a lack of reliable information regarding hiv transmission. today, however, sufficient sources are discussing the probability of aids transmission, prevention, proper medication, and local resources. according to the u.s. department of health and human services, a diagnosis of hiv does not necessarily preclude a healthy pregnancy, though the virus can be passed while in labor while giving birth, or during breastfeeding (pregnancy and hiv, 2018). however, with proper care, the possibility of transmitting hiv through pregnancy can essentially be reduced to zero. before effective treatment was available in the united states, about 25% of mothers living with hiv passed the virus to their children; numbers such as this reveal why sheila was so frightened for her son’s health. today, with proper treatment, only about 1% of mothers transmit the virus through pregnancy (pregnancy and hiv, 2018). however, research suggests that while available information and treatment are improving, certain populations remain especially vulnerable to hiv transmission. according to the cdc, in 2017, 64% of perinatal hiv infections were diagnosed within the african american community (pregnancy and hiv, 2018). while i originally assumed that her fear of hiv transmission would be diminished in the modern context, this statistic regarding african american hiv pregnancies allows me to realize that many women likely still endure a trauma like sheila’s. though sheila’s son was physically unaffected by his initial lack of medical attention, her own health was permanently damaged by stigma and insufficient resources. after the birth of her son, sheila described herself as “in the closet.” she battled the virus privately, fearing that her children may be teased if word of her condition spread. negative stigma and fear of discrimination persuaded sheila to neglect the virus. additionally, because neither sheila nor her husband showed physical effects, sheila refused to take medication; sheila, as she describes, was a “non-believer.” sheila admitted that it was practically impossible to find a doctor who was willing to provide aid. while one may be quick to assume that sheila was negligent with her health, access to hiv treatment, especially among african american individuals, remains a challenge. for example, in 2016, for every 100 black individuals living with hiv, only 61 received “some hiv care” (cdc, 2020). furthermore, only 47 of the 100 diagnosed individuals were retained in care (cdc, 2020). before speaking with sheila, i had little understanding of the poverty, stigma, and lack of healthcare that contribute to disproportionately high rates of hiv among african american individuals. because of these risk factors, though african americans represent just 13% of the united states, as of 2010, nearly half of the people living with hiv are black (hiv and aids among african americans). much like sheila, many of these individuals may be struggling to find resources for treatment or fighting to protect their children from unjustified stigma. listening to a story so different from my own has given me the empathy to 85 the power of a different reality: finding strength in sheila undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 understand that these african american individuals without access to hiv treatment are not negligent about their health, but rather threatened by a complex web of injustice. after avoiding medication for years, sheila, as she described it, “reached her downfall.” sheila admitted that in the late 1990s, she began having seizures. eventually, as the seizures progressed, brain surgery was necessary. sheila, rather bluntly, stated that she almost died, had brain surgery, and returned from the hospital blind. sheila chose to share little detail regarding complications but implied that the surgery left her blind. i understand sheila’s reluctance to describe her time in the hospital: i think that sheila attributes her blindness to her initial aversion towards medication. sheila’s near-death experience in the hospital “really opened [her] eyes”: she realized that hiv is “for real” and began to take medication. while learning to navigate the world as a blind woman, sheila’s husband became ill. sheila, still recovering herself, had no choice but to send her husband to new jersey to stay with his mother. instead of recovering, sheila’s husband declined rapidly. i could tell how difficult it was for sheila to discuss her husband’s death. he passed away two days after christmas, and sheila described the heartbreak she still feels each holiday season. in describing his passing, sheila stated that she does not blame her husband for the consequences of the virus. instead, sheila turned to her faith: she believes that god introduced aids into her life so that she could “see” something. i found sheila’s acceptance of hardship and lack of bitterness towards her husband inspiring. sheila reminded me that life is best experienced with forgiveness and trust rather than anger and regret. choosing love over accusations will bring about peace, no matter the potential hardship. recently blind and widowed, sheila was tasked with raising her three small children, finding employment, and battling her grief. sheila describes this period following her husband’s death as another great downfall. as a single mother, she feared that child protection services would take her children. sheila struggled to manage her grief, health, and household. eventually, sheila decided that she “wasn’t just going to lay around and feel sorry for [herself] and cry all the time.” sheila soon found support from an organization called aids ministries that provided financial aid, childcare, and transportation. as her spirits lifted, she found employment. sheila treasured the independence she felt while working as a blind employee. this independence gave her the confidence to share her story with pride rather than hide from the virus. sheila became an advocate of imani unidad, a south bend organization concerned with hiv awareness and prevention. as our interviews ended, i found sheila’s final words fascinating. sheila stated that by battling hiv, her life has come to purpose. sheila believes that god spared her life so that she may be an example to others. sheila recognizes that when people see a blind woman working, they are inspired. however, while these bystanders may be moved from her visible disability, sheila admits that most people do not know her story. sheila told me that if people knew about her virus and considered all her hardships, they would think “wow, how in the world does she still make it.” sheila reminded me that without hearing someone’s perspective, there is no foundation to understand him or her. to truly grow and learn from others, humankind must make the effort to listen to diverse individuals recount their stories in an authentic manner. in our initial meeting, sheila told me that she aspired to make a lifetime movie out of her story. she explained that she has had a crazy life, one that she wouldn’t wish upon anyone. however, despite the hardship, sheila knows that her story is one of success. while sheila struggles with kidney issues, her hiv poses no threat to her life. she lives with her loving family, works independently, and volunteers in south bend. many who are diagnosed with hiv become a statistic rather than a story. compared to other racial groups in the united states, african americans continue to face the most severe burden of hiv (cdc, 2020). hearing 86 the power of a different reality: finding strength in sheila undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 sheila’s story revealed the troubling truth: the 7,053 black individuals with diagnosed hiv who died in 2017 deserve to be recognized (cdc, 2020). hearing that the rate of diagnosis in african american women is 15 times as high as that of white women concerns us, yet the effort to listen to these women’s stories and alleviate the common burdens is non-existent (charles, 2019). we must not let feelings of discomfort or pride prohibit us from asking others their stories. by listening to a variety of narratives and identifying common societal difficulties, change is possible. to prevent further discrimination and transmission within the african american community, the poverty rate and stigmas surrounding hiv must first be addressed. as referenced by the cdc, low-income often leads to unstable housing and limited access to medical care (hiv and african americans, 2020). as long as the poverty rate disproportionately affects black individuals, hiv transmission and infection will as well. additionally, stigma and fear regarding the virus may prevent individuals from seeking services or being tested. society cannot allow a lack of information or unnecessary fear to dictate individual safety. hiv awareness must be normalized, especially within the african american community, to prevent test or treatment reluctance. listening to sheila recount her life in an authentic manner was a life-changing favor that i may never fully repay. not only did i develop as an empathetic individual who will look to “mirror” sheila’s courage and “become” her strength, but i learned the value in maintaining an open mind as well. remaining within one’s comfort zone will lead to naive assumptions and stereotypes. for example, prior to interviewing sheila, i knew so little about the harrowing effects of hiv. listening to sheila speak authentically about her challenges allowed me to realize that just because treatment or guidance may be available to some individuals, certain groups are unjustly affected by hiv. while reading about issues in the media such as homelessness, disability, and aids may ignite conversation, there is a vital component missing: first-hand accounts. i think that the distinction between learning from the oppressed rather than about the oppressed is what fosters the deepest empathy; putting a personal story with the statistic will lead to a burning desire for both justice and change. thanks to sheila, i want to spend my life hearing as many diverse accounts as possible to fight for this much needed change, and ultimately, enhance my own narrative. i want to learn from, mirror, and become the best qualities of those who, much like sheila, represent the power in a reality different from my own. 87 the power of a different reality: finding strength in sheila undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 references charles, s., & m.d. (2019, may 09). hiv hits black women hardest, cdc report says. retrieved august 03, 2020, from https://www.nbcnews.com/health/womens-health/hiv-hits-blackwomen-hardest-cdc-repo rt-says-n1003891. hiv and african americans. (2020, may 18). retrieved august 03, 2020, from http://www.cdc.gov/hiv/group/racialethnic/africanamericans/index.html. hiv and aids among african americans. (n.d.). retrieved august 03, 2020, from http://www.natap.org/2010/newsupdates/060210_03.htm. pregnancy and hiv. (2018, november 27). retrieved august 03, 2020, from https://www.womenshealth.gov/hiv-and-aids/living-hiv/pregnancy-and-hiv. pregnancy and hiv. (2018, november 27). retrieved august 03, 2020, from https://www.womenshealth.gov/hiv-and-aids/living-hiv/pregnancy-and-hiv. 88 http://www.cdc.gov/hiv/group/racialethnic/africanamericans/index.html http://www.natap.org/2010/newsupdates/060210_03.htm https://www.womenshealth.gov/hiv-and-aids/living-hiv/pregnancy-and-hiv https://www.womenshealth.gov/hiv-and-aids/living-hiv/pregnancy-and-hiv running head: restructuring the approach 19 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 9, spring 2020 restructuring the approach: an inside perspective on addressing food insecurity rafat solaiman university of minnesota restructuring the approach 20 introduction serving others allows us to tackle the most complex social issues ailing many communities today. however, it is the act of learning in the context of service that allows for growth to occur among individuals while truly understanding the entirety of issues. work on social issues is promoted by numerous organizations today but the general population is not exposed to the same view of the situations as those who sit in leadership roles within these organizations. i have been fortunate enough to stumble upon the opportunity to start my own organization that tackles one of these social issues: food insecurity. before taking initiative with my own organization, i heard of the need for volunteers at my local food shelf through my community members. upon applying to volunteer, the director of the food shelf invited me into their facility to take a look around the space. before that moment i had never seen what a food shelf really looked like and had no idea what to expect. i observed the following: numerous empty shelves lined the walls and no youth volunteers were present. upon further questioning i learned that: counter to my initial belief and the common perception, most of the food shelves are not funded by the governments, rather, they are operated as nonprofits that rely heavily on public donors. thus, fundraising for local food shelves is critical for their survival. there is oftentimes confusion on the difference between food shelves, food pantries, and food banks. food banks are the organizations that collect food items from the food industry and food drives. food shelves then purchase these items at low costs from food banks in addition to receiving items from their own local food drives. food shelves and food pantries are synonymous terms. restructuring the approach 21 the struggles of my local food shelf sparked the creation of my own organization. in 2017, i started fasting for friends, a 501(c)(3) nonprofit organization that mainly focuses on serving the southern and metro region of minnesota. the name stemmed from the concept of having donors build greater empathy towards food insecurity by fasting for a meal, tracking their savings, and donating to a food shelf in need. the mission of fasting for friends is to aid underfunded and understaffed food shelves in food insecure communities. while i initially made the assumption for this need after interacting with my local food shelf, upon further questioning to other food shelves it became evident that many food shelves were in need of assistance in some area or another: providing culturally-specific meals, requiring more volunteers for higher efficiency during meal distribution, being in more need of nutritious options, etc.. food shelves need a permanent helpline and that’s exactly what fasting for friends aims to provide. many individuals are only able to see the workings of nonprofit organizations from a relatively “outside” perspective as a community member or volunteer. my experiences at fasting for friends has allowed me to gain an “inside” perspective through leading the activities of the organization, as well as collaborating with other nonprofits on this issue. the issue at hand many of us take for granted the meals we are able to enjoy on our plates. while we oftentimes instinctively think of countries overseas when hearing about food insecurity and hunger, the issue poses a significant problem within the united states borders. food insecurity currently affects more than 42 million people within the us, thus causing the issue to be considered a major health crisis (gundersen & ziliak, 2018). the significant size of the problem astounded me and motivated me to delve further into learning about the issue. restructuring the approach 22 my first step to truly understanding food insecurity was to understand the definitions behind the issue. according to the usda, food insecurity is defined as a lack of consistent access to enough food for an active, healthy lifestyle (definitions of food security, 2019). on the other hand, hunger is a physiological state that results from food insecurity. this distinction allowed me to understand that food insecurity is a consistent form hunger. the issue is more severe than just an occasional longing for more food. food insecurity is a consistent cycle and a complex issue. it is understood that individual characteristics, such as age, education, race, income, marital status, etc. contribute to household food insecurity. the food insecure individual then experiences “moderators” like chronic stress, food environment, and genetic factors, which lead to various chronic diseases (laraia, 2013). children within these food insecure households also face hindered educational achievement (hannum, liu, & frongillo, 2014). all of these outcomes displayed the many additional issues faced by food insecure individuals aside from access to food. these findings brought up the realization that food insecurity affected various aspects of an individual’s life. during my time in my local food shelf i witnessed the aforementioned obstacles that contribute to poverty and food insecurity among many individuals. i served immigrant, nonnative english speakers who were trying to settle into an entirely new environment and culture; visitors with apparent ailing health conditions; retired individuals who were struggling to make ends meet; and young mothers occupied with their multiple children. all of these individuals were facing obstacles that made it more difficult to obtain jobs with decent wages and maintain good health with nutritious purchases. restructuring the approach 23 food is a fundamental part of our lives, yet so many people struggle to gain access to it. the victims of food insecurity are victims of a cycle that is difficult to break. this has made the issue highly difficult to overcome as a society. current work being done during my time working with fasting for friends, i have also worked with and observed a number of local organizations who provide relief to food insecure individuals. these organizations included food shelves, soup kitchens, and backpack lunch programs. food shelves exhibited their importance as the first line of defense against food insecurity by providing recurring provisions. i witnessed soup kitchens providing emergency assistance with minimal screening to individuals in immediate need of food. minimal screening was important in that it did not exclude individuals who didn’t meet specific poverty thresholds or didn’t have certain paperwork. work with backpack lunch programs exposed me to the reality of the number of students who struggle to attain healthy and filling meals during school breaks and holidays. while these are local organizations doing local work, a broader view shows lots of work in addressing food insecurity done by national organizations. a prime example is feeding america, a nonprofit organization playing a large role on the issue by supplying for a national network of food banks, conducting research on food insecurity, and creating numerous resources for communities. a lot of the local work that i have facilitated and observed most directly works on temporary relief for food insecure individuals. a set of key players in this temporary relief are food shelves. people often turn to national organizations when seeking a long-term solution. however, this undermines the strong impact of food shelves in diminishing food insecurity. contrary to common belief, food insecurity tends to be a temporary issue with less than 15% of restructuring the approach 24 households remaining food insecure for greater than 3 years (frequency of food insecurity, 2019). with the current programs that are set in place that help these low-income individuals get back on their feet, food shelves prove to be key players in mitigating food insecurity. however, many food shelves cannot provide the most nutritious and culturally specific food options to their clients without proper funds. they also cannot properly function without adequate numbers of volunteers. this gap in funding and volunteer aid for food shelves is important, and one that fasting for friends fills. the efforts of both local and national organizations have been paying dividends to diminishing the issue, as food insecurity in the united states has decreased from 11.8% in 2017 to 11.1% in 2018 (usda, 2019). while this is a measurable improvement, more must be done to aid food shelves in providing nutritious and culturally specific options. this allows for food insecure individuals to decrease their risk of health problems during their time of need. a new approach tackling food insecurity is no doubt a daunting task. as a child i have heard about the issue of food insecurity quite often, but in the present day it seems as if it has been put on the backburner much like many issues that persist for long periods of time. upon in-depth analyses of the current programs set in place to diminish food insecurity i found deficiency in a key area: equipping the younger generation to become more competent and proactive in dealing with food insecurity. this is why fasting for friends believes in empowering the younger generation to be the ones who provide assistance to their local food shelf and community through the concept of three pillars: education, service, and leadership. by educating youth and adults through engaging activities, lessons, and conversations, new ideas are quickly brought to the table. in my work alongside my team, we have been able to restructuring the approach 25 gain the interest of many community members in providing assistance to their local food shelf simply by giving 15-minute educational presentations on the issue. while this is a start, more must be done for youth within their schools in order to spark greater awareness and interest in addressing food insecurity. we strongly emphasize education as it is the most impactful way to enact social change and remove ignorance regarding the issue. our team has found that educational resources are not being implemented effectively as schools are not integrating them into their curriculums. a good example of an effective resource was developed by the center for a livable future at johns hopkins, which launched foodspan in 2016. foodspan is a free curriculum explaining the workings of the food system, as well as the social issues that trouble it. the curriculum includes interactive presentations, activities, and worksheets. our team has found implementation of resources like this nonexistent within local schools. however, this is understandable with the considerable amounts of effort necessary by teachers to implement new material into school curriculums. this is why we developed our own lesson plan kits as an organization to provide to teachers in order to minimize their efforts in implementing the material. in a society with an abundance of resources and a lack of effective distribution, education can drastically change the understanding of communities on how to spread resources. service implies that we directly interact with people facing food insecurity in order to make personal connections and gain knowledge through experiential learning. after individuals are educated on the issue, they are able gain a foundation on how to address it. it was through the context of service that i was able to truly understand the personal vantage point behind the issue. i observed first-hand the obstacles many faced, such as health, age, schooling, work, culture, and language. it was through service that i was able to identify the lack of youth involvement within restructuring the approach 26 my local food shelf. through the service component, student chapters build a permanent relationship with their local food shelves and aid with fundraising and volunteer events. by engaging more youth in service work related to food insecurity through our organization, we were able to have the youth see the direct impact they are able to provide for combatting food insecurity. in order to allow youth to apply their learning through service and education, implementing leadership practices marks the tail-end of our work. through student-led events and groups we have allowed youth to take full initiative in becoming a part of the food insecurity conversation, while also receiving handbooks, guides, and other resources in order to guide them along the correct path. i have seen this growth among youth as they partake in local food drives, collaborate with team members, and create awareness within their schools. as these student chapters serve as a continuation of our work by providing a permanent helpline to their local food shelf, they learn valuable concepts like teamwork, communication, and collaboration. conclusion learning through service is essential in developing new ways to approach pressing social issues like food insecurity. my work through my nonprofit organization has opened my eyes to the reality of the situation. the continuity of the issue can be attributed to the complex cycle that makes food insecurity difficult to overcome. food shelves are a key player in diminishing food insecurity, yet they oftentimes remain underfunded and understaffed. while food shelves are considered temporary solutions, food insecurity is mostly a temporary problem. food insecurity rates within the united states have shown a slow and steady decline, but the lasting health impacts of food insecurity can be better mitigated if food shelves can provide more nutritious options. restructuring the approach 27 we must restructure the approach in tackling food insecurity by looking into how we can serve the specific needs of the efforts of each community. a stronger focus on equipping the youth with the tools and knowledge necessary to become leaders of the issue is needed. this can be accomplished by educating youth through lessons in school on how to aid the issue at hand. it is not only important to have a structure for this approach, but also to have a process. this is the methodology of fasting for friends, as we have mapped out a structure and process encompassing education, service, and leadership. schools must adopt a more significant role within the structure by integrating educational resources discussing food insecurity and potential solutions. while the educational resources are available, they are not being effectively shared and implemented. it is the job of social organizations to provide full plans and materials to educators for easy implementation of lessons into their curriculum. greater advocacy is also necessary from students within their communities to encourage schools to add these lessons. as a result, teachers will be able to better prepare their students to tackle real-world issues, and students will gain significant leadership skills and community engagement. service learning has given me the opportunity to enhance my knowledge on food insecurity from a different perspective and has allowed me to identify problems within the issue. i encourage youth and adults to immerse themselves within service work and be mindful of their surroundings. if issues persist for long periods of time, we should ask ourselves why the current methods are not working effectively and how we can change/add to them. it is when we question ourselves during service learning that we truly maximize the outcome of the experience. restructuring the approach 28 references gundersen, c., & ziliak, j. p. (2018, february 16). food insecurity research in the united states: where we have been and where we need to go. applied economic perspectives and policy, 40(1), 119-135. hannum, e., liu , j., & frongillo, e. a. (2014, january). poverty, food insecurity and nutritional deprivation in rural china: implications for children's literacy achievement. international journal of educational development, 34, 90-97. laraia, b. a. (2013, march 6). food insecurity and chronic disease. advances in nutrition, 4(2), 203-212. usda. (2019, september). definitions of food security. retrieved from usda, economic research service: https://www.ers.usda.gov/topics/food-nutrition-assistance/foodsecurity-in-the-us/definitions-of-food-security.aspx usda. (2019, september). food security and nutrition assistance. retrieved from usda, econonic research service: https://www.ers.usda.gov/data-products/ag-and-foodstatistics-charting-the-essentials/food-security-and-nutrition-assistance/ usda. (2019, september). frequency of food insecurity. retrieved from usda, econonic research service: https://www.ers.usda.gov/topics/food-nutrition-assistance/foodsecurity-in-the-us/frequency-of-food-insecurity/ running head: make-a-wish foundation make-a-wish foundation case report brendan gebler, malcolm guya, adam zaffuto duquesne university author’s note this case report is a summary of the work done for make-a-wish greater pennsylvania and west virginia. make-a-wish foundation 1 make-a-wish foundation case report introduction the make-a-wish foundation greater pennsylvania and west virginia is a non-profit organization that grants the wishes of children with life-threatening medical conditions to enrich the human experience with hope, strength and joy in 57 pennsylvania counties and west virginia (make-a-wish, 2016). our point of contact for this case report is the current chief operating officer, ms. ann hohn. ms. hohn has been an employee of the organization for nearly 25 years. in an email explaining our purpose, we reached out to ms. hohn to discuss make-a-wish’s interest in being involved with our consultation project. during our meeting we discussed the culture of make-a-wish and the changes she would like to see in the near future. ms. hohn indicated she would like to improve hiring practices of the organization along with increasing retention of current and future employees. ms. hohn also showed concern regarding make-awish’s lack of diversity. aside from our primary goal of assisting make-a-wish via our research, we believe that almost all employers could benefit from this research, especially nonprofit organizations that may lack financial resources to aid in retention and candidate selection. the problem improving and streamlining hiring practices was one of the major concerns that ms. hohn expressed during our meeting. currently make-a-wish utilizes newspapers to advertise job postings. this results in far too many applications, many of which are from under-qualified individuals. too large a percentage of responses to job postings are from individuals who do not seem to understand that, despite the fact that make-a-wish is a nonprofit foundation, it is a professional organization run by highly educated, professional individuals. make-a-wish would make-a-wish foundation 2 like to explore a means by which they could post job openings in a way that would discourage applications from so many under-qualified individuals. the nature of the work that is done at make-a-wish has bred a very specific culture in which employees are obviously required to be very compassionate with regards to their clientele. what is somewhat less obvious is that these employees must also possess a strong resolve and a tough interior in order to rebound from the difficult or disappointing aspects of work that involves children fighting life threatening illnesses. simply put, make-a-wish is seeking job candidates who are both compassionate and resilient. workplace diversity is also a concern with regards to the recruitment process. currently the workforce consists of primarily caucasian women of childbearing age. make-a-wish would like to find a way to attract more men and minorities via their job postings. ms. hohn also indicated that she believes that make-a-wish could make better use of social media with regards to recruitment. in addition to improving selection procedures, ms. hohn also expressed an interest in improving the rate at which make-a-wish retains its personnel. given the difficult nature of finding employees who work well within this unique and rewarding workplace culture, it is imperative that make-a-wish retain as much of their workforce as possible. three main reasons that ms. hohn provided for loss of personnel are burnout, pay scale, and limited room for advancement. many individuals become emotionally fatigued as a result of the sensitive and sometimes distressing nature of the work done at make-a-wish. as a result of being a non-profit organization, make-a-wish often has limited means by which to increase salaries. often employees leave in search of jobs with higher wage scales or expedited salary schedules. inherent with organizations of small to medium size are the limited opportunities for advancement. make-a-wish is no exception, as a medium sized workforce requires few make-a-wish foundation 3 managerial positions. also, due to the fulfilling nature of the work done at make-a-wish, once employees advance to upper management, they are not inclined to vacate those positions, which can lend towards advancement gridlock. in summation make-a-wish is faced with three main issues. first, make-a-wish is not making the best use of information technology or social media during its candidate selection process. secondly, make-a-wish is having a difficult time finding the best job candidates. finally, make-a-wish employees are leaving at a quicker rate than management would prefer. our goal was to find useful information, as well as inexpensive, easily accessible solutions regarding these issues. literature review extensive research has been conducted within various domains with the goal of shedding light onto some of the issues which have been encountered at make-a-wish. we found that transparent human resource management (hrm) practices have been shown to provide the foundation for reshaping work processes, including the implementation of work teams, job rotation, and quality circles (mastracci & herring, 2010). mastracci and herring describe how work teams, job rotation, and quality circles will not develop without ongoing training and formal personnel processes for hiring, evaluations, and promotions (2010). this explains some of the issues that make-a-wish has encountered with unqualified individuals applying for positions within the company and also a lack of room to grow for the employees that do get hired. the ability to advertise publicly posted vacancy notices, written job descriptions, and formal job evaluations within the company makes the employment relationship explicit and transparent for the employees, which in turn empowers the workers (mastracci & herring, 2010). this would be a great benefit for make-a-wish as it would provide their employees with make-a-wish foundation 4 complete information about their potential for growth within the company and would empower them to be more motivated to work to achieve those goals. informal hiring practices “create a culture of favoritism and entrenched biases that preserve the status quo” (mastracci & herring, p. 160) and can cause a divide amongst employees. this “precarious employment breaches the ‘psychological contract’ between workers and workplaces, resulting in diminished productivity” (mastracci & herring, 2010, p. 160). in addition to human resource practices, the other concern listed by make-a-wish was that the majority of employees in the company are young females who tend to leave their positions in their late twenties and early thirties. some are leaving for more money while others are simply leaving the workforce in order to stay home with their children. research shows that the one of the reasons that many female professionals depart from their career paths is due to family responsibilities (stone & lovejoy, 2004). stone and lovejoy (2004) provide some insight as to why this may be: married professional women, by virtue of the privileges their jobs confer as well as the demands they entail, are subject to numerous, competing pressures on their decision to quit jobs and exit the labor force. these pressures emanate from both the workplace and from the home, where expectations about parenting are shaped by an ideology of intensive mothering. (p. 64) many women do not have a choice regarding leaving their jobs as the demands of motherhood begin to surface within their lives. during a series of interviews that stone and lovejoy (2004) conducted they concluded that there were three major themes that were consistent amongst women when leaving the workforce: (1) work, (2) children, and (3) husbands. make-a-wish foundation 5 in their survey stone and lovejoy (2004) found that a significant concern among working professional women is a lack of workplace inflexibility. stone and lovejoy (2004) established that “upon becoming mothers, about half of the women in our sample expressed a desire to cut back on their work hours and/or to increase the flexibility of their schedules” (p. 68). in addition, barney and elias (2010) “found that flex-time work environment provides employees with a high degree of autonomy, which leads to high determination, positive personal development, higher quality work, and lower absenteeism” (p. 488). berry (1981) also asserts that: “flextime benefits both employees and employers. benefits frequently reported for employers include increased job satisfaction, increased productivity, the elimination of punctuality as an issue, less personal business conducted on company time, less absenteeism, reduced personnel turnover, additional recruiting leverage, and lower unit labor costs.” (p. 36) congruent with make-a-wish’s concerns regarding women vacating their positions were the findings of stone and lovejoy (2004), who found that 72 percent of female respondents mentioned the pull of children as a significant factor in their decision to leave the workforce. mothers are more inclined than fathers to feel compelled to be with their children before they leave for school or daycare in the mornings and again upon returning from school at the end of the day. husbands also often encourage their wives to give up their careers in order to stay at home with their children. several women mentioned that their husband’s hopes for the wives to stay at home also led to their decision. most women in the study viewed their careers as secondary to their husbands. women often “indicated that their husbands communicated to them, either explicitly or implicitly, that they expected their wife to be the one to sacrifice or modify make-a-wish foundation 6 her career to accommodate family responsibilities” (stone & lovejoy, 2004, p. 78). stone and lovejoy (2004) also argued: “our analysis makes clear that to retain these women, employers must move beyond existing programmatic, human-resources-based approaches to reduce the hours of work and enhance its flexibility through work redesign.” (p. 82) the retention issue that make-a-wish is facing appears to be a result of a population which is asymmetric in terms of gender and ethnicity. this skewed demographic has resulted in too many employees vacating their positions after a 5 to 10 year period. one solution regarding make-a-wish’s dilemma which has been proposed by various researchers is to hire a more diverse workforce. research in diversity has demonstrated that organizations acquire intrinsic benefits from having a diverse population. in addition to resolving the retention issues that make-a-wish has been confronted with, workplace diversity has been shown to increase group learning and employee effectiveness (foldy, 2004; herman & renz, 1998). mastracci & herring (2010) demonstrated that “organizations with greater gender and racial diversity are financially better off. diversity literally pays” (p. 156). given the lack of gender and ethnic diversity found at make-a-wish these findings are a critical tool in the effort to resolve the issues make-a-wish has been facing. proposed solutions when consulting for an organization as successful as the make-a-wish foundation it is paramount that the positive aspects of the work environment and culture are not altered in order to exact change. sweeping changes in this instance are far from necessary. in light of the issues described during our visit to make-a-wish greater pennsylvania and west virginia we make-a-wish foundation 7 proposed a number of amendments which will improve both selection and retention of make-awish’s employees. in an effort to improve retention we have researched various means of increasing employee satisfaction. we approached this issue by examining make-a-wish’s work-life benefits, while remaining sensitive to their limited financial resources. we also approached the challenge of increased employee satisfaction in terms of finding alternative approaches to work, which we believe will improve satisfaction. these approaches vary in terms of how and where work is conducted as well as how work is supervised or supported. we first recommend that make-a-wish consider performing an in-house survey to better understand the wants and needs of its workforce. surveys can be a double edged sword, serving as a useful source of information and at the same time strengthening the bond between employer and employee. with regards to make-wish, a survey could help them better understand what would make an employee likely to leave or stay while also engendering a sense that make-awish is concerned about the happiness and well-being of its employees. in his article, “the employee as customer,” berry (1981, p.34) wrote that “satisfying the needs and wants of employees requires that management first understand what these needs and wants entail.” simply put, if they have not already done so, make-a-wish should solidify their beliefs regarding the reasons that employees are leaving. such a survey would also enable them to better understand which aspects of their workplace make make-a-wish a desirable career option for those seeking employment, enabling them to better advertise job-postings. as berry (1981) notes, “marketing research can be used to identify employee needs, wants and attitudes just as it can be used to identify consumer needs, wants and attitudes” (berry, 1981, p. 34). make-a-wish foundation 8 all employers face retention and selection issues. on the surface these issues may appear to be unique to one another, however we believe that improving the work-life benefits associated with careers at make-a-wish could improve both retention and selection. these issues will need to be resolved via means which do not involve increasing salaries or incurring substantial costs to the employer due to the financial constraints associated with operating a nonprofit organization. to tackle the issues of retention, make-a-wish could implement a system of flex-time as exemplified by the work done by stone and lovejoy (2004) which showed that female employees were leaving the workforce due to a lack of flex-time and flexibility in scheduling during their childbearing and child-rearing years. as stated in the literature review earlier in this work, flex-time has been shown to lead to a reduction in absenteeism, personnel turnover, and unit labor costs while improving recruiting leverage (berry, 1981). casper and buffardi (2004) detail how careers or jobs that offer more flexible schedules are more attractive to all people, not just mothers. incorporating flex time would widen the net of prospective hires. flex time could improve selection and improve retention at the same time. this study found that schedule flexibility contributed to predicting anticipated support and job pursuit intentions. survey subjects indicated that they would be more likely to apply for a position with a company which offered schedule flexibility because that served as a sign that the organization valued and cared about the wellbeing of its employees. this lead to increased job pursuit intentions; in essence, it made the job more desirable to a greater number of people. it should be noted that this increase was across the board, not just individuals with children (casper & buffardi, 2004). a recent kaiser family foundation poll however showed that 74% of make-a-wish foundation 9 homemakers who are able to work and have not looked for a job in the past 12 months would be more likely to return to a job which offered flexible hours (brodie et al., 2014). the current practice of posting job advertisements through outdated methods such as newspapers automatically limits the scope of potential employees that could be hired. a social media intern should be hired in order to advertise job postings on social media sites such as facebook, twitter, and instagram as well as professional networking sites such as linkedin and indeed. this would cast a wider net reaching all major demographics. overall this intern’s position would begin to tackle this issues stemming from make-a-wish’s selection process, which would cause a domino effect leading to increased diversity. this increase in workforce diversity would then lead to increased retention rates. we also assert that make-a-wish may benefit from reexamining its paid time off (pto) policy. according to the march 2015 national compensation survey conducted by the united states department of labor, bureau of labor statistics, make-a-wish is below the national average in terms of pto. new hires at make-a-wish currently accrue 15 days of vacation per year. employees are not able to accrue more than 15 days of pto until they have worked for make-a-wish for 10 years at which time they are able to accrue 20 days of pto. table 1 (see appendix a) lists the average paid time off for full time workers and full time professionals, showing that make-a-wish is below the national average in these categories after 10 years. furthermore, the rate at which the average employee accrues pto increases after 5 years, while employees at make-a-wish do not. this leaves make-a-wish a number of days behind the national average after 5 and 10 years in terms of accrued pto. since make-a-wish reports losing individuals after 5 years of employment and before 10 years, we believe make-awish should increase the rate of accrued pto for employees who have worked there between 5 make-a-wish foundation 10 and 10 years. this is a likely factor in the decision to leave after 5-10 years of service. an accelerated pto schedule could compensate for make-a-wish’s ability to match other employer’s compensation scales. this increase in pto is yet another means by which make-awish could increase perceived organizational support, which is defined as a global impression that employees hold that an organization values them and cares about their well-being (eisenberger et al., 1990). deliverables selection to improve the selection practices of make-a-wish foundation, the development of a social media and staffing intern position is crucial. the duties of this intern would be to first create and update additional social media pages for the greater pennsylvania and west virginia division of make-a-wish. the intern would be required to be present for at least one weekly meeting with a member of the c-suite or marketing department to discuss organizational needs for that particular time period. linkedin and indeed pages would also be monitored and updated by the intern in efforts to disseminate job postings for positions within the organization. the intern would also be tasked with sorting through unqualified candidates and passing on qualified individuals to members of the talent acquisition team. the ideal candidate for this position would be a college student with a focus in business, marketing, journalism, film and print media, or relevant majors. this intern would improve the selection practices of make-a-wish without any additional costs to the organization. we also recommend adding a “careers” or “join our team” portal to the make-a-wish greater pennsylvania and west virginia web site. as it stands there is no information on the make-a-wish greater pennsylvania and west virginia web site regarding employment within make-a-wish foundation 11 the organization. a job seeker is likely to turn toward the website of an organization that he or she finds interesting during a job search. a person who is interested in the work that make-awish does is also likely to find working for make-a-wish rewarding and exciting. a “jobs” or “careers” portal should be on the make-a-wish website to enable job seekers to learn about potential job opportunities. finding qualified applicants among the individuals who reach out to make-a-wish via this online portal is another role that could be fulfilled by an unpaid social media and staffing intern. retention maintaining a high level of job satisfaction is essential to long term employee retention. a majority of female employees within the organization elect to leave make-a-wish around childbearing age due to a lack of flexibility within their schedules. by conducting a survey of the employees with the goal of finding a portion of the workday which consistently conflicts with each employee’s family or personal life, make-a-wish could gain insight into how best to implement flex-time. once this information is acquired, the next step would be to mandate that all employees be at work within a specified window each day. this would enable employees with children the ability to ensure their children arrive at school or daycare while also giving them the flexibility to pick up children at the conclusion of their school day or activities. this increase in flexibility and autonomy would enable employees to perform their job duties as required as well as to tend to their family needs, eliminating many employees from leaving the workforce. barney and elias (2010) reference hackman and oldham’s (1975) job characteristics model stating that “worker autonomy gives employees a sense of responsibility in their work, which in turn leads to high motivation, high performance, high satisfaction, and low turnover” (p. 488). make-a-wish foundation 12 another means by which make-a-wish could possibly increase perceived organizational support would be to implement a system of cafeteria benefits (berry, 1981). under such a program, make-a-wish would provide the minimum life and health insurance requirements mandated by government regulations. employees would then select additional benefits that fit their individual and family needs based on each individual’s needs and preferences. these employees would only be able to choose certain benefits based on salary, service, age, and tenure within the company. this added bonus would give employees from different age groups the ability to find the plans better suited for them as opposed to being forced into a cookie cutter mold. financially, this program would reduce unnecessary costs that make-a-wish accrues by providing services that are not used by a majority of employees. to obtain information from the employees about which services they would be most interested in, these types of questions could be asked within an employee survey. conclusion make-a-wish is an extremely successful organization and a fantastic example of the great work that an extraordinary nonprofit organization can accomplish. make-a-wish expressed a few of their organizational concerns with us in our initial meeting which mostly centered on selection and retention issues. through a comprehensive literature review, our proposed solutions include, administering employee surveys and hiring an unpaid intern who could help with the use of technology and lend a hand during the selection process. we are confident that these recommendations are sensible and could be implemented with minimal effort. in addition, these recommendations were generated while keeping in mind the financial constraints inherent in operating a nonprofit organization and should not lead to any additional financial burden. in order to avoid any potential future issues, make-a-wish could monitor make-a-wish foundation 13 average pto times for professionals, as well as trends involving telecommuting and flex-time. make-a-wish should also keep an eye on how to best use information technology for the purposes of recruitment and selection. resistance to change is always a possible limitation, especially from long term employees who did not have the opportunity benefit from these recommended policies. we believe that a heightened sense of perceived organizational support as a result these policies will surface, enabling management to overcome any resistance. if implemented, these recommendations will lead to improved selection, retention, and employee satisfaction. we anticipate that these changes will result in an improved sense of perceived organizational support by the employees of make-a-wish and will result in a stronger workforce overall (casper & buffardi, 2004). we are extremely grateful to have had the opportunity to work with an organization that is world famous for improving the lives of children battling life threatening illnesses and we are hopeful that we have been able to contribute to that mission if only in some small way. we also believe that these issues are not unique to make-a-wish and that that this research could stand to benefit many organizations, especially nonprofits. make-a-wish foundation 14 references barney, c. e., & elias, s. m. (2010). flex‐time as a moderator of the job stress‐work motivation relationship. personnel review, 39(4), 487-502. berry, l. l. (1981). the employee as customer. journal of retail banking, 111(1), 33-40. brodie, m., firth, j., & hamel, l. (2014, december 11). kaiser family foundation/new york times/cbs news non-employed poll. kaiser family foundation. retrieved from http://kff.org/other/poll-finding/kaiser-family-foundationnew-york-timescbs-news-nonemployed-poll/ casper, w. j., buffardi, l. c. (2004) work-life benefits and job pursuit intentions: the role of anticipated organizational support. journal of vocational behavior, 65, 391-410 eisenberger, r., fasolo, p., & davis lamastro, v. (1990) perceived organizational support and employee diligence, commitment, and innovation. journal of applied psychology, 75 (1), 51-59. hamel, l., firth, j., & brodie, m. (2014, december 11). kaiser family foundation/new york times/cbs news non-employed poll. retrieved april 13, 2016, from http://kff.org/other/poll-finding/kaiser-family-foundationnew-york-timescbs-news-nonemployed-poll katzenbach, j. r., steffen, i., & kronley, c. (2012, july/august). cultural change that sticks. harvard business review. make-a-wish. (2016). about us. in make-a-wish greater pennsylvania and west virginia. retrieved from http://greaterpawv.wish.org/about-us make-a-wish foundation 15 mastracci, s. h., & herring, c. (2010). nonprofit management practices and work processes to promote gender diversity. nonprofit management and leadership,21(2), 155-175 stone, p., & lovejoy, m. (2004). fast-track women and the "choice" to stay home. the annals of the american academy of political and social science,596(1), 62-83. united states department of labor: bureau of labor statistics. (2015). [table illustrating consolidated leave plans: access, civilian workers, national compensation survey march 2015] employee benefits survey. retrieved from http://www.bls.gov/ncs/ebs/benefits/2015/ownership/civilian/table39a.htm make-a-wish foundation 16 appendix a table 1 average number of paid vacation days for all workers in the united states as of march 2015 years of service average consolidated paid time off after specified years of service average consolidated paid time off after specified years of service for management, professional, and related employees makea-wish 1 15 17 15 5 19 21 15 10 22 24 20 20 24 27 25 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 make-a-wish consultation reflective analysis brendan gebler duquesne university as an undergraduate at duquesne university, i was afforded the opportunity to act as a student industrial organizational (i/o) psychology consultant. participants in this project were asked to identify an organization in the pittsburgh area that could benefit from an industrial/organizational consultation. once a connection had been solidified, each group was tasked with assessing how the organization could benefit from additional information in any of the following categories: selection, retention, performance, performance appraisal, motivation, training, and/or compensation (schippmann, hawthorne, and schmitt 1992). two fellow students and i opted to work with make-a-wish greater pennsylvania and west virginia. make-a-wish is a nonprofit organization which grants wishes to children battling life-threatening illnesses. make-a-wish greater pennsylvania and west virginia is headquartered in the downtown area of pittsburgh. our point of contact at make-a-wish was chief operating officer ann hohn. ms. hohn asserted that make-a-wish had been facing a trend of employees vacating their positions after roughly five to seven years with the intention of raising a family. we believed that this retention issue stemmed from a lack of workforce diversity given the fact that the workforce at make-a-wish was almost exclusively female and had been hired immediately upon completion of postsecondary education. our group then conducted a literature review as a means of establishing what could have caused these selection and retention issues and how best to resolve them. once we had established some precedence, we proposed a number of industry-established solutions. using this literature review and several proposed solutions, we composed a case report, which was then submitted to ms. hohn. given that we were relatively inexperienced consultants, we relied on our professor for guidance in terms of finding research to support our ideas. our professor also shed light on how and where to find answers to our more complicated questions. through our hard work, research, and support from our professor, we were able to accurately identify the root of many of make-awish’s challenges. i believe that our case report supplied attainable solutions to many of the issues that make-a-wish was facing. while we are extremely grateful to make-a-wish for the opportunity to work with such a successful organization, we also believe that make-a-wish and its employees will benefit from our work. as i approached the work necessary for this project, i felt fortunate to have been endowed with the opportunity to take part in this endeavor. performing the functions of an actual i/o consultant is a truly unique opportunity, especially for an undergraduate student. rarely will an individual who has not yet completed an undergraduate-level education be allowed the level of autonomy we required in order to make the assessments and recommendations of an actual i/o consultant. while our professor gave us general guidelines regarding what we could or should discuss with our point of contact at make-a-wish, both the nature of the discussion and the support that we offered were left to our discretion. also at our discretion were the areas in which we could offer to assist make-a-wish. while we were operating from the perspective of i/o student consultants, we were allowed to decide for ourselves exactly what issues make-a-wish was facing and how best to tackle those issues. the autonomy to make these types of decisions would not have been granted to an intern or even an gebler 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 entry-level employee for a consulting group. knowing that we could rely on our professor to lend her expertise and direction allowed for a great deal of confidence, which enabled us to be successful. by performing this consultation in a real-world scenario, i gained invaluable insight into the world of industrial organizational psychology. this consultation project was conducted in addition to lectures, readings, and exams on the subject of industrial/organizational psychology. this rare glimpse into the world of i/o consulting gave us insight into what it would be like to work as actual consultants. this experience led one of my teammates to decide that he would like to pursue a career in industrial/organizational psychology. in light of my experience, i am interested in researching how trauma, experienced by emergency medical responders, law enforcement officials, and combat veterans is tied to burnout and retention. in addition to reading about how to apply research that had been conducted by i/o psychologists, my teammates and i were able to perform a real-world consultation for an organization with real-world issues. this type of educational experience, which functions outside of the conventional classroom setting and places students in responsible roles in order to engage them in “cooperative, goal-directed activities” is known as experiential learning (hamilton 1980). we found that this hands-on, experiential learning, when conducted in concert with traditional classroom lectures and readings, provided for a superior educational experience compared with the conventional classroom lecture approach. this rare educational opportunity not only shed invaluable light into the field of i/o psychology, it also allowed us to feel assured that we were prepared to move forward in the professional world. as an adult student returning to school in order to obtain a bachelor’s degree, i am speaking from some experience, and i would like to encourage professors to offer their students similar hands-on, experiential learning opportunities. this project provided firsthand experience in the professional world and enabled us to prepare for what is expected of professionals by their employers. experiences such as these allow students an insight beyond anything that can be observed in the classroom. keeping in mind that make-a-wish is a nonprofit organization which serves the community, we hope that by helping make-a-wish we are in turn helping the community. we believe that this case report will enable make-a-wish to be more efficient and more productive. productivity at make-a-wish is measured by the number of “wishes” granted and through our research we were able to show that better, happier employees will become more valuable assets to make-a-wish. our research and case report assert that by attracting better job applicants and retaining superior employees, make-a-wish will become an even more successful organization. as a nonprofit organization that strives to better the lives of children battling life-threatening illness, a more successful make-a-wish provides a foundation for a community with happier children and families. my personal experience was a factor in deciding how best to approach make-a-wish’s retention issue within our case report. i have witnessed organizations that make an effort to express the value that they place on their employees. within these organizations employees often feel a sense of purpose. this sense of purpose often has the ability to motivate employees to work diligently regardless of pay or status. i have found that when a business or organization shows its appreciation for hard work that the employees are more likely to stay and advance within the organization. we believe that by granting better work/life benefits, make-a-wish is conveying to its employees that they are valued. gebler 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 as a military veteran, my approach to problem solving tends to be very structured. specifically, i approached this particular project by identifying each issue or concern that ms. hohn described during our assessment of needs meeting and sought out individual solutions. this approach may seem obvious, but my teammates often pointed out issues that every organization faces in addition to the issues that had been described by ms. hohn. my teammates also were interested in researching extraneous issues. as we prepared a list of recommendations for make-a-wish, my team members expressed a desire to explore the implementation of a mentorship program and a training program geared towards making better use of social media and technology. while it should be noted that it is possible that make-a-wish may have benefited from these recommendations, we elected to forego the mentorship and training programs. this was due in large part to the fact that these recommendations did not address specific concerns described by make-a-wish. in addition, restrictions placed on our time and resources, as well as our minimal experience, forced us to acknowledge our limitations. in light of these limitations, we concluded that we could best serve make-a-wish by scaling back the overall number of recommendations in an effort to seek out and provide more encompassing solutions to the issues referenced by make-a-wish. i believe that my background and experience enabled us to compartmentalize the needs that ms. hohn addressed in our meeting and to focus in on those specific needs, so that those specific issues could best be resolved. i believe that further work could be done to improve upon the recommendations outlined in our case report. specifically, with regard to our recommendation to hire a student intern, additional research could be conducted in order to shed light on exactly how an intern could be utilized and how the internship experience could be integrated into a student intern’s academic goals. in addition, i believe that with more time we could have supplied more information to make-a-wish regarding exactly how to interface with a university internship program. we also could have been more specific regarding the roles that we recommended for the intern. as i reflect on this invaluable learning opportunity, my goal is that others may have similar learning experiences in other disciplines of psychology. this project, which provided an experiential learning environment, enabled students to become cognitively active, applying a purposeful, goal directed, and strategic approach to learning (weinstein 1987). a cognitively active student is able to plan, execute, evaluate, and, if necessary, modify his or her course of action. these are all abilities which are highly valued in academia as well as the professional domain. giving students opportunities to engage in hands-on, experiential learning should undoubtedly be utilized anywhere possible in the realm of higher education. as armstrong and mahmud (2008) wrote, “experience needs to be acted upon to be learned.” students need opportunities to put their lessons into practice such that those lessons may be cemented in their minds, increasing the likelihood of both academic and professional excellence. ~ i would like to express my sincere gratitude to my mentor prof. elizabeth bennett at duquesne university for her endless support both in terms of my academic pursuits and personal trials. her sage guidance has been a strong foundation that has enabled my academic abilities to grow far beyond that which i would have otherwise been capable. gebler 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 references armstrong, s., and a. mahmud. 2008. “experiential learning and the acquisition of managerial tacit knowledge.” academy of management learning & education 7(2): 189-208. hamilton, s. 1980. “experiential learning programs for youth.” american journal of education 88 (2): 179-215. schippmann, j., s. hawthorne, and s. schmitt. 1992. “work roles and training needs for the practice of industrial-organizational psychology at the masters and phd level.” journal of business and psychology 6 (3): 311-331. weinstein, c. 1987. “fostering learning autonomy through the use of learning strategies.” journal of reading. 30 (7): 590-595. brendan gebler, malcolm guya, adam zaffuto, duquesne university research make a wish reflection undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 11, spring 2021 lessons learned: international research collaborations during covid-19 isabella burns, jenna holland, rachel walters abstract during this research experience, we navigated obstacles with communication, cultural sensitivity, time constraints, research methodology, and covid-19. our research group took part in a public sociology class that focused on community-engaged action research projects. our research team worked with partners from nepal, and in this article, we share how we overcame obstacles during our experience. we illustrate the benefits we found from this research project experience, the lessons we have learned, and the future advice we have both ourselves and for other undergraduate students conducting research. introduction through our research experience, although we encountered hurdles that revolved around cultural aspects, communication, time restrictions, and covid-19, we acquired new skills that will enable us to grow individually as researchers, communicators, and team members. suggestions pertaining to our experience include communicating firmer deadlines and expectations, having a set individual and method of contact, being open-minded about research topics and ideas, and lastly, fully listening to the project’s partners. the intent behind our research project evolved from a public sociology class our group attended together. this class focused on community-engaged action research projects as the purpose pertained to impacting some issue or organization in our community; at the beginning of the semester-long course, our mentor stressed the importance of paying attention to our partners’ expectations of the research. through a predetermined relationship between our university and a college in nepal, we had the opportunity to build an international partner relationship with three nepali students to conduct research in their country. as a result of our partnership, we obtained an abundance of freedom in choosing a research topic -our first stumbling block. before our first zoom call with our partners, we were ready to propose a potential research topic revolving around literacy. as nepal was encountering substantial setbacks related to covid-19, and our partners had the on-the-ground experiences we were lacking, they proposed to study the effects of covid-19 on any given topic. we decided to concentrate on education. it was imperative to put full trust in our partners and their recommended methods. their experiences and their input regarding individual decisions were critical to the research process. because this was a hurdle we encountered early in the research, it is crucial not to become settled on one idea and listen to community partners, as they have more experience and knowledge. communication & cultural sensitivity our research group found communication difficult in two areas: a language barrier and a technological barrier. the official language in nepal is nepali, which we do not speak. the language barrier was an expected factor that affected how we conducted our research. even though our partners in nepal spoke english, we often had to alter our questions and comments for them to understand what we were trying to convey. lessons learned: international research collaborations during covid-19 12 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 11, spring 2021 communicating with our partners through zoom was challenging with audio cutting out randomly or questions not being fully understood. since our partners reside in nepal, the clear communication option with them was zoom. this was a platform that both sides were familiar with due to distance learning during covid-19. as for our group, we had never met before; we had to familiarize ourselves and become comfortable with one another via online video chat, and we then had to come up with a well-planned and accommodating research project. as our research group started working on the project more, we became very comfortable with each other, and we developed friendships that are as unique as our research experience. in meeting our partners over zoom, we were not aware of how the members were chosen for our research collaboration, and we did not know the deeper purpose of their research team. cultural sensitivity was a challenge in various aspects of the project, and it was foremost on our minds during the initial zoom meetings. for our group in the united states, we had our idea of the proper communication etiquette for zoom. when we met with our partners over zoom, we had our cameras on, and we each had specific things we wanted to say or ask them. alternatively, this was not the case for our partners as they did not have the same idea of zoom etiquette as we did. our partners never turned their cameras on, and only one person spoke for their group. as a group, we unanimously agreed that we did not need to question why our partners did not turn their cameras on or how they wished to communicate with us about the project because we wanted to avoid accidentally offending anyone. our decision did not negatively affect our research with our partners, but we were not expecting to feel an additional distance in combination with the physical distance. since our partners were located in nepal, and the current pandemic did not permit standard communication between our team members, communication was a factor that was critical to our research. due to the language barrier and cultural differences, we needed to debrief after each meeting with our partners. although we had zoom meetings, and our research group conversed over text messages, it was important for the designated person of contact to relay all new information to each member of the group. we also tried to update our partners as much as possible. time constraints the difference in time zones was an uncontrollable factor that affected how we conducted our research. our partners in nepal are nearly 11 hours ahead of us. early in the morning for us meant late in the evening for them, which limited the availability of zoom meetings even more so. it was easy to navigate early morning meetings on our end; however, we hit an unexpected roadblock during the time between meetings. there was a considerable period where we would be awake and working on our project while our partners would be asleep. we found ourselves in situations where we needed confirmation, more information, or explanations on specific points, but we needed to wait until the next day to receive any response. we tried to address this issue by asking various questions during our zoom meetings. still, we could never predict where our research would take us and what new questions we might have after talking with our mentor or working on our research. unbeknownst to us, dashain is a highly celebrated festival in nepal that corresponds with their school year. when the festival starts, everyone travels home for a month-long break from academics to spend time with family. we first found out about the festival at the beginning of october 2020, when our semester-long course would end in the first week of december 2020. we were in the process of creating our survey questions and our research plan when one of our partners sent us an email warning that there was a large festival at the end of october, and lessons learned: international research collaborations during covid-19 13 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 11, spring 2021 we would find a lowered response rate to our survey. after scheduling a zoom meeting with our partners, we were stunned to find out that after october 30th, our partners would not be able to distribute the survey or send us responses for a month. we went from having nearly two months to create a high-quality survey and send it to our partners for distribution to a mere two weeks. this abrupt change caused us to put everything else on hold and focus entirely on our survey. we created multiple drafts, and at times we felt high levels of stress and panic over the new deadline. looking back, we can see the real obstacles here was a lack of knowledge about the time constraints and possibly mutual assumptions; our partners could have assumed we knew of their upcoming festival, and they did not think to bring it to our attention. we also did not make our partners aware of our class timeline as we had to have the research project completed by the first week of december 2020. this considerable obstacle forced us to be versatile in the aspects of the survey creation and distribution process. our main recommendation based on this experience relates to setting clear deadlines and making sure all members of the research project are on the same page. research methodology & covid-19 given the distance with our partners, the circumstances of the pandemic, and the implementation of social distancing, our desired methodology of conducting interviews was not going to work. with the time constraint of the festival as well as many other cultural aspects, the project was very unorthodox. based on our class’s guidelines and requirements, it was firm that our partners had to learn something through our research project, too; after asking them what they wanted to receive out of our partnership, they said they wanted to learn how we conduct research in the united states. through this information, their roles within their team were still unknown, and this was difficult since we went with all the suggestions our partners provided. the atypical methods of research we performed were based on the cultural differences we were unaware of and the current pandemic. going back to our partners’ roles in the project, we were unfamiliar with what they wanted to be a part of or what they wanted to gain from this research. we were unclear if they wanted to help us create the survey, if they wanted to know our research process from start to finish, or if there was anything outside of the project that could have been beneficial to them. we did not know how the partners felt concerning our approach to the project; they did not share their feelings or their individual goals for the project. since covid-19 precautions were different globally, we were unsure of the sensitivities associated with our partners and the pandemic. it came to our attention that the whole country was in lock-down while we were trying to figure out our methodology. each partner had a different comfort level associated with the virus; therefore, in-person interviews were not an option. since our partners were the ones that distributed the survey and collected the responses, we had to respect their concerns, and we went along with the method they saw as the best fit. ultimately, the suggested method allowed us to narrow down our potential respondents, and we covered considerable ground in our survey. however, had covid-19 not been an issue, our partners could have had more freedom to conduct interviews and surveys in more depth. our topic of covid-19 effects on the education system posed challenges to our research as covid-19 data is new and therefore limited. initially, we relied heavily on local news websites in nepal for our research on covid-19 effects on education/remote schooling. our academic research is limited to the nepali education system and inequalities before covid-19, and the digital divide in nepal that may have influenced covid-19 preparedness. lessons learned: international research collaborations during covid-19 14 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 11, spring 2021 project benefits every project has its obstacles, but what helps us decide if our project was successful are the benefits and our positive experiences. for one, we had some amazing findings. we learned a great deal about how covid-19 affects the nepali education system, and we cannot wait to construct our final report for our partners, our peers, and our mentor. our research group has improved our skills in communication and collaboration with individuals who have different cultural and linguistic approaches to research. this research was exciting to be a part of, and we were always thrilled to be working on any aspect of the project. our mentor had a substantial impact on our research methodology, and we loved and appreciated all the work that she put into our project. we spent countless zoom meetings discussing the project, and our group can agree that we are leaving this class with a new wealth of knowledge. however, the most important benefit that came along with this project was the relationship our research group created with each other. being an undergraduate student during covid-19 is difficult by itself, and we had to collaborate and communicate with each other for a group research project only via virtual platforms like zoom, email, and text. not only were we able to create and complete a research project, but we never had any disputes or issues amongst ourselves. we all made sure to be empathetic during this time of disruption, and we worked on creating a positive relationship. these benefits and our positive experiences helped us through the obstacles, and we are happy to finish this project knowing it was a success. advice for future research when researching a team, it is also important to build a good connection. this can be done in many ways; one major aspect is having an agreed-upon communication platform, especially when working in different time zones. it is beneficial to have an informal way of contact, such as through a messenger app, and to have one designated person of primary contact that can relay information to team members. working in different time zones and working across different cultures makes it even more necessary to communicate the timeline of a research project as school and work schedules may vary due to differences such as holiday breaks. lastly, it is beneficial to use the sociological imagination and be open to a wide array of topics for background research as new research data, such as those surrounding covid-19, are limited. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 11, spring 2021 promoting virtual engagement: addressing the social and mental health needs of students with intellectual disabilities in a remote postsecondary environment meeti mehta university of central florida introduction until recently, individuals diagnosed with intellectual disabilities (ids) rarely received the opportunities afforded to students through the college experience. after secondary school, their futures often became limited, forcing them to navigate through adulthood without such benefits. with support from the higher education opportunity act, the number of inclusive postsecondary education (ipse) programs on college campuses have increased (madaus, kowitt, & lalor, 2012). this expansion has led to the increased enrollment of students with ids in college, with over 265 programs across college campuses today (weir, 2020). research has demonstrated that students with ids benefit most from an inclusive curriculum facilitating engagement with their peers without ids (odom, buysse, & soukakou, 2011). inclusive postsecondary education (ipse) provides students with ids the opportunity to grow socially, academically, and professionally, thereby fostering self-sufficiency and increased competitiveness within the workforce ("florida ipse credential guidance brief: # 1 background on inclusive postsecondary education," 2019). such programs have also been shown to improve employment rates and civic engagement among participating students (grigal & hart, 2012). an integrated ipse program allows students with and without intellectual disabilities to take classes together, with further inclusion in residential life and extracurricular activities. this inclusion is not only conducive for the growth of students with ids but also creates a more diverse college experience for those without ids, cultivating a more informed and inclusive student body (athamanah, fisher, sung & han, 2020). inclusive education services (ies) at the university of central florida (ucf) is one of these integrated ipse programs. with the goal of providing students with ids an inclusive, comprehensive non-degree seeking academic experience, ies fosters independence and professional development among students through campus involvement and work experience ("ies overview inclusive education services ucf," n.d.). through ies, students with ids have the opportunity to live on campus, audit university courses, engage in extracurricular activities, connect with other students with and without ids, and develop the professional skills necessary to gain meaningful employment upon graduation. i was impressed by the tremendous support from faculty and staff in students’ academic endeavors, as i saw that tutoring, academic support, and personalized meetings were integrated into the program to ensure that each student’s educational needs were met. however, i noticed a gap between the students with ids and many of the resources available to them through the university. to provide additional support to the students with ids enrolled in ies, i helped to start knights exemplar (ke), a service-based organization at ucf. the name “knights exemplar” promoting virtual engagement: addressing the social and mental health needs of students with intellectual disabilities in a remote postsecondary environment 16 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 11, spring 2021 echoes our emphasis on training ucf knights to serve as peer mentors of the highest quality to support students with ids connected with ies. the mission of ke is to support and promote campus engagement and professional development for ucf students with ids through the establishment of a campus-wide mentorship program. as an intermediary between students and collegiate resources, ke aims to create accessibility for students with ids to make the most out of their experience at ucf by facilitating events in academics, campus involvement, health & wellness, and career exploration. throughout my time working with ke, i have been incredibly proud of the strides we have made in the ucf and greater orlando community in such a short period. since ke’s inception in october 2019, we have trained over 80 peer mentors to provide support to our ies students, and the resulting impact has been transformational. not only have our students with ids been able to access additional resources across campus, but with the support received through ke, they have also reported increased confidence in day-to-day interactions with fellow students, improved social skills, and greater engagement with the campus community, as verified by weekly surveys and peer mentor evaluations. however, six months after ke was founded, ucf shut down due to safety concerns related to the covid-19 pandemic. this sudden disruption to the organization’s functioning created an array of challenges that needed to be addressed to resume virtual operation. in dealing with these struggles, while prioritizing the needs of our students with ids, we have transformed the structure of ke as i experienced my journey of personal growth while learning to adapt to new challenges amid the pandemic. the covid-19 disruption with the closure of the ucf campus in march 2020, all planned in-person ke activities were canceled. ies students, staff, and ke peer mentors, including myself, were confused and uncertain of the future of instruction, events, and activities, as we worried about balancing the needs of our students with ids with the safety concerns of the pandemic. with less than two months remaining in the spring 2020 semester and ucf transitioning to remote instruction, my leadership team and i decided to suspend the remainder of the semester’s events. while ies resumed classes virtually, ke initially struggled to provide meaningful support to students due to the challenges associated with this transition. students initially struggled to use zoom, the primary software utilized by ucf for remote learning, which made it difficult to meet with students as frequently as in the past. just as our students with ids were beginning to feel integrated with the campus community, their world changed overnight. many ies students who came to ucf from all over the country had to return home. instead of spending just one week away from campus during spring break, students were suddenly faced with the prospect of being apart from their friends, campus, activities, and newfound independence for an unforeseeable period. with such an uncertain future amid growing fears of covid-19, many students reported feeling isolated, sad, lonely, and depressed. our efforts through ke during the summer and fall 2020 semester sought to combat such negative feelings and promote virtual engagement and social interaction among our students from the safety of their own homes. the response a major challenge caused by campus closure and the remote transition was the increased difficulty in communication between the leadership team, faculty advisor, and our students with ids. as we adjusted to utilizing zoom, i emphasized the need for clear and consistent communication in times of such uncertainty and change. to implement this, we began weekly promoting virtual engagement: addressing the social and mental health needs of students with intellectual disabilities in a remote postsecondary environment 17 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 11, spring 2021 meetings with our faculty supervisor and my officer board to provide a seamless virtual transition and maintain communication with ies students and peer mentors. to provide our students with ids with much needed social interaction during quarantine, i implemented weekly socials through ke. they quickly became a huge success, as measured by students increased reported satisfaction and attendance at such events. we observed that students attended socials far more frequently than previous in-person events as they looked forward to engaging with their friends. these events became therapeutic for everyone involved, including myself, as we interacted with friends, checked in on everyone’s mental health, discussed the uncertainties of covid-19, and simply had fun. while we started by catching up on each other’s lives, our socials gradually turned into game nights including pictionary, trivia, and among us, which further evolved into themed celebrations such as “movie knights,” cooking classes, and holiday socials. i attribute the tremendous success of these socials to our emphasis on tailoring them to the needs of our students with ids and peer mentors, as we adjusted their frequency, content, and themes based on members’ feedback. a key aspect of the ke mission is to encourage students to develop social skills, and these socials have been extremely beneficial in maintaining a continuity of social interaction and emotional support, based on student and peer mentor surveys, student leader observations, and parent feedback. as a result, our socials have exceeded our expectations in the positive impact they have had on the lives of our students and my fellow peer mentors, indicated by high reported personal satisfaction at the conclusion of the semester. while socials made up the bulk of our events in the summer 2020 semester, we decided to introduce new virtual events in fall 2020. previously, as a relatively new organization, we had put great effort into creating many events for our students with ids and peer mentors. however, since the remote transition due to the covid-19 pandemic, our new philosophy has been quality over quantity. with limited opportunities to advertise ke to prospective peer mentors, we focused on strengthening the relationship between our current peer mentors and students with ids. since we had fewer peer mentors, we reduced the number of events from five to three per week. however, despite this reduction, we noticed that event attendance among members increased. despite our reduced membership, our efforts in collecting and implementing feedback have ensured that our current members are truly committed to the organization, serving as excellent role models for fellow students with ids. an additional change in our virtual transition was the shift from one-on-one mentorship to group mentorship. originally, we had a circle of support program in which peer mentors were paired with individual ies students for more personalized support. however, due to the limited options for remote one-on-one activities, we instead employed a group mentorship model, encouraging interaction between all peer mentors and students with ids for increased social interaction and better allocation of our fewer peer mentors. this organizational change turned out to be extremely successful, as students connected with more peer mentors and formed new friendships, as the excitement of seeing new faces encouraged them to attend more virtual events. soon, one-on-one relationships between peer mentors and ies students developed organically and more effectively than if they had been through formal matching. overall, i was very pleased to see this mentorship model work so well in fulfilling the social needs of our students. when we once again resume in-person events, i hope to adopt a hybrid model combining the individualized attention of one-on-one mentorship with the increased socialization of group mentorship. promoting virtual engagement: addressing the social and mental health needs of students with intellectual disabilities in a remote postsecondary environment 18 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 11, spring 2021 following such success at the beginning of the pandemic, we experienced a slow decline in event attendance midway through the fall 2020 semester, as students adjusted to the virtual environment and courses became more demanding. in response, we created a new ies liaison position and appointed a student with ids to encourage fellow students to attend events and generate enthusiasm for ke. additionally, our ies liaison was tasked with assisting their peers with technology as they navigated the zoom platform. through this position, we have a direct line of communication with our ies students regarding events, suggestions, and ideas, and have noticed a subsequent increase in virtual event attendance. conclusion while leading ke’s transition to a virtual environment, i had to adapt to several challenges, but the most profound improvement was that of my outlook. i, like most people, was wary of the shift to remote instruction as i worried that our interactions would cease to feel natural, and our events would begin to feel forced. however, i could not be happier with the way that everything turned out, despite the hurdles created by covid-19. the dynamic between our students with ids and peer mentors is closer than ever, as the excitement of virtual events and socials maintains an atmosphere of positivity. our officer board has bonded through our shared experiences tackling these challenges and our students have become more involved and engaged by taking on leadership positions and providing more feedback. overall, the flexibility of the online format has allowed us to provide additional academic support to our students, connect them to campus-led activities, provide guidance in navigating virtual resources created by the university, and continue to emphasize career development through virtual resume and professionalism workshops. as a result, i have realized that despite the initial hardship of virtual adjustment, the online setting offers many benefits such as fostering close relationships, seamless communication with out-of-orlando students, and the flexibility to attend events from the comfort and safety of our homes. from these experiences, i have grown to realize the vital importance of social interaction in maintaining our mental and emotional health and have learned of the power of positivity in adjusting to widespread change and uncertainty. by leading this transition within ke, i learned to adapt to disruptions by relying on communication, community engagement, and the cycle of feedback, assessment, and improvement. i used to believe that the best way to make a difference in a community was to impact the greatest number of people, but now i realize that it’s by creating the most meaningful impact on each individual. through my experiences leading ke during this period of change, i am proud of our efforts in creating a more diverse experience for ucf knights, both within and outside of our organization. i encourage those facing the challenge of adjusting to such disruptions to embrace change and utilize creativity to approach all difficulties. they might find that the unique needs and opportunities that arise from such change will serve as lessons for the future and improvements to the status quo. ultimately, our experiences can serve as a lesson for other university-based ipse programs seeking to provide more significant support to students with ids in a virtual environment. promoting virtual engagement: addressing the social and mental health needs of students with intellectual disabilities in a remote postsecondary environment 19 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 11, spring 2021 references athamanah, l., fisher, m., sung, c., & han, j. (2020). the experiences and perceptions of college peer mentors interacting with students with intellectual and developmental disabilities. research and practice for persons with severe disabilities, 45(4), 271287. doi: 10.1177/1540796920953826 florida ipse credential guidance brief: # 1 background on inclusive postsecondary education. (2019). retrieved 24 november 2020, from https://fcihe.com/wpcontent/uploads/2019/08/florida-ipse-credential-guidance-brief-1-ipsebackground.docx.pdf grigal, m. & hart, d. (2012). the power of expectations. journal of policy and practice in intellectual disabilities, 9(4), 221-222. doi: 10.1111/jppi.12014 ies overview inclusive education services ucf. retrieved 24 november 2020, from https://ies.sdes.ucf.edu/ies-overview/ madaus, joseph & kowitt, jennifer & lalor, adam. (2012). the higher education opportunity act: impact on students with disabilities. rehabilitation research, 26(1). doi: 10.1891/216866512805000893. odom, samuel & buysse, virginia & soukakou, elena. (2011). inclusion for young children with disabilities: a quarter century of research perspectives. journal of early intervention, 33(4). 344-356. doi:10.1177/1053815111430094. weir, c. (2020). expert update: ipse grows across the nation. retrieved 24 november 2020, from https://gcdd.org/blogs/making-a-difference-blog/3097-expert-update-ipse-growsacross-the-nation.html undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 11, spring 2021 hip hop in higher education during the covid-19 pandemic jasmine weiss virginia tech introduction virginia tech digging in the crates, or hip-hop studies at virginia tech, has allowed me to connect to my college community and has even provided my motivation to continue at the institution. vtditc has provided a high volume of opportunities and a strong sense of community at virginia tech. my vtditc engagements are centered around personal growth and professional development through experiential learning. currently, i am the creative director of vtditc, and i previously was an assistant technical director. the program, now in its fifth year, is housed in virginia tech’s newman library as a part of the university libraries community engagement group and has facilitated more than one hundred literacy workshops beyond campus for community members. vtditc is practitioner-focused, student-led, and culturally responsive community engagement program. to engage and respond, vtditc advances experiential and critical service-learning programming, using hip-hop pedagogy. vtditc outreach expands past the physical boundaries of blacksburg, va. i have had the privilege of working with community partners such as boys & girls clubs of southwest virginia, the harrison museum of african american culture, roanoke public libraries, and the vinton public library (arthur). the relationships with community partners have opened the door for opportunities such as presentations that outreach to scholars. i had the pleasure of assisting in my first formal presentation at radford university on hip-hop pedagogy and community engagement to professors at the university. vtditc’s mission statement is: “founded in 2016, digging in the crates: hip hop studies at virginia tech, or #vtditc, exists to foster community-based learning among hip hop artists, fans, practitioners, and scholars digitally and globally. we aim to model that students, faculty, and staff’s personal interests are worthy of academic study and publication as well as further institutionalize hip hop studies’ presence on virginia tech’s campus”. this statement articulates our emphasis on building community and promoting hip hop as a practice worthy of study. our program heavily relies on community engagement and service-learning and the covid-19 pandemic has profoundly altered our approaches to both of our program’s foci. community engagement and vtditc vtditc’s foundation of community engagement has been vital to its existence. anne goulding defines community engagement as, “making the library space available for community activities, working in partnership with the voluntary and community sector as well as with other public service” (goulding 37). before covid-19 arrived in the us, vtditc hosted monthly seminar programs and studio sessions in the university’s main library, served free food, and welcomed members of the university community and members of the local community. hip hop in higher education during the covid-19 pandemic 34 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 11, spring 2021 vtditc events are inclusive by design. in response to covid-19, we migrated our programs online to protect the health and safety of our community. in addition to making our programs available to the community virtually, we have also adjusted our community engagement protocols with community partners. we make sure to support our communities’ interest in hip hop and facilitate spaces where people can connect safely and access resources. community engagement is imperative in the academy because it allows for the creation of better teaching methods (archer 2). the vtditc team believes it is crucial to continue with our style of community engagement programming on online platforms so that we can continue to serve. covid-19 emerged across the united states around march 2020 and directly impacted everyone's life in various ways. my position as creative director allowed me to help alter the vtditc program adapt to covid-19 protocols. vtditc has implemented several new practices including an emphasis on open and accessible platforms. the platforms that vtditc has given special focus to during the pandemic include instagram, facebook, and zoom. when vtditc uses zoom to connect with the community, we have been exposed to several new ways of interaction. vtditc likes to interact with the community on zoom by using google jam boards or google forms. good jam boards are used to visualize information given during our seminar series and google forms are used to collect feedback on the seminar. following universal design principles, another addition to our seminar series is the use of verbit captions. the vtditc team works hard to ensure our programs are accessible to everyone. there are no costs to attend any of our programs in order to break down one barrier of access. we publicize our programs on our social media and send email reminders before each program so that we can share the opportunity to learn with as many community members as possible. since we have moved the majority of our program online to protect our community, we now make sure the web address to the program is widely circulated and the platform is user-friendly. beyond accessibility, vtditc prioritizes engaging with local youth-focused education programs. one of the programs vtditc has the pleasure of working with over the pandemic is the vinton public library (vpl). vtditc had the opportunity to facilitate a rhyme writing workshop with vpl. it is important to build relationships with not only community members but also community organizations as well so that we can have as many opportunities as possible to create meaningful programming. bhagwan notes that for a higher education community to grow, it is necessary to develop alliances or partnerships with the broader community (bhagwan 1). vtditc emphasizes relationships with community programs. service learning and vtditc our community partners help vtditc provide professional development opportunities for students through service-learning activities. in beyond library space and place by frances yates, yates mentions the 5cs of service-learning. the 5cs of service-learning are: connection, continuity, context, coaching, and challenge. yates’ first c is the elimination of “artificial separation between the learning arenas of the campus and the community and helps establish more authentic learning-by-doing” (yates 53). vtditc creates an environment where community members can engage in peer-peer learning. the focus on community engagement and experiential learning is accompanied by opportunities to learn as a collective. yates second c is continuity. yates describes continuity as the creation of an understanding that learning is a lifelong process and learning involves our personal experiences. vtditc facilitates opportunities to tie in our personal connections to learning. students have an opportunity to create music reflecting their life experiences and learn about music making hip hop in higher education during the covid-19 pandemic 35 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 11, spring 2021 processes through our studio hours program. studio hours are hosted by the vtditc team every friday in newman library. the vtditc assists the community with recording music and the music recording process. through our studio hours program, vtditc has recently taken the opportunity to begin the creation of our second mixtape. vtditc has previously produced the black cultural center mixtape vol. 1 (bcc mixtape vol. 1). through the mixtape creating process, students collaborate with others to create art about their lived experiences. the mixtape that we are currently working on connects virginia tech alumni to current students in an effort to disseminate scholarship which embodies lifetimes of experiences on campus. the third c, context, can be understood as the necessity to use the knowledge in adaptive ways. vtditc has many opportunities for students to use their knowledge and apply it in the real world. students can receive training and skills on various music creation tools, title ix, promising practices for working with minors, and can even get certified in numerous software. there are many opportunities to use and enhance the skills gained by being involved in vtditc. during every program that involves working with youth, i have the opportunity to apply the skills i learned from both title ix and the working with minors training. another example of how vtditc facilitates opportunities to not only learn skills but apply them in the real world is through the development of our mixtape. i help guide the creative process as the artist & repertoire (a&r) for our current mixtape; in that role, i get to plan and implement the mixtape project plan. the fourth c that yates mentions is coaching. although our program is student-led, and therefore students make many decisions, we have esteemed faculty members assisting us. we have biweekly leadership board meetings which allow the students to directly work with faculty members across the university. the vtditc environment allows students to have creative freedom on the direction of the program as well as access to faculty for coaching. i have personally benefited from these connections to faculty and or mentors and they have challenged me to achieve at levels i didn’t know i could. lastly, yates’ fifth c of service learning is challenge. yates describes challenge as the opportunity to develop intellectual intelligence, emotional intelligence, and problem solving. vtditc creates opportunities to develop both intellectual and emotional intelligence. the size of the vtditc community allows for frequent opportunities for collaboration. collaboration can help develop both intellectual and emotional intelligence skills (jordan 96). the diversity of opportunities from being involved in k-12 workshops to co-authoring journal articles allows individuals to advance those skills. furthermore, vtditc offers opportunities to develop problem solving skills. the ways vtditc has developed new covid-19 protocols exemplify how our program embraces challenge and specifically works towards community development solutions. connecting with communities during covid-19 the covid-19 pandemic directly challenged our weekly in-person programming. every week prior to covid-19, i traveled to several new river valley schools and community centers to help facilitate vtditc’s hands-on learning programming. our hands-on community programming consisted of media literacy instruction and discussions of hip-hop’s creative practices. the structure of the workshops typically followed a rough template: an introduction to who we are, what hip hop is, and how hip-hop ties into science, technology, engineering, arts, and mathematics (steam). after a brief discussion with the students about hip-hop culture, we show the students how to use basic music equipment, help the students try the equipment on their own terms, and remove barriers to access creation tools. https://soundcloud.com/bccmixtape/sets/bcc-mixtape-vol-1 hip hop in higher education during the covid-19 pandemic 36 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 11, spring 2021 the pandemic has limited our in-person community engagement, but we have successfully converted almost all of our programs to an entirely online format. we consider it to be of the utmost importance to work with our local community. we wanted to make sure to continue these efforts throughout the pandemic. to protect the community, we are not traveling to community organizations; instead, we currently host virtual workshops with many of the same groups. the students currently lack an opportunity to touch music equipment, but we have shifted our focus to other experiential modes of learning. just recently, we hosted a workshop on creative writing and rhyming. we were still able to teach the students about hip hop and focused on the mcing element. vtditc taught the students that mcs are the people in the community that rhyme over music. additionally, the students were taught the students about common vocabulary, different rhyme schemes, and allowed time for the students to create their own verse based on their lived experiences. covid-19 has challenged vtditc to adapt our programming to a virtual environment, and this challenge has inspired us to incorporate new modes for fostering community connections. before the covid-19 pandemic, vtditc would host opportunities for community connections through our seminar series. our seminar series was hosted in virginia tech’s newman library multipurpose room. the multipurpose room has a capacity of around one hundred people. through zoom, vtditc can overcome the limitation of capacity. recently, we hosted a seminar series with almost two hundred people. in addition to the increase of seminar series participants, we now have opportunities to work with scholars we normally could not because of physical location. in february of 2021, vtditc hosted shaolin jazz, a program based in washington, d.c. zoom allowed the vtditc community to connect with a program located far away. vtditc continues its emphasis on outreach to our community even on the online platform. we make sure to include the link to the video conference on all of the promotions and include the link in our social media bio to promote to the larger community that they can still access the knowledge our guests bring to the vtditc community. i believe that covid-19 has expanded our community because people can now engage with others in the comfort of their own homes from all over the world. covid-19 has allowed vtditc an opportunity to broaden who we can host as well as who can attend our events. vtditc applies universal design principles when planning our events. people with disabilities can be excluded from virtual higher education programming that fails to consider accessibility (bickle 7). our seminar series are transcribed live so that the benefits of cc can be appreciated by all. in addition to ensuring our seminars are transcribed, we also make sure our accessibility statement is listed on all our event promotions. the statement welcomes those with disabilities who desire an accommodation to contact our program director so that we can better serve them during the event. covid-19 challenged vtditc to identify accessibility issues on an online platform and derive solutions to prevent any barrier that could prevent someone from participating in our programs. in addition to removing barriers of access, we also have taken advantage of several other opportunities that come with using an online platform. during our events, our guests frequently ask questions to everyone at the event using the chat feature of zoom. zoom allows for the entire community who is present to respond to community-sourced questions. throughout the seminar, the vtditc team also utilizes chat to share additional information on the topics our guests discuss. when presenters are discussing their work, vtditc chat moderators can provide direct links to resources. another opportunity that vtditc utilizes in zoom, is the capability to record a meeting. recordings of our programs can be useful for others to reference or for those who hip hop in higher education during the covid-19 pandemic 37 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 11, spring 2021 missed the program the day of, to receive the information at a later date. covid-19 has extremely expanded our access and outreach. covid-19 has given vtditc the opportunity to adapt and reconsider our program and it also inspired us to create new programs. since the pandemic, we have temporarily stopped our hip hop study hours now housed in the ujima living learning community, and reallocated resources to programs including our new weekly live dj mixes via instagram. i like to listen to the weekly live mixes and occasionally, i take a break from my academic pursuits. the live mixes are curated based on a different theme each week. this is an opportunity for vtditc to curate our own music archives and further develop our outreach. conclusion vtditc continues to embody the unique aspect of both community engagement and service learning despite the challenges of the covid-19 pandemic. vtditc’s new approach to programming has been successful. vtditc continues to be a unique community program that has given me opportunities to develop my existing skills and learn new skills. students develop expertise working with the broader community and skills that can be applied to real world situations post-college. the opportunity to be involved in this community has taught me so much about working with others, working in a professional environment, and, most importantly, about myself. leading the vtditc community through covid-19, i have the chance to further develop emotional intelligence, intellectual intelligence, problem solving, and other development skills that i will use throughout my career. acknowledgments i deeply appreciate and am grateful for the great amount of assistance and support i have received while writing this essay. i would like to express my gratitude to dr. frederick paige, co-founder of vtditc and civil and environmental engineering assistant professor, who brought this journal to my attention and assisted me during the writing process. dr. paige’s guidance has opened me to a whole new world in academia. dr. paige’s involvement in vtditc is crucial as he offers his knowledge and guidance to a student-led school affiliated community. i also wish to thank craig arthur, head of community engagement for the university libraries, and vtditc co-founder and program director, for his additional assistance and expertise in creating this essay. craig has generously given me so many opportunities to develop my skills and further my development. in addition, i would like to thank la’ portia perkins for the mentorship and guidance that she has offered me. our relationship has deepened my connection and commitment with vtditc. lastly, i would like to thank the vtditc community as a whole. as a part of the community, i have been exposed to wonderful opportunities, experiences, and people. hip hop in higher education during the covid-19 pandemic 38 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 11, spring 2021 references archer, kimberly. “looking at education differently: community teaching.” undergraduate journal of service learning & community-based research, vol. 10, nov. 2020, pp. 1–3. arthur, craig, et al. culturally responsive community engagement programming and the university library: lessons learned from half a decade of vtditc – in the library with the lead pipe. dec. 2020, http://www.inthelibrarywiththeleadpipe.org/2020/vtditc/. bcc mixtape vol. 1. https://soundcloud.com/bccmixtape/sets/bcc-mixtape-vol-1. accessed 7 mar. 2021. bhagwan r. “emerging wisdom on the values and principles to guide community engagement in south africa.” journal for new generation sciences, vol. 17, no. 1, “central university of technology, free state,” june 2019, pp. 1–14. journals.co.za (atypon), doi:10.10520/ejc-1aeca621d2. bickle, marianne, and ryan rucker. “covid-19 and higher education: changing adoption rates of online learning.” journal of online higher education, vol. 4, no. 2, 2, aug. 2020, pp. 3–10. goulding, a. (2009), "engaging with community engagement: public libraries and citizen involvement", new library world, vol. 110 no. 1/2, pp. 37-51. https://doi.org/10.1108/03074800910928577 jordan, peter j., and ashlea c. troth. “emotional intelligence and conflict resolution in nursing.” contemporary nurse, vol. 13, no. 1, aug. 2002, pp. 94–100. doi.org (crossref), doi:10.5172/conu.13.1.94. yates, frances. “beyond library space and place: creating a culture of community engagement through library partnerships.” indiana libraries, vol. 33, no. 2, 1 oct. 2014, journals.iupui.edu/index.php/indianalibraries/article/download/16424/pdf_943. http://www.inthelibrarywiththeleadpipe.org/2020/vtditc/ http://www.inthelibrarywiththeleadpipe.org/2020/vtditc/ https://soundcloud.com/bccmixtape/sets/bcc-mixtape-vol-1 https://soundcloud.com/bccmixtape/sets/bcc-mixtape-vol-1 https://doi.org/10.10520/ejc-1aeca621d2 https://www.emerald.com/insight/search?q=anne%20goulding https://www.emerald.com/insight/publication/issn/0307-4803 https://doi.org/10.1108/03074800910928577 https://doi.org/10.5172/conu.13.1.94 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 service learning through the looking glass: shifting grasps on service learning reality from the rearview mirror bonny wagener oglethorpe university service learning is a rapidly growing program that assists students in the comprehension of course materials. this technique allows students to learn about a subject both in a traditional classroom setting and through community-based research, or through serving at a site that provides valuable information which helps exemplify the concepts of a particular course. i first became acquainted with the service learning program at oglethorpe university when i enrolled in bio 224–cancer biology. this course, and many others like it, focus on how service complements and enhances conceptualization of course material, which helps students to achieve a better understanding of the subject matter. this alone would have been an effective learning experience, but it turns out that, for me, service learning in bio 224 had an unanticipated benefit. while at oglethorpe, i participated in athletics, the center for civic engagement program, and the university’s biology and core course programs. while these seemed like separate activities to me at the time, it later became clear that they were in fact interconnected. my service learning experience within the cancer biology course provided me with the opportunity to reflect on past experiences of seemingly separate learning and service opportunities, which, in turn, allowed me to make an intuitive connection between the services i rendered and the themes presented in my college courses. therefore, i discovered that service learning not only has the traditional classroom approach, but it also has an unconventional intellectually driven approach that is possible through reflecting on past experiences. i chose to take cancer biology because i had recently lost my grandmother to a brain tumor and wanted to know more about why and how it happened. learning how the cellular processes of her cancer worked appealed to me intellectually; furthermore, the chance to better understand the reasons why the cancer appeared appealed to me emotionally. this intellectual and emotional appeal helped me gain the knowledge and understanding of why and how the cancer struck my grandmother, and, in turn, provided me with further closure about her death. at the time of my enrollment in this course, i had no idea that it incorporated an actual service learning requirement. when i found out i was pleasantly surprised. we were given a variety of cancer-related service projects to choose from and a set number of service hours to have completed by the end of the semester. it was under these circumstances that i took part in four different programs: hospice atlanta, american cancer society’s hope lodge, a hospice pediatric fundraiser called “the big-to-do,” and a relay for life event. while providing the needed services at hospice atlanta, my fellow classmates and i participated in a weekend-long training session that informed us about their policies, history, and available health programs. throughout the training, i began to realize that some of the programs that hospice offers are not well known by the public. for instance, they offer bereavement or grief counseling to the friends and families of recently deceased patients. i was not offered such a service when my grandmother passed away; however, the temporary discussion that was held during our training was therapeutic and therefore it allowed me to realize its importance. the realization that other patients and loved ones affected by cancer may go through an ordeal similar to mine was heartbreaking, and it allowed me to understand that the public is poorly educated about cancer, including ways in which to cope with the disease. the lack of accessible wagener 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 knowledge about cancer is a problem when it comes to public health; therefore, it is important that we continue to raise awareness about available programs for assisting patients and families living with cancer. by distributing ads for services, like those sent by hospice atlanta, through fundraising events like the “big-to-do,” and activities like the relay for life, the public can become more knowledgeable about the options that are available to them. moreover, when the hospice training was over, it was time to embark on the service portion of my learning experience. one day, at hospice atlanta, i was informed that a patient needed company while she waited on her friend to come and take her home. to my dismay it seemed as though my presence agitated rather than comforted her and so the encounter was slightly abrasive. it was only after spending time with her that i was notified that she was a cancer patient who had the disease throughout her body including her brain, which accounted for her agitated state. this unexpectedly sharp encounter stirred up recent emotions that i was still dealing with from the passing of my grandmother. while i was emotionally recovering and packing to leave, one of the patient’s friends and one of her nurses began comforting me. they reassured me that she was once a hospitable and warmhearted woman, but that the cancer had taken its toll on her. through this conversation i was later able to draw congruencies between this patient’s actions and those i had observed in my grandmother. both individuals were once cordial human beings who rarely became angry, but because of the disease they exhibited personality changes. the similarity of their personality conversions helped me further understand the concept that genetic alterations such as mutations in signaling pathway regulators can lead to manifestations of cancer hallmarks, which, in turn, can lead to more visible changes such as abnormal behavior. comparatively, hope lodge, run by the american cancer society, had a much more integrated feeling about it. this establishment gave us the opportunity to prepare dinner for and interact with cancer patients and their loved ones directly. the people present were extremely appreciative that we would take time out of our day to be with them. some of the families had just recently arrived at the lodge while others had been there for a while. because of this, everyone had different stories to tell, including ones of sorrow, hope, and faith. through these interactions i began to understand that even though cancer is a devastating diagnosis to many, there are people who can find hope in a bad situation. i believe that these people have a lot to teach us about struggling through the consequences of cancer without giving up hope. they shared stories of successes of novel treatments, sorrows of low points of the disease, and faith that they would make it through these troubled times. their stories allowed me to better understand the scientific concept that the disease is extremely diverse between, and within, cancer types. the many variations of cancer such as the specificity of its location, the aggressiveness of its growth, and the different genetic pathways from which it originates became clearer to me. furthermore, even with cancer’s diversity, new innovative treatments have fueled stories of hope and faith. before bio 224 ended, i had only understood service learning as an in-the-moment classroom approach, but as i reflected on my past experiences in seemingly separate programs i was able to recognize hints of an unofficial service program. two of the many service projects that i had participated in previously were an alternative winter break to new orleans and an ecological service project at blue heron nature preserve. these service opportunities helped me to better grasp concepts that i had learned in classes throughout my freshman, sophomore, and junior years including two courses in the core curriculum program: conservation biology and ecology. the core curriculum at oglethorpe is a unique program in that it explores traditional wagener 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 core courses in a way that also enhances students’ abilities to convey their knowledge of course content through written and oral reports. the curriculum offers the general themes that all majors require, but it does so in a way that encourages critical thinking in oral and written formats. each year of the core program has its own subject matter, plus an additional three courses that encompass the culture of a society and a community’s charisma through art, music, and math. in fact, it was the music appreciation core course that i connected with the most mentally while in new orleans for an alternative winter break service opportunity. the vibrancy of the culture could be felt everywhere in the city, but the most concentrated experiences of it were in the french quarter. the pure volume of jazz music within the quarter was dazzling, and the fact that this facet of the community was generations old allowed me to further appreciate the ideas that the music oriented core class was trying to teach me. the course, cor-103 music and culture, teaches that music is an essential part of how cultures are formed. i do not believe that i would have appreciated the connections between music and history if i had not participated in that service project. through the inherent connection of the aspects of two separate programs, a music core class and a service trip, i was able to have an unexpected learning opportunity. similarly, memories of the trip allowed me to draw further relationships between the trip and what i had learned in my freshman, sophomore, and junior core courses. these courses help students develop identities as individuals, become more involved socially and politically in local communities, and recognize the historical changes in different societies that helped develop their modern identities. reflecting on the trip offered new insights into each of these course themes. the trip consisted of educational tours, documentaries, and service projects that included, but were not limited to, assisting staff at the boys and girls club with the kids’ educational, creative, and physical activities, collaborating on efforts to provide maintenance at community farms, restoring still damaged houses in the lower ninth ward, and assisting with public awareness efforts about the lingering effects of hurricane katrina. the combination of the educational outings and service events allowed me to realize how devastating a natural disaster like katrina can be on an individual, and also a community, and how it can change a society’s character. subsequently, i was able to connect the separate aspects of the service trip and the required core courses. the core courses motivated me to recognize that we live in a privileged society that has historically allowed social hierarchies and politics to dictate how a community is shaped and built. with this new awareness i was able to grow, and appreciate my growth, in a way that i believe would not have been possible without being a part of that service trip. finally, i also made connections between my biology major courses and previous service sites. the first year seminar course is designed to help freshman students find positive ways to integrate into atlanta. the course was effectively a semester-long service project that allowed students to meet new people within the community and the university. the service was rendered at blue heron nature preserve, which is an area of urban-greenspace in metro-atlanta that allows visitors to have a personal experience with nature. the tasks that we, as a class, were delegated to complete consisted of helping the preserve conserve natural animal and plant habitats, cleaning trash from creeks, making soft natural pathways for visitors, and removing environmentally harmful objects. these necessary service steps allowed me to better understand themes i later encountered in my ecology and conservation biology courses. the preservation of natural habitat and management of wildlife is a major component of the conservation biology course; statistics used to monitor the proliferation or decline of wildlife species is an aspect of the ecology course. therefore, the first year seminar’s required service allowed me to relate wagener 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 better to the themes found in the conservation biology and ecology courses that i enrolled in as a junior and senior. in conclusion, service learning is a multi-faceted program that is usually experienced as a component of a classroom-based requirement, but as a recently graduated senior i can say with confidence that this is not the only way to experience service learning. the center for civic engagement program at oglethorpe university allows students to realize an unanticipated side of service learning. by reflecting on my campus activities with athletics, class trips, and service projects, i realized that there was an unexpected connection between the service and learning opportunities found in these seemingly separate programs. while writing and reviewing the example reflections described in this essay, i began to think that if other students looked back at their different experiences like i had then maybe they would also begin to make their own academic and service based associations. through experiencing unconventional service learning first hand it is my belief that there could be an educational benefit to implementing a more reflective aspect to students’ coursework. furthermore, i believe that a service learning option or an active center for civic engagement should be an opportunity for all students to choose from because the lessons and real-world experiences acquired from studying course material alongside service can have major impacts on lifelong learning. ~ i would like to thank karen schmeichel of oglethorpe university for her support and thoughtful constructive guidance in my pursuit of this publishing opportunity. i would also like to thank tamara nash and patrick grayshaw for their dedication to the center for civic engagement program at oglethorpe university, without which i would not have been able to write this article. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 the importance of play past childhood: engaging in civic spaces taylor middleton kansas state university introduction as i stepped into my leadership studies class for the first time, i was immediately presented with two large circles of chairs. i chose a seat, and we all settled into the two groups. our instructor began by posing a question: “when was a time you observed or participated in an experience that helped to make progress on an issue or problem facing the community?” we each took turns sharing our experiences. after every student had a chance to speak, we analyzed what patterns or themes surfaced in the stories we shared, which included those of encouragement, helping others, safety, and establishing a sense of belonging. then we were asked: “if you had to physically represent what we have talked about today, how would you do that?” blank stares ensued. it was the last thing any of us had expected to hear. initially, i could not comprehend what i was being asked to do, though it was a clear request. our professor repeated the prompt as eleven college students tried to figure out how to enact what we discussed. unbeknownst to us at the time, we had been modeling a community conversation activity that we would be engaging in with our community partners in the weeks and months to come. the leadership class in which we were practicing this is part of the staley school of leadership studies at kansas state university. it introduces a pedagogy that revolves around civic leadership and challenges students to engage with community members in an effective and innovative way. reflecting back on the first day of class, i made an observation that held true in the three community conversations i attended subsequently: there tends to be a great level of hesitation when you ask participants to physically represent what they are verbalizing. however, based on my own work experience in an early childhood education and development center during high school and college, i kept coming back to one thought: having extensively observed children’s behavior, i am confident that if i challenged the group of children i had worked with, or any group of children for that matter, to enact their thoughts physically, they would have no hesitation at all. this thought prompted my interest to research play, the importance of its continuance into the adult years of life, and its adaptability to aid in leadership education. in this essay, i will address two key questions: how can incorporating play into leadership development improve community development strategies? and, what is the value of “play” in the process of civic leadership? i will then use the community conversations activities we participated in with our community partners to illustrate how such integration can be done effectively and successfully. civic leadership chrislip and o’malley (2013) acknowledge that a majority of people assume civic leadership is simply the interaction between citizens and government, focusing on “oversight[s] and operation[s].” however, the authors wish to “embrace an emerging understanding that broadens this description beyond government to include the role of ordinary citizens and others in the organization and workings of society to address common concerns” (chrislip and middleton 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 o’malley 2013, 3). kahl states in his work that “community leadership development programs supporting civic leadership are designed to create ‘leader-full’ communities wherein citizens have an increased role in active project involvement and decision making” (2012, 4). andrews et al. (2010) studied what factors made certain civic engagements and associations more successful than others. they found: “members who participate in group deliberations are also more likely to commit to the outcome of that deliberation” and “participation in organizational activities can also generate social capital within the group and in the broader community” (2010, 1197). the kansas leadership center (klc) embodies this broader approach, providing four competencies of civic leadership that act as an open framework for conducting effective civic engagement. the four competencies promoted by the klc are: (a) diagnosing the situation for which you are intervening, (b) managing self, (c) intervening skillfully, and (d) energizing others (o’malley 2012). while civic leadership can have a vague definition and broad execution, it is all aimed towards creating healthier communities. these competencies guided our interactions throughout the leadership course, to convene group deliberations and create meaningful activities to build “capital” within the communities we visited. we used community conversations as a means to convene public dialogues in order to assess the needs of a six-county area in central kansas. we partnered with the konza united way and harvesters community food network; our purpose was to learn from members of the community, so that our community partner organizations could adapt their abilities to better service these regions. importance of incorporating play play is defined as “an activity or behavior that: (a) is carried out with the goal of amusement or fun, (b) involves an enthusiastic and in-the-moment attitude or approach, and (c) is highly interactive among play partners or with the activity itself” (van vleet and feeney 2015, 640). typically, the word “play” has a strong connotation to children and their development. however, there is a significant amount of research across multiple disciplines, ranging from psychology to evolutionary biology, that demonstrates the benefits of play far outreach the younger, developmental years of life. in fact, many agree that play is just as necessary for adults as it is for children. one advocate for this idea is dr. stuart brown, the founder of the national institute for play, who states that for children, play teaches them “empathy, how to communicate with others, and how to roll with the punches (yenigun 2014).” he goes on to say that although the “learning processes [are] different than what occur in adult play...the ‘harmonics’ of this occur in adulthood as well” (yenigun 2014). another proponent for this idea is tim brown, ceo of ideo, a design and innovation firm. in a ted talk, he asked the audience to help him recreate an experiment that emerged when robert mckim, an engineering professor at stanford university, researched creativity. in the experiment, everyone took out a sheet of paper and had 30 seconds to draw the person next to them. after the 30 seconds had passed, mckim noticed that many laughed at their drawings, some were embarrassed, and others went so far as to apologize to their neighbor for their poor recreations. mckim found that every time the experiment was done with adults, the outcome was the same: laughter, embarrassment, and apologies. however, mckim observed that when you perform the same experiment with children, they proudly show their neighbor their “masterpiece,” no apologies necessary. mckim believes and demonstrates with his experiment that as we get older, we pay more attention to the opinions of the people around us, especially those that we consider our peers. this fear of judgement from peers can lead to people being middleton 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 more conservative in their thinking (2008). to continue to foster our own and others’ imagination, creativity, empathy, and communication, it is important for us to continue to play. our case: integration of play and civic leadership the idea of learning through play can be adapted to fit a wide array of situations. our course explored altering play to benefit civic leadership, in how community members and organizations engage and learn with one another. the community conversations, which followed the protocol inspired by the roadside theatre (imagining america 2015), as well as influences from the work of public narrative from michael ganz (2010), consisted of three rounds of discussion. in the first round of discussion, we prompt the participants to share about a time that they observed or participated in an experience that helped to make progress on an issue or problem facing their community. after everyone has an opportunity to share his or her experiences, the group collectively analyzes the stories that were heard by identifying common themes, issues, values, and processes. in the second round of discussion, we ask community members to participate in an activity we referred to as story statues. the story statues were a physical embodiment of an issue or theme that surfaced through the stories they shared. lastly, we gathered back together as a large group to discuss how to use all the information in the future to benefit the community. specifically, the story statues practiced throughout the semester provided an interesting platform in which to further analyze the communities we assessed. in my own observations, i identified three ways in which i felt the story statues aided our civic engagements. first, giving the community members the chance to decide which keyword, issue, or process to enact provided the opportunity for priorities within the community to emerge from community members’ points of view. for example, during a conversation in the first community, we asked them to engage in this activity. when given the choice to act out some of the themes and issues they proposed, they chose an issue, isolation, that had not dominated the conversation. in fact, it had only briefly been mentioned in the discussion. as they began their enactments, they spread themselves out across the room to demonstrate the isolation felt by the community, and how this hinders their ability to efficiently and effectively provide services to everyone living there. we were not aware, until the moment we saw them on opposite ends of the room, just how largely the feeling of isolation affects their community. secondly, i believe that cooperating in the statues contributes to a deeper understanding of the concerns in their community. at a conversation in community two, we observed another inspiring product of this exercise. the facilitator explained the activity to them, and for a while they all stayed sitting, talking about what they might do if they were to act something out. after displaying the familiar initial hesitation, the group approached the activity with enthusiasm and a lighthearted attitude. throughout the conversation, the women (all participants that night were women) constantly brought up the fact that their roles in the community overlap and intertwine. in their rendition of the activity, they started out in a large circle that had an opening. they would use that opening to bring new people into the circle, or help current residents that needed it. they displayed the action of helping by having a person in need stand up; another community member that helps with a particular service, such as locating housing, then reached out to her. after they have fulfilled the need of housing, the two people would walk together and go to the food pantry. after the food pantry, all three walked over to the woman that helps people find jobs in the community. this went on until the participant had everything she needed and was middleton 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 able to join the circle as a self-sufficient part of the community to help provide for the next person in need, at which point the story can continue to repeat itself. later on, we asked the women to reflect on the exercise and the initial hesitation the group exhibited. one participant responded: “it did not feel weird. i was worried about how it would look, but this is what we do on a daily basis.” they said that the circle they created represented the connectedness of their community and the services provided. in addition, through their play they were able to demonstrate the power of networking that they use on a daily basis to refer those in need of help. it was through this exercise that they realized just how much they depend on each other. finally, i believe this exercise helps to create connections and build relationships not only between community members, but amongst classmates, as well as between classmates and community members. i had originally thought that our interactions with community members would end after the community conversations came to a close. this assumption was wrong. many of my peers created strong connections with community members at the conversations, they exchanged information and decided amongst themselves to keep in touch. after each conversation ended, we gave the participants the option to leave their contact information for us to follow up with them a few weeks after the conversation to check on their progress. i believe that the amount of participants that were willing to stay in contact can be attributed partly to how well the story statue aspect of the conversation went. it was apparent, just through the atmosphere of the room, that there was a distinct change in attitudes, openness, and comfort between the groups before the statues, and after. as the conversation began, participants seemed quiet or reserved. however, after participating in the statues, more participants were willing to share and open up to one another. it appeared that going through the activity together gave the group a sense of shared accomplishment, creating social capital throughout the process of the exercise. conclusion and recommendations i feel that through our exploration during the semester, we successfully incorporated play into civic leadership, and that ultimately the community members as well as the students benefited from this. facilitating these conversations allowed both the students and the community partner organizations to understand these communities better, including the specific challenges each one faces. the community members exhibited a deeper understanding of one another by having an open dialogue about their roles in the community and how they can support one another. lastly, the conversations set the foundation for building meaningful and lasting relationships between students and their surrounding communities. these experiences throughout the semester impacted me directly in further developing my own style of leadership. i was able to practice facilitating conversations about difficult subjects, a skill that will continue to benefit me throughout my life and career. it opened my eyes to see how many people truly cared about their communities, and how people will come together for a cause they support. civic engagements can be strengthened when members feel included in the processes and when activities that can create social capital within the group are utilized. these exercises also challenged me to think outside of the box and come up with new, unconventional, and effective ways to engage with others. i hope that our findings throughout the semester encourage and challenge others, such as educators, leaders, administrators, and community partners, to explore how play can be adapted to reach their goals. middleton 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 ~ i would like to thank dr. mike finnegan, dr. kerry priest, and dr. brandon kliewer of kansas state university for their endless support, expert guidance, and encouragement through this exciting process. references andrews, kenneth t., marshall ganz, matthew baggetta, hahrie han, and chaeyoon lim. 2010. “leadership, membership, and voice: civic associations that work.” american journal of sociology 115 (4): 1191-1242. brown, tim. 2008. “tales of creativity and play.” ted talk. https://www.ted.com/talks/ tim_brown_on_creativity_and_play. chrislip, d. d., and e. j. o’malley. 2013. “thinking about civic leadership.” national civic review 102 (2): 3–12. ganz, m. 2010. “leading change: leadership, organization, and social movements.” in handbook of leadership theory and practice: a harvard business school centennial colloquium, edited by nitin noharia and rakesh khurana, 527-568. boston: harvard business review. imagining america. 2015. “story circles as ongoing collaborative evaluation–roadside theater’s ‘story to performance.’” www.imaginingamerica.org. kahl, d. w. 2012. “who makes community change for whom: the lived experience of civic leadership by citizens in a midwestern rural community.” (doctoral dissertation, kansas state university) [abstract]. o’malley, e. 2012. “the competencies for civic leadership.” kansas leadership center. van vleet, m., and b. c. feeney. 2015. “young at heart: a perspective for advancing research on play in adulthood” perspectives on psychological science. 10 (5): 639-645. yenigun, s. 2014. “play doesn't end with childhood: why adults need recess too.” npr.org. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 11, spring 2021 ballet & books: finding community and purpose through dance and literacy engagement during covid-19 talia bailes cornell university background ballet and bookstm is a community-based organization dedicated to improving the lives of young children through dance and literacy. we pride ourselves on serving a diverse community of families through free and inclusive programming and representing diverse backgrounds. i grew up as a competitive ballerina. before starting at university, i spent a year dancing and learning in the indigenous, amazonian town of tena, ecuador. after this time, i returned to the us, and conducted research at cincinnati children’s hospital alongside a physician focused on emergent literacy. these experiences made me curious about how dance and children’s education could be fused together. in the spring of 2017, as a freshman at cornell university, i founded ballet and bookstm with the intent to bridge the worlds of dance and literacy while engaging college students in their local community. at ballet and bookstm we are committed to making dance and literacy accessible to all children—particularly those who do not typically have access to such programs. high school and college students serve as mentors and dance teachers for younger three-to-nine-year-old children. i have worked with over 90 college students to bring our programs to children in ithaca, new york, union city, new jersey, and delray beach, florida. we partner with libraries and nonprofits to recruit families and engage directly with community leaders. our mentors and dance teachers are trained by national literacy, dance, and identity experts who equip our college and high school students with the skills they need for successful program completion. a literacy interventionist walks our mentors through dialogic reading strategies and highlights some of the science behind learning to read. a dance outreach facilitator encourages student leader reflection on teachers they have had in their own lives, while integrating dance strategies into the interactive session. finally, a diversity, equity, and inclusion coach facilitate a guided session where mentors share their own identities, reflect on unconscious biases, and learn the value in vulnerability when sharing with children. the purpose of this critical reflection piece is to describe the challenges that ballet and bookstm faced and how we overcame the disruption caused by the covid-19 pandemic. challenges faced on march 13th, 2020, cornell university sent out the email we were dreading—all classes were to immediately transition to online learning. students were to return home. as young college students, we feared for our futures, the uncertainty of our careers, and the health of our closest support systems. in some ways, these initial fears seem insignificant now given the growing number of deaths globally and lives forever altered by covid-19. but at the time, we could not imagine being launched after graduation into a world on pause with uncertainty at each corner. ballet & books: finding community and purpose through dance and literacy engagement during covid-19 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 11, spring 2021 in mid-march 2020, we, at ballet and bookstm, were conducting a program evaluation to gather insight from participating college students and local families to guide national expansion efforts. we were planning for our spring showcase and multiple community volunteer events. in addition, we had just received a grant to expand to florida. covid-19 required us to pivot these initial plans. my team and i decided we could not sit still. we knew that families served by ballet and bookstm would be most impacted by the inequities arising from school and work closures. even with motivation to keep moving forward, we remained distracted by the news, life changes, and challenges. virtual learning the most obvious challenge we faced was an immediate stop to all in-person programming. in-person interactions for children this young is imperative. we struggled to conceptualize how ballet and bookstm could continue to stay true to its values in a covid-19 world. however, within weeks we pivoted our mindset and decided to see this as an opportunity. virtual learning, when done well, has opportunities to enrich young students’ lives. first, we developed asynchronous videos that were posted to our facebook page. college students created video dance lessons, read poems, led story times, and demonstrated literacy games virtually. dance groups from college campuses in the usa as well as international community dance groups, taught short, video lessons. parents, in response, sent videos of their children practicing at home, pirouetting around their living rooms. this positive feedback encouraged our team to innovate further. we developed an eight week, online, live summer program. we received funding to deliver each of our ithaca, ny families a ballet and bookstm bag with books, leotards, and snacks. home visits, socially distanced and masked, would never have been possible in a traditional school year. seeing children in their natural environment was a powerful experience. it allowed us to better understand where they come from and to adapt our programming to better suit student needs. personally, seeing our students after such a long, scary start to the pandemic brought me so much hope. i could tell the children were smiling behind their masks as i walked up to their doors. my students and i recognized that we were a part of something bigger—a community. research efforts covid-19 complicated our efforts to conduct a program evaluation aimed at identifying areas in need of improvement for national expansion. we feared the pandemic would have long term implications on the quality of our programs, because we would no longer be able to complete this research in the same way we had proposed. to adapt, we implemented real time feedback measures. student leaders completed weekly surveys after mentoring sessions to highlight gaps in the new online curriculum. we video called parents to understand what was and what was not working for their children. leaders observed mentoring sessions and took notes of children’s responses during activities in each session. if children were distracted, or activities were too challenging, student leaders noted these pieces of the curriculum and we edited the guidance in response. real time feedback allowed us to develop our comprehensive online curriculum. nonprofit literacy experts offered additional feedback on the curriculum and we continue to improve the activities today. in a virtual setting, we were able to gather information from multiple data sources and analyze them concurrently to gain a holistic understanding of our program’s impact. community building ballet & books: finding community and purpose through dance and literacy engagement during covid-19 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 11, spring 2021 as the pandemic progressed, i experienced challenges to my own mental health and sense of belonging. my peers and i discussed how isolating it was to learn and live a virtual life. not only were our college students at risk for mental health challenges, but our young three-to-nineyear-old students were also struggling emotionally (marques de miranda, 2020) as they missed out on social interactions during critical developmental years. to combat these challenges, the ballet and bookstm leadership team brainstormed ways to foster community. the story times, led by mentors and posted on social media, fostered a community connection. we modified our standard in-person 1:1 college student and young child mentorships pairs to a virtual format. pairing college students with young children created unlikely friendships in lonely times. mentors led virtual literacy and movement activities guided by our revised virtual curriculum while getting to know their young student through weekly mentoring sessions. facilitating strategic check-ins with leaders of our chapters built a stronger and pandemic-resilient ballet and bookstm family. lessons learned by tackling these challenges creatively as a team, we continued providing virtual ondemand programming throughout the spring. in the summer, we transitioned to a fully live virtual program which we continue to this day. seeing covid-19 as an opportunity instead of a barrier, encouraged us to seek out ways to continue growing and impacting more young people. because of the work we put in at the start of the pandemic, we are now set to expand to additional universities this spring. as i critically reflect on what we did right, in a time where every decision i approved felt wrong, i look back at my team of young student leaders and i recognize the qualities that contributed to our success. we succeeded by bringing together a diverse cohort of college students that wanted to make a difference through engaged service learning. we incorporated each individual’s passion for the arts and literacy and paired it with a communal purpose toward making an impact. our student leaders would not let a pandemic stop them from fulfilling their innate desire for social good. we gathered the resources needed—grant funding, community contacts, relationships—and college students took these resources and jumped into their communities. our deep passion, discovered purpose, and shared mission sustained the program. next steps since the global pause in march, inequities have propagated. this is a critical time for our program. our students are the most impacted by virtual learning and closure of community programs. they need extracurricular activities now more than ever as the covid-19 achievement gap widens (kufeld et al., 2020). students across the nation are at risk of being left behind. we refuse to sit by and let this happen. our students’ families cannot pay for after school tutors or dance classes. not everyone can afford “learning pods” or private schools. it is our responsibility as a society to provide equitable education and arts opportunities, even when it becomes difficult. ballet and bookstm is an opportunity for educational enrichment. it is a place where children have mentors that look like them. a space where children can let their energy out and smile, where they stand up tall, shoulders back, with confidence. a community where they can be themselves. with a pivoted mindset, we saw a gap where ballet and bookstm was needed; a space we could fill. our success does not come without continued hurdles. as the executive director of the program, i find it hard to balance scale and growth with cultivation of individual relationships. we still struggle to engage children on video calls—as virtual learning is tiring for all of us. we do not know exactly where ballet and bookstm is going, what elements of our virtual reality will remain ballet & books: finding community and purpose through dance and literacy engagement during covid-19 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 11, spring 2021 for years to come, but we will not stop. if anything, covid-19 has propelled us forward, created a greater desire in all young people to make a difference. conclusion i have a team of diverse, dedicated, committed college students who are ready to step up and do all they can to make sure children across the nation have access to literacy engagement and the arts. i graduated from university in may 2020 and have since dedicated a large portion of my time to expanding ballet and bookstm. none of these successes would have taken place without the incredible support of mentors i and ballet and bookstm have had throughout the pandemic. professors in the global health program at cornell university offered feedback, guidance, and listening ears. staff in the public service center advised on growth, social justice initiatives, and nonprofit leadership. our community stakeholders shared words of encouragement and offered their time editing our curriculum. others donated leotards and books. the years we spent cultivating relationships throughout the ithaca community and nationally proved essential in such challenging times. at ballet and bookstm we focus on mentoring young children, yet we ourselves are indebted to the wonderful mentors that have lifted ballet and bookstm up each year. we spent the past three years building and expanding our program. the pandemic snuck in and disrupted the plans we had strategically mapped out. yet we continue to look toward the future with goals of national expansion. we don’t know exactly what we will look like when we come out of this, but we won’t let a pandemic stop us. we dream of generating a movement bridging dance and literacy to improve young children’s lives while making dance and literacy accessible to all. ballet & books: finding community and purpose through dance and literacy engagement during covid-19 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 11, spring 2021 references kuhfeld, m., soland, j., tarasawa, b., johnson, a., ruzek, e., liu, j. (2020). projecting the potential impacts of covid-19 school closures on academic achievement. edworkingpaper: 20-226. https://doi.org/10.26300/cdrv-yw05 marques de miranda, d., anthanasio, b.s., sena oliveira, a.c., simoes-e-silva, a.c. (2020). how is covid-19 pandemic impacting mental health of children and adolescents? international journal of disaster risk reduction, 51. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijdrr.2020.101845 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 experiential learning: redefining the university experience anna schreiber, kaitlyn crocker, and ayah ali marquette university what do gingerbread men and college students have in common? similar to gingerbread men, many of us have spent a large part of our educational careers following the standard “cookie cutter” method of teaching, forcing redundancy and using little imagination. however, a new educational method that attacks this mundane routine has seen scalable implementation in universities over the past few years. this method, called experiential learning, forces students to push their limits and think outside of the box, throwing the cookie cutter methods out the window. unlike the “monkey see, monkey do” approach some instructors take, experiential learning teaches students invaluable skills through hands-on experience. rather than attempting to mold every student to the same standard shape, this method directs students to become naturally interested in learning, getting the most out of their educational experiences. many students lacking this experience fall below the standards most employers expect in the dynamic, fast-paced world we live in. having the ability to learn on your feet without instruction is a skill any student should have before entering the professional workforce. experiential learning, according to the association for experiential education, “is a philosophy and methodology in which educators purposefully engage with students in direct experience and focused reflection in order to increase knowledge, develop skills, and clarify values” (association for experiential education). in an experiential learning environment, students learn from one another through discovery and exploration in a semi-structured approach where instructors act as facilitators rather than directors. by exposing students to direct experiences tied to real-world problems, experiential learning attempts to address the question you may have asked yourself in high school geometry: when are we ever going to use this? instead of being assigned to review a topic or read a textbook, experiential learning is a process where students are naturally interested in learning. students are engaged in every way possible, recognizing personal stakes and “may experience success, failure, adventure, risk-taking and uncertainty, because the outcomes of the experience cannot totally be predicted” (association for experiential education). these experiences help students transition from school, where most things are predictable and outlined in a syllabus, to the professional realm. in a model described by david a. kolb (2014), chairman of experience based learning systems, experiential learning is the process that links education, work, and personal development. kolb articulates the goal of experiential knowledge as a shift “away from the traditional concerns of credit hours and calendar time towards competence, working knowledge, and information truly pertinent to jobs, families, and communities.” the benefits of experiential learning include: the ability to apply knowledge to complex new problems, the opportunity for creativity and reflection, seeing value in mistakes, and improved attitudes towards learning. these benefits are realized through the five-step cycle of experiential learning defined by the university of california davis (uc davis). the five steps of experiential learning as defined by uc davis are: exploration, sharing, processing, generalizing, and application (uc davis 2011). the first step, exploration, or the “do it” stage, is where students perform the activity with little to no help from the teacher. the sharing or “what happened” stage is when students publicly share their experience and results. in the processing stage, students ask themselves “what’s important?” by reflecting and analyzing their experience to look for recurring themes. generalizing has students ask “so schreiber, crocker, and ali 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 what?” by connecting their experience with real-world examples and principles. lastly, in the application stage, students apply what they have learned to a similar or different situations and take a sense of ownership for what was learned by asking “now what?” through these five steps, students and instructors work together to focus on problem solving and critical thinking rather than memorization. this difference has been studied by many notable education psychologists, such as carl rogers, who considers experiential learning “significant” when compared to what he called “meaningless” rote learning (niu). university students and the way they learn are constantly evolving. students are demanding more involved, dynamic, and complex modes of learning. the courses that contextualize rather dry content are more effective for our generation and engage students in a learning process that extends beyond the classroom. marquette university has provided its students with outstanding experiences such as these to prepare them for the real world. fortunately, we had the opportunity to experience experiential learning firsthand in our introduction to information technology (it) class. introduction to it is a required course for all students in the college of business administration at marquette. it includes a broad overview of topics such as business intelligence and analytics, the software development life cycle, enterprise architecture, and other business software applications. on the first day of class we came face-to-face with the semester long mini-consulting project, which involved designing and creating a database system on microsoft access. after hearing from past students that this project would involve many hours of work, we were intimidated. most of us had never heard of access, and were skeptical that in 14 weeks we were going to create a fully functional database for a non-profit organization. our class was split into groups of five students, and each partnered with a local organization. the three of us were in separate groups that partnered with either broadscope disability services or the cathedral center. broadscope disability services provides services and resources for people and families living with disabilities. the cathedral center is an emergency center and case management provider working to end homelessness among women and children. each team was given freedom and independence to complete the project and was individually responsible for managing its progress, coordinating activities, and communicating with the partner. when the cathedral center teams met with the volunteer coordinator, we were overwhelmed by how much volunteer information was stored in excel and organized in tabs by month, going back at least five years. excel is one of the worst ways to store mass amounts of information because it can easily be distorted if the wrong command is chosen. the volunteer coordinator told us she had accidently corrupted all of her information a few months prior and spent weeks inputting the information into a new spreadsheet. after our visit, the impact a new database would have on the cathedral center was apparent. we gathered all of the information, necessary reports, and sample forms to build the foundation of the database: a volunteer application, an example report, and a list of requests. from there, we created a variety of diagrams to model how the organization functioned as a whole, while also planning how the database would streamline activities. the amount of time we spent building the database made us realize why this project was infamous among marquette business students. however, looking back, the amount of time put in was worth it when we finally finished and delivered the final product to the cathedral center. the process with broadscope disability services was very similar to the cathedral center. the development and marketing associate was responsible for the management of information on volunteers and events, which was entirely stored on excel. this presented several schreiber, crocker, and ali 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 problems like data redundancy and difficulty in transferring ownership from one employee’s hard drive to another’s. we gathered all the information a database would need to store for broadscope and began the journey, feeling nervous, excited, and overwhelmed at the same time. when we presented the end product to broadscope, to say it was rewarding would be an understatement. we were relieved to be done but also proud of the work we had accomplished. this project was different from any we had done in the past. the end product was implemented by a real-world organization – not just presented in front of the class and stored in a filing cabinet at the end of the semester. before starting the project, we hadn’t realized the useful applications of databases and the potential role we would play in a non-profit organization’s daily process management. the class was challenging, but taught us how to manage our time, work with a team, and ask for help when we needed it; without those skills our project wouldn’t have been successful. never in our educational careers were we challenged, intrigued, or pushed to our limits like we experienced in our introduction to it class. we took ownership and pride in the end results, not because we wanted to impress our classmates, but because we knew our database would be applied in a meaningful way. this is one of the most important aspects of experiential learning: the real-world experience and lasting impact that it leaves on students. the final report of the mini-consulting project required us to write reviews of our experience over the semester. roughly 90 percent of our class reported the project as being one of the hardest they’ve encountered, but also the most rewarding and useful as we move forward into the business world. some of the most common words used to describe the experience were “intimidating,” “beneficial,” “overwhelming,” “fulfilling,” “rewarding,” and “challenging.” many students discovered an interest in it from the project and its application, and declared an it major soon after, if not during, the course. others reflected on the course as frustrating at times but that it taught them how to manage conflict and stress in a team. several noted that the knowledge and skills from the course would help them to stand out in a competitive business setting. the feedback given by our classmates had undoubtedly proved that the experience was worth it, and that it paid off in the end. experiential learning allowed us to push ourselves, work proactively with each other, take ownership of the end product, and absorb valuable knowledge and skills not taught in other courses. gingerbread men are diverse: depending on the chef, cooking time, and decorations, they will look different. the same goes for students: depending on the professor, the exposure to the topic, and experience gained in the field, they will be different. experiential learning provides students with a strong background in their field of study and exposes them to skills that textbooks alone cannot provide. instead of memorizing vocabulary terms and doing practice problems, students are given the opportunity to gain skills that will enable them to solve workplace problems – ultimately making them well rounded job candidates and ready to better and more creatively attack problems head-on in their chosen field. for knowledge to be useful and transferrable, it must come from a situation. as the wise confucius once said: “i hear and i forget, i see and i remember, i do and i understand.” remembering material is much different from understanding and being able to apply your knowledge. one student’s reflection of the project accurately summarizes this idea: “learning and studying for a test is one thing, but being able to implement that knowledge is another.” experiential learning prepares students to be self-directed lifelong learnings, an outcome lacking in most traditional academic structures today. this experience has been incredible, and the sense of accomplishment from real-world experience rather than rote memorization only excites us to learn more in an experiential learning setting in the years to come. schreiber, crocker, and ali 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 ~ we would like to express our gratitude to dr. terence ow of marquette university for encouraging us to take risks, pushing us to be our best, and supporting us on this journey. references association for experiential education. “what is experiential education.” http://www.aee.org/what-is-ee. kolb, d. a. 2014. experiential learning: experience as the source of learning and development. united kingdom: ft press. northern illinois university (niu). “experiential learning.” http://www.niu.edu/facdev/_pdf/ guide/strategies/experiential_learning.pdf. university of california davis (uc davis). 2011. “5-step experiential learning cycle definitions.” http://www.experientiallearning.ucdavis.edu/module1/el1_40-5stepdefinitions.pdf. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 invisible disabilities and community (re)integration post brain injury: a case study ramya ramakrishna brandeis university traumatic brain injury (tbi) is a major public health epidemic. an estimated 5.3 million americans, or 2.3% of the population of the united states, currently live with disabilities resulting from tbi (thurman et al. 1999). tbi that requires hospitalization has long-term consequences for an estimated 37% of survivors (whiteneck et al. 2004), with disabilities typically manifesting in four spheres: physical, cognitive, emotional, and social (junqué et al. 1997). the condition can alter how an individual perceives, thinks, and communicates with others (dahlberg et al. 1997). common effects of brain injuries include headaches and dizziness (alexander 1995), deficits in memory and concentration (van zomeren and van den burg 1985), as well as chronic pain (lahz and bryant 1996), and fatigue (cantor et al. 2008). comorbid psychiatric illness, particularly depression and anxiety, are common sequelae after tbi (jorge et al. 1993). individuals experiencing severe tbi require a continuum of care involving acute hospitalization and post-acute rehabilitation (goka and arakaki 1994). individuals who move beyond the need to live in a facility must be reintegrated back into the community, which includes living with family or in supported independent living (trudel et al. 2007). community (re)integration is intrinsic to a healthy, long-term recovery for an individual affected by tbi (wilier et al. 1994). it can be conceptualized through three larger domains: meaningful activities of daily living, meaningful relationships, and independence (sander et al. 2010). it is intended to aid individuals in reacquiring skills and resuming community participation (malec 2001). many individuals who sustain tbi are treated successfully and are able to return to their pre-injury roles (e.g. productive work and social roles) (trudel et al. 2007). however, a substantial number have care needs that are unfulfilled and are subsequently unsuccessful in reentering the community, specifically vocational, home, and social spheres (2007). returning to and remaining in the community is especially difficult for survivors of severe tbi due to cognitive, social, and physical impairments (morton and wehman 1995) and environmental, social, and political barriers in the community (onsworth and fleming 2014). together, these personal, environmental, social, and political factors can pose a significant barrier for someone attempting to restore a productive, independent, and meaningful life after tbi (morton and wehman 1995). while barriers to community (re)integration have been well documented (onsworth and fleming 2014; hinkebein and stucky 2007), there is scant literature that has documented factors that facilitate community (re)integration for those with severe tbi. equal focus on both the barriers and supports to community integration will lend itself to a multidimensional perspective on the long-term recovery experience of a tbi survivor and enable researchers, practitioners, and caregivers to better support individuals with tbi on their path to recovery (nochi 2000). the aim of this study, carried out as part of a larger study to understand community (re)integration in an eastern massachusetts community for older adults with acquired brain injuries (from tbi, stroke, brain tumor, and guillain-barré), was to investigate factors that facilitate and impede community (re)integration for one individual after severe tbi. two questions guided the study: 1) what are factors that aid or assist community (re)integration for this individual? and, 2) what are barriers that impede his community (re)integration post-injury? ramakrishna 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 the findings are intended to help public health researchers and providers of community-based services gain understanding of lived experience with tbi, with the ultimate goal of informing interventions that facilitate better long-term community (re)integration for people with tbi. methods in this section i describe the data collection process, which began with a photovoice project of community integration of older adults with acquired brain injuries in lexington, massachusetts, and was followed by one-on-one photo-elicitation interviews with each of the photovoice participants. i describe my decision to use a case study design, my rationale for case selection, and my analysis methods. under the guidance of my mentor dr. laura lorenz, tim and i met through a photovoice study in the months of september through december 2014. dr. lorenz obtained a grant for the study from the dana home foundation, and procured approval from the institutional review board at brandeis university (irb protocol #15208). dr. lorenz co-facilitated the photovoice study with three interns from universities in the greater boston area. photovoice is a type of community-based participatory research (cbpr) by which people represent their lives, experiences, and points of view through photographs and written narratives (wang and burris 1997). using cameras, the participants took photos that captured aspects of their environment and experiences that were of importance to them. participants then met once weekly (for 10 weeks) to discuss the issues as seen in the photographs, write captions for selected images, and conduct outreach or education efforts to raise awareness and encourage action. as requested, tim took photographs of his experiences with community (re)integration, and shared them first in the weekly project sessions and later in a photo-elicitation interview with me. as an independent study under the health: science, society, and policy major at my university, i interviewed each photovoice participant about their perceptions of community (re)integration after a brain injury (see appendix a for interview guide). my photo-elicitation interview with tim took place in his home. when i first arrived, he made tea for me, and i engaged in light conversation in his living room. the interview began after i pulled out the set of photos that he had taken during the photovoice study. he gave me permission to record the interview. with the photographs in front of us, the conversation moved back and forth between the photographs and his story. of the 22 photos he took for the photovoice project, he discussed only five of them in depth with me during our photo-elicitation interview. i wanted to learn about how the people, places, thoughts, circumstances, and activities in tim’s life made him feel either positive or negative and/or accepted or excluded by his community. since i wanted to gain insight into tim’s experience of community re(integration) post-brain injury, i thought a case study methodology would be useful. as he told his story and spoke about the photos, i simultaneously selected and analyzed the data that appeared to best reflect his experience. the case study approach enabled me to better understand and contextualize tim’s perspectives and actions, on his own terms (baxter and jack 2008) and helped to better capture what hodkinson and hodkinson (2001) have termed “lived reality” (3). additionally, it helped to facilitate close collaboration between tim (the participant) and me (the researcher). i selected tim as the case for this study because his narrative encompasses both positive and negative aspects of what it is like to live with brain injury in the town of lexington. his success in resuming full community participation was inspiring to me and to others in the ramakrishna 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 community. from my perspective, he was a living exemplar of recovery possibilities, and may model a positive process to create a new life after severe traumatic brain injury. i selected him in part due to the richness of his photographs and interview data, but also because his wife participated in the interview. her perspective as an emotionally supportive caregiver came to illuminate an important aspect of the post-acute rehabilitation process for me. i initially attempted to analyze the photographs and interview data using grounded theory coding methodology. though coding was helpful in isolating the barriers and facilitators of tim’s community (re)integration, it failed to capture the temporal and meaning-making dimensions of his recovery process from a severe tbi. at the suggestion of my faculty mentor, i proceeded to turn to visual analysis methods. a growing body of research has used photographs within the framework of narrative analysis (bach 2006; bell 2002; lorenz 2010). according to bach (2006), the stories that participants tell about the photographs they took “may be the closest [they] can come to experience as [they] tell and retell [their] stories in the narrative inquiry space” (287-288). photographs have the ability to evoke powerful memories and come from a deeply personal history (bach 2006). visual narrative analysis methods focus not just on what the photo depicts at face value, but is also “temporal and storied” (bach 2006, 287), and reflects on the process of creation (lorenz 2010), as well as the circumstances in which the picture was taken, and what might be left out of the frame (bach 2006). in practice, this reflection process allowed tim to assign importance to events, people, and things in his experience. i relied on the interview recording, transcript, photographs discussed, and my field notes to generate a visual illness narrative (lorenz 2010) with the five photos and their accompanying interview text. consent for their inclusion in this paper was provided by the photographer, the people photographed, and their guardians (when relevant). results the study’s primary finding is a visual illness narrative of tim’s experience (re)integrating into his community after a severe tbi. it has five photographs that i will briefly describe here before exploring them in greater depth as barriers or facilitators to his community (re)integration post-tbi. in figure 1, tim is seen in a hospital bed with several probes attached to his head. at the time the picture was taken, he had just awoken from a seizure with no recollection of its occurrence. figure 2 shows tim with the girls’ hockey team that he coaches along with two other men. the photo was taken at the ice skating rink where the team practices. figure 3 was taken at the senior center where he volunteers to repair lamps. figure 4 features two men that tim regularly visits at a group home for those affected with brain injury. during his visits, tim takes them out for frappés at the local ice cream shop and they play backgammon and the board game trouble. figure 5 features another photovoice participant, shopping at the local grocery store where tim works. during his shift, he helps her load her groceries into her trunk and assists her with her walker. now, i will turn to the factors (barriers and facilitators) that have supported or impeded tim’s community (re)integration as relayed to me through his descriptions of each of the photographs during the photo-elicitation interview. ramakrishna 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 barriers to tim’s community (re)integration barriers to tim’s community (re)integration post-tbi that emerged from his photoelicitation interview included stigma related to the invisible nature of his disability and frustration at not being able to return to his pre-injury occupation. i have provided a photograph that illustrates “a barrier to community (re)integration” from tim’s perspective, excerpts from his interview when he was talking about the photograph, and a discussion supported by findings from my field notes and the literature. experiencing stigma as tim explained to me, he sustained his tbi when a truck hit him as he was crossing the street. he awoke from a coma several weeks later to find himself in a rehabilitation hospital bed with no recollection whatsoever of the event (figure 1). despite having gone through such a massive and traumatic life change, he believes that people are unaware of his injury since he shows no outward signs of disability. since people do not see him as he looks in this photo and he falls within the spectrum of normalized communication patterns and leads an active lifestyle, most people assume that he does not have a disability. thus, they are unaware of the debilitating cognitive impairments that resulted from his injury, including decreased attention span, short-term memory loss, and life-threatening seizures that prevent him from returning to his former work role (electrical engineer) and interfere with his ability to drive. because i am physically normal, nobody can understand the difference in my life from before i got hit by the truck, to now. people don’t see that i have a diminished mental capacity. tim has to cope with societal discrimination as a result of his disability. since he has no outward signs of his illness, people often fail to acknowledge his disability. he has had people tell him that he “looks fine” or that “he doesn’t look disabled.” he mentioned that he had been accused of being attention seeking or angling for special treatment. invalidating the experiences of survivors (either by expressing doubt or denying their experiences) may cause them to feel stigmatized (shaw 2012). having to consistently prove that a disability exists has been shown to threaten individuals’ well-being and exacerbate distress and suffering by causing them to focus excessively on their deficits (davis 2005). feeling frustration prior to his tbi, tim had over thirty years of experience working as an electrical engineer and he was compensated well for his job. he was specialized in his field, and was highly sought after for his skills. he spent many years investing and cultivating his skill base. tim’s tbi altered his ability to resume the kind of work role and financial success that he figure 1. tim c., living with a traumatic brain injury. 2014. digital color photograph. ramakrishna 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 figure 2. tim c., coaching hockey, 2014. digital color photograph. experienced pre-injury. his injury compounded his distractibility and caused him to experience severe short-term memory deficits. tim is not alone in his experience of not being able to return to his pre-injury occupation; it is estimated that 60% of people who are hospitalized for a tbi are not able to return to their prior employment (temkin et al. 2009). you know, i was an electrical engineer. now i bag groceries at the local grocery store. there’s a distinct change for me before and after the brain injury, in terms of what i do for a living. unsurprisingly, he found the transition from his prestigious job as an electrical engineer to a bagger at a local grocery store to be demeaning and intellectually unstimulating. his lowdemand role compared to his high-demand pre-injury role is a source of frustration for tim. factors that facilitated tim’s community (re)integration the facilitators to tim’s community re-integration were several, and included rediscovering purpose in his life, building new relationships through volunteering and work, and serving others. an important support that was not illustrated in his photos was care administered from his wife during his in-hospitalization period and during his post-acute transition back to his home. i have provided a photograph that illustrates each facilitating factor from tim’s perspective, interview excerpts from when he was talking about the photograph, and a discussion supported by findings from the field notes and the literature on rehabilitation and long-term recovery from tbi. doing meaningful activities one of tim’s self-identified milestones occurred when he started coaching hockey for the girls’ hockey team. tim was a varsity hockey player during his college years. for tim, hockey was a way of life. being a part of an athletic team helped him cultivate meaningful relationships with his teammates, gave him a healthy outlet for his competitive nature, and served as a bonding activity for him and his daughter. although tim no longer plays competitive hockey due to the risk of concussion and further brain injury, he continues to mentor young women on a local girls’ hockey team. the under 14-year-old girls are a little bit, i would say, almost more enjoyable to coach, because they don’t understand everything about the game of hockey. i know there was one girl who seemed to always want to use the inside edges of her skates… and so i worked with her on using her outside edges. i’ve noticed that over the past two months she's really started to learn how to do that. when i asked him about what made him feel accepted or included by the community, tim said that it was being able to communicate openly about his disability with his hockey ramakrishna 6 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 “family.” being able to speak openly about his tbi helps to foster a greater sense of comfort and self-acceptance within him. due to the high contact nature of the sport, it is commonplace for the girls on the team to sustain concussions during hockey practice or games. whenever one of the girls sustains a concussion during a game, he is always able to offer her anecdotal advice or words of comfort. additionally, the other coaches on the team are aware of his condition and are very understanding towards him. coaching the girls’ hockey team provides an avenue through which tim is able to meet people who are knowledgeable about his condition, and are compassionate and accepting of his narrative. using established skills in his spare time, tim volunteers at the senior center, where he fixes lamps (figure 3). although he expressed mild dissatisfaction at this work compared to his pre-injury role, he acknowledges the merits of staying productive and engaged. i would have to say the majority of the photos reflect being able to reintroduce myself to whatever i do, there’s a picture of the senior center where i volunteer. i fix lamps and stuff for people, and there’s a lot of other people who work there who are former engineers who will repair anything in the world.... i primarily fix lamps; there are other guys there, who fix clocks, and there’s one guy who fixes all kinds of woodwork and stuff. by fixing lamps at the senior center, tim is able to continue his work as an engineer in a modified capacity. similar to his pre-injury role where he had worked to develop a niche and desirable skill set, tim displays a great deal of subject matter expertise in regards to lamps, more specifically the mechanisms by which they operate, their component parts, and the necessary steps to repair them. throughout the course of our interview, he passionately interjected stories about lamps he had fixed, without my prompting him. during those moments, his knowledge and passion for engineering was apparent. additionally, volunteering at the senior center affords him the opportunity to meet other former engineers and forge new relationships on the basis of shared interests. connecting with others an activity that tim described as most enriching in his life is volunteering at a group home in his community for survivors of brain injury. he has volunteered there for the past two years, once a week, for two hours at a time. he provides companionship to two men his age with severe brain injury (figure 4). their impairments are more obviously apparent, and they live in a group setting with other brain-injured individuals. during tim’s visits, he takes them out for frappés at the local ice cream shop and plays board games with them. figure 3. tim c., fixing lamps at the senior center, 2014. digital color photograph. ramakrishna 7 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 volunteering with the people at the [residence] that i visit, like you know one guy i go for a frappé and i play backgammon and the other guy that i visit at the [residence] i notice when i go in there he gets a big smile when i come to see him, and i joke around with each other, and you know i play trouble. social isolation, loss of relationships, and feelings of loneliness are endemic to the tbi survivorship experience (gordon et al. 2015). tim explained to me that many residents at the group home don’t have family support or friends. friends of survivors often lose contact because they can’t relate to their experiences, they don’t know how to act or what to say around them, or end up pitying them (simpson et al. 2000). however, being a survivor himself, tim has an instinctive sense of comfort around other survivors and doesn’t treat them any differently for having a disability. having a new lifestyle, and a new understanding of what it’s like to have a brain injury, and i’m able to respond to other people and help them with their brain injury. you know, before i got injured, i used to be very empathetic to people who had these issues, but i didn’t live through it. now i’m able to see a lot better, because a couple of the people who i visit are injured. tim’s volunteer role not only affords him the opportunity to form friendships with age peers, but also the opportunity to be nurturing. his volunteer work helps him to foster meaningful relationships and extended social ties on the basis of shared experience. the reciprocal giving and receiving functions of the relationships are enriching for both tim and the men he volunteers with. tim’s volunteer work at the group home led to the subsequent development of selfawareness about his own condition. many of the residents at the group home have high levels of cognitive impairment and can no longer live independently. several are constricted to wheelchairs and/or require routine monitoring from a caregiver. despite the limitations tim faces as a result of his tbi, he is able to acknowledge the silver lining in his own experience. so i see these people that are at the [residence], they can’t drive… so they are physically attached to living at the [residence], whereas i don’t have that level of dependency…although i do have a level of dependency in the order of, you know, every time i have a seizure they increase the level of medication i take. volunteering at the group home enables tim to focus on his current abilities (e.g. the ability to walk and ice-skate) rather than focusing on the negative consequences of his tbi (e.g. seizures that prevent him from driving). tim’s volunteer work there has also fostered a deeper awareness of the inequities and challenges that those with debilitating disabilities have to endure. i’m able to do an extreme amount of things, but when i think, what if i was in a figure 4. tim c., volunteering at the group home, 2014. digital color photograph. ramakrishna 8 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 wheelchair? what would this be like? what would that little crack in the ground that’s on handicapped access– what would that little crack in the ground be like if i was in a wheelchair? what would, you know, a little downhill slope be like if i was in a wheel chair? tim’s frustration regarding the societal negligence and apathy surrounding issues of accessibility are borne from the deep-seated feelings of empathy and compassion he feels towards the individuals he volunteers with at the group home. his passion for equality has enabled him to become a voice for change in the realm of disability policy. tim believes that the way to gain insight on what it is like to be physically disabled is to live like a disabled person for a week. he argued that if politicians were subjected to the daily routine that an individual with a physical handicap faces (e.g. being constricted to a wheelchair) for even a short period of time, they would develop a better understanding of the challenges that individuals with disabilities face. serving others following his injury, tim developed cognitive impairments and behavioral problems that prevented him from returning to his engineering job. he now bags groceries at the local supermarket. despite finding his work at the grocery store to be mundane and unstimulating, tim views the opportunity to begin working again as a chance to serve others. figure 5 features another participant in the photovoice study (jm) with whom tim happens to be acquainted through the local disability commission. when jm shops at his store, he escorts her to and from her vehicle and helps her with grocery shopping. after she is done shopping, he helps her load the groceries into her car. when she comes into the [grocery store], she has to take one of those things around, it's called a mart cart. so, she likes to come in when i’m working because she knows she can go around and get whatever she wants because i’ll follow her out to her car, because she also has a brain injury, and you know i load the stuff into her car. as a person who knows what it is like to live with a disability, he is aware that jm requires extra accommodations in order to complete her activities of daily living. his awareness has made him empathetic to issues of accessibility for people who are confined to walkers and wheelchairs. tim serves as an ally and as an agent for change in the disability community by breaking down the barriers to accessibility in public arenas through participation on the disability commission in town. in doing so, he enables others with disabilities to reintegrate into the community and resume community participation. figure 5. tim c., helping others at work, 2014. digital color photograph. ramakrishna 9 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 discussion individuals with tbi often show no physical signs or symptoms and thus are often referred to as the “walking wounded” (domac and sobaci 2014). the invisible nature of tim’s condition often causes people to unintentionally invalidate his lived experience with tbi (joachim and acorn 2000). the perceived lack of social empathy towards his condition has caused him to experience internalized stigma. despite having a negative self-image and perception, tim’s high levels of community participation, and his close relationship with his spouse/caregiver, appear to have acted as an effective buffer against the harmful effects of internalized stigma. a facilitator to tim’s community (re)integration that was not depicted in his study photographs was his wife. on more than one occasion during the interview, he expressed his gratitude towards her, stating her care as the primary reason he is able to live independently and stay “out of the tbi group home.” towards the conclusion of his interview, his wife joined our conversation. although speaking with her was not within the original scope of the photoelicitation interview, she added valuable insight about her experience as tim’s primary caregiver throughout his in-patient care and his post-acute care. in addition to taking him to his appointments, reminding him about his medications, and ensuring his safety in case his condition worsens, she has helped him to rediscover meaningful activities. there is a tendency for post-tbi individuals to become disproportionately aware of their deficits, which causes emotional distress and complicates adjustment/transition to the post-injury identity (fleming et al. 2006). high levels of family support can help shelter survivors from feelings of failure (onsworth et al. 2006). individuals with tbi and their families have a tendency to redefine social meanings of concepts such as work and independence (krefting 1989). his wife’s efforts to constructively redefine his participation in society has helped tim to regain his independence and retain a baseline level of normalcy in spite of the distress he feels as a result of his inability to return to his prestigious pre-injury work role. his participation in productive activities has enabled him to focus his attention more on the positive dimensions of his recovery (e.g. his strengths and abilities) instead of contemplating excessively on his deficits. the successful transition to a stable post-brain injury identity is predicated on the survivor’s ability to accurately assess his strengths and limitations (muenchberger et al. 2008) and may contribute to “more realistic expectations of recovery, greater motivation to participate in rehabilitation, and pursuit of achievable and satisfying goals” (onsworth 2014, 61). for many survivors, tbi results in a profound disruption to a person’s previously established self-image (hinkebein and stucky 2007). loss of self is a commonly reported experience among survivors of tbi (nochi 1998). the skills, attributes, and roles previously used to characterize identity often change drastically after tbi, and loss of these roles leaves survivors feeling uncertain about who they are (levack et al. 2014). a large portion of tim’s pre-injury identity was invested in his job and his role as an engineer. naturally, he was devastated by his inability to resume his pre-injury worker role. according to sullivan (1997), when severe chronic illness disrupts one’s life course of action, the recovery process requires the creation of a revised life story with a modified identity that can flourish. tim’s healing and recovery process appears to have benefited from his ability to successfully reintroduce pre-injury activities into his life in a modified capacity. while he is no longer tim “the hockey player” or tim “the engineer,” he is now respectively, tim “the hockey coach” and tim “the lamp technician.” participation in meaningful activities has ramakrishna 10 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 provided tim the structure with which he is able to renegotiate a new sense of self (strong 1998) and reacquire characteristics and traits that he attaches value to, with an emphasis on independence, generosity, and building connections with others. through his work and activities, he is able to feel accepted and a sense of belonging. he is also able to reciprocate in his relationships by nurturing and supporting people he cares for. feelings of independence and selfworth arise from being able to reciprocate support to members of one’s social network (krause et al. 1992). for tim, his work in the community is the modality through which he is able to foster meaningful relationships and develop a greater sense of independence. internalized stigma is endemic to the survivorship experience and has been associated with decreased levels of community participation (bedini 2000). findings from this case study suggest that participation in meaningful activities facilitates the formation of extended reciprocal support networks, by providing opportunities for regular social contact founded upon shared interests and meaningful roles. for persons with severe tbi, the best possible health outcomes may not be achievable solely through medical care (truelle et al. 2010); thus, special attention should be given to the study of psychosocial and community integration. community (re)integration is perhaps the best predictor of positive long-term outcomes for survivors of tbi, and has been linked to feelings of empowerment, inclusion, and independence (domac and sobaci 2014). in order to bridge the chasm between rehabilitation and community integration, and secure good outcomes for survivors, there is a need for comprehensive community-based approaches for people in the chronic phase of brain injury (truelle et al. 2010). limitations the experiences of one participant are not statistically representative in any sense and are not generalizable to other people living in the community with disabilities from severe tbi (williams 1984, 176). in addition, i am a longtime resident of the community where this research took place; my knowledge of the community inevitably colored my researcher’s lens. and finally, my parents and i have much experience volunteering in our community and gaining a sense of satisfaction from these efforts. the volunteering experiences of myself and my parents likely impacted my choice of participant as a case study of community (re)integration post tbi and my focus on the positive aspects of recovery and (re)integration that he illustrated in his photos and interview text. conclusion findings from this study appear to indicate that assisting individuals with tbi in participating in recreational and vocational activities that are meaningful to them can improve long-term outcomes. encouraging tbi survivors to participate in low-risk team sports may facilitate positive outcomes (truelle et al. 2010). in addition to the positive impacts of regular exercise on well-being (driver and ede 2009), membership on an athletic team has been shown to contribute to identity confirmation and produce a sense of belonging and acceptance (walseth 2006). comprehensive rehabilitation programs could incorporate volunteer work in order to support community reintegration. a study measuring the well-being of older adults who participated regularly in a volunteer program found that participants were able to foster more social ties, which enabled them to express and receive nurturance (rook and sorkin 2003). returning to work is an essential part of the recovery process (strong 1998). however, cognitive ramakrishna 11 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 impairments and other injury variables can complicate a survivor’s likelihood of returning to work (shames et al. 2007). in order to secure successful vocational outcomes, vocational rehabilitation needs to be adapted to the requirements of the survivor and incorporate cognitive rehabilitation strategies that improve coping skills (mateer and sira 2006). finally, undertaking more rigorous research that explores the attitudes and expectations of long-term caregivers of tbi survivors could help discern the impacts of caregiving on community (re)integration and ways to facilitate caregiver support. in sum, reciprocal networks of social support, activities that support the creation of meaningful life roles, and an environment of awareness and empathy help individuals adapt to their life post brain injury. further research is needed to confirm these findings and identify ways to translate them to policy and practice. ~ i would like to express my utmost gratitude to dr. laura lorenz of the heller school for social policy and management for her compassionate understanding, unconditional support, and wise insight. i am also very grateful to tim coughlin for sharing his unique perspective through his personal story and photographs. ramakrishna 12 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 appendix a optional interview guide: photovoice participants l.s. lorenz, “talking with pictures,” supporting documents, page s-26 note: the interview will be semi-structured, and participants will be allowed to answer the questions in the order provided or in any order they choose. they will choose their own photos to talk about, though the interviewer may pick up particular photos to discuss during the interview based on the topic or issue represented, circumstances of production (taken by participant, by another person), discussions during the photovoice sessions, or use in the exhibit. 1. what is it like to live with brain injury or another neurological disorder in lexington? a. do you have a favorite photo that shows what is like to live with brain injury in lexington? what do you have to say about this photo now that the photovoice project has ended? b. what other photos help to answer this question from your perspective? what do you want to say about them now? 2. what in your life or community helps you to feel integrated (included, accepted, involved) in lexington? a. which of your photos represent a feeling of inclusion, acceptance, or integration in the community of lexington from your perspective? b. what (if anything) would you like to say about this photo now, that you didn’t say in your exhibit caption, or in the group discussions? c. are there any other photos you would like to discuss right now? 3. what do you think slows down your community integration in lexington? a. which of your photos represent things that slow down your community integration in lexington? b. do you have anything to say now that you didn’t say in your caption, or in the group discussions? c. are there any other photos you would like to discuss right now? 4. what do you want to tell other people about community integration for people with brain injury or another other neurological disorder in lexington? a. what photos do you think best illustrate your perspective on community integration in lexington? is there one particular favorite photo here? 5. what are your hopes for community integration in lexington in the future? a. do you have any particular goals? b. what might help you reach these goals? 6. what types of changes or actions in the community might help you to reach your community integration goals? a. which of your photos might represent these types of changes or actions? b. who could we involve to make these types of changes? c. what organizations or entities in the community might be potential partners in this effort? d. what types of activities or efforts might make a difference for you? for others? ramakrishna 13 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 references alexander, michael p. 1995. “mild traumatic brain injury: pathophysiology, natural history, and clinical management.” neurology 45 (7): 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the program offers mentoring, college programming, and university tours beginning in middle school. this program has partnered up with higher achievement, an after-school academy program for low-income middle school students, with the goal of closing the opportunity gap and increase enrollment in higher education. the hypothesis of this research is that the partnership of higher achievement with pac will greatly increase the exposure of these students to college by providing them the opportunity to attend motivational lessons on a college campus. this research evaluates the impact of this new partnership through preand post program surveys and observation of the mentoring sessions. introduction it’s been over 60 years since the brown v. board of education of topeka case. in 1954, the supreme court ruled unanimously that racial segregation of children in public schools was unconstitutional. this was one of the foundations of the civil rights movement (united states courts, n.d.) although this was the very first step towards equality, much still needs to be changed and done in order to fully overcome remaining education barriers towards access, equity, and opportunities. public education is intended to act as an equalizer of economic opportunities in the us by providing social mobility. however, 46 percent of americans who grew up in low-income families and failed to earn a college degree stayed in the lowest income quintile, as opposed to 16 percent for those who earned a college degree. from very early on, children of parents who earn less than $15,000 a year have a 20 percent lower pre-primary enrollment in comparison to parents earning more than $50,000 a year. this in turn has a snowball effect, since students who participated in preschool education were 31 percent less likely to repeat a grade and 32 percent less likely to drop out of high school (friedman, 2012). this vicious cycle also affects the school district and the quality of the school in which residents of poorer areas will attend. due to the use of property taxes to pay for local schools, a poorer district will most likely have less money for education, which in turn will result in worse schools and therefore less opportunities for its students. according to the us department of education, high-poverty districts spend 15.6 percent less per student than low-poverty districts do. a 20 percent increase in their budget could lead to an additional year of completed education for students, 25 percent higher earning, and a 20 percent point reduction in the incidence of poverty in adulthood, according to the national bureau of economic research (semuels, 2016). the educational system today contradicts its own detweiler ! 2 premise upon which it was founded and rather than acting as an equalizer, it perpetuates social inequalities. according to recent data released by the u.s. department of education, in 2016 only 76 percent of black students and 79 percent of hispanic students graduated on time, compared to 88 percent of white students and 91 percent of asian/pacific islander students (balingit, 2017). in 2015, the percentage of high school dropout among persons 16-25 years old was 5.9 percent. white students present a lower percentage than the national average, at 4.6 percent, while black and hispanic students have a higher percentage than the national average, at 6.5 and 9.2 percent, respectively (national center for education statistics, 2016). this pattern is also seen in college completion statistics done in 2010, in which white and asian students completed their programs at similar rates, 62 and 63.2 percent, respectively, while hispanic and black students graduated at rates of 45.8 and 38 percent, respectively (shapiro et al., 2017). these numbers represent a significant opportunity gap and the academic stratification and inequalities still present today. the relationship between social economic status and selective college attendance has been strongly established. a modernization and massive expansion of higher education would have been expected to narrow the opportunity gap by offering more opportunities for students to attend college. however, underprivileged high school graduates don’t proportionally benefit from this expansion, as when privileged groups reach a saturation point at a certain level of education, inequality shifts upward to the next level of attainment, which preserves the inequality rather than close it by expanding it to the lower socioeconomic status levels (alon, 2009). this stratification is notably seen in the rates of not only college enrollments, but also students’ attendance destinations. since the 1960s, there has been strong disparities in which students from low socioeconomic backgrounds have been much more likely to attend two-year colleges, while their white counterparts enroll at more prestigious four-year universities (alon, 2009). context of study pittsburgh is ranked in the top 30 for poverty rate in the nation. in its metropolitan area, about one in eight residents (284,000 people) had incomes below the official us poverty level in 2012 with an additional 192,000 people just above the poverty threshold (friedman, 2012). in light of these numbers, pittsburgh admissions collaboration program has partnered up with higher achievement, an after-school academy program, with the goal of closing the opportunity gap in order to break the cycle of poverty through education. this program targets middle school students, since these are critical years that serve as a basis for the upcoming high school years. research has shown that children who possess resources that they can rely on during the transition from middle school to high school, are better equipped for a successful transition than students who don’t (alon, 2009). targeting students at such an early age may have a more significant long-lasting impact in their decision of pursuing higher education. higher achievement is an after-school program that aims to close the opportunity gap during the critical middle school years. the organization acts as an after-school academy, where students receive homework coaching, dinner, mentoring, seminars, and guidance throughout the transition between middle school and high school. the organization is committed to the principles of the four social justice pillars, which are voice, freedom, justice, and solidarity [8]. i detweiler ! 3 have been a volunteer at higher achievement for the past two years and have seen first-hand the incredible impact this organization has on the students. higher achievement’s centers are located in three high-poverty areas in pittsburgh, as shown in the poverty and race intersection map in fig.1. in august 2017, higher achievement partnered with the university of pittsburgh in a program called “pittsburgh admissions collaboration”, or pac, where 7th and 8th grade scholars travel to the university of pittsburgh twice each month to receive on-campus mentoring related to college readiness, life skills, financial aid information, and college awareness programming (higher achievement, 2017). pitt provides the transportation, mentors, and the curriculum of classes and the students have the opportunity to learn what it is like to take classes on a college campus. this is a great way to encourage students to seriously consider college opportunities in the future. higher achievement does an outstanding job in closing the education gap and increasing the number of middle school students who pursue further education in high school and college. 95% of higher achievement scholars advance to top academic high schools and 93% of scholars go on to college (higher achievement, 2017). this research will evaluate the efficacy of this new partnership through preand postprogram surveys and observation of the mentoring sessions. ! figure 1. this map displays the intersection of poverty and race in pittsburgh. the lightest colors reflect low levels of poverty and black population, while the darkest colors represent the highest concentrations of both poverty and black population. the red circles represent the higher achievement locations in pittsburgh (teixeira and zuberi, 2016). detweiler ! 4 methods pre-surveys the first step of this project was to conduct an initial student survey in order to assess the initial expectations and thoughts on the program. it is important to note that in actuality, this could be considered a mid-survey since the program started in the fall 2017 and the survey was performed in the beginning of the spring 2018. the pre-survey included the following questions: 1. i identify my gender as: a. male b. female c. other d. prefer not to answer 2. which of these do you identify as your ethnic origin? a. american indian or alaska native b. asian c. black or african american d. hispanic or latino e. native hawaiian or other pacific islander f. white g. other 3. why did you want to participate in the program? 4. in your opinion, what do you expect to gain from the pac program? 5. what do you want to be when you grow up? 6. on a scale of 1-5, how much do you know about what needs to be done to get accepted into college? 7. on a scale of 1-5, how much do you know about financial aid to help pay for college? 8. on a scale of 1-5, how much information do you have about college entrance requirements? 9. do you intend to go to college after high school? 10. if you do want to go to college, what would you want to major in? 11. has anyone at your school or higher achievement ever spoken with you about college entrance requirements? 12. has anyone at your school or higher achievement ever spoken with you about the availability of financial aid to help you pay for college? these questions served as a framework to gauge the interest the students had in the program and in their long-term goals. detweiler ! 5 observations ten pac sessions throughout the spring 2018 semester were observed in order to primarily assess the engagement level of the students, the content of the weekly pac sessions, and the impact the lessons had on students. post-survey finally, a post-survey at the end of the semester was given to students to assess the overall impact the program had on students. the survey included the same questions as the presurvey, with the following additional questions: 1. on a scale of 1-5, did the program improve your studying habits? 2. on a scale of 1-5, did your participation in the program help you get better grades? 3. on a scale of 1-5, how helpful were your mentors? 4. do you intend to go to college after high school? 5. what was your favorite and least favorite part of the program? 6. what did you learn from pac? the data analysis for the quantitative items is represented in the results section through means and percentages, while the analysis of the open-ended questions was performed through grouping similar responses into broader categories that encompasses similar themes. results curriculum and in-class observations pac lessons with the middle school students of higher achievement first started in october, 2017. however, this research did not start until the beginning of 2018 with observation and surveys which we called pre-survey, although they would most closely be classified as midsurveys. the topic for each month can be found in fig.2. every thursday afternoon around six to eight students from one of the different higher achievement centers arrived at 5:15 pm to the cathedral of learning or alumni hall at the university of pittsburgh, where the sessions were held. for the first three weeks of the month the lesson topic held for each different higher achievement center group was exactly the same. during the fourth week, all students from all three centers met at alumni hall, where a different speaker would come in each month. the weekly lessons were designed by pac, while the speakers at the fourth week was usually a member of the pittsburgh community who volunteered to speak. a total of ten sessions were observed throughout the semester and observations regarding the level of engagement and participation of students were noted. overall, students seemed to be engaged, attentive, and participative throughout the lessons. students participated, answered questions, and seemed to enjoy the topics learned each week. students engaged the most whenever questions or topics related more closely to their own universe. during the month of february, for example, the theme arts was explored in the context of pittsburgh neighborhoods where students were from. murals around the city were displayed and students seemed excited about the fact that they were familiar with those. an important thing to note is that students seemed extremely shy whenever asked to speak in front of the class. not a single student detweiler ! 6 voluntarily chose to present their work in front of the class whenever they were asked to. students also seemed to be least participative during some of the speakers’ events, in which they were less engaging and participative. ! figure 2. pac curriculum for higher achievement students during the 2017-2018 school year. the participant demographics were included in the first two questions of both pre and post surveys. a total of 20 students filled out the pre-survey, in which eleven of those identified themselves as females, nine as males, and 100% of those identified themselves as african americans. the post-survey was filled out by 16 students, including ten females, six males, and 100% identified themselves as african americans as well. pre-survey results detweiler ! 7 the pre-survey was administered in order to understand students’ motivation toward the program and students’ awareness regarding financial aid and college entrance requirements. the surveys demonstrate that there was a strong interest in coming to this program in order to learn more about college, enjoy their time at pitt, with the goal of acquiring new skills, as shown in fig. 3. students also seem to have a general understanding of college entrance requirements from their lessons at higher achievement and pac, as shown in fig. 4. figure 3. pre-survey results regarding (a) students’ motivation toward the program, as well as their (b) expectations from pac. (n=20) ! figure 4. pre-survey results regarding student’s knowledge about financial aid and college entrance requirements. (n=20) post survey results at the end of the semester, a final survey was given to students in order to analyze the impact of the pac program and any changes in students’ behavior and/or motivation towards college. a comparison between students’ answers before and after the end of the semester is shown in fig.5. detweiler ! 8 ! figure 5. means for preand post-survey questions regarding college awareness were compared at the end of the semester on a scale of 1-5, with 1 being “strongly disagree” and 5 being “strongly agree”. (n=20 for pre-survey, n=16 for post-survey) it is important to note that because this research study started in the spring semester, this pre-survey is in fact a mid-survey that was performed halfway through the school year during the pac program. although this is a limitation of the study, it can be predicted that had an actual initial survey been performed, the comparison between the initial and final surveys would have been more significant than the ones reported in this research. the post survey results included questions regarding students’ professional interests and a final evaluation of the program. as shown in fig.6, 85% of students seem to have a general idea of what they intend to do in their future. the goal of this question was primarily to assess whether or not these students are starting to think about setting professional goals, even if they change several times in the near future. research shows that when students set their own goals, they tend to be more proactive and to take more responsibility of their own goals. this self-determined behavior of goal setting is correlated to an increase in intrinsic motivation and higher achievement (turkay, 2014). the final evaluation of the program is also shown in fig.6, where students answered their favorite and least favorite part of the program as well as what they learned from it. the survey results indicate that their favorite part of the program was the social aspects of it (making friends) and attending lectures at a university campus. 50% of students did not have any negative feedback about the program, while 35% responded to this question with a specific topic or lesson learned throughout the semester. students’ main lesson from the program seem to be information about college as well as technology skills. finally, fig.7 demonstrates the results for the questions regarding the impact of the program on their academic life, as well as an evaluation of the mentors. the answers were generally positive and ranged from 3.5-4.8. detweiler ! 9 ! figure 6. post survey question results regarding the impact the program had on students. (a) students answered what their favorite part of the program was, (b) their least favorite, (c) what they learned from the program, and finally (d) what their professional goals are at the end of the program. (n=16). ! figure 7. means for post-survey regarding the impact this program had in the students’ academic life, as well as their opinion on specific aspects about the program, such as detweiler ! 10 evaluation of their mentors, on a scale of 1-5, with 1 being “strongly disagree” and 5 being “strongly agree”. (n=16) discussion in this study, i performed an evaluation of a college awareness program, pac, attended by low-income middle school students of higher achievement in the pittsburgh area. higher achievement is an afterschool academy that provides middle school students with homework coaching, intensive academic mentoring, and seminars. higher achievement has won several awards for its impact in the students and it is nationally recognized as an outstanding mentoring program. their partnership with the pittsburgh admissions collaboration program in this area has just started in 2017 and the goal of this research was to analyze and evaluate its impact on the higher achievement students who attended the pac sessions. the presented study addresses both students’ perceptions of the program as well as the observations during each pac session in the hopes that programs such as pac and higher achievement can be further developed in pittsburgh as well as other areas of the country aiming to close the achievement gap. the research was performed through pre and post surveys given to the students at the beginning and at the end of the semester and observations performed during each lesson. as mentioned previously, the major limitation of this study is that the pre-survey was performed in the middle of the program, rather than at the beginning. the results still show an increase in college awareness and interest in pursuing a secondary education, according to the students. we hypothesize that these differences would have been more significant had we performed a survey at the beginning of the program. students seemed to enjoy the program and reported that their grades and motivation at school had also increased. i also noticed a drastic behavioral difference from previous experiences in volunteering with higher achievement versus observing the students’ behavior in a college campus. they seemed more attentive, willing to engage in the proposed activities, and less disruptive in class time during the sessions held at pitt. attending lessons on a college campus could possibly have contributed to this positive shift in their academic and behavioral performance. future directions of this research could include a longitudinal research in order to not only evaluate the short-term impact of this program, but especially the long-term impact it has on the students regarding college motivation, enrollment, persistence, and retention rates. overall, the results of the evaluation of the pac program are consistent with what i expected. implementing a college awareness and motivational program on a college campus at an early stage of the students’ development can increase the likelihood that these students will consider college in the future. although there have been dramatic increases in postsecondary enrollment at american colleges and universities, significant gaps still exist in who goes to college and ultimately who succeeds. low-income, african american, hispanic, and native american populations continue to be underrepresented at higher education institutions relative to their representation in the average college-age population (nettles et al., 1999). we hope that by disseminating the results of the work of higher achievement and pac in pittsburgh, other locations can adopt similar programs in order to help close the achievement gap and ensure that all students are able to reach their full potential, regardless of their race, class, and ethnicity. detweiler ! 11 recommendations my research examines the benefits of promoting a college awareness and motivational program for low income middle school students. these programs are generally designed to not only improve academic skills, but most importantly, to provide mentoring, support, and career guidance from a young developmental age. the pac program was exceptionally well-received by the higher achievement students, as shown in the results section, in addition to students’ increase in college awareness and professional goal-setting. pac fostered a well-rounded educational program that tackled several important topics for enriching the students’ development, such as arts, technology, critical view of the world and changes that we, as individuals, can promote in the world. pac went beyond the basic college awareness program that i was personally expecting, because most importantly, it gave the students the tools for critical and creative thinking. cultivating this intellectual curiosity from very early on by providing lessons at a college campus proved to have a strong impact in the way the students think about their future goals in life. the information is also supported by a strong mentoring team that fosters a healthy learning environment and ultimately motivates these students to think bigger and reach higher. although pac is already a strong program with promising results, based on the observations and surveys implemented in this research, pac can consider implementing the following: (a) observations performed in the classroom suggests that an emphasis on public speaking from early on could be extremely beneficial to these students, as they seem particularly shy at this point. (b) students seemed particularly more engaged when the connection between the topic of the lessons and their own life experiences was explicitly relevant. strengthening the connections between the topics and their experiences in order to increase student engagement, such as occurred with the arts segment, would be extremely beneficial to the students. students seemed to enjoy learning about arts during the many examples given of art around their own neighborhoods. following this same strategy with other topics could have a significant impact on the student’s learning skills. (c) the area that could improve the most according to the observations performed, would be the guest speaker sessions. this was the activity in which students seemed to engage the least. i would recommend that guest speakers add dynamic interactions with students, using topics that are familiar to their own universe. inviting guest speakers with compelling and motivational stories would also be an interesting strategy in order to captivate students’ attention. (d) lastly, i would recommend that the interaction between the students and the college mentors be strengthened by assigning individual students to designated mentors each week and allowing them longer interaction periods, rather than a blind rotation each week. the role of the mentors in the pac program could be further expanded to allow the middle school students to develop close relationships with the mentors. this mentoring relationship can serve as a basis for mentees to learn by observation and example in order to maximize their professional potential, develop their skills, and ultimately, become the person they want to be. detweiler ! 12 finally, i hope that these recommendations will only add value to the already incredible partnership between higher achievement and pac. the work pac does will have a significant impact on the lives of these students and we hope that this paper will bring light to the work performed by these organizations in pittsburgh. ultimately, the students are given the tools on how to succeed and are empowered to believe in themselves and all the incredible potential each one of them has to offer. these children are tomorrow’s leaders and investing in them today will have a significant impact in decreasing the achievement gap for generations to come. personal reflection i am originally from brazil and moved to the u.s. right before my freshman year. coming from a developing country has taught me the importance of community service as i have seen first-hand the incredible impact one can make in someone else’s life. as a volunteer at my church in high school, we had food drives every week, where we distributed food to the poorest areas of my city in rio de janeiro. over the years, i realized that although significant, what i was doing was not enough. but how could i systematically help change years’ worth of society’s stratification and inequalities? helping these families with food drives was certainly beneficial as we were able to provide them with immediate help for their most basic needs, but it certainly did not solve the root of the problem since brazil is listed as one of the most unequal countries on the planet. i had slowly come to understand two harsh realities about volunteering: first, that sustainable development isn’t necessarily quick or easy; and second, that my volunteering experience was not as selfless as i would’ve liked to claim. volunteering brings out the best in me as well as a sense of self achievement like no other. my heart became full every time i was able to help a family or kid in need. in all honesty, this is one of the hardest truths to admit, even to myself. was i the embodiment of everything i believed was wrong in relation to the “savior complex”? these children and families ultimately wouldn’t ever need me if it weren’t for hundreds of years’ worth of inequalities, racism, and a system that perpetuates a stratified system with unequal opportunities. this self-realization became even more clear after i started volunteering at higher achievement, an after-school academy program for low-income middle school students in pittsburgh. as a mentor, i was able to connect with these students by helping them with not only homework, but most importantly with motivational support and guidance throughout their transition to high school. as a volunteer at higher achievement, i believe i gained far more than i could’ve ever expected. although my role was a mentor, i was learning just as much from these students, if not more. i was finally understanding how to be a volunteer in the most humble sense of the word. i wasn’t there to lecture them or save them from the “depths of poverty”. they didn’t need me for that. i was there as a supporter, a learner, and a friend. what was needed from me was to be someone that the students could trust and rely on, and most importantly, support and encourage them in order to empower these kids to think big, believe in themselves, and reach far. the sad reality, as i mentioned, is that sustainable changes are not quick or easy. they take time, effort, and the constraints involved in eliminating the achievement gap are intertwined in every big problem society faces today; from our very own educational system, to the day to day life battles that each one of the students have to face. detweiler ! 13 “corey” is one example. “corey” was one of my mentees last year. he kept acting out, stealing, getting in trouble in school and he was extremely difficult to work with. throughout the semester i had trouble working with him, but with time he ended up opening up to me. his brother was in jail for murder. he missed him very much and all he could think of was being with his big brother. stories like corey’s, are unfortunately not uncommon and they present a sad reality where education may not be these students’ main priority when so much is going on at home. although volunteering has always been a part of my life, i had never thought about doing research in this field. dr. mena was my professor for one of my engineering classes “engr 1060social entrepreneurship”. this class, although an elective, turned out to be one of the most critical engineering classes i have taken. more important than calculating the energy performance and efficient around reactors like my other chemical engineering classes, i learned that an engineer has the ethical and moral responsibility to be environmentally and socially conscious of their actions and their impact at multiple levels in society. in this class, i learned how to incorporate my engineering background to address social and environmental issues into our product and service. this research project was an extension to what i had learned in dr. mena’s class, as i was able to apply my engineering skills to a real-world social issue. although i was able to take this class and learn more about community-based research opportunities through holly hickling, my honors college advisor, and dr. mena, this class is an elective and therefore not required for all engineering students. i strongly believe that a service-learning component course would help students to be aware of their potential assets to their local community as well as in a global scale. the critical thinking and problem-solving mindset instilled in our core engineering classes from very early on can be used in a multitude of problems that expand far beyond our engineering bubble where efficiency and cost are the two major constraints. with this research study, my goal was to take my role at higher achievement a step further and research their new program with pitt, where middle school students receive oncampus mentoring related to college readiness and awareness. this program is an incredible opportunity to help these students of low-income backgrounds to discover new skills and expand their horizons by attending lessons at a college campus. closing the opportunity-gap is the very first step towards equality and in order to achieve that we must expose these students to higher education from very early on. empowering these students can have a long-lasting impact in their futures by breaking the cycle of poverty and making stories, like corey’s, less likely to occur. acknowledgments i would like to thank my faculty mentor dr. irene mena for her support and guidance throughout this project. i would also like to thank todd derby from higher achievement and tasha peacock from the pittsburgh admissions collaboration program for allowing me to observe the program every week and giving me the opportunity to share the amazing work these two programs are doing in pittsburgh. additionally, i would like to thank holly hickling for overseeing the cbr detweiler ! 14 fellowship and fostering a rich and collaborative environment during our weekly conversations with all of the community-based research fellows. lastly, i would like to thank he spring 2018 cbr group for sharing with me the work and passion each one of you has for your own projects and causes. references united states courts. n.d. “historybrown v. board of education re-enactment.” accessed june 3, 2018. http://www.uscourts.gov/educational-resources/educational-activities/history-brown-vboard-education-re-enactment friedman, howard. 2012. “america's poverty-education link.” huffington post, october 29. https://www.huffingtonpost.com/howard-steven-friedman/americas-povertyeducation_b_1826000.html semuels, alana. 2016. “good school, rich school; bad school, poor school.” the atlantic, august 25. https://www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2016/08/property-taxes-and-unequalschools/497333/ balingit, moriah. 2017. “u.s. high school graduation rates rise to new high.” washington post, december 4. https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/education/wp/2017/12/04/u-s-high-schoolgraduation-rates-rise-to-new-high/?utm_term=.e261a564dc56 national center for education statistics. 2016. “percentage of high school dropouts among persons 16 to 24 years old (status dropout rate), by sex and race/ethnicity: selected years, 1960 through 2015.” nces. https://nces.ed.gov/programs/digest/d16/tables/dt16_219.70.asp? current=yes doug shapiro, afet dundar, faye huie, phoebe k. wakhungu, xin yuan, angel nathan & youngsik hwang. 2017. “completing college: a national view of student attainment rates by race and ethnicity – fall 2010 cohort.” herndon, va: national student clearinghouse research center. signature report no. 12b alon, sigal. 2009. “the evolution of class inequality in higher education: competition, exclusion, and adaptation.” american sociological review 74 (5): 731-755. higher achievement. 2017. “our program: rigor, relationships, right time.” accessed june 3, 2018. https://higherachievement.org/our-program/ higher achievement. 2017. “pittsburgh scholars go to college!” accessed june 3, 2018. https:// higherachievement.org/blog/pittsburgh-scholars-go-to-college/ detweiler ! 15 samantha teixeira & anita zuberi. 2016. “mapping the racial inequality in place: using youth perceptions to identify unequal exposure to neighborhood environmental hazards.” international journal of environmental research and public health 13 (9): 844. turkay, s. 2014. “setting goals: who, why, how?.” manuscript. accessed june 3, 2018. https://hilt.harvard.edu/files/hilt/files/settinggoals.pdf michael t. nettles, laura w. perna, kimberley edelin freeman. 1999. “two decades of progress: african americans moving forward in higher education.” college fund/uncf, fairfax, va. frederick d. patterson research inst. eric number: ed427642. https://vpal.harvard.edu/publications/setting-goals-who-why-how https://hilt.harvard.edu/files/hilt/files/settinggoals.pdf context of study methods pre-surveys observations post-survey results curriculum and in-class observations pre-survey results post survey results discussion recommendations references undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 listening to hear yasmin zacaria mikhaiel depaul university i hear the cane before anything else, the soft, confident thwack against the door. pulling the door open with the cane’s crooked head, she wobbles into the classroom, locking eyes with me. she is bundled in a long, worn coat, a couple buttons missing — her scarf dangling and twisted beneath the tattered trench coat, knitted and knotted in greens and orange. a blue newsboy hat with yellow daisies sits atop her curls. she looks to be in her seventies, lines crease her face, red lipstick softening her demeanor. “they told me there wouldn’t be no pictures, dear. good thing my mamma told me never leave the house with an empty face. but by that, she meant a smile!” she throws her head back in laughter as she unbuttons her coat, untangles her scarf, and removes her hat, the daisies swaying as if sharing in her jubilance. we are in a small classroom in east garfield park on the west side of chicago. this multi-level building, the breakthrough familyplex, is a refuge and beacon of light in this little community. a block over you can see boarded up windows, where splintered plywood becomes urban shutters. trash litters the street, with tumbleweeds of crushed metal and plastic bags. the complex functions as the youth arts and sciences academy. its gigantic size sets it apart from anything else in the neighborhood. ms. maggie, with her wide smile and layered skirts, remembers the opening of breakthrough and the neighborhood’s dramatic transformation into a community. before, the neighborhood was a food desert with little resources. after the build, breakthrough became home to a food pantry, shelter, after-school programs, fitness center, and clinic. this is a place of hope and of stories. that day, ms. maggie graced me with her own. east garfield park is known for having one of the highest rates of violence in chicago. this community has not been able to shake off the ramifications of protests during the civil rights movement. after the assassination of martin luther king jr., the neighborhood was torn apart by its people. in the decades that followed, many have lost their lives to gun violence— including ms. maggie’s parents. from our first phone call, on a cold january afternoon, ms. maggie was eager to share her stories despite the trauma. “i have stories. gee, love, i do. give me a listen.” i booked her interview in five minutes, but she continued talking for another thirty. i was worried that she would exhaust herself and have nothing to share when the recorder was running. i was wrong. the mission of oral history is to document and protect stories that would otherwise be lost. these interviews focus on life histories and reflection. the beginning questions aim to contextualize the narrator’s upbringing. by starting with childhood memories and places of refuge, interviewees realize that there are no “right” answers. they usually relax and let the experiences wash over them. even so, some stories are more difficult to tell. on the day of the interview, with her curls bouncing, ms. maggie revels in the attention, her hands as lively as her words. aware of her audience and aware of herself, she walks through the decades, each a different chapter of her life. growing up as a girl in a mostly white mikhaiel 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 neighborhood, she was defined by her skin and not by her actions. despite the bullying and hardship, she set herself apart by committing her life to education as a means of challenging oppression. later on, she would go on to start her own non-profit arts organization. ms. maggie empowered black children by teaching them the history of their ancestors, the history neglected in a mainstream education. she created an outlet for representation and expression so these children could see themselves as worthy rather than worthless. from nigerian dance classes to mural painting, poetry slams, beading, basket weaving, and book clubs, ms. maggie provided creative spaces that took kids off the streets. she was humble and selfless in all of her work, prioritizing the needs of others and their futures. in front of the recorder, she is empowered to reflect on her ambition and perseverance. there is a little part in each of us that craves attention. we spend our entire lives negotiating what to say and what to keep to ourselves. we wonder if what we have to say has worth and if our audience cares. when an interviewee is invited to participate in an oral history project, this uncertainty falls away. stories gain meaning in preservation and documentation. i often wonder what stories i would tell if the recorder was flipped. when listening to the stories of others, i become intoxicated. i am desperately grabbing onto the experiences, every word a new treasure. the rush is totally consuming, exhausting. when it’s over, i find myself drained and envious, torn apart by regret and frustration. some people, like ms. maggie, submerge themselves in life and soak up experiences despite trauma and hardship – an everything yes mantra guiding every move. at any moment, they are ready to share stories of a lived life. others, like me, struggle to let life take the reins, terrified of falling and straying, winding up bruised and battered. i soak up experiences via the ms. maggies of the world. i hope their stories will equip me with a curiosity so powerful i cannot help but jump and be okay if i fall. after the interview, ms. maggie sits back, hands folded in her lap. i turn the recorder off, hands shaking. i collect the scattered papers in front of me, release forms and written biographies become one pile. my heart is beating too fast and i’m out of words. my stomach drops in the silence and i wonder if the high is worth the crash. “you let me run my mouth, honey,” ms. maggie says, aware of my trembling. i smile, weakly, and rise from my chair. i thank her for her time and walk her to the door. in moments like these, oral history gains a new significance for me. today we listen in order to respond, not to hear. in a world where silence is taboo and perceived as disinterest, oral history provides the space for the purest form of listening. not only is oral history about filling in the gaps in history, it’s about awakening us to the simple humanity of others. in these moments, i truly relish the time i spend asking questions and receiving genuine answers. it inspires me to slow down, revel in untold histories, and explore my own truth. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 service-learning: changing students through non-traditional education kyleigh tyler utah state university introduction six students huddled around three heaping black trash bags in a parking lot. equipped with latex gloves and notebooks, they sifted through the garbage from a campus cafeteria. dayold bread, rotting vegetables, plastic forks and packaging – there, sprawled out on the asphalt, a full-blown research project took place. it may be hard to believe, but the parking lot was a classroom, and the trash, a test. two months later, in a sharp contrast to sorting trash, those same six students stood in front of a research poster at an event where results of service learning projects were presented. equipped this time with brochures, statistics, and experience, they presented to utah state university dining services the results of that waste audit, making suggestions that would have direct impacts on the university. unconventional as it may seem, both scenes present education at its finest. this was service-learning. as defined by utah state university, “service-learning is a teaching and learning strategy that integrates meaningful community service with instruction and reflection to enrich the learning experience, teach civic responsibility, and strengthen communities” (“service learning” 2017). the beauty of this definition is the flexibility it allows; service-learning can provide a different experience for everyone. despite this versatility, service-learning has two overarching purposes: to prepare students for life experiences through education that extends beyond the classroom, and to encourage students to be involved with community issues at every stage of their lives. it transforms students into concerned citizens and helps them develop skills that go beyond what are typically developed in traditional classrooms. sorting through trash may not be the most orthodox service-learning experience; however, it provided a basis for students to embrace this definition. this project was part of the university honors program’s “think tank,” a course composed of six multidisciplinary groups from three discipline-focused sections: humanities, physical sciences, and social sciences. the instruction for the course focused students’ attention on sustainability, defined as “being a method of using a resource so that the resource is not depleted or permanently damaged” (“sustainable” 2017). sustainability emphasizes ways in which people can reduce, reuse, and recycle. this course helped students identify and solve local sustainability problems. working collaboratively with administrators in the university’s dining services, which had invited the research projects, students learned to address community concerns in regard to their own disciplines, and collaborated with students in other disciplines to solve problems. the six teams tackled separate projects to assist dining services with its overall goal of becoming more sustainable. tyler 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 the problem and the project food waste is a rising global concern and has drawn increased attention in recent years (parfitt, barthel, and macnaughton 2010). as commercial eateries grow in popularity, the amount of landfill waste grows as well. as can be seen in figure 1, food is a large part of what consumers throw away: 40% of food in the u.s. is wasted, placing a large environmental and financial burden on households. restaurants struggle with effective food waste strategies, and 90% of food thrown out could be composted (figure 1). composting holds potential for better waste disposal techniques in restaurants. to address the growing concern about food waste, specifically on college campuses, my team’s project focused on the largest cafeteria at utah state university: the junction. we were concerned with the pre-consumer stage: before food even got to the plates of consumers, we wanted to know how waste was being addressed. after we observed kitchen production processes, we determined that current composting practices were inadequate and inefficient. at first glance, it was apparent that despite having a composting receptacle, many compostable items were being inappropriately placed in landfill receptacles. thus, a large portion of reusable waste was being sent to landfills each day. to gain an understanding of just how much waste was inappropriately sorted, we conducted a waste audit of kitchen garbage cans. we obtained landfill-destined trash bags from the entire preparation area on two separate days, emptied the contents from each bag, and sorted them according to three categories: food waste, plastic or otherwise recyclable waste, and landfill waste. we then weighed the contents and compared each to the total weight of all waste. our discoveries from these two audits showed that up to 30% of landfill waste in the kitchen could be composted. the significance of this number is even greater when we look at annual data – this is a difference of two tons a year! as we evaluated possible causes of improperly placed waste, we noticed that within the kitchen, only one composting receptacle was available, and it was placed in an inconvenient location for many employees within the kitchen. our proposal for change was supplying composting receptacles more generously throughout the kitchen and training employees to improve composting techniques. going beyond the classroom one of the greatest advantages of service-learning for me was the ability for coursework to go beyond the classroom to teach practical, workplace skills. much of our time was dedicated to developing teamwork skills, enhancing communication skills, and applying our classroom figure 1 (“food waste by the numbers” 2013) tyler 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 knowledge to our projects. service and research did not replace classroom instruction, but rather supplemented it to provide a rich learning experience. our project exhibited how service-learning goes beyond traditional education by providing opportunities to develop mature problem-solving skills. as part of this honors “think tank” course, students, not teachers, identified and tackled a problem within the campus kitchens and cafeterias. initially, it was difficult for our group to find something in the preconsumer phase that would make a difference. as we discussed different problems and the various benefits of each as a research project, we came to a consensus on a project involving composting. because we were creating our own research project, we had to determine which calculations to use, how best to present our findings, and how to solve the problem at hand – namely increasing and effectively utilizing composting in the kitchen. in the end, we presented conclusions that through increasing composting receptacles and more effectively communicating composting regulations to employees, the kitchens would improve sustainability significantly. through identifying problems and exploring options to solve them, students developed criticalthinking skills. classroom instruction was essential to the successful practice of these skills. as part of the humanities and arts course, my peers and i explored how art and literature influence societal perception of sustainability, and how we could use that to our advantage when solving problems surrounding sustainability. this focus helped us as we were brainstorming how to assist the employees in becoming more sustainable. an essential part of our solution plan was to add a brochure to employee training. our classroom work helped us in creating a professional and effective brochure for dining services by using aesthetic design and clear writing. our classrooms thus became forums to discuss real problems and real solutions. students learned within their own discipline, and then collaborated with other disciplines to discuss the overreaching principles of sustainability. developing competent communication skills was vital in order to interact effectively with our group members, professors, dining services, and other staff. written and verbal communication skills, along with interpersonal skills, are often highly sought-after characteristics in college graduates, and are practiced in service-learning classes (adams 2014). in addition to sending emails and organizing personal meetings with different individuals throughout the project, we needed to communicate our findings via formal papers and a poster presentation, both to the public and to dining services. effective teamwork was one of the most important skills we learned. this servicelearning project allowed us as a team to encounter and overcome difficult situations throughout our project. college provides an environment where groups of people come together in collaboration for a common goal, but too often students and faculty are siloed by divisions between majors or colleges. the structure of this “think tank” as designed by university honors program director dr. kristine miller deliberately sought to tear down those silos. service-learning adds a multidisciplinary aspect to collaborative projects, something that closely resembles life experiences. through collaborating as a team, we brought together different talents and skills. some brought a knack for math, others a gifted artistic ability. we used our unique skills to work together in gathering information, communicating that information to each other, reflecting on and documenting the information, and finally, presenting our findings. because societies are defined by and built on the interactions of people, these interpersonal skills are important to learn and practice. traditional lecture classes may not offer what small, group projects can. teams are essential in making a difference. tyler 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 our services to the community certainly build the community, but they ultimately shape our character, personality, and sense of self. they define us as learners. service-learning provides an outlet to discover who we are and how we fit into the community around us (lovett and chi 2015). classroom learning may prepare students cognitively, and service-learning helps them apply concepts. service-learning encourages doing, involving students in solving real problems. empowering civic involvement as students gain more from their education, they have an increased responsibility to their community. too often the citizen’s role is only as the critical observer. what causes so many of us to acknowledge a problem to the point of complaint, but then discourages us to the point of complacency? on the other hand, what compels us to create change? as i made observations, conducted research, and reached realistic conclusions to resolve how the campus kitchen could be more sustainable, i discovered how solving this problem made an impact on me as an individual. the kitchen-generated waste was a cost that was directly passed on to me, and something i had the power and responsibility to change. when this idea resonated with me, the problem changed from being a campus problem to being my problem, and gave me an increased motivation to help resolve it. working on a campus-wide issue helped me to feel that i was intimately involved with the workings of the university. it helped me to become more conscious of my role in the university as well as the role of fellow students, faculty, and staff. it taught me not only to see opportunities for service on campus, but also how to use my skills to contribute to improving the campus community. everyone can make a difference in their community, and personalizing a problem internalizes the importance of it. service-learning gave me the opportunity to develop a vision for community involvement. the idea that one person cannot make a difference resonated in my life until i became involved in service-learning. the sheer masses of people in this world can cause individual efforts to seem useless in the big scheme of things. however, this mindset is detrimental to progress, as it destroys passion and suffocates vision. if enough people believe that they as individuals cannot make a difference in the world, change cannot happen. on the other hand, if one person believes a difference can be made, the results can be monumental. service-learning stands as a practice run for future civic engagement. becoming involved in a college campus is the perfect way for students to prepare for community involvement. this project taught me that utah state is my community, and i can be integrally involved through my interactions throughout campus. the skills developed through this process will carry on with me. citizens shape their communities, and i was able to realize the value of my role as a citizen through this project. we learned that what we do does have an influence, and that helps motivate us to be even more involved in the future. as solutions are proposed and changes are made, a lasting effect is felt by the community. the passion to improve the community can be contagious, and those who catch this fire can influence others. conclusion – a worldwide impact after experiencing service-learning, i cannot look at civic involvement the same, because i am no longer the same. changing the world starts with changing ourselves, and we change tyler 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 ourselves through engaging in new experiences. service-learning provides many of these selfdiscovery opportunities. it creates a snowball effect with massive consequences. service-learning is only the beginning — a bridge between school and work, between an individual life and the community. it is not intended to be an end, but a beginning. servicelearning can be transformative. while this may have been a solution for the university, utah state was not the sole beneficiary of this experience; the students also gained much. just as something beautiful can grow from composting, something wonderful came from a waste audit. composting, as a rule, requires a certain amount of time and is a complex process, but waste eventually becomes fertilizer that grows plants and flowers. likewise, service-learning is a process, and it has the ability to take a waste audit, and through a process, grow individuals who can make a difference in the community. service-learning is a fertilizer for growing educated members of society who can shape the communities around them. an individual can make a difference in the world, and i can make a difference in the world. our project identified problems and offered solutions to a sustainability issue on campus, and while that may not change the world today, it changed me. no effort, no matter how small or large, is ever wasted. and so, the question remains: what in our world is worth changing? ~ the author thanks dr. kristine miller, director of honors; dr. joyce kinkead, who taught the humanities/arts section of the honors think tank set of courses; and dr. kynda curtis and dr. ryan dupont, who taught the social sciences and science sections and who also served as mentors on the projects. references adams, susan. 2014. “the 10 skills employers most want in 2015 graduates.” forbes, nov 12. https://www.forbes.com/sites/susanadams/2014/11/12/the-10-skills-employers-mostwant-in-2015-graduates/#6b1aea122511. “food waste by the numbers.” 2013. tundra restaurant supply, january 8. http://blog.etundra.com/infographics/food-waste-by-the-numbers/. lovett, marvin g., and yeong nain chi. 2015. “place attachment among college students related to community engagement through service-learning.” international journal of education research 10 (2): 31-42. parfitt, julian, mark barthel, and sarah macnaughton. 2010. “food waste within food supply chains: quantification and potential for change to 2050.” philosophical transactions of the royal society b 365 (1554): 3065-3081. “service learning.” 2017. utah state university. https://servicelearning.usu.edu. “sustainable.” 2017. merriam-webster dictionary. https://www.merriamwebster.com/dictionary/sustainable. https://www.forbes.com/sites/susanadams/2014/11/12/the-10-skills-employers-most-want-in-2015-graduates/#6b1aea122511 https://www.forbes.com/sites/susanadams/2014/11/12/the-10-skills-employers-most-want-in-2015-graduates/#6b1aea122511 http://blog.etundra.com/infographics/food-waste-by-the-numbers/ https://servicelearning.usu.edu/ https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/sustainable https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/sustainable undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 community teaching in a time of turmoil: the beginning of my journey kendra lisenko ball state university, muncie, in abstract fall of 2020 i had the privilege of participating in an innovative community engaged teaching program at ball state university. navigating this new learning journey while watching the world combat ignorance was a challenging and fulfilling moment as i prepared to become an educator. i was able to see how educators can make for a truly meaningful and liberating learning experience for children by bringing in all of their lived experiences into the classroom. while the fight to give our children an honest education rages on, i could not think of a better time to begin this work. fall of 2020 was no simple time for teachers and students alike. we all watched and experienced the world come to a standstill and simultaneously burn as two deadly viruses swept through our nation: covid-19 and ignorance. i couldn’t imagine a better and more challenging time to rediscover teaching. this is the opportunity that ball state university’s schools within the context of community (scc) program gave me. within this innovative program, i was able to immerse myself into the community of whitely, a historically black community that i had no idea existed before this opportunity, despite living right down the street from it for three years. i learned of the troubles, the triumphs, and the strength it takes to pursue life and happiness – not just to survive, but to live and thrive. i was introduced to community members working tirelessly for themselves and the children in their neighborhood. i was able to tutor and learn from children in the local elementary school. my ideas of teaching were completely turned upside down, and my experience in scc made for a semester that made me uncomfortable, challenged and stressed out in the best way possible. despite the challenges that came with starting this work during a global pandemic, the fundamentals of scc did not waiver. we were in this program to begin our work with culturally responsive and sustaining pedagogies, but what does that even mean? it means that it is our responsibility as educators to take into consideration the context of our student’s lives, and to participate, serve, and learn in the communities in which they reside. in doing this, we understand that our students are more than that educational aspect of their social identities. they are humans, individuals. our children will face oppression head-on in and out of our spaces – racism (both systemic and individual), income inequality, food insecurity, inadequate housing. while these challenges are real and significant, educators who spend time learning in the community – or places their students spend the majority of their time outside of the classroom – also become aware of the tremendous cultural wealth that exists in traditionally minoritized spaces. educators should take the time to explore the local community center, civic theater, community teaching in a time of turmoil undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 25 churches, corner stores, and parks their children go to. get to know the community members your students learn from out of the classroom, invite these people in, use this wealth to guide and enhance your teaching. this wealth, defined by tara yosso (2005) represents an “array of knowledges, skills, abilities, and contacts possessed and used by communities to survive and resist racism and other forms of oppression" (p. 154). these are aspects of students’ collective identities that should be elevated and celebrated. contrary to what educators may like to believe, school is not a protective barrier against the outside world, nor should it be. it is unrealistic, if not cruel, to expect our students to drop all their experiences at our door and focus solely on multiplication tables. we should strive to welcome all of the students’ experiences, all of their struggles against a society that works to oppress them and their families, and wield our classroom as a brave space to work through and counter the negative. but for all of the societal forces, we must counter which undermine our students and their community’s greatness, there are just as many joyous experiences that we must celebrate to make our teaching more meaningful and our children more successful. culturally responsive pedagogy (crp) and culturally sustaining pedagogy (csp) require educators to nurture and sustain students’ cultural capital and wealth. crp and csp are not reactive, they are proactive. students’ communities and lifestyles are welcomed in and celebrated, they are not upheld to white middle-class norms, rather they are honored as they are. crp and csp are used to fight back against schools’ ways of eradicating the lives and experiences of communities of color. but this pedagogy is not reserved for just students of color; white students greatly benefit from this teaching as they are introduced to new cultures and experiences different from their own. and this is what crp and csp call for; educators that value and affirm all their students as well as the backgrounds and preexisting knowledge they bring with them. it calls for an educator that doesn’t wait until problems arise to consider bringing culture into the classroom, but rather an educator who is motivated to revere who their students are and where they come from to avoid resistance. all children deserve to be heard, seen, and represented positively. they deserve to be properly prepared for our society in a space that models what democracy should look like, designed with discovery, empathy, and shared humanity in mind. crp, csp, and community teaching are not just pedagogies, they are a way of being, and in a world where students will be challenged constantly with injustices, in schooling – an institution that pushes conformity and assimilation – we must salvage every bit of humanity we can in our students by bringing their culture, pre-existing knowledge, and cultural capital into the classroom. these values and pedagogies are the pillars of scc. everything we do, practice, and learn stems from these ideologies. being immersed in a community that, while beautiful, is a low socioeconomic space and a food desert, provides the opportunity to truly understand that these things can co-exist, and that in struggle, there can be beauty. in the struggle, we see resistance; in the struggle we see teaching for emancipation and liberation. it was these pedagogies that i was fortunate enough to experience in action, and from which i was privileged to significantly learn and practice. the pandemic caused the scc program to look different than in previous years. we couldn’t get as close to the community as we would have liked, justifiably so, for everyone’s safety. but instead, my professors were able to show me what community teaching looked like, which impacted my education as well. they are, in my humble opinion, true geniuses and among the most caring and thoughtful educators i have ever encountered. they understand that this calling is not for the weak, that our profession demands a lot, and they expect nothing less than our best. their care and kindness in the form of high expectations pushed me to put everything i had into becoming the best educator i could be. i watched as they tailored our curriculum to meet community teaching in a time of turmoil undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 26 our individual needs, how they paired us up so that we could challenge ourselves and our peers; the way they created a truly brave space for us. that is not to say that this all came easily to us our classes were rigorous and demanded a lot of time and energy in new and deeply challenging ways. we had days that were better than others, and days where my ignorance prevented me from getting to the point my professors needed me to be. but i kept going, kept challenging myself, and kept searching for answers. and this is the type of environment i would be lucky to replicate someday in my own classroom an environment where the students feel that drive to keep seeking out answers, to understand why we are learning what we are, to feel the importance, and to know my care and kindness comes in all forms, which may include the occasional expression of disappointment, but only because i know their true potential and how great they can be. this environment didn’t create itself out of thin air and it happened because of more than the great professors. it took my personal investment. our professors were genuinely interested in who we were and created a mutual level of trust and respect. after continuously struggling together with our material, we finally had the opportunity to put our pedagogy to practice with third-grade students in a local elementary school. twice a week, we would meet with two different students and take a learning journey together. we would learn about each other, our likes and dislikes, and we would discuss the world around us. of course, we snuck some literacy practice in there as well. i remember how nervous i was when the tutoring sessions began. i am passionate about living a crp/csp life, and with that passion comes the intense fear of unintentionally having a negative impact on a child's life. with that fear, we can either accept the fact that we will mess up, and use that recognition to hold ourselves accountable, or we can let the fear stagnate us. i chose growth, which is imperative in order to continue moving in a crp/csp lifestyle. i was deeply worried until i realized, fairly quickly i might add, that our best moments together came when i let the students teach me, when i relinquished the power that i was told i had so much of throughout my teacher preparation courses. when i simply just listened and followed their lead, there was happiness and growth on both sides. as educators, we get so caught up in the power we hold over children. we obsess over our authority, we demand obedience, and often we run our classrooms like a prison ward or a factory line in order to make ourselves more comfortable; to make sure we, the authority, are not challenged. one of the students i tutored was a beautiful little girl who enjoyed reading, especially the “no, david!” books and was very set on being a cardiologist when she grew up. among the first things i did was get a book about the first black woman doctor for us to read together. i thought this was something that would not only tie into her interests but give her some positive representation as well. we tried to read the book together twice and both times i could tell that it was not grasping her attention and she just wasn't interested. at first, i was frustrated, but i realized that the objective was her learning and there was no reason to continue if she was not gaining anything from this reading. i asked her if she wanted to do something else, and she quickly agreed. we ended up finishing an activity that we had started a couple of weeks back where we made our book with her as the main character. the other characters were her family members and the premise involved a game of “life” gone wrong. i let her write the entire story, we collaborated on the illustrations, and once we had finished, we read it together. she was participating the whole time, enthusiastically engaged. we were laughing together as she wrote about her dad giving up on “life” to go watch the basketball game that was on. i was able to learn so much about her and her family from that one activity. i got an insight into her life at home, her siblings, her parents, and she was happy to teach me all of this. all i had to do was community teaching in a time of turmoil undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 27 pass the reins and open my ears. before, i was so set on something i wanted to do, something i thought she would enjoy after only knowing her for a couple of weeks. in reality, i just needed to listen to her wants and needs. she was able to practice her writing skills, reading skills, and i was able to learn more about my student from that one activity than any first day activity had given me. the other student i had tutored was a joyous and energetic little boy. he was very open to me about his negative experiences with reading and books. i showed no judgement towards him on this and told him we would work on that. one thing i caught on to very quickly with him was that he loved to tell stories. he could take up all our time telling me all sorts of stories about what he wanted for christmas, or about the new karate move he had just learned, and some days i just let him carry on with his tales. we moved at his pace. he wasn’t very comfortable reading out loud on his own yet, and i knew it would be difficult to keep him engaged in front of a screen. so one week i introduced him to madlibs, those kooky stories you can make using different parts of speech to fill in the blanks. it was a hit. i started incorporating these every week because of how much he loved them. we would find a topic that he was interested in, discuss the different parts of speech, and create our own hilariously nonsensical stories. towards the end of our time together, i even got him to start reading them out loud to me, but only if he wanted to. by following his lead, i was able to get him to see that reading could be enjoyable, and that if there were no books or stories he could find that interested him, he could make his own; even if they talked about space monkeys or karate snakes. my point in sharing these experiences is to showcase how easy my job became once i just took a step back and listened to my students. when i stopped worrying about what i wanted to do, and began following their lead, learning became enjoyable for all of us. community teaching shows us that the relationship between student and teacher is not a hierarchical one, but one where we are equals. all of us have the capacity to teach and be taught by one another. we all have our specialties i am the content expert, the students are experts on themselves, the families are experts on their children, and the community members are experts in their fields, their culture, and the place they call home. we all have roles that play a pivotal part in creating a rich and meaningful learning space for our children. we all influence our children and their development. adults carry their cultural belief systems around and the values get passed down to the children. by interacting beyond the student and creating these relationships with their families and communities we provide, “smooth transitions between the two settings and improved learning outcomes.” (grace et. al, 2016, p. 7) what this should mean for many educators is to begin initiating and allowing these relationships with the community and with families to happen. schooling has burned us all before. families and community members have continuously been ignored and traumatized by schools; cast out from participating. i’m sure we can all think of at least one educator we have heard talk terribly about a student or their family, instead of trying to learn about the student or the family. some families and community members simply don’t feel safe in our schools, and so it’s on us educators to begin educating ourselves, opening those doors, and mending those wounds. we have to engage our families and our communities with more than a family night every few months, we need to let them have a say in their children's education. families should see us in the community, engaging with them and others. we have to earn their trust and we can’t do that unless we are present – immersed into the community with open ears and hearts, ready to learn and be challenged by new ideas and ways of being. community teaching in a time of turmoil undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 28 even though i was unable to practice all of what i had learned, i still gained so much from the experience scc gave me and put into practice all i could. i wasn’t able to physically go into the whitely community, but every month i would join the virtual whitely community council meeting and listen to what was being discussed in the community. i learned of new lights that the community members went out of their way to install, covid assistance programs, testing sites, and local food pantries. all of this was very useful information for me to have in case one of my students or their family needed information about these things in the community. while i was never able to meet my students' families in whitely, i would ask my students about them constantly. i wanted them to know that they were just as important to me as they were to them. my time in scc is over, but my passion and dedication to this life are more alive than ever. i can’t imagine what i would have done in my future as an educator without scc. i believe the experience and knowledge scc gave me should be a standard teacher preparation program everywhere. no future educator should go into the field without having any knowledge of community teaching, crp, or csp. were it not for scc, my approach to teaching might have been drastically different. i could have caused a lot of harm without even knowing it, and i would have moved into teaching without challenging some of my own biases and prejudices. but because of scc, i gained an entirely new perspective on what it really means not just to be a teacher but to be an educator. and so i continue enacting this pedagogy and this life as a brave educator in every learning space i enter. i hope to go back into whitely and continue this work with my student teaching, finally being able to really immerse myself into this beautiful and welcoming community. i am going to keep growing, learning, and seeking out ways for me to continue this work. just as i ask my students to always continue their learning journey, i must demand the same from myself. while my experience was virtual, it left an imprint on me that will never leave. i will always see whitely and the community members as the place and people that taught me the most about education. scc will always be the program that showed me my path, opened the doors, and welcomed me inside to begin this work and join the others in the fight for an elevating and liberating educational experience. i have already grown so much over the past year, and i look forward to seeing where this journey – one that has enlightened me – continues to take me. community teaching in a time of turmoil undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 29 references yosso, t. (2005). whose culture has capital? a critical race theory discussion of community cultural wealth. race, ethnicity, and education, 8(1), 69-91. grace, r., hodge, k., & mcmahon, c. (2016). child development in context. in children, families and communities (pp. 3–25). essay, oupanz. bernardo reflective essay bridging the gap rachel bernardo american university when i walk in to marie reed elementary school in ward 1 every tuesday, a herd of middle school students greet me with hellos and high fives. we separate into study rooms and begin reviewing academic topics in which scholars may need assistance. the entire program regroups in the cafeteria, where we dine on pre-packaged sandwiches provided by the school district. upon finishing dinner, i unite with the two scholars with whom i have been paired, and we begin our one-hour mentoring session. roberto and christian, my seventh-grade students, are two intelligent, hard-working students. my scholars and i reflect on the high points and low points since we last met and discuss what we look forward to in the days to come. we then continue on to the lesson plan that typically includes an article highlighting a particular social injustice. the scholars reflect on one of the four social justice pillars: voice, freedom, justice, and solidarity and how they may be impacted by them. at the end of the one-hour mentoring session, everyone reconvenes to discuss what was learned that day. “talent is everywhere, but opportunity is not” (higher achievement). that is the higher achievement program (hap) slogan. hap is a 501(c)(3), a nonprofit organization that is approved as a tax-exempt, charitable organization. it was founded in 1975 by a teacher at gonzaga college high school in washington, dc. the program originally aimed to address the opportunity gap between gonzaga students and youth in the nearby housing projects by creating learning opportunities. in 1999, hap became an outcomes-based model for high-level academic achievement for after school and summer school programs. in the last 40 years, hap has worked with more than 10,000 youth in the washington, dc, pittsburgh, pa, richmond, va, and baltimore, md metropolitan areas (higher achievement). during the transition from elementary to middle school, students from all socioeconomic groups typically show a decline in academic achievement (national conference of state legislatures). however, research by the national institute for early education research has revealed that african-american and hispanic/latino children are generally 7-12 months behind in reading skills and 9-10 months behind in math skills when they enter kindergarten. these gaps hold several economic, societal, and public health implications. referred to as the “achievement gap,” where one group of students performs better or worse than another group in terms of academic achievement. the achievement gap is often the result of the opportunity gap, which is the disparity in access to resources needed for all children to be academically successful. thus, opportunity and achievement gaps are inextricably connected. the mission of hap is to close the opportunity gap and achievement gap during middle school. hap provides a rigorous year-round learning environment which includes caring role models and high standards. at hap, we call the middle school students “scholars.” a “scholar” is an empowerment term that reassures the student that their education is an accomplishment and something of which they should be proud. their passion for learning in and outside of school can bernardo !2 help bridge the opportunity gap in their communities. the after-school program provides scholars with homework help, mentoring, and high school placement advisors. the scholar population has a demographic makeup of 80% african-american and 10% latino adolescents. according to the hap website, students in communities served by hap are 10 times more likely to drop out of high school than are their peers in more affluent communities. in contrast, 95% of hap scholars who complete the program go on to top high schools in the area (higher achievement). this program is especially important in the district of columbia because the school system is unique from the rest of the country. within dc public schools (dcps), schools are classified as either a "neighborhood school" or a "destination school." neighborhood schools are elementary or secondary schools assigned to students based on his/ her address. destination schools are feeder-schools for elementary or secondary institutions from a school a student is already attending. since the fall of 2009, students may apply to a destination school, regardless of their neighborhood location. in 2019, the graduation rate of dcps was 69%. consequently, students are also encouraged to apply to charter, private, and parochial schools. in total, there are 13 top tier public and charter high schools in dc. for the past two years, i have mentored the same group of scholars. although my mentee group behaves most of the time, at times they have challenged my patience. once a month, the organization hosts a “mentor lounge,” where mentors can voice concerns and learn new teaching techniques and behavior mitigation strategies. during study hall, the scholars typically have trouble paying attention and staying focused. this might be due to fatigue at the end of a long school day and often it is evident they are tired. in the mentor lounge, it was suggested to frequently mix up techniques to help scholars stay engaged and motivated. before every mentoring session, i always take time to talk with my scholars about any issues they may be having inside or outside of school. behavioral issues may sometimes overshadow their many strengths, but hap believes each scholar has the potential to succeed given the resources and opportunities being provided to them. i have been able to make many connections between my volunteer work and my multicultural health class. through our coursework, i learned about the impact education has on health. we learned about healthy people 2020, which is a collaborative initiative of the united states department of health and human services that guides the national prevention agenda. leading health indicators (lhis) were selected by the initiative to communicate high-priority health issues and actions that can be taken to address them. education was selected as one of the key lhis of the social determinants of health. those with more education tend to experience better health compared to those with less education. therefore, efforts to address health should include making quality education widely accessible to all populations. the target for 2020 is to increase the percentage of students in public schools graduating with a high school diploma to 87%, which would be an 8% increase from 2010-2011 (healthy people). by preparing the scholars for high school and aiding with the admissions process, hap is simultaneously preparing them for eventual admission into college. in my class, we discussed how individual responsibility for health in the context of social determinants is related to and can be applied to education. although we have a choice to take responsibility of our education, some communities do not necessarily have the resources to do so. achieving optimal educational attainment is not always possible in certain situations because bernardo !3 social determinants interfere with individual responsibility. social determinants of health are “conditions in the environments in which people interact that affect a wide range of health outcomes and risks” (healthy people). resources that enhance quality of life can have a significant influence on educational attainment and, subsequently, health outcomes. healthy people 2020 proposed a “place-based” organizing framework, reflecting five key social determinants of health that include: economic stability, education, social and community context, health and health care, and neighborhood and built environment (healthy people). it is imperative to understand the limitations of focusing on individual responsibility within the context of social determinants, because focusing exclusively on individual responsibility will affect possibilities for change. health is largely determined by the complexities of people’s interactions with the world around them, including where they are born, live, work, and learn. additionally, these complexities are shaped by the distribution of resources, power, and opportunity at global, national, and local levels. as a result of my work with hap, i have witnessed the severe educational inequalities in washington, dc. this has helped me understand the need for programs like these in the communities it serves. more importantly, it helped me understand the systemic and institutional issues our society faces that prevent certain people from reaching their maximum potential. although more work has to be done, especially on a larger scale, these programs are helpful in closing the achievement gap that is perpetuated by the society in which we live. this program sparked my interest to continue to fight for social justice by continuing mentorship with the program and advocating for policy changes on the larger scale. references healthy people. 2018. “social determinants of health.” accessed april 30. https:// www.healthypeople.gov/2020/topics-objectives/topic/social-determinants-of-health higher achievement. 2017. “our program.” last modified november 30. https:// higherachievement.org/our-program/ national conference of state legislatures. 2018. “closing the opportunity gap under essa.” last modified february 15. http://www.ncsl.org/research/education/equity-and-theopportunity-gap.aspx when i walk in to marie reed elementary school in ward 1 every tuesday, a herd of middle school students greet me with hellos and high fives. we separate into study rooms and begin reviewing academic topics in which scholars may need assistance. the entire program regroups in the cafeteria, where we dine on pre-packaged sandwiches provided by the school district. upon finishing dinner, i unite with the two scholars with whom i have been paired, and we begin our one-hour mentoring session. roberto and christian, my seventh-grade students, are two intelligent, hard-working students. my scholars and i reflect on the high points and low points since we last met and discuss what we look forward to in the days to come. we then continue on to the lesson plan that typically includes an article highlighting a particular social injustice. the scholars reflect on one of the four social justice pillars: voice, freedom, justice, and solidarity and how they may be impacted by them. at the end of the one-hour mentoring session, everyone reconvenes to discuss what was learned that day. educational gaming and afterschool students’ science and drug prevention knowledge and attitudes ! a program evaluation report for htf community drug prevention coalition conducted by truman state university student research team: taylor cichon, truman state university 15 s. lincoln st. batavia, il, 60510; 630 205 4074; tcc3172@truman.edu ben lasser, truman state university 31799 e. 1800 n. rd; colfax, il 61728; brl1512@truman.edu; 309-826-5976 nicole dunseith, truman state university 2310 w. 184th st. torrance, ca 90504; nad2322@truman.edu; 310-938-9081 angela sas, truman state university 12453 w 105th st overland park, ks 66215; als7533@truman.edu; 913 944 1103 hailee baer, truman state university 6704 nw 102 ct; kansas city, mo 64145; hfb1486@truman.edu; 816 419 5329 haley bylina, truman state university 3830 w 109th st; chicago, il 60655; hlb3347@truman.edu; 773 706 6470 marissa leong, truman state university 4435 conleth dr; st louis, mo 63129; mel8872@truman.edu; 314 620 1965 note: this community-based participatory research/evaluation project was done in conjunction with the heartland task force c2000 substance abuse prevention coalition mailto:tcc3172@truman.edu mailto:brl1512@truman.edu mailto:nad2322@truman.edu mailto:als7533@truman.edu mailto:hfb1486@truman.edu mailto:hlb3347@truman.edu mailto:mel8872@truman.edu educational gaming and afterschool students’ science and drug prevention knowledge and attitudes: a program evaluation for htf community drug prevention coalition abstract the heartland task force c2000 substance abuse prevention coalition in rural northeast missouri purchased laptops for a local afterschool program and enthusiastically conducted a novel intervention for substance abuse prevention education. a digital educational game focused on science and drug prevention knowledge and attitudes was delivered on the laptop computers to at-risk elementary students in the school district’s afterschool program. after hour-long sessions for one day every week for six weeks, results of pre-post knowledge and attitude surveys noted the game neither significantly changed participants’ knowledge of science and drug prevention nor attitudes toward science and drug prevention. results of the present evaluation study were inconsistent with other studies using technology in the classroom, possibly due to program delivery in the less formal afterschool setting. because elementary students’ attitudes toward drug use become more pro-use as they get older, consistent teaching about science and anti-drug education both during and after school is needed. introduction the use of technology in k-12 education, especially when used as an educational support or resource, has demonstrated at least small to moderate positive effects on student learning. in a meta-analysis conducted by lee, waxman, wu, michko, and lin, the use of technology in the classroom seemed to facilitate content knowledge and positive attitudes, particularly when the embedded tasks are challenging to the student (lee et al. 2013, 133–146). although teachers and students perceived technology-supported learning using computers and laptops as motivating and interesting (godzicki et al. 2013), overall effects on learning outcomes were difficult to determine (haßler, major, and hennessy 2015). in a synthesis, however, improvements in academic achievement in science as well as overall learning development were noted (zheng et al. 2016). the use of technology tools like digital educational games on laptops and tablets have become more widespread and considered ‘serious’ games for training and education. for elementary-aged children, almost half have reported using mobile applications, especially for educational games (rideout 2013). a recent literature review summarized that using digital educational games can be an effective teaching strategy (backlund and hendrix 2013). in other reviews, too, digital educational games improved k-16 student learning when compared to traditional strategies (clark, tanner-smith, and killingsworth 2016; wouters et al. 2013); however, they were not more motivating. on the other hand, the effects on student learning have been summarized as limited (abdul jabbar and felicia 2015). when additional instruction supplemented the educational games, though, effect increased (wouters et al. 2013). educational games for science and drug prevention knowledge/attitudes science instruction has used digital educational games to support inquiry, problemsolving, and knowledge acquisition. in a review by li and tsai, however, most games were focused on student learning of scientific concepts (li and tsai 2013). for elementary science students, technology applications in addition to other instructional methods showed promise as an effective teaching strategy (slavin et al. 2014). technology and internet access appeared to improve interest and motivation for science among at-risk students (gillard 2010). in addition, using laptop computers with science learning software for at-risk elementary students motivated the students and individualized their instruction leading to standardized test score improvement (zheng et al. 2014). health instruction has also used digital educational games for health promotion. in an analysis, the games, with broad appeal to all ages and genders, demonstrated minor effects on knowledge and health risks (desmet et al. 2014). for example, in one study, a digital educational game with strong learning content was developed for elementary health students. student motivation and knowledge improved as compared to control (sung, hwang, and yen 2015). specifically, for the health content area of drug prevention for adolescents, a review suggested that the games can improve student drug prevention knowledge but with limited effect on attitudes (rodriguez, teesson, and newton 2013). for digital educational games to be most effective for knowledge and attitude change, they must engage the learner so they are cognitively and emotionally immersed in the game. games should, therefore, include a variety of interactive tools and challenges appropriate to the student’s academic ability level, as well as appropriate feedback and support tools that may even include paper-pencil worksheets (abdul jabbar and felicia 2015). in a review by ravyse et al., guidelines for impactful game production included: backstory, realistic and adaptive interaction, as well as appropriate feedback (ravyse et al. 2016). braintrain4kids (braintrain4kids n.d.) is a digital educational game designed to educate elementary-aged youth on the science and health topic of drug prevention. students learn how drugs harm the brain and body using science-based educational lessons housed in interactive, online media ‘train stations’. as students enter each virtual train station in sequence on the website, they are introduced to the concepts of: scientific inquiry, parts and functions of the brain, the nervous system, effect of drugs on the body, harmful effects of tobacco use, and how healthy lifestyle can improve brain function. through interactive activities and games at each train station as well as supplemental printed worksheets and puzzles, positive attitudes and knowledge of science and health are promoted (braintrain4kids n.d.). elementary-aged students seem to be aware of alcohol, tobacco and other drugs, are knowledgeable enough to correctly identify many substances, and possess negative attitudes toward use (hahn et al. 2000). a shift, however, seems to occur as students get older. for tobacco perceptions of upper elementary-aged students in one study, attitudes toward use became less negative as they progressed through the grades. also, individual’s level of belief in the benefits of tobacco usage increased (freeman, brucks, and wallendorf 2005). in addition, in a longitudinal study of elementary-aged students, intention to use substances increased as they progressed through elementary school grades (andrews et al. 2003). in a rural missouri county, the proportion of youth enrollment in free/reduced lunches, child abuse/neglect assessments, and out-of-home placements is higher than the state average (adair county 2016), and juvenile court placements for parental drug use have increased since 2010 (county data 2015). the most current 30-day use rates show county youth using cigarettes, alcohol, over-the-counter drugs, hookah, and binge drinking at rates higher than the state average (behavioral health profile 2015). over half reported friends using alcohol and tobacco in the past year, and that both alcohol and tobacco would be easy to obtain. average age of initiation for tobacco is 14 years old, and 13 for alcohol (county reports 2014). the local drug prevention coalition, the heartland task force c2000 substance abuse prevention coalition, wished to conduct a novel prevention intervention using recently-purchased laptops to interest and engage the at-risk students in drug prevention education. because science and drug prevention education have had some success in using technology and digital educational games for learning, and students in a rural county were at high risk for substance abuse problems; the braintrain4kids digital educational game was delivered by drug prevention coalition members. conducted as a 6-week program (one day each week for an hour), it was held during the regularly-scheduled drug prevention session of an afterschool program for at-risk students in this county. therefore, the purpose of this study was to determine if the game improved participants’ knowledge of science and drug prevention, and if the game improved participants’ attitudes toward science and drug prevention. methods sample all 77 elementary-aged youth in grades 3-5 enrolled in a school district’s afterschool program in a rural missouri county were asked to participate in this study. seventy-three (44 girls, 31 boys; all white) of the 75 (97%) participated. no other demographics were collected due to school district policy. instruments as part of the curricular package, the 21-question, paper-pencil braintrain4kids knowledge assessment instrument was used to measure participants’ pre-post program science and drug prevention content knowledge. the first 10 multiple-choice questions asked participants to identify the parts of the brain, the next six multiple-choice questions asked about the relationship between using drugs and effects on the brain, and the last five were true-false questions asking about the harmful effects of drugs. all multiple-choice questions included five potential answers and an option of marking “i don’t’ know”. all true-false questions included two potential answers and an option of marking ‘i don’t’ know’. also as part of the curricular package, the 16-item, paper-pencil braintrain4kids attitude assessment instrument was used to measure participants’ pre-post program attitude toward science and drug prevention. all were likert-style items to be rated on a scale of no!=1, no=2, sort of = 3, yes = 4, and yes!=5. the first 13 questions asked about level of agreement with pro-science and pro-health attitude statements. all 13 questions included an option of “i’m not sure what this question means”. the last three asked about how the participant would feel if someone was doing a negative health behavior. all three questions included and option of “i don’t understand the sentence” (braintrain4kids n.d.). both surveys contained questions aligned with the specific content covered in each of the six train stations. procedure a one-way repeated measure design was used. after institutional review board approval, principal and parent/guardian consent, and participant assent; participants completed the confidential pre-assessments one week before program start during the regularly-scheduled, weekly drug prevention session of the afterschool program. during the next six regularly-scheduled drug prevention sessions (one day each week for an hour) of the afterschool program, half of the participants were supervised by coalition members as they used laptop computers to navigate the braintrain4kids website. the website consisted of six “train stations” or modules to teach participants about the science behind their brains, bodies, and drugs. during week 1/station 1, participants were shown the steps of scientific inquiry through the use of their senses to describe an object. week 2/station 2 covered the parts of the brain and brain function. week 3/station 3 introduced participants to the nervous system using interactive games, followed by week 4/station 4 which covered the harmful effects of drugs on the brain and body as well as why to take medication as prescribed. in week 5/station 5, participants were shown the harmful effects of tobacco on the lungs through a controlled online experiment. during week 6/station 6, healthy lifestyle behaviors were encouraged in order to stay drug-free (braintrain4kids n.d.). the other half of the group was also supervised by coalition members as participants completed the paper-pencil supportive worksheets and puzzles that accompanied the curriculum. after one-half hour, the two groups switched activities. each week, the next train station and accompanying worksheets and puzzles were completed by participants. one week after the completion of the program, participants completed the confidential post-assessments also during the regularly-scheduled, weekly drug prevention session of the afterschool program. analysis responses to knowledge items were coded as correct or incorrect, with correct responses coded with a score of one and incorrect responses a score of zero. all knowledge item scores were then summed to create a total knowledge score for each participant. possible scores ranged from 0 to 21. the first 13 attitude items included five options that reflected participants’ attitudes and an additional option of “i’m not sure what this question means.” responses of “i’m not sure what this question means” were treated as missing data. responses reflecting participants’ attitudes were coded from one to five with higher scores reflecting attitudes that were more positive. the last three attitude items included three response choices that reflected participants’ attitudes and an additional option of “i don’t understand the sentence.” responses of “i don’t understand the sentence.” were treated as missing data. responses reflecting participants’ attitudes on the last three attitude items were coded from one to three with higher scores reflecting attitudes that were more positive. all attitude items were summed to create a total attitude score. possible scores ranged from 16 to 74. two paired samples t-tests were computed to determine if significant differences existed between pre-post knowledge and pre-post attitude scores. results for most knowledge items, participants more often answered incorrectly than correctly for both preand post-tests. however, more participants did answer four of the five true/false questions correctly than incorrectly. see table 1. a paired samples t-test revealed no statistically significant difference between pre-knowledge (m = 8.62, sd = 3.40) and post-knowledge (m = 8.50, sd = 4.49) assessment scores, t(41) = 0.20, p = 0.85. for all attitude items on both the pre and post-tests except for one, participant attitudes were more positive than negative. the one item that is the exception is, “people who exercise are cool.” with a post-test mean score of 2.96 (sd = 1.58). see tables 2 and 3. a paired samples t-test revealed no statistically significant difference between pre-attitude (m = 63.63, sd = 4.86) and post-attitude (m = 63.83, sd = 6.73) assessment scores, t(23) = -0.16, p = .87. the lower number of matched sets in the pre-post attitude scores as compared to the knowledge scores is due to response items of “i’m not sure what this question means.” being treated as missing data, which inhibited a total attitude scored from being computed. discussion science and health education have had some success in using technology and digital educational games for learning. a digital educational game focused on science and drug prevention knowledge was delivered on laptop computers to at-risk elementary students in a school district’s afterschool program by members of a drug prevention coalition. after hour-long sessions for one day every week for six weeks, the game neither significantly changed participants’ knowledge of science and drug prevention nor attitudes toward science and drug prevention. the use of laptop computers in schools to deliver instructional content has become a popular teaching strategy (rideout 2013), and science and drug prevention content was delivered to participants in this current study using laptop computers. although anecdotally, participants were observed by the researchers as enthusiastic about ‘playing the game’ on the laptops, the data indicated no significant changes. the effect of laptops on learning has been noted as positive for science but undetermined overall (haßler, major, and hennessy 2015; zheng et al. 2016). laptops were used in the district’s elementary classrooms but have never been used in the afterschool program. although the use of digital games has been viewed as an effective teaching technique (backlund and hendrix 2013), participants in the present study may have been initially enthusiastic about a novel teaching technique in this setting, however, after six weeks; the novelty may have worn off. many elementary students are familiar with playing educational games on devices (rideout 2013). the present study, therefore, used a digital educational game to attempt to change participant science and drug prevention knowledge and attitudes. the use of digital educational games has demonstrated some positive (backlund and hendrix 2013; clark, tannersmith, and killingsworth 2016; wouters et al. 2013) but also limited (abdul jabbar and felicia 2015) effects on academic achievement. in regard to science knowledge and attitudes, results of the present study are inconsistent with those of other studies where the use of technology and educational software demonstrated improvements in science knowledge and attitudes of at-risk elementary students (gillard 2010; zheng et al. 2014). in regard to drug prevention knowledge and attitudes, results of the present study are also inconsistent with those of other studies that demonstrated some improvements in health knowledge and attitudes (desmet et al. 2014; sung, hwang, and yen 2015). one possible reason for the unexpected knowledge findings is the setting in which the education took place may have not been the best possible learning environment. participants used the laptops at cafeteria tables in a lobby as others completed their accompanying program worksheets at a group of adjacent cafeteria tables. such an informal setting may have made participants feel that ‘learning’ science or drug prevention in the cafeteria was not as important as learning the subjects in the classroom. the true-false knowledge test items dealt specifically with the drug prevention content of the game. although drug prevention knowledge did not change, more participants answered most of these true-false items correctly. with just two possible choices, participants may have had an easier time obtaining the correct answer. they may have also had an easier time in understanding these questions than the more difficult multiple choice items that included pictures of different sections of the brain to identify. the present study, however, was conducted in an afterschool setting in a community with high levels of substance abuse and poverty that limited its generalizability to other populations. measurement of a total attitude score was also limited due to treating “i don’t know”-type responses as missing data. in addition, with no control group, any change in pre-post-scores could be attributed to learning from the test. scores on science and drug prevention attitude items were more positive than negative. although there was no significant change, participants’ mostly positive drug prevention attitudes should be encouraging to the drug prevention coalition. their level of drug prevention knowledge and attitudes may offer them some protection against health risks in their environment, at least for the present. unfortunately, though, as a student progresses through the grade levels, their drug prevention attitudes change to more pro-use (freeman, brucks, and wallendorf 2005; andrews et al. 2003). it is important to provide quality interventions at early ages to address this trend. quality digital educational games should be interactive, realistic, and challenging; even including paper-pencil supplements (abdul jabbar and felicia 2015; ravyse et al. 2016). the intervention used in the present study did follow the guidelines for effective knowledge and attitude change with interactivity, feedback, and support provided. the main science and drug prevention content and application, however, should come from the classroom curriculum and be supplemented in other programs such as afterschool or extra-curricular programs. when used to supplement or coordinated with classroom instructional methods, technology applications are more effective (wouters et al. 2013; slavin et al. 2014). it is recommended that digital educational games such as the one in the present study be integrated into the formal classroom setting as an educational supplement as well as used in the less formal afterschool and extracurricular settings to reinforce that learning. future programming and research efforts for the drug prevention coalition could examine the impact of this digital educational game in the classroom as stand-alone, and/or integrated with classroom instruction, and/or reinforced in the afterschool setting to determine the best way to integrate it with science and health class lessons. references azita iliya abdul jabbar and patrick felicia. 2015. “gameplay engagement and learning in game-based learning: a 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https://www.commonsensemedia.org/research/zero-to-eight-childrens-media-use-in-america-2013 https://www.commonsensemedia.org/research/zero-to-eight-childrens-media-use-in-america-2013 https://www.commonsensemedia.org/research/zero-to-eight-childrens-media-use-in-america-2013 table 1 pre and post correct and incorrect response frequencies to knowledge items variable pre test n(%) post test n(%) you have found a new plant growing outside and you don't know what kind of plant it is. which one of your senses can you safely use to find out what kind of plant it is? correct incorrect total which step is “make a guess or prediction” in scientific inquiry? correct incorrect total which step is “look it over -use whatever senses you can safely use to find out about it” in scientific inquiry? correct incorrect total which step is “decide what you have learned” in scientific inquiry? correct incorrect total which step is “test or experiment” in scientific inquiry? correct incorrect total 39(53.4) 34(46.6) 73(100) 14(19.4) 58(80.6) 72(100) 23(31.5) 50(68.5) 73(100) 25(35.7) 45(64.3) 70(100) 25(35.2) 46(64.8) 71(100) 41(71.9) 16(28.1) 57(100) 10(17.9) 46(82.1) 56(100) 12(21.8) 43(78.2) 55(100) 20(37.0) 34(63.0) 54(100) 16(29.6) 38(73.4) 54(100) here is a picture of the brain. what does this part of the brain help you do? correct incorrect total here is another picture of the brain. what does this part of the brain help you do? correct incorrect total here is another picture of the brain. what does this part of the brain help you do? correct incorrect total here is a picture of the brain. what does this part of the brain help you do? correct incorrect total here is a picture of the brain. what does this part of the brain help you do? correct incorrect total your friend has a new cat. you decide to pet it. when you pet it, you feel how soft the cat's fur is. how do you know what the cat's fur feels like? correct incorrect total the messages that travel between your brain and your body are partly: correct incorrect total smoking cigarettes over time can: 1(1.4) 72(98.6) 73(100) 15(20.8) 57(79.2) 72(100) 17(23.6) 55(76.4) 72(100) 9(12.5) 63(87.5) 72(100) 6(8.2) 67(91.8) 73(100) 36(49.3) 37(50.7) 73(100) 9(12.3) 64(87.7) 73(100) 5(8.8) 52(91.2) 57(100) 8(14.0) 49(86.0) 57(100) 11(19.3) 46(80.7) 57(100) 9(15.8) 48(84.2) 57(100) 8(14.0) 49(86.0) 57(100) 32(56.1) 25(43.9) 57(100) 11(19.3) 46(80.7) 57(100) table 2 frequencies and measures of central tendency for attitude items 1-13 true or false: alcohol doesn’t do anything to your brain correct incorrect total 52(74.3) 18(25.7) 70(100) 37(69.8) 15(28.3) 53(100) item n no! n (%) no n (%) sort of n (%) yes n (%) yes! n (%) mean std dev i think that science can help me solve problems. pre post 64 50 5(7.2) 8(16.0) 2(2.9) 2(4.0) 6(8.7) 14(28.0) 21(30.4) 6(12.0) 35(50.7) 20(40.0) 3.56 3.56 1.26 1.46 i think doing science is fun. pre post 67 52 10(14.9) 8(15.4) 2(3.0) 2(3.8) 16(23.9) 14(26.9) 18(26.9) 10(19.2) 21(31.3) 18(34.6) 3.57 3.54 1.36 1.41 i think that learning about science is important. pre post 64 52 3(4.7) 5(9.6) 0(0.0) 1(1.9) 11(17.2) 5(9.6) 11(17.2) 9(17.3) 39(60.9) 32(61.5) 4.30 4.19 1.06 1.28 doing science upsets me.* pre post 67 49 39(58.2) 29(59.2) 17(25.4) 8(16.3) 7(7.4) 7(14.3) 1(1.5) 2(4.1) 3(4.5) 3(6.1) 4.31 4.18 1.03 1.20 science can help me learn about my body. pre post 69 50 5(7.2) 6(12.0) 2(2.9) 1(2.0) 6(8.7) 6(12.0) 21(30.4) 7(14.0) 35(50.7) 30(60.0) 4.14 4.00 1.17 1.38 i think science is hard to do.* pre post i think that scientists do important work. pre post people who exercise are cool. pre post i think exercise is fun. pre post smoking cigarettes can be helpful to your body.* pre post smoking cigarettes is good for your health.* pre post drinking alcohol can be harmful to your body. pre post 68 51 67 51 63 48 69 50 67 51 69 50 69 49 18(26.5) 21(41.2) 1(1.5) 8(15.7) 8(12.7) 16(33.3) 8(11.6) 7(14.0) 61(91.0) 44(86.3) 62(89.9) 46(92.0) 4(5.8) 6(12.2) 12(17.6) 6(11.8) 1(1.5) 1(2.0) 7(11.1) 1(2.1) 2(2.9) 1(2.0) 4(6.0) 1(2.0) 4(5.8) 1(2.0) 1(1.4) 0(0.0) 30(44.1) 14(27.5) 3(4.5) 5(9.8) 25(39.7) 11(22.9) 18(26.1) 12(24.0) 1(1.5) 0(0.0) 1(1.4) 0(0.0) 9(13.0) 1(2.0) 4(5.9) 4(7.8) 12(17.9) 1(2.0) 11(17.5) 9(18.8) 14(20.3) 8(16.0) 1(1.5) 0(0.0) 0(0.0) 0(0.0) 9(13.0) 3(6.1) 4(5.9) 6(11.8) 50(74.6) 36(70.6) 12(19.0) 11(22.9) 27(39.1) 22(44.0) 0(0.0) 6(11.8) 2(2.9) 3(6.0) 46(66.7) 39(79.6) 3.53 3.63 4.63 4.10 3.19 2.96 3.72 3.74 4.87 4.51 4.80 4.74 4.33 4.41 1.23 1.40 0.78 1.53 1.24 1.58 1.33 1.41 0.49 1.30 0.74 0.86 1.13 1.34 *denotes items that were reverse coded. table 3 frequencies and measures of central tendency for attitude items 14-16 drinking alcohol can be harmful to your brain. pre post 65 67 2(3.1) 6(12.8) 0(0.0) 0(0.0) 8(12.3) 4(8.5) 10(15.4) 2(4.3) 45(69.2) 35(74.5) 4.48 4.28 0.34 1.39 note: 5 = yes!; 4 = yes; 3 = sort of; 2 = no; 1 = no! item n not at all worried n (%) little worried n (%) very worried n (%) mean std dev if someone i knew exercised every day, i would feel:* pre post 63 42 43(68.3) 28(66.7) 16(25.4) 12(28.6) 4(6.3) 2(4.8) 2.62 2.62 0.61 0.58 if someone i knew was smoking cigarettes, i would feel: pre post 66 42 4(6.1) 1(2.4) 10(15.2) 8(19.0) 52(78.8) 33(78.6) 2.73 2.76 0.57 0.48 *denotes items that were reverse coded if someone i knew drank a lot of alcohol each day, i would feel: pre post 66 40 3(4.5) 3(7.5) 5(7.6) 3(7.5) 58(87.9) 34(85.0) 2.83 2.28 0.48 0.58 note: 1 = not at all worried; 2 = little worried; 3 = very worried educational gaming and afterschool students’ science and drug prevention knowledge and attitudes project reflective analysis haley bylina truman state university community-based participatory research (cbpr) is an all-encompassing approach to address inequities among vulnerable populations by involving community members in the research process (holkup 2009). researchers work with and for our communities! we as researchers target needs assessed by local organizations and combine resources at all levels to achieve desired changes within a community regarding substance abuse, domestic violence, family negligence, food insecurity, and more. the methodology of cpbr is dependent on the audience but is based on inter-professionalism and community commitment (cdc). a key feature of cpbr is the focus on creating long-standing partnerships with community resources such as businesses, agencies, or local drug abuse prevention coalitions like the one in our evaluation report. our research team has been working with our local drug prevention coalition for many years. our drug prevention coalition’s partnership and participation with us using cbpr symbolizes their interest in working together over time to decrease substance abuse in an evidence-based fashion. data obtained through our partnership in collecting information and analyzing it using statistics allows us as researchers to evaluate the progress and efficiency of the coalition’s approach. our community partner, the heartland task force (htf), is a coalition formed to combat the abuse of alcohol, tobacco, and other substances in a rural, northeast missouri county that reports a median household income of about $37,967 (data usa 2015). drugs pose the most predominant threat to families living in the county and have serious implications regarding family structure and child endangerment. in order to address these issues of household support, htf implements cbpr and recruits local community members to join the task force to conduct interventions and events that promote healthy social change. for example, the mother-son stampede, an annual event hosted in september attended by over 500 families, is a day full of various activities that promote mother-son bonding among area families. the event is accessible to the entire community and inclusive of all ages by including activities sponsored by local businesses and organizations in the form of crafts, sports, or food. with the purpose of promoting health education, each adult guardian is given a free tote with informational pamphlets regarding youth health. additionally, strengthening that community tie, all profits made from the event support local high schools, scholarships, and more. another example of an impactful htf event is the daddy daughter dance that promotes the same family bonding intended by the mother son stampede. hosted annually in april, the dance features crafts, free refreshments, cookies, balloons, a photo booth, and a dj. the event hosted over 800 participants. the htf also implements weekly educational programming in the form of after-school lessons to youth regarding bullying and substance abuse prevention. as we as researchers process and reflect on what we learned, we view cbpr as an attractive form of research due to its sustainability (policylink 2012) and how it allows all parties of the partnership to see direct results. this aids in a better understanding of the target population and promotes long-lasting relationships that continue beyond the research process (detroit urc board 2011). with cbpr, we feel a real sense of belonging to our community and are proud of doing our part in making improvements to the community and to address those vulnerable populations in need. with the researcher being a part of the community, they are able to adapt to the culture and environmental obstacles. we as researchers, therefore, are now coalition members and partners, we identify as townspeople in our local community, and we will continue to work with and for this and other community organizations. by participating in this study and future cbpr studies, we will not only be improving the health of our community but we will also be developing skills that will later translate into career assets. the work we do by engaging with the community members and striving to improve the lives of the families truly embodies the mission of public health for us as health education majors. the work done with and for the htf allows us to really put into practice the expectations of a public health educator. by gaining this experience, we are better equipped for any potential future careers we may pursue in the public health sector. reflecting on the perceptions of the other side of the partnership, we hope the coalition members are able to see the researchers as people who genuinely care about them and the community that we share. the community, hopefully, sees how it is benefiting from the implementation of the community programs and research results and will offer more support to ensure that the work continues. the support is vital for the success of community maintenance because it is not enough for us to care about the work being done to better the community the community members themselves have to care in order to truly make it successful. especially in this instance where we are working together for youth substance abuse prevention, we hope the younger generation sees our partnership and research efforts as enriching and helpful. now that the study has been completed, there is sense of accomplishment as well as hope. the hope of the htf is that through the success (or even lack of success as noted in this report) of their programs and events, the community will continue to be receptive to any new health-promoting endeavors of the htf. references adair county, mo. (n.d.). retrieved may 21, 2018, from https://datausa.io/profile/geo/adaircounty-mo/ community-based participatory research principles. (2011, january 20). retrieved may 21, 2018, from http://www.detroiturc.org/about-cbpr/cbpr-principles.html faridi, z., grunbaum, j., sajor gray, b., franks, a., & simoes, e. (2007, july). preventing chronic disease: july 2007: 06_0182. retrieved may 21, 2018, from https:// www.cdc.gov/pcd/issues/2007/jul/06_0182.htm holkup, p. a., tripp-reimer, t., salois, e. m., & weinert, c. (2004). community-based participatory research an approach to intervention research with a native american community. retrieved may 21, 2018, from https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/ pmc2774214/ johnson kirksville daily express, & maria johnson kirksville daily express. (2017, september 29). mother-son stampede brings old-fashioned fun. retrieved may 21, 2018, from http://www.kirksvilledailyexpress.com/news/20170929/mother-son-stampede-bringsold-fashioned-fun minkler, m., garcia, a. p., rubin, v., & wallerstein, n. (n.d.). community-based participatory research: a strategy for building healthy communities and promoting health through policy change. retrieved may 21, 2018, from http://www.policylink.org/ sites/default/files/cbpr.pdf _bylina_research_project bylina_reflective_essay undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 optimizing data collection for rescued food in pittsburgh ashley john university of pittsburgh honors college introduction 412 food rescue is a 501c3 non-profit organization based out of pittsburgh. it began as a “direct response to the disconnect between food waste, hunger and environmental sustainability” (“what we do” 2017). 412 food rescue was founded in 2014 by leah lizarondo, an advocate for food, health, and access in pittsburgh, and gisele fetterman, founder of the freestore in braddock which distributes surplus and donated goods for free. the idea for this research project originated from a class lecture at the university of pittsburgh in dr. irene mena lora’s social entrepreneurship class. leah lizarondo came in as a guest speaker, and i was inspired by the work she and the 412 food rescue team were doing. i identified similarities between the operations of 412 food rescue and the industrial engineering principles i was studying in classes. after meetings with leah to identify the best space for a project, we focused on streamlining the data collection of the food rescue process. currently, 412 food rescue’s employed truck drivers use a combination of paper, an electronic tablet, and a scale to record weights of the food that is rescued. weights are recorded when the food is dropped off at the partner locations. the goal of this project is to streamline the data collection such that all members of the 412 food rescue team are optimizing their time and recording accurate data. methods initial interviews the first step of this project was understanding the initial problems that existed within the system. to understand how this project could be most useful, two initial interviews were conducted with leah lizarondo to understand the organization’s mission and opportunities for improvement. in this setting, leah noted that data collection is currently done manually, which she believes is an area for growth. she stated that in its current state, the data collection is meeting the organization’s needs, but as the organization continues to grow, it will need a more cohesive system. she also noted that the current system is significantly reliant upon the experience of 412 food rescue’s two truck drivers who are familiar with the routes and partners. as 412 food rescue continues to expand, the data collection method must be dynamic enough to keep up. truck observations the next step was conducting observations while riding along in the 412 food rescue truck to understand the current process. there are two different types of truck rides: two large pickups per week from gordon food services in imperial, pa, which distributes monthly donations, and five small pickups per week from the south hills trader joes which distributes john 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 weekly donations. each of these routes uses different methods for data collection, so both were observed. the first observation was conducted on a trip to gordon food services for a monthly distribution. the entire ride from beginning to end was observed, and a task analysis with time stamps was completed to understand what tasks go into completing a larger distribution. a second observation was conducted on the smaller weekly trip to trader joe’s. again, the entire ride from beginning to end was observed, and a task analysis with time stamps was completed to understand what tasks go into completing a smaller distribution. during both observations, interview questions regarding the truck process were completed to gain a better understanding of the areas for improvement. process mapping based on the observations conducted, a process map was completed to understand the paths and bottlenecks of the process. based on the tasks observed and their associated times, the process map visualizes each task as well as any interruptions or breaks. when creating an ideal solution, these non-value added tasks will be addressed and optimized. figure 1: process map of food rescue tasks benchmarking 412 food rescue operations are similar to other rescue organizations and to larger distribution networks. to see how 412 food rescue can improve, benchmarking was completed against a similar organization to understand how their processes compare. to gain a clear understanding of how 412 food rescue compares to a similar organization, a call with a comparable food rescue organization, lovin’ spoonfuls in boston, ma was conducted. lovin’ spoonfuls was founded in 2010 and has since rescued and redistributed over six million pounds of food in the boston area (“about us lovin' spoonfuls food rescue” 2017). ideal solution state based on the task analysis and benchmarking findings, an ideal solution was suggested to address the needs of 412 food rescue’s data collection. the core goal of this solution was that it can be scaled up as the organization continues to grow and to add more partners and employees. this ideal state included suggestions for process and technology improvements. john 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 solution rollout based on the solutions that are generated in the ideal state, a solution rollout plan was created so that 412 food rescue can implement its solutions in a staggered, effective manner. the solutions were prioritized based on ease of implementation, cost, and projected improvements. with this matrix, 412 food rescue leadership can make strategic decisions about how to implement the solutions to address their issues in the manner they choose. results benchmarking lovin' spoonfuls uses a cloud-based inventory tracking system called asap barcloud (“homepage” 2017). asap barcloud allows them to know exactly how much food is on each of their trucks and the locations where it eventually ends up. the strength of this inventory system is that it is automatically updated on the cloud so that at any given moment, anyone on the lovin' spoonfuls team knows exactly what their inventory is. process improvements the results of this project are two-fold. the observations and interviews generate a process map. the resulting process map shows where there are tasks and pauses within the process. the interviews share the qualitative information on the process from the two full-time drivers. combined, these observations gave a clear picture of a standard truck trip. as seen in the observations, there is little down time in the process of rescuing food (see appendix for complete time data). the major snags in the process come later when there are lags in processing the data. for the most part, 412 food rescue is constantly working; however, there are times when 412 food rescue employees are completing tasks which are not necessarily value-added tasks. for example, taking the time to search through the truck to find food during the unloading process adds extra time to the process. instead, if truck drivers knew exactly what food was on their truck before they got to a partner location, they could better allocate their distributions. for this reason, the suggested process has drivers weighing the food twice: once when they are loading it on the truck from the donor site and again as they are unloading at partner sites. while this will add some extra time to part of the process, this means that the drivers know exactly how much is on their truck so they can distribute it equally, reducing time during unloading. the new suggested process is shown in the process map below. figure 2: suggested process map john 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 data visualizations to build on this finding, the next portion of the project dealt with existing data. the data showed that 412 food rescue has rescued more than 250,000 pounds of food in the first quarter of 2017 and has worked with hundreds of community partners. nearly half of this donated food is produce, followed by bread and ready to eat food. community partners that donate food come from a variety of retail locations and vary greatly in size and frequency. on average, partners donate about 250 pounds of food per donation and donate 8.86 times per quarter or about 35 times per year. donations are highly variable though, with average donation weights ranging from four pounds to up to eight thousand pounds. these statistics do not represent the overall operations of major partners, however. partners such as gordon food services and trader joe’s of south hills are exceptions since they have planned large weekly donations. these two locations alone have donated over 125,000 pounds of food in the first quarter of 2017. these findings were displayed in data visualizations created with tableau public as well as a map on google maps to demonstrate the communities that 412 food rescue is serving. figure 3: sources of donated food john 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 figure 4: categories of donated foods data collection knowing the data collection that is currently being used, a new data collection form was created based on feedback from the observations. to replace paper and pen, a form was created for truck drivers to submit their donations through a google form, which is then automatically added to the database as well as incremented in a live inventory tracker. truck drivers can use the form on electronic tablets or personal devices. figure 5: first page of suggested data collection form john 6 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 figure 6: second page of suggested data collection form figure 7: example output of live inventory tracker discussion the results of the data visualizations reaffirm the impressive and unique work that 412 food rescue is doing for the city of pittsburgh. the interesting finding about the maps is the realization that donor and partner organizations often overlap geographically. that is, areas of food insecurity and of food surplus exist simultaneously and not in separate spaces. the data visualizations also confirm that 412 food rescue works with a diverse group of partners and john 7 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 locations. the goal moving forward will then be to continue to track this data and present it in a way that best tells 412 food rescue’s story. donating food receiving food figure 8. map of 412 food rescue donors and partners the benefits of the data collection via google forms and sheets is that it is a free, open source, and easy to share across the organization. google’s software can also be easily used across almost any device. the drawbacks of this software are that as the organization grows, it will outgrow the spreadsheet capabilities of google sheets. for this reason, future improvements should include a move to a database software that can optimally handle 412 food rescue’s data. figure 9: solution matrix john 8 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 reflection in the fall of my senior year, i took the course called social entrepreneurshipengineering for humanity as a technical elective to fulfill one of my last few undergraduate requirements, and since i am actively involved in community service on campus, this class piqued my interest. the course discusses how engineers and entrepreneurs can be socially responsible in their work. the class was unlike any other engineering class i have taken before, filled with discussions and guest speakers. as mentioned before, one of those guest speakers happened to be leah lizarondo, the co-founder and ceo of 412 food rescue. after listening to leah talk about the logistics of the organization, i noticed a common thread between the operations at 412 and my industrial engineering background. at the end of our class, leah mentioned that if anyone was interested in working with 412 food rescue, they could reach out to her. i sent her an email, set up a meeting, and a service-learning project was born. from a class discussion to an entire community-based research project, i never could have imagined that this project would result. my three biggest takeaways are project management, independent motivation, and community outreach communication. first, project management was a huge part of this project since it developed from a class lecture. when i first heard about an opportunity to work with 412 food rescue last semester, i had many grandiose ideas about what that type of project would look like. i spoke with leah lizarondo, and shared that my interests were in data analytics, and she suggested that i consider the data collection and storage methods that 412 food rescue uses. however, as i started work i realized that there were more and more tasks that i could take on. in these instances, i had to remember what i should focus on and not be distracted by other goals. learning to keep my work and focus within the scope of the project was a new experience, especially compared to the projects done for class assignments. since assignments usually have clear checkpoints and requirements, it was easy to calibrate my work to meet the expectations required. however, with this project, i was the person creating the expectations. along with the scale of the project, service learning taught me how to manage my own time and how to prioritize work. this project is my first independent research, so i am used to working under a supervisor who can guide and steer me. dr. mena was tremendously helpful in guiding me throughout this process; however, she never explicitly gave me tasks to complete. she asked follow up questions and prompted me to decide my next step on my own. independent research also helped me learn how to ask for help when needed and seek advice from others. since i was the person in charge of scheduling meetings, observing, and completing data analysis, this project encouraged me to look at research from a different perspective. in my other research experience, i came on to the project midway, meaning that the scope and goals of the project were already formed. with this independent service learning project, i was the creator and executor of the entire project. with this new perspective, i gained a better understanding of the research project and a deeper appreciation for academic research. finally, this project helped me communicate effectively with outside organizations, particularly people who are not in the same field as me. during observations and throughout this project, i had to explain the goals of the project to people who were entirely unfamiliar with it. to address this, i had to ensure that i was a clear communicator and had a deep understanding of my own project so that i could speak passionately about it to others. for example, during the observations that i conducted in the 412 food rescue trucks, i had to introduce myself and the project, ask relevant questions, and complete observations. what was most important for me to john 9 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 remember though in these observations was that i was the outsider. i was observing people who do this job every single day. i learned how to focus on being inquisitive and thoughtful in my communication since the people i was observing were the experts, not me. this project falls right in line with the work that i do in my classes and the work that i intend to do full time. however, this project was very different in terms of the customer and organization that is being served. for me, this reinforced why engineering is so important in modern society. engineers are the people who apply the cutting-edge solutions to the problems that few dare to solve. in the classroom, these projects tend to wrap themselves up in a nice bow. however, in real application they are not as neat. this project reminded me that it is okay for a project to feel incomplete at its ending. in fact, that is probably a good thing since there are always improvements to be made. in the application process and the beginning of this project, i often felt empowered by being an engineering student tackling a community-based project. during our biweekly group meetings, though, i realized that outside of the engineering sphere, i had a lot to learn. we read and reacted to three different articles throughout the semester which were focused on service learning and social responsibility (strand, marullo, cutforth, stoecker, and donohue 2003; mitchell 2008; hooks 1994). while reading and writing about these articles, i realized that my engineering education had not taught me how to think critically about these ideas. in the first article we read, “principles of best practices for community-based research,” the authors, strand et. al (2003), discuss the most effective ways to approach service learning research projects. the sections of this paper that taught me the most were those about building relationships. in the engineering world, so much of my research is done in a lab or on computer software. while reading articles like these, i was both humbled by how much i had to learn and put off by its inaccessibility. one area i think could be improved upon is creating a better link for stem students for community-based learning. looking at the accreditation board for engineering and technology (abet) guidelines for engineering curriculums, there is no requirement for community-focused learning (“criteria for accrediting engineering programs” 2017). abet is the organization that colleges and universities must be accredited by to meet global engineering standards. abet requires “a general education component that complements the technical content of the curriculum and is consistent with the program and institution objectives” (“criteria for accrediting engineering programs” 2017). with this framework, institutions can choose how they structure general education requirements for their students based on the values of the university itself. the university of pittsburgh requires students to fulfill breadth and depth requirements with their six elective requirement courses, meaning that students must take courses from different subject areas and take at least two courses in the same subject (“general education requirements” 2017). outside of these requirements, students can choose their social science and humanities classes. this flexibility means that students self-elect to take discussion-based classes—they are not required (“general education requirements” 2017). while this is a shortcoming in the engineering education, i believe it should also be kept in mind by service learning educators. to expect students in a service learning setting from the stem field to be able to think critically about these issues and communicate their thoughts effectively with the community is asking them to operate in an entirely different environment than they are used to. in my experience this semester, i would have found an onboarding helpful so that students are familiar with the landscape they will be working in. john 10 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 on the positive side of this, my engineering education was an asset to this project and to the discussions with other student researchers because it gave me a unique perspective. since i tend to approach problems in a very scientific manner, this differed from how my community partner and my peers approached situations with a more qualitative and emotional side. when developing solutions, my engineering education also helped me frame them in terms of being reproducible and dynamic enough to respond to changes. additionally, this project reminded me that with my engineering education i have a responsibility to serve my community. the data and processes in this project are exactly like networks that i study in class. supply chain, operations research, and facility management all apply here. however, this project changed the sponsor from a large corporation to a small nonprofit. no matter the customer i am serving or the scale of the project, the engineering principles that i am applying do not change. after this project, i am even more certain that i want to spend the rest of my life working to apply engineering concepts to the non-profit world. ~ this project would not have been possible without the support of the university of pittsburgh honors college, holly hickling. thank you to my two mentors, dr. irene mena lora and leah lizarondo. thank you to dr. mena for being so open and inviting and encouraging me to pursue this project. thank you to leah for being so welcome to bringing a student on your team and for being a role model. john 11 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 references “about us lovin' spoonfuls food rescue.” 2017. lovin' spoonfuls. http://lovinspoonfulsinc.org/who-we-are/about-us/. “criteria for accrediting engineering programs, 2016 – 2017.” 2017. abet. http://www.abet.org/accreditation/accreditation-criteria/criteria-for-accreditingengineering-programs-2016-2017/#curriculum. “homepage.” 2017. asap barcloud. https://www.asapsystems.com/barcloud/. hooks, b. 1994. outlaw culture: resisting representations. london: routledge. mitchell, t. d. 2008. “traditional vs. critical service-learning: engaging the literature to differentiate two models.” michigan journal of community service learning 14: 50– 65. “general education requirements: school of engineering.” 2017. university of pittsburgh. http://www.engineering.pitt.edu/first-year/first-year/academic/general-educationrequirements--school-of-engineering/. strand, k., s. marullo, n. cutforth, r. stoecker, and p. donohue. 2003. “principles of best practice for community-based research.” michigan journal of community service learning 9 (3): 5-15. “what we do.” 2017. 412 food rescue. https://412foodrescue.org/what-we-do/. http://lovinspoonfulsinc.org/who-we-are/about-us/ http://www.abet.org/accreditation/accreditation-criteria/criteria-for-accrediting-engineering-programs-2016-2017/#curriculum http://www.abet.org/accreditation/accreditation-criteria/criteria-for-accrediting-engineering-programs-2016-2017/#curriculum https://www.asapsystems.com/barcloud/ http://www.engineering.pitt.edu/first-year/first-year/academic/general-education-requirements--school-of-engineering/ http://www.engineering.pitt.edu/first-year/first-year/academic/general-education-requirements--school-of-engineering/ https://412foodrescue.org/what-we-do/ john 12 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 appendix – time data from observations time of event task time elapsed (h:mm:ss) 12:05 pm depart from millvale 12:36 pm arrive at gfs in imperial 0:31:00 12:40 pm begin loading truck 0:04:00 12:57 pm loading complete 0:17:00 1:02 pm call first stop 0:05:00 2:06 pm arrive at site 1 1:04:00 2:34 pm finish at site 1 0:28:00 2:36 pm arrive at site 2 0:02:00 3:00 pm finish at site 2 0:24:00 3:02 pm arrive at site 3 0:02:00 3:26 pm finish at site 3 0:24:00 3:30 pm arrive at site 4 0:04:00 3:53 pm finish at site 4 0:23:00 4:00 pm arrive at site 5 0:07:00 4:12 pm finish at site 5 0:12:00 4:38 pm arrive at site 6 0:26:00 4:58 pm finish at site 6 0:20:00 5:06 pm truck back to millvale 0:08:00 time of event task time elapsed (h:mm:ss) 7:55 am depart from millvale 8:20 am arrive at trader joes in south hills 0:25:00 8:36 am depart from trader joes 0:16:00 8:50 am arrive at site 1 0:14:00 9:10 am finish at site 1 0:20:00 9:32 am arrive at site 2 0:22:00 10:02 am finish at site 2 0:30:00 10:13 am arrive at site 3 0:11:00 10:36 am finish at site 3 0:23:00 11:04 am return to 412 food rescue office in east liberty 0:28:00 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 13 issue 1, spring 2022 community adult fitness: the opportunity to learn, help others, and confirm my career path makenzie rajewenski alma college as a recent graduate in integrative physiology & health science (iphs) from alma college, i have just started a job as a patient care tech at johns hopkins all children’s hospital in st. petersburg, florida. since graduation, i have taken time to reflect on my college education, and i am beginning to more fully appreciate all the experiences that have prepared me for my current role at the hospital. in this narrative, i describe a community-engaged class, known as the community adult fitness class. in this class, we served as exercise leaders, providing smallgroup exercise training to individuals in the local community who had a chronic disease or were of low-income status. while lack of physical activity is a problem that burdens the health of many in the united states, individuals older in age, who have one or more chronic diseases, or are of a low-income status are particularly negatively affected by not being active enough. the community adult fitness class at alma college provided access to important health resources in these populations while providing high-impact learning experiences for alma college students. in this reflection, i first describe the purpose and setup of the community adult fitness class, followed by data we collected showing the positive health changes seen by community members who sought exercise training assistance by the students in the class. then, i discuss essential lessons i learned throughout this program, the benefits i experienced from being in the class and my perception of the benefits to the community members. finally, i explain how these experiences may impact my work moving forward. a chief purpose of the community adult fitness class was to introduce physical activity to low-income community members. additional goals consisted of helping the community members grow and feel confident in the exercises they will be performing and feel comfortable and willing to push themselves when applicable. we also strived to have the participants enjoy the exercises they were doing and enjoy how they felt during and after physical activity. ideally, we hoped that physical activity could serve as a small constant in their life, especially with the uncertainties introduced by covid-19. the community adult fitness class was developed to allow students to work with authentic individuals in a clinical setting, creating an atmosphere that in some ways emulates situations that might be encountered in many of the students’ ultimate career paths such as primary care physician, physical therapist, physician assistant, or personal trainer. we worked in teams of two for the class to create and adjust fitness plans for community members of gratiot county, michigan, who had self-referred as needing/wanting to participate in an exercise program. as a prescreening tool, each participant completed a health history questionnaire that stated their reasons for wanting to become more active. many of those reasons were weight loss, increased mobility, increased strength in daily activities, and increased social interactions during community adult fitness 8 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 13 issue 1, spring 2022 the pandemic. these were given priority when creating the fitness plans for each participant. the fitness plans included a warm-up and cool-down, along with the main focus being cardio and strength training. in addition to meeting participant goals, we (the students) set secondary goals for the participants based on the health needs identified after the baseline fitness assessment. another purpose of this class was to measure how effective we were at helping the participants meet or make progress towards their goals, using concrete data. measurements that we specifically looked at were daily physical activity measured with an accelerometer wrist band, weight loss – measured with an at-home scale, cardio/strength endurance and flexibility – measured with six reliable and validated exercise tests, and mental health – measured with three mental health surveys. these measurements were taken at the beginning of the program and again at the very end of the 12-week program. community adult fitness is a great learning opportunity for the alma college students; the 2021 class included eight students. the class intended to incorporate a significant community engagement element. access to health and wellness opportunities is limited in mid-michigan, and the pandemic exacerbated these problems. with this in mind, this class served as a way to engage with and support individuals of a community, gratiot county, michigan, with lowincome status and/or chronic disease (e. g., obesity, diabetes, thyroid issues, or mental health conditions). additionally, working with community individuals was meant to introduce the students to real-world situations with “clients” and thereby enhance their educational experience. for class, we met with the professor once a week in person, with a virtual option if needed. we spent the first several weeks reviewing principles of exercise prescription and fitness assessment, which had been covered in the prerequisite class and reviewed the participants’ selfreported health history questionnaires. we particularly looked at the reasons each individual wanted to be physically active, modifications and limitations the participants had for physical activity, and medications that could potentially affect the participants’ capabilities. all of these questionnaires were reviewed as a class. we then created baseline fitness plans, approved by the professor, who had a certified clinical exercise physiologist certification from the american college of sports medicine. each fitness plan was based on a combination of the participant’s goals and the students’ decisions about exercises to focus on or avoid based on those goals or health needs. due to covid-19 restrictions on access to on-campus facilities, all interactions with the community members were completely virtual through microsoft teams. the participants were given a yoga mat, 2-10 lb. free weights, and resistance bands of varying resistances through a contactless delivery. the students were in groups of two and led 2-4 community members through a one-hour workout twice a week for 12 weeks. warm-ups focused on elevating the heart rate, stretching the muscles that would be strenuously used, or both. cardio training mainly consisted of body-weight movements for short increments (e.g., high knees, butt kickers, shuffles, arm circles). strength training consisted of light free-weight exercises, body-weight exercises, and resistance band exercises focused on the major upper body muscles, lower body muscles, and core (e.g., arm curls, leg lifts, lateral and frontal arm raises, squats, planks, side bends). if needed, exercises could be modified to meet the participants’ fitness and comfort levels. community adult fitness 9 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 13 issue 1, spring 2022 students still met with the professor once a week for the community adult fitness class throughout the training. it was a vital part of the class, as we gave brief overviews on how the training sessions went the previous week. each group discussed which participants attended, how the participants were feeling, and any complaints or questions from the participants or students. many of the complaints were about new health issues the participants were experiencing or exercises that caused unusual pain. the professor and the rest of the class, took time to create a plan to resolve the complaints or questions to improve the subsequent exercise sessions. along with solving those problems, each group discussed and concluded whether or not it was safe to increase the intensity of the workouts. these changes were subtle and not all at once. no more than one or two changes would occur in the same week. these gradual changes allowed for continual growth in strength and endurance for each individual while minimizing the risk of injury. as their body started to adapt to the movements and muscles began to strengthen, it allowed for an increase in resistance, sets, or repetitions. other examples of these small changes included decreased time spent during a rest period or increased time spent while performing the exercise. in this way, participants could continue pushing and improving their fitness throughout the semester. we also encouraged participants to walk or do some other activity on their own time as our training sessions were not enough to meet governmental recommendations to exercise at least 150 minutes per week. there were eight participants (seven females) who we trained as part of the class. as stated before, health-related fitness tests (body composition, cardiorespiratory endurance, muscular endurance, flexibility), mental health (three surveys), and physical activity (wrist-worn accelerometer) were measured at both the baseline and post-intervention. to better assess if the fitness program was helping our participants, we found a control group of similar age to our participants who were willing to participate in the baseline and post-program fitness testing but not in the exercise program. our fitness program yielded large fitness and health improvements for the participants. we had an adherence rate of 72.9%, which was very rewarding for the community adult fitness class and made exercise sessions fun to teach. this meant that the participants showed effort in attending the sessions, wanted to come back the following week, and were getting something valuable out of the workout sessions. every participant in the intervention group lost weight, losing on average 3.1 kg with an average 1.2 kg/m2 decrease in body mass index. this outcome was especially meaningful, participants had indicated weight loss as a primary reason for wanting to join this program. this outcome indicated that we were successful in helping the participants address this goal. in contrast, the control group had no change in body weight. on average, the intervention group improved their scores on five out of the six fitness tests and in their mental health. it should be noted that the control group also made some improvements in their fitness and mental health. this program started in january and ended in april. with that in mind, nicer weather and/or availability of the covid-19 vaccine may have allowed the participants more opportunities to be active and may have improved their outlook in the near future. however, community adult fitness 10 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 13 issue 1, spring 2022 health and fitness improvements in the group that completed the fitness program exceeded improvements compared to the control group. many factors can play a role in why we had such a successful outcome. for example, participants were entered in a drawing every time they attended a session for a chance to win a single $10 gift card to a local grocery store every week. this gave the participants a small incentive to attend each session and was a low-cost way to incentivize participation in the exercise sessions. more importantly, i believe the most significant factor was the relationships that were symbiotically created between the students and the participants. the students, including me, had the privilege to give our time and knowledge to help benefit each participant’s physical fitness and overall health. in return, the participants voluntarily gave their time and efforts to help us, the students, gain experience in a clinical setting. both parties were committed to each other and the school, alma college, to create an educational and beneficial experience for everyone involved. the last notable outcome we discovered is that many of the participants did not continue to exercise on their own time during or after completion of the program. we discovered this through the accelerometer data and surveys the participants completed. the accelerometer data showed that the intervention group increased their daily step count on days that they had their workout sessions but were relatively sedentary outside of their sessions. on the days they had no planned workout sessions, their step count decreased dramatically. additionally, following the completion of the program, most participants stopped engaging in planned exercise. these findings were initially very disheartening. a this class aimed to educate and motivate these participants to feel confident and comfortable to exercise safely on their own; unfortunately, sustained activity was not reflected in the data. despite these results, it was encouraging to see that the class positively impacted each of the participants during the allotted sessions. furthermore, this was a valuable learning experience for the students, seeing that continual programs might be necessary to support sustained lifestyle changes in this population. the community adult fitness class was so much more than learning how to prescribe fitness plans to community members lacking physical activity. we quickly learned how valuable it was to build connections, trust and confidence between the participants and students. finding a common ground with the participants allowed a relationship to form, connections, trust, and confidence became evident in both the participants and the students. additionally, we gained experiences and insight into the importance of listening to the participants, accountability, communication skills, and learning how to make adjustments and adaptations in real-time. the connections and trust that were made were mutual. i was excited to log onto the session and meet with my participants each week. i was eager to tell them about my week and ask about their week and upcoming plans. when i entered into my third year at alma college, i heard a lot about this class and thought it would be an invaluable experience due to the opportunity to work with real people with real health needs. since i was four years old, i have played soccer and had the chance to play for the women’s varsity team at alma college. i have been very involved in physical activity and strength training, but i did not feel like i was at all qualified to prescribe and lead fitness plans. dr. montoye, the community adult fitness class professor, reached out to me, community adult fitness 11 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 13 issue 1, spring 2022 encouraging me to take the course. after further discussion, i enrolled in the class with a lot of hesitation as to whether i knew enough about exercise training to be able to lead someone through a training program. from the beginning of the class, i began to trust my ability to understand and prescribe a fitness program for individuals of low fitness levels. the class started with a few weeks of review, which was sufficient for me to feel confident enough to know i was fit for this class. it was not until the second or third session with my participants that i could truly enjoy this class because they helped me trust how much knowledge i still retained from previous classes at alma college. i was leading an exercise class with a plan that i created. i was answering questions that the participants had, and as i got to know the participants on a more personal level, i was adjusting the workouts to fit the participants. given my background in athletics and exercise physiology-focused classes background, i mistakenly assumed that everyone knew how to perform basic exercises. not until i started this class did i realize how little experience some participants had with exercise; for example, some of our participants had never used a treadmill before. it did not take long to become clear to me how much i had learned about training for health and fitness, and i began to feel confident that i really could help the community participants. as an individual with an empathetic heart, i found it very easy to place myself in the participants’ shoes. with any occupation, it is vital to keep an open mind about people and things and be aware of the backgrounds of your peers and clients. as a physician assistant, i will be able to directly offer to every patient i encounter. i will always strive to explain diagnoses, fitness plans, or plans of action in a way that patients easily understand. as my confidence grew, i realized how valuable it was to create relationships with my participants, especially when covid-19 shocked the world. it affected the population we led through exercise training dramatically. many of them lost their entire social aspect of life. activities outside of their home were limited, routines were lost, and feelings of loneliness were widespread. community adult fitness was a chance to engage in a social event with members and students of the same community. in each session, we were building relationships, sometimes without even realizing it. many of the sessions started with updates on life and events from the past week. the sense was that the participants knew most of us were athletes and asked about our games and what we were studying at school. the participants wanted to help us, just like we helped them. they knew how beneficial this class was to us students and wanted to support us students as much as possible. it was so inspiring to see that we built a relationship in such a short period with the participants who were once strangers to us. they trusted us from the start and believed in us before we even had the chance to believe in ourselves. some of the participants even supported us students at our college sporting events as pandemic restrictions eased. they knew that we were doing our best to serve them, and they wanted to do it in return. although not directly measured, personal interactions and observations with the participants suggest that their confidence grew just as much as mine. for example, sit-to-stands are a common exercise performed during the class. it is a simple exercise, which starts by sitting on the edge of a stable chair and crossing hands over the chest while standing straight up. one participant was so excited to tell me how much she had improved. she had been in this program for several years, and when she started, she was not able to do any sit-to-stands without assistance. the year i worked with her in class, she was proudly able to do 12 sit-to-stands in one community adult fitness 12 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 13 issue 1, spring 2022 minute, unassisted. the smile on her face was priceless, and it was incredibly rewarding to be a part of that conversation. another gratifying example of confidence is from a chair-bound participant. she had also been in this program for several years. she started this program with a stubborn, low-confidence mindset. she would not try anything new and made it very difficult to create an exercise plan. the year i joined the class, i was assigned to her. she became less afraid to fail, which was beyond humbling to me. she trusted me to push her to improve, to motivate her when she was having a rough day, and her mind-set completely changed. i made a positive impact in these individuals’ lives, and through this experience, i have become even more excited to be able to do this in my future career as a physician assistant. listening to my participants was part of building connections and trust. no training day was the same because various factors affected the participants differently. one participant i worked with went to the chiropractor every week to be realigned. each time we met for our workout session, she felt different. somedays, her back was very sore, other days she could barely move her hips, and sometimes, she had shoulder pain in only one shoulder. it was important for me to listen to what was hurting and to adjust the exercises accordingly. some days she hurt more than other days, so i would not push her as hard as i would on the days she was not feeling any pain. this skill was something i know i want to take with me as i become a physician assistant. as i will have patients coming into my office with pain, irritation, and aches, i need to make sure i listen first. they know their bodies better than i do, and it is important for me to hear what they have to say before i start diagnosing. the community adult fitness class was a great way to learn and practice that skill. after taking this class, i am reassured that i am on the right career path to become a physician assistant. i was constantly reminded how much i love serving others, creating connections, and giving when i have the knowledge and time. the relationships built trust between the students and participants, which developed so much confidence in the participants. i trusted that my participants would log on each time and give their best in every exercise. i trusted that my participants would tell me if something was too hard or too easy. in return, they trusted me with each activity. they trusted that i knew how many repetitions to do, how many sets to do, how much weight to add, and what exercises to prescribe to them. the trust that was mutually created evolved into confidence for both the participants and the students throughout the class. another important takeaway from this class was the value of accountability. the participants exercised in groups of 2-4 people. all the participants were at different physical activity levels. some were very limited, while others were only slightly limited in what they could or could not do. however, the group atmosphere gave each participant a sense of comfort, yet a sense of drive. i believe the feeling of comfort came from knowing that they were not alone when it came to being physically unfit. people in their community and a similar life situation were going through the same process as themselves. i believe the sense of drive came from the friendly competition and accountability from the others in the group. watching someone else do something they could not yet do often made them want to get stronger and more fit so that they could eventually do the same thing. having someone else participate in the exercises also added a sense of accountability. it increased the motivation to attend the sessions, properly do the exercises, finish all the repetitions of the exercises, and so on. i was initially unsure at first about community adult fitness 13 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 13 issue 1, spring 2022 how the groups were going to work and be successful, but they exceeded my expectations and worked for the good. the atmosphere of being part of a group is something i can see myself using as a future physician assistant. whether that be educational classes for different groups, or creating accountability groups, i have now seen the benefits of small groups of people in similar situations or with similar goals. lastly, i learned how beneficial communication was for the sessions to run smoothly. there were a lot of barriers we had to face, especially with technology. everything was done virtually through microsoft teams. we had to do a lot more explaining through words rather than demonstrations. for example, one participant joined each session through her phone (rather than a computer or tablet), which was already more difficult because it had a small screen, making it hard to see the demonstrations from a distance. on top of that, her volume did not work very well. the only way she could hear us was by holding the phone directly up to her ear, which meant she could no longer see us demonstrating the workout as we were explaining it. my student partner and i worked together to try to complete the exercises with her and learning how to improvise on the spot. we started by simply explaining the activity to her, so that she could hear it. we then had her put the phone down as one of us demonstrated how to complete the exercise. we then paused to make sure she had no questions before we started. once she was ready, we used hand motions to start and stop each exercise. luckily this only happened one time to us, but it was a learning curve. many of the other barriers were internet connection issues, the participants not being able to find the microsoft teams invitation, and finding ways to switch up the workouts just enough to make them not seem so repetitive while having limited movements that can be done at home with minimal space and equipment. this class mimicked what i would expect to encounter in the real world as a physician assistant. not everyone is going to have access to the same things, and i will have to improvise and communicate to fulfill each patient’s needs and desires. i am very grateful to have had the opportunity to participate in a class that has begun to teach me the importance of communication and allow me to practice and refine my communication with a variety of individuals. after reflection, i have been able to see the growth i made as a student from the community adult fitness class, and i am very excited to take what i have learned and use it in the workforce. getting to serve others through a community-engaged learning experience, whether through class, internship, or other activity, is something i would strongly recommend for other students to pursue as part of their college experience. the community adult fitness class resulted in positive physical outcomes for the population we worked with. every participant lost weight and gained muscular strength in many of their everyday activities. as the exercise sessions progressed, though it was never measured, we witnessed the participants gain confidence. the opportunity to enroll in this class is something for which i am very thankful and would recommend any student to partake in a community-engaged class. i learned specific skills, both tangible and intangible most effectively by working outside of a typical classroom. i will use the skills i learned and carry them with me throughout every job i encounter. i may not be prescribing exercise plans in my future career, but i will always encounter patients, coworkers, and peers. i have learned that i know more than i give myself credit for and that it is crucial to be confident in and trust what i am doing, so that i can focus on other important aspects of the relationships being built. i have learned that trust is a community adult fitness 14 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 13 issue 1, spring 2022 two-way street. it is the foundation of authentic relationships, and i have to be willing to trust my patients if i want them to trust me. i have also learned that listening skills are just as important as communication skills. lastly, i have learned that things do not usually go as planned, and i must always be ready to adjust and change something the moment. i have made a direct positive impact on the participants i worked with, and it has been so meaningful. i joined the health field to meet the needs of others, and this class has reassured me that i am on the right path. it has also reassured me that my passion is to serve and the feeling of helping others is rewarding to me. this class prepared me for my future, and it made me a better student, a better future physician assistant, and a better person. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 13 issue 1, spring 2022 what it takes to lead during covid …at least from my experience brian lu johns hopkins university founding a program is never easy, especially during a global pandemic. this was the predicament i found myself in as the president of the student organization, stepping out in the spring of 2020. however, this predicament allowed me to help pioneer a program that helped lay the groundwork for other virtual volunteering programs at the johns hopkins hospital (jhh). this reflective piece will share my observations from the process of creating this program. additionally, after almost two years as president of stepping out and three years as part of the elected board (e-board), this piece will also highlight what i have learned about leadership and providing clinical community service. this reflection will present the considerations that have to be made when creating and leading a virtual volunteering program and insights into mistakes made and how to avoid them. finally, it is my hope that this piece will prove to be insightful for future student organization leaders. it is quite an understatement to say covid complicated the prospect of in-person volunteering. in the spring of 2020, hospitals were placed on high alert, university courses suddenly moved online, people were scrambling for toilet paper, and everyone was trying to figure out how to mute or unmute on zoom. amidst this chaos, student organizations were put in jeopardy. i had just taken over the position of president of stepping out. the transition process was relatively seamless, and the former president and treasurer graduated and were off to do more incredible things. the major challenge lay when stepping out could not offer any form of in-person community service. this was especially problematic since community service is central to stepping out’s mission and what we primarily offer. stepping out typically visit all the patient rooms at the comprehensive transplant center at the johns hopkins hospital (jhh). during these visits, we offer patients cathartic relief by providing them with someone to talk to, laugh with, or complain to. if patients are up to it, volunteers walk with them around the floor to help with physical therapy. it is a great experience, which i have learned a lot, and i take great pride in assisting patients to have a window to escape the confines of their hospital beds. however, with the rise of covid, the jhh and the center had closed their doors to visitors. this put stepping out, an organization that primarily volunteers with patients, in a bind. it was a completely understandable and reasonable decision given the deadly nature of the virus pre-vaccine and the vulnerable state of our patients in the department to get transplants and often have existing comorbidities. we expected to be back volunteering inperson once the numbers died down by the summer or once the vaccines came out. however, over the following months, as the numbers kept increasing and through weekly phone calls with the volunteering office at the jhh, the hopes of getting back in person looked bleaker and bleaker. hence the e-board and i were faced with the dilemma of how we can continue offering cathartic relief for patients when we cannot visit the patient’s in-person. what it takes to lead during covid…at least from my experience 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 13 issue 1, spring 2022 to start, i knew my volunteers were ready to do something. for many of them, clinical volunteering was why they joined the program and the main incentive that drew them into the student organization. as their president, i felt personally responsible for providing them with opportunities to serve patients. that is not even considering my responsibility to the patients themselves, who were stuck in an incredibly isolating environment which was made worse by their isolation from visitors. hospital rooms in the transplant center are dark singular rooms for most of the day. you would have a tv, bathroom, chair, and hospital bed. the volunteers at stepping out provide the necessary service of offering to be that individual a patient can feel comfortable venting with, crying with, or simply relaxing with. this is a crucial supportive role for patients who have family members who live far away and cannot visit or do not have family members at all. in addition, these patients are often in a foreign environment for days on end in that dark room. when one puts themselves in the patient's role, one can envision how more than ever, having someone to talk to is invaluable to patients during this challenging time of covid. hence, as an organization, we felt the need to create a virtual program that allowed us to once again connect with patients. additionally, with the thought that the pandemic might last longer than expected, it was essential not only for patients but for the successful continuation of the student organization that we were able to offer some type of virtual volunteering. these are just some of the considerations i had to make when leading a volunteering organization. these considerations and understanding of who exactly you will be serving are vital in guiding an organization in the correct direction that would allow them to enact the most meaningful impact. as a leader, one will be under more pressure than most, whether that be personal or from outside forces. during such a time, it is easy to wilt and say there is nothing you can do, especially in the face of a global pandemic. many a time, i did feel this way. still, i also thought of it like this outside of serving my members and the club; i wanted to become a leader of this student organization because i wanted to make it something greater. i wanted to make it into something i am proud to leave my impact on, and this pandemic could be that opportunity for me to make the organization better. there is a silver lining to this predicament, and it is up to the leadership team of the organization to take advantage of it. when i reflect on how the program first got off the ground, i have to say that i was fortunate that the volunteering office was on board and was already interested in a virtual volunteering program. but it still required a lot of back and forth communication to get the virtual volunteering program off the ground. therefore, i would recommend for anyone planning on such an initiative in the future, communication is critical. it will take more communication than expected. ensure both sides, the e-board, and the volunteering location supervisors, are on the same page and up to date on progress. this makes both parties accountable, builds trust, and reduces miscommunication and hiccups. that being said, the process can take longer than expected. this may leave your team and yourself impatient and frustrated. however, it is important to remember, this drive you and your team possess and the timeline you are holding yourself accountable to may not always be matched by the respective parties, so it is essential to keep the communication going to keep pushing forward the idea but also tone down things a bit. the goal is to make a good program, not to make it quickly; after all, it is better to have a program that takes a while to complete than one that starts quickly and burns out just as quickly. the team just has to work with the process; things will undoubtedly get held up, liability issues may pop up, and items might get permitted one second and then canceled the next; that is just the what it takes to lead during covid…at least from my experience 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 13 issue 1, spring 2022 way things are done, and it can be frustrating at times. for example, we could not have anticipated that playing music or playing video games with the patients would not be allowed due to copyright and liability issues or that our previously approved plans for a travel talk show were canceled due to fears of homesickness by patients after we had already spent weeks planning it out. in fact, it is very easy in the face of all this to have that sentiment to want to excuse yourself due to the pandemic and give up on getting the program off the ground. but do not give up; remember why you want this program to succeed in the first place, be patient with the other party, and communicate with them. offer ways you can help or take the initiative and make the calendar for them or draft up a plan for them. this harkens back to an engineering class i took. if you want customers to buy your product, make it as easy and accessible as possible. in the same vein, if you want your project to move forward, make the process of approving it or creating it as easy and straightforward for the other party as possible. this is where leaning on your team is so important and an area i could have improved upon. speaking for myself, it was easy as a leader to fall into the trap of focusing too much on the idea that i should lead by example, especially as the most veteran member, i wanted to show the rest of the e-board that i can lead and that they should trust my decision making. hence, i took on the majority of the work which would be a mistake and at times was overwhelming. i would definitely address this if i were to repeat this process and something i revised in my leadership style moving forward. the purpose of the e-board is to support you, the leader of the student organization, and the direction together the e-board wants to take the club. trust your eboard and give them opportunities to input their opinions, give them opportunities to see and build on the big picture. the point is to rely on your team, trust in your team, be willing to delegate some of the responsibility to them, and with more voices and, quite frankly, more people with skin the game, the more likely the project will succeed. having all the responsibility and the success of the program rely on one fulcrum is extremely risky. sometimes a good leader has to relinquish some control and let the other leaders of your team have an opportunity to step up. for the sake of patient care and the continuation of stepping out, two months into the pandemic, i had to conceptualize the logistics of a program from the ground up that ensured continued care for the patient community. this required a lot of brainstorming and back and forth with the volunteer office. during this time, it was vital, and something i think as a team, we did well, to put ourselves in the patient's shoes and imagine what they are looking for from a virtual program. it helps to have volunteered with this community before. in reality, what the patients wanted in a virtual world, was what stepping out has always offered them companionship. one cannot and should not provide any medical advice; that is not a volunteer's role. a volunteer's role should be to help patients during that thirty-minute to an hour session escape from the confines covid has placed upon them. this is the goal we set out to accomplish. i had to also re-consider how patients would feel in a virtual environment. it is vital to remember most people who are receiving transplants are older, hence technology is not necessarily their strength. there is a wealth of resources available via zoom and other virtual platforms. still, these tools are useless if the community one is working with does not feel comfortable using the tools. for example, during one of our sessions, a patient took around five what it takes to lead during covid…at least from my experience 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 13 issue 1, spring 2022 minutes to understand the mute and unmute functionality of zoom. so, from the patient's point of view, it is essential to consider what will make their life easier in accessing this resource offered. secondarily it is vital to assess what theorganizationbeing offering. is it trying to replicate the in-person experience? how can volunteers effectively uplift patients while virtually replicating the intimate in-person visits? is it possible to replicate the in-person experience? is the organization trying something new that is exclusive to a virtual platform? can the community easily interact with these new tools, and importantly is this something they want? for my case, we sought to initially replicate the in-person experience with time slots where patients could come into a zoom room and talk. we also experimented with different activates, such as playing video games, chess, or checkers (games that we felt were age-appropriate to the community we were servicing) via a virtual platform. what we quickly found out was it was unwieldy for the patient who oftentimes had audio issues or background hospital noises, which was further complicated by the fact that to offer this experience, the volunteer office employees had to dawn full ppe gear, in order to deliver the ipad to the patient so that they could talk to us. it was simply unfeasible, so we had to adapt to these unforeseen challenges to continue offering the type of care we wanted to provide to patients. this brings me to my next point, adaptability. adaptability is vital to the success of any program; regardless of how well you "put yourself" in others' shoes, unforeseen things will pop up. for example, we ran into issues of verifying everything we were doing by the hospital legal team, which led to the approval process being prolonged, which led to volunteers having to change their scheduling due to the summer ending and the fall semester beginning. remaining flexible and communicating these changes as they happen both with the volunteering office and other volunteers was how we could accommodate these changes without having the entire program having to be halted. however, over-communication can be an issue as well. for example, we ran into another problem. with the rising and falling of covid numbers, the hospitals' policy of opening in-person volunteering shifted almost on a bi-weekly basis. this led to me sending update emails about the hospital opening up and then apologizing for postponing the reopening on a bi-weekly basis. at some point, with all the apologizing, like the boy who cried wolf, your word counts for very little and losing that trust with essentially your constituency hurts. this is an example of how over-communication may have led to what i observed as a decline in interest. the volunteers no longer trusted that opportunity to remain open because of the past behavior of these opportunities closing within two weeks. if i were to redo my steps, i would have maintained the weekly communication with the volunteering office; however, despite knowing it is essential to keep the volunteers informed and transparent, it is even more important to give them reliable, accurate information. make sure an opportunity is confirmed before lifting the volunteers' hopes. when we finally held our first session of virtual volunteering after adapting to these unforeseen challenges, it was initially well-received. we held live cooking shows and live pet shows, anything we felt would be entertaining for the community. it allowed both patients and volunteers to finally have someone to talk to. during this time, i helped facilitate and provide plans to address complications that arose as the program grew. however, the attendance numbers quickly fell, and we eventually stopped the program due to zoom fatigue among the patients. once again, one has to put themselves in the patient's shoes in order to understand and adequately address this unexpected event. when in-person, most of the time, patients are already https://www.psychologytoday.com/intl/blog/the-desk-the-mental-health-lawyer/202005/virtual-platforms-are-helpful-tools-can-add-our-stress what it takes to lead during covid…at least from my experience 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 13 issue 1, spring 2022 too tired to have the energy to talk and those who did sometimes required some coaxing to open up to a volunteer. so, upon reflection, it is no surprise that this behavior would continue especially in a foreign virtual environment, despite the contrary belief that with covid, patients would be yearning for more people to talk to. in this case, it was easy to think one knows what patients want, but without actually being in the patient’s position it’s incredibly difficult to truly know. furthermore, even when patients’ inputs was incorporated into the initial founding of the program, the needs of the patient change as they begin experiencing the program hence why it’s important to continually elicit feedback and incorporate them. as a volunteer organization, we once again had to be adaptable and shift focus, but also, more importantly, as an organization focused on offering that cathartic care for patients, we need to always focus on what the patients want, not what the leader thinks is most beneficial, or what the volunteers want. the goal of helping patients and the community at large and how to help said patients and community with what they actually want and need should always be prioritized. as a leader, ambition can run afoul of this ideology. i was very proud of the program. but if the patients do not see it as beneficial to them, that takes precedence. your ambition may tell you: i will make the program even better, i can make it work so we can offer more aid and adapt to satisfy the patient's need, but if conceptually this program is not something the patients want or need right now, the efforts may, in the end, be futile. it is easy as a volunteer to want to help a patient in any way you can; despite the good intentions of the volunteer, this can be overwhelming for patients, or it might not even be needed at all. that is why restraint is so important. as a volunteer, restraint reminds oneself that patients come into the hospital because they are ill, and a volunteer’s role should be to help the healthcare team most effectively stabilize and heal the patient. do not let personal ambitions or desires cloud your judgment. the goal of community service or clinical community service, in this case, is helping that individual, focusing on the patients and how you can, within your abilities, help them. if that means cutting a program and putting your efforts elsewhere, so be it. however, you can also learn from this experience, understand zoom fatigue, and learn how to offer virtual programming effectively. you can reshape the programming with a renewed focus on what patients are requesting, such as helping patients virtually connect with family members and perhaps write a reflection essay out of it. despite its shortcomings, our virtual volunteering program continues to offer great insight to the jhh. it sheds light on the difficulties of virtual volunteering and best-serving patients via a virtual modality. to conclude some finals tips, when running a volunteering organization, make sure to diversify the offerings, in a way like stocks, by diversifying your portfolio of what the student organization offers (for example: offering in-person volunteering as well as a lecture series); it helps minimize the risk of the student organization struggling and maintaining adaptability when unexpected events occur. however, even if the organization finds itself in the unenviable situation of having to find last minute opportunities, stay positive. it may be hard because of the pandemic, the anxiety, the sense of responsibility, and opportunities being slim, but keep trying, remember why you wanted to take leadership or even volunteer in the first place. lastly, it is vital and, once again, something difficult to do when you cannot offer inperson community service (hence another motivating factor to diversify your offerings) to keep volunteers and even your own e-board motivated and invested in the student organization. people lose hope if they do not feel like there is any hope of volunteering. there is no way what it takes to lead during covid…at least from my experience 6 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 13 issue 1, spring 2022 realistically to replicate meeting or volunteering in-person identically, but whether through colorful emails, gifs, memes, etc., at the very least, make the volunteers aware of your presence and efforts by being transparent with them. they, too, understand the situation and are accommodating if you remain transparent and keep them posted. through that, hopefully, together as an organization, we would be able to get through this pandemic together. despite all these seeming setbacks to the virtual volunteering program and its eventual closure, the lessons gained from this leadership experience gave me the insight to expand stepping out into virtual panel and the confidence to pursue additional funding opportunities for the club. as ironic as it is to say looking back, i would gladly take those failures again. as much as they hurt in the moment, they are learning opportunities because they were what made my organization and i flourish, and off the back of those setbacks, even better opportunities for patients and volunteers were born. as the old adage goes “you live and learn.” these experiences of overcoming challenges will serve me well as i embark on future projects, and hopefully, they will prove to be helpful to you in your journey leading a clinical community service organization. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research www.ujslcbr.org undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 looking at education differently: community teaching kimberly archer ball state university in the fall of 2019, as a participant in an innovative model of teacher preparation at ball state university, i stepped out of my comfort zone and immersed myself in the whitely community. for sixteen weeks, i worked with students in the local school, tutored a student in the after-school program, and attended religious services and other events in the community. i also built a close relationship with two families in the community who helped me see the beautiful and rich culture of whitely community. i entered this experience thinking i would help the community and teach students, with the overall goal of making an impact. however, i could not have imagined the impact this community and the people would have on me and my growth as an educator and as an individual. the teacher preparation model i participated in, schools within the context of communities (scc), focused on the importance of actively engaging with the communities that students are growing and learning in as part of being a culturally responsive and sustaining educator. in traditional models of teacher education, we read about how to interact with families and communities and we discuss it. however, we rarely can put this into practice. with scc, we had the opportunity to practice this and explore the benefits that connecting with students’ communities have. furthermore, we researched and discussed in-depth the factors that affect students, families, and communities locally, politically, systematically, and globally. this included topics like oppression, immigration, and mass incarceration. these are all topics that are not typically covered in-depth and in this context in a traditional program but are essential to understanding our students and the world around them. in this community-engaged program, we not only learned about these topics but were able to reflect upon their relevance to the students and families with whom we were working, making them even more meaningful. at the start of this experience, i was paired with a mentor family from the community, with whom i would grow very close. however, before i even had a chance to spend time with the isoms’ in their community, i started a practicum in my fourth-grade classroom and met one of their sons. he was quiet and reserved with me in class and i struggled with finding a way to connect with him to better help him in school. however, as soon as i began spending time with the isoms’ in their community, his comfort zone, i quickly discovered what interested and excited him. i took this new knowledge with me back to the classroom and felt the tension disappear when i worked with him on math problems and other content areas. i could now relate what we were working on to his prior interests. because i had spent time with him in his community, i could also more easily recognize when he needed a break and when we needed to switch gears. for instance, i knew he loved playing games, was competitive at them, and engaged in more conversations with me when he played them. one morning i worked with him in a group and created card or board games with math problems he needed to solve, and his goal was to “beat me”. of course, i never won the game and i always helped guide him in problems if he was stuck. however, after a few turns, he usually was able to begin to figure out problems on his own. i could see that his confidence was building with each move and he was enjoying the 11 looking at education differently: community teaching undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 challenge with me and his peers. after this, he was much more willing to hold a conversation with me inside and outside of class and, since we had built a relationship, we started working together in other subjects with much more ease and comfort. before i knew it, i was realizing these same benefits with all my other students. students were excited to talk to me about seeing me in the community or what they did over the weekend because they knew that i would recognize the places they were talking about. i could relate content to them and their interests. i could make lessons relevant to them. for example, i taught a math lesson on word problems using a jeopardy game in which questions specifically used each students’ name along with activities that they liked to do and places around the community that they knew. this provided a fun way to practice the content we needed to cover and showed my students that i paid attention to them and their interests and hobbies. but this went beyond just academics. my students and i built relationships in which we could openly and honestly communicate. if i recognized that the method i was using to teach was not working for a student, i could pull them aside and say “i see this is not working for you, what else can i do to help you?” and they appreciated an opportunity to guide their learning and tell me what they needed. this semester provided the most rewarding experiences i have had in a classroom. immersing myself into my students’ community and their lives opened a whole new way of thinking about my classroom and what i wanted it to be. i realized i cannot ask my students to step into my world and my way of thinking. instead, i must immerse myself in their world and build trust between us. i must take the time to create authentic caring relationships, or i will never be able to effectively teach all my students. as valuable as this connection was, whitely community taught me far more than just how to connect to my students and their lives. i also learned that a school cannot function at its best without the community. within whitely, there are people with a range of occupations and talents, and plenty of these residents are eager to help the students in their community. there are religious and community leaders who influence the children in their community and offer their services wherever they can to ensure their students succeed. as an educator, i will be a trained professional in my field. but as a professional, i realize that i am not an expert in all fields. with an abundance of resources and willing volunteers in the community, i need to take advantage of these opportunities and provide my students with learning experiences that go beyond the curriculum. this also provides an opportunity for me to bring my students’ communities into the classroom and allows them to share parts of their lives from outside of the school building. students connect to the people they see living and working in their community and by bringing these people into my classroom, a deeper, more enriching experience happens. however, i first must go into the community and develop these relationships myself. i cannot wait for opportunities to come to me, i need to actively seek them. my immersive experience may be over, but i have not lost sight of the lessons i learned in whitely or the relationships i built. in my present practicums, i dive deeper into the experience than is required by my professor’s rubric. i ask questions about the community my students come from. i talk to the students about what they do outside of school. i conduct my own research on the demographics of the students and the area and what resources are available. i look for opportunities to help not only in the classroom but also in my students’ communities. i realize that as i leave the university and move into the field that my experience in the schools, i will teach in may be different. as much as i would like to, i may not necessarily be able to invest as much of my time in immersing myself in the community. however, as an educator, i will make it a priority to engage in community events and visit the community centers that are a part of my students’ lives during the school year and before the year even 12 looking at education differently: community teaching undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 starts. families and the community need to be able to trust their children with me and that trust is not earned without making the effort to engage and involve them inside and outside of the classroom. attending community events such as plays and festivals at students’ churches and games for community recreational teams they may play on will provide me with a window to children’s lives outside of school. extending myself into the community will also be an excellent way for me to learn about the resources in students’ communities and discover ways that i can bring families and community members’ expertise and skills into my classroom. i have not forgotten about whitely. i still maintain my relationship with the isoms, i attend religious services in whitely whenever i can and talk to the community members about how they are doing and if there are opportunities for me to help their community. i have even started to pay more attention to the school district i grew up in and the communities involved, actively looking for opportunities to improve my schools and their engagement with the communities around them. the lessons i learned in whitely were a formative experience for me, and i will work diligently to ensure i am doing all i can to continue to grow to be the best community educator i can be. i lived just twenty minutes away from the whitely community for two years before this experience. at the time, it was just another point on a map and an area i was told to avoid. it was not until i immersed myself in the community that i realized how rich this community is in their cultural wealth and history, how welcoming and affirming the community is, and how the community comes together to help its residents succeed and prosper. i would never have learned about all of this by looking in from the outside. my experience in the community has already helped me become a better educator, and i will use the lessons i learned there as i continue to grow into this profession. 13 the effects of implementation of art therapy within the homeless population mckinsey medlin honors college, university of north carolina wilmington abstract this proposal intends to build a partnership with the good shepherd center in wilmington, north carolina, to create an 8-week intensive visual thinking strategies (vts) art therapy program. this program will address the mental health needs of those experiencing homelessness and provide a healing environment for all levels of trauma. a literature review has been conducted to view the effectiveness of similar programs and the need for these resources in the new hanover county region. these findings indicated that the good shepherd center has considerable potential to be the leading facility to implement this program within the new hanover county region. keywords: vts, therapy, homelessness, trauma introduction there is a population that is very prevalent in the united states of america and is often very overlooked. this population of individuals gets driven past without a second thought in whatever conditions the climate decides to bring that day. the unhoused population is rapidly growing due to the housing crisis, rising unemployment rate, rising medical costs leading to debt, and numerous other interdisciplinary factors. although there are shelters to relieve some of the struggles of homelessness, that does not remedy the mental damage that an unhoused individual faces. due to circumstances, homeless people are more at risk for mental illness, substance misuse, and trauma. unfortunately, resources that can help are not available without insurance, money, transportation, and/or technology to access telehealth services. this creates a ripple effect and a continuous cycle of mental damage to a person. although some shelters offer in-facility mental health services, residents deserve an opportunity to express themselves in untraditional ways. using art as a healing practice has been used in all cultures for years and has greatly evolved. art therapy is used in practice to improve cognitive skills, self-esteem, resilience, and social skills and reduce negative attitudes and emotional conflicts. furthermore, the visual thinking strategies (vts) process can be implemented with similar benefits to art therapy. once a facilitator can guide participants, a vts program can be carried out in various settings. regarding unhoused population(s), this would allow vts sessions to be held in shelters where residents could participate in discussions surrounding art. literature review the effects of implementation of art therapy within the homeless population 2 a national view of the homelessness crisis according to the state of homelessness: 2021 edition, in january 2020, over 580,000 individuals were dealing with homelessness in america. of that population, 70% comprised individuals, with the remaining 30% accounting for families or those with children dependents. diving even further into the population, special attention is given to certain subgroups such as unaccompanied youth (under 25 years old), chronically homeless, and veterans. due to this investigation shows that men are more likely to experience homelessness as out of 10,000 men, 22 are homeless, and that number is only 13 for women (“state of homelessness,” 2021). additionally, the unsheltered homeless carry some staggering statistics in america’s temporary shelters. systems and programs to provide shelter cover 61% of those experiencing homelessness. however, children almost always have priority in those situations leaving only 10% of families with children without shelter. this leaves a large gap within age groups supported by these programs. the unaccompanied homeless youth lack essential shelters, as 50% of that population remains unsheltered. however, individuals (not with a family) are arguably at the most risk as 51% live in places not intended for human habitation (sidewalks, subway cars, parks, downtown, etc.). integrated view of the new hanover county/ wilmington homeless population homelessness is defined as anyone residing in a setting that is not meant for human residency, an emergency shelter, or transitional housing between these places (“changes in definition of ‘homeless,’” 2012). the ten-year plan to end chronic homelessness and reduce homelessness in the cape fear region (2008) discusses the root causes of homelessness in new hanover county and surrounding areas and lays out the staggering statistics of attempts to assess the needs. for many, the reason for current or chronic homeless stems from at least one of the following: “unemployment, underemployment, lack of affordable housing, substance abuse/addictions, mental illness, physical disabilities, veterans’ post-traumatic stress disorder, lack of access to affordable health care and family break-up” (“plan to end homelessness in the cape fear region,” 2008, p. 5). under these conditions, the majority fall under the category of suffering from mental illness. this might not be the cause of their homelessness but is a result of their current situation. of those who have reported, 22% of the homeless population in new hanover county is a victim of serious mental illness, with over half not receiving treatment. additionally, a significant number of individuals that are discharged from mental health institutions, prison systems, and hospitals end up homeless within the urban regions of new hanover county (“plan to end homelessness in the cape fear region,” 2008). furthermore, an in-depth review of the interaction between affordable housing and homelessness is identified in bowen’s national research, housing needs assessment (2021). since 2000, the population size of new hanover county has increased by 78,375, which is 15.6% more than the north carolina increase. this positive trend has been predicted to continue from 2020-2025 in wilmington, with a 7% increase within those five years. a section of this population does come from students at the two local colleges in the area: cape fear community and the university of north carolina wilmington. due to having educational institutions in the area, the percentage of those with a high school diploma and/or bachelor’s degree is significantly higher than the overall state of north carolina. however, this county’s educated workforce can often outshine the 6,460 adults without a high school diploma. those lacking a diploma find it more challenging to find steady employment and livable wages, resulting in struggles for secure housing. the effects of implementation of art therapy within the homeless population 3 the rapidly growing new hanover county population creates barriers to employment, housing needs, and accessibility to organizations that provide financial assistance. visual thinking strategies about visual thinking strategies provides insight into the goals and benefits of vts work which was co-developed by abigail housen and philip yenawine. vts acts as a guide to jumpstart participants into deep thinking, especially about topics they might not usually create time to explore. this can be implemented within almost all subjects, but art is utilized specifically to facilitate discussion. participants can improve their written and visual literacy, collaborative interactions, and cognitive skills to increase confidence in their abilities (university of college cork, n.d). while vts has tremendous qualities within a personal setting, a group experience can provide its learning environment. this problem-solving process allows participants to pursue a willingness to share their thoughts without fear. this creates a non-judgmental environment that can allow people to question openly, listen to multiple viewpoints, question narratives, and think deeply. the facilitator of this discussion is tasked with keeping this space positive by utilizing optimistic approaches and ensuring everyone feels welcome. this ensures that each participant’s perspective is heard to appreciate how it affects others. vts produces growth in all forms and proves benefits in even vulnerable populations (university of college cork, n.d). art therapy within vulnerable populations frank marangos (2020) discusses the multi-complexity of homelessness and the intricate healing properties of artwork. images, paintings, sculptures, etc., hold power within their form. these works can give insight into the sheer emotion of hope or despair within their forms. just as art holds this power that is up to individual interpretation, many see homelessness the same way. to the ignorant, homelessness is viewed as a personal choice to not work hard enough or a position granted to those who have experienced poor life circumstances. to others, it is a multi-dimensional problem that requires dedication, an open mind, and a highly complex support system (marangos, 2020). as the american art therapy association defines it, art therapy is “a human service profession in which clients, facilitated by the art therapist, use art media, the creative process, and the resulting artwork to explore their feelings, reconcile emotional conflicts, foster self-awareness, manage behavior, develop social skills, improve reality orientation, reduce anxiety, and increase self-esteem” (“about art therapy,” 2022). this kind of work can foster healing environments and be an effective treatment for those with developmental, cognitive, medical, social, and/or psychological disability. furthermore, art therapy allows individuals to dig deep into the hands-on, creative art process to create tools such as problem-solving, impulse control, focus, positive self-image, and a sense of calmness. these skills are necessary to guide individuals through the transition out of homelessness to interviews and eventually permanent housing. within this process, participants can choose whichever medium speaks to them the most and work through their emotional past and trauma while in a safe space. these creative practices are a humanizing method that can facilitate group discussions and uncover undeniable growth (“benefits of art therapy,” 2020). marian faa (2019) puts perspective on the link between homelessness and trauma by sharing an individual’s story and connecting a growing crisis with art. ursula tate, now 21, was only 15 years old when she escaped an abusive relationship. however, she had no idea the further trauma she would endure from the stress of never knowing where she would sleep at night and her constant exposure to issues such as substance misuse. her story, among others, helps researchers the effects of implementation of art therapy within the homeless population 4 link homelessness with trauma. a 2014 study showed that 97% percent of individuals who were homeless at some point had been subjected to multiple traumatic events. this important study shows that mental health worsens after an individual loses stable housing (cash et al., 2014). melissa andrews, an art therapist, took an interest in these findings and created an 8-week art therapy program to encourage healthy neural pathways to begin again. this art had a common theme of growth, love, happiness, and dreams. participants showed significant progress with communication and self-expression. this calls for action in implementing programs like this one to become a norm. applied design to implement this design, there needs to be a strong community relationship between the good shepherd center, local artists, and the cameron art museum. the good shepherd center is the leading and largest homeless shelter in the new hanover county region, with over 118 overnight beds. within a yearly period, they provide 160,000 meals to residents and others in the community with food insecurity (“sheltering the homeless,” n.d). its mission statement is “to feed the hungry, shelter the homeless, and foster transition to housing” (“our mission, n.d, p. 1). this shelter has integrated mental health and substance misuse services that all residents can utilize. with on-staff physiologists and mental service professionals, this would be an ideal facility to house a vts program. within the good shepherd center, there are multiple resources offered to the community. in addition to mental health resources, there is also a well-established walk-up medical clinic, day shelter, night shelter, and the secu lakeside reserve. the night shelter opened in october 2005 and can house individuals and families through a check-in process. volunteers can provide educational opportunities, social support, and plans for creating long-term housing in this setting. the secu lakeside reserve was created with lakeside partners of wilmington inc. the reserve is a 40 one-bedroom unit, permanent supportive housing featuring affordable rent, transportation, counseling, and life-skills training (secu lakeside reserve, n.d). finally, the day shelter is characterized as a haven for all. it provides basic needs such as bathrooms, showers, phone/ mail service, case management, mental health referrals, etc. this drop-in center allows even the most fragile to have the comfort of support from staff (“sheltering the homeless,” n.d). this is where trust can grow between the homeless and community members; therefore, steps toward stability can be taken. the day shelter would be ideal for hosting the proposed vts program. this setting would allow most participants to join and open the opportunity to those who cannot obtain overnight stays at the time. this approach could impact a larger community and even encourage more people to utilize the day shelter. bringing in more needy individuals also allows them to receive medical and mental health care. additionally, this setting provides total freedom for participants; therefore, no one feels pressured into the engagement. the eight-week vts proposed program would utilize classic vts sessions, expressive art creation, and follow-up conversations about emotions that have arisen. providing art supplies would be a weekly task to ensure that residents can create art that is meaningful to them. the program would be a personal experience, and sharing would never be necessary for privacy reasons. the vts sessions would surround different images every time, with many donated by local artists. an art piece brought into the facility can create a much different environment than art shown on a computer screen. residents can feel important and worthy if given the environment to show them they are. part of that environment is ensuring that they receive the best opportunities the effects of implementation of art therapy within the homeless population 5 to explore art in a healing and healthy way. this importance is why allowing participants to explore a museum setting is critical in developing skills through art. the final two vts sessions of the program would utilize transportation from volunteers and potentially adequate funding to rent 15passenger vans. the sessions at the museum would be a refreshing environment change after the participants have had time to build relationships with volunteers, their peers, and ultimately themselves. it is important to note that environmental changes are only beneficial when people have had time to process their work throughout the program and have built enough self-confidence to feel worthy of the new environment. the hope is that allowing participants to tour the museum without other community guests would be the last building block to prove the importance of their role in the community. presenting individuals, who are often looked over and judged, an opportunity to experience beauty in a private space is an important step in their recovery. each session would be different, and the program would get more intense as the weeks progressed. this may create difficult feelings to arise, as residents heal through different levels of trauma that have been endured. the hard emotions are not glamorous, but they are necessary for a successful program with the intent to provide stability and emotional success to residents. figures 1-4 reflects the progression of potential images used for vts sessions. the topics of family, growth, childhood, and nature are likely to arise in these conversations. the connection between trauma exposure and homelessness is reflected in figure 5. the interdisciplinary nature is evident, as trauma exposure can lead to mental health issues, social disparities, and homelessness. however, this pathway can also be reversed as homelessness, as noted before, leads to further levels of trauma, especially in substance abuse exposure. furthermore, there is no argument that social disparity and homelessness go hand-in-hand. the graphic displays how individuals experiencing homelessness are in desperate and in chronic need of support through shelter resources and mental health services. the steps to recovery from the cycle of trauma and homelessness are mapped out in figure 6, with the inner circles showing the first milestones in the process. within the work of vts and the program proposed, the work would take place within the first two tiers. to begin moving forward with recovery, individuals must first feel safe, which is where the haven of the day shelter helps to fit into the picture. furthermore, the process of vts sessions provides participants with a connectedness to art, society, and other aspects displayed in each unique work. the ability to discern emotions based on viewing patterns and dig deep into an image brings on skills of selfefficiency. this instills confidence in individuals to think for themselves and feel self-assured in their capacity to relay their thoughts to others. diving into the second tier of recovery, there is a need for necessary steps towards healthy social connections through developing problem-solving skills, reaction management, and logical thinking tactics. being in a group setting, while discussing artwork and creating self-expression pieces is the perfect environment for growth in these areas. discussions are open but still loosely guided, and participants are encouraged to collaborate on many occasions. finally, vts is a proven method to improve problem-solving, reasoning, critical thinking, and visualization skills. the building blocks and social support from others will allow participants to eventually transition into more structured treatments, which the good shepherd center offers. the third tier is out of the control of the proposed program, but hopefully, it will foster a smooth transition. although the hope is for an easy recovery, that is often not the reality. figure 7 highlights that recovery is not linear, but the newly learned coping abilities will be an asset on the journey. the homeless population, especially in the new hanover county region, desperately needs integrated mental health services, including seemingly untraditional methods. visual thinking the effects of implementation of art therapy within the homeless population 6 strategies (vts) use collaboration, free thinking, and the healing powers of art to build coping skills within participants. a program designed specifically for those pre-determined by society to experience some level of trauma would implement vts, expressive art creation, and partnership. the importance of this work is shown through model programs and relevant research into the link between trauma and homelessness. while this population may require a delicate touch, there is a significant impact in the art of effort. the effects of implementation of art therapy within the homeless population 7 references about art therapy. (2022). retrieved from https://arttherapy.org/about-art-therapy/ bowen national research. (2021). housing needs assessment. retrieved from https://planning.nhcgov.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/bowen-housing-needs-assmtfinal.pdf cash, r., o’donnell, m., varker, t., armstrong, r., di censo, l., zanatta, p., murnane, a., brophy, l., & phelps, a. (2014). the trauma and homelessness service framework. report prepared by the australian centre for posttraumatic mental health in collaboration with sacred heart mission, mind australia, inner south community health and vincentcare victoria. changes in the hud definition of "homeless". (2012, january 18). retrieved from https://endhomelessness.org/resource/changes-in-the-hud-definition-of-homeless/ creativity and recovery: the mental health benefits of art therapy. (2020, july 29). retrieved from https://www.rtor.org/2018/07/10/benefits-of-art-therapy/ faa, m. (2019, august 09). using art to tap into trauma. retrieved from https://www.abc.net.au/news/2019-08-09/art-therapy-helps-healing-from-homelesstrauma/11391270 secu lakeside reserve. (n.d.). retrieved from https://www.goodshepherdwilmington.org/project/lakeside-reserve/ marangos, f. (2020, january 22). arts therapy for the homeless. retrieved from https://homeboca.org/arts-therapy-for-the-homeless/ our mission. (n.d.). retrieved from https://www.goodshepherdwilmington.org/inside-gsc/ourmission/ sheltering the homeless. (n.d.). retrieved from https://www.goodshepherdwilmington.org/project/sheltering-the-homeless/ state of homelessness: 2021 edition. (2021, august 16). retrieved from https://endhomelessness.org/homelessness-in-america/homelessness-statistics/state-ofhomelessness-2021/ ten year plan to end chronic homelessness and reduce homelessness in the cape fear region. (2008). retrieved from https://b.3cdn.net/naeh/e381c1839d25b07037_8lm6rktdu.pdf the effects of implementation of art therapy within the homeless population 8 university of college cork. (n.d.). about visual thinking strategies. retrieved from https://www.ucc.ie/en/vts/about/ the effects of implementation of art therapy within the homeless population 9 figures figure 1 image example used in proposed vts session note. levitan, i. (1889). golden autumn, village [canvas oil painting]. wiki art. https://www.wikiart.org/en/isaac-levitan/golden-autumn-village-1889 the effects of implementation of art therapy within the homeless population 10 figure 2 image example used in proposed vts session note. kahlo, f. (1938). girl with death mask [metal oil painting]. wiki art. https://www.wikiart.org/en/frida-kahlo/girl-with-death-mask-she-plays-alone-1938 https://www.wikiart.org/en/frida-kahlo/girl-with-death-mask-she-plays-alone-1938 the effects of implementation of art therapy within the homeless population 11 figure 3 image example used in proposed vts session note. portinari, c. (1944). os retirantes [painting]. wiki art. https://www.wikiart.org/en/candido-portinari/os-retirantes-1944 https://www.wikiart.org/en/candido-portinari/os-retirantes-1944 the effects of implementation of art therapy within the homeless population 12 figure 4 example image used in proposed vts session note. kahlo, f. (1931). portrait of luther burbank [masonite oil painting]. wiki art. https://www.wikiart.org/en/frida-kahlo/portrait-of-luther-burbank-1931 the effects of implementation of art therapy within the homeless population 13 figure 5 aid in examining the intersectionality of trauma exposure, homelessness, and mental health struggles figure 6 model of recovery for long-term unhoused individuals the effects of implementation of art therapy within the homeless population 14 figure 7 recovery progression stages with the integration of support agencies undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 11, spring 2021 big blue backpacks and the impact of covid-19 harrison atkins & joycelyn vanantwerp millikin university the covid-19 pandemic has undoubtedly changed the world. it is hard to imagine any community service organization that has not struggled to adapt to the challenges brought on by covid-19. while unwelcome, the pandemic has shown the resiliency of our program, big blue backpacks, along with what are our most vital components. here we reflect on the challenges we faced in adapting our organization to continue our essential work, despite the pandemic. we also share our insight into the importance of community integration for a program's longevity and adaptability. big blue backpacks (bbb) is a community service program run by millikin university students in decatur, illinois. bbb began as a student organization but quickly evolved beyond millikin university student organization requirements. the students who started bbb wanted to incorporate decatur’s community help to make this a city effort to fight food insecurity. professor mary garrison is considered the director of bbb. she helps manage the organization’s funds and helps create connections around decatur. the organization began when a professor of behavioral sciences was informed by the principal of a local elementary school of a need for a food assistance program for the students. dennis lab school is a public school that currently has 445 students in attendance. in response to this request, the professor approached some of her students to run the program and became their faculty advisor. it took almost a year to plan how big blue backpacks would be organized, run, and sustained. after one year of planning, the students presented their idea to the macon county community foundation, asking for a start-up donation to get the program running. five years later, big blue backpacks continues to serve the students at dennis lab school with 85 students currently enrolled in the program. our organization has also expanded efforts by offering weekly food donations to a food pantry outside the school where anyone in the community can come and secure the food items they may need. big blue backpacks serves weekend meals to the students of dennis lab for 27 weekends during the academic year. the recipients encompass all grade levels from kindergarten through eighth grade. the backpacks include: three dinner items, two breakfast items, two lunch items, two snacks, and a dessert item. at the beginning of the year, each bag goes home with a can opener, in case students do not already have one at home. the bags are filled with foods we hope kids can prepare on their own or with minimal help from an older sibling or parent/guardian. foods like ramen noodles, canned soup, pop tarts, and granola bars fill the bags. bbb orders all the food from an aldi food store in decatur. our longstanding partnership with aldi has been invaluable to the success of our program. every other week we place a special food order to a correspondent at aldi. once the order has been filled, employees set the order aside for us in the back of their store where we then pick it up and bring it to the good samaritan inn. the good samaritan inn is another one of our crucial community partners. the good big blue backpacks and the impact of covid-19 30 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 11, spring 2021 samaritan inn is a local soup kitchen in decatur, that serves lunch to those in need. it is here where all the food for big blue backpacks are housed. in addition to storing our food, they have also kindly lent us shelving and table space to pack our food into bags. consistency is something we strive for when preparing the food bags. each child receives the same foods as everyone else. to keep the bags uniform, we only ask for monetary donations from the public. the members of bbb have done well to create a community presence in decatur. at the start of each year, the bbb team and members of dennis lab school come out for a press conference; either held at the school or good samaritan inn. this helps kick off the year and lets the community know what big blue backpacks has done over the past few years, where we are headed, and that we are still looking for donations. the community sees that bbb has an ongoing partnership with decatur public schools foundation, aldi, and the good samaritan inn. big blue backpacks members have also spoken for television stations and to local groups in decatur such as the kiwanis club, to help spread the word about what we do. while we do get large donations from community agencies annually, we also receive donations from private donors. along with these donations we also hold varying types of fundraisers. in the past, we have been hosted by restaurants in our local community including culver’s, and texas roadhouse. during these events, our sponsors agreed to donate a portion of the revenue made over the night to our cause. similar events have also been hosted at millikin university. during our last spring semester, we hosted a soup night where all proceeds from ticket sales and donations went directly to our organization. these events serve to both maintain our savings as well as to continue raising awareness for our cause in the decatur community. from the organization’s inception, the professor who began bbb has prioritized community outreach and has helped us to create connections all over decatur. this really is a community effort and because of the help and support from the community, we have been able to sustain ourselves even throughout the covid-19 pandemic. when millikin university decided to finish the semester online, due to concerns about the spread of the pandemic forcing students to return home, it was unclear how big blue backpacks would respond. the bbb leadership team received many concerns from volunteers about what would happen to the students we provided food for. because of the sudden loss of members who would be returning home for the semester, and the uncertainty of the emerging pandemic, we were unable to provide our usual bags for two weeks. our organization faced a very difficult task of how we would finish out the year and restart the program. however, given the additional turmoil the students faced, it was very important for bbb to be a consistent source of support to the students and families that we served. the supervising professor of the program assisted the team by helping reorganize the efforts of bbb members who would be remaining on campus. with the help of the professor and the social worker from dennis lab school, the remaining bbb members were able to resume packing and organization efforts. after we had reassembled a packing and organizing team, we were tasked with getting the food to each child without being able to deliver it to their school as we had usually done. this rested in the hands of the school social worker; in a typical year, the food bags would be placed in each child’s locker on friday afternoon for them to take home. the social worker did an amazing job coordinating with the faculty members at dennis. around six or so teachers came together and mapped out the locations of the kids’ homes. from there, each teacher took a section of ten or more kids and would drop off the bags at their doorsteps or give it to an adult at the home. we also made changes in our usual procedures to be in line with the world health big blue backpacks and the impact of covid-19 31 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 11, spring 2021 organization’s guidelines regarding covid-19. when packing the bags, we wore gloves, masks, and socially distanced. teachers who dropped off the bags also wore protective measures to keep everyone safe. the next step for keeping big blue backpacks running was to make sure we had access to the food for our bags. this was probably the most important step, as if we don’t have enough food, we could not continue our efforts. we have a close relationship with the manager at aldi. as mentioned before, we typically placed special orders for our food supply, however during the pandemic, restrictions began to be placed on foods. this meant we could no longer put in special orders and had to begin making individual purchases from the store. the professor, the social worker, and a bbb team member would make special trips to aldi together on friday mornings. we would split the shopping list into thirds and meet up at the checkout to pay for everything, then take everything back to good samaritan inn. after a few weeks of special shopping trips, food restrictions around illinois got tighter, meaning that we could only purchase a certain amount of canned goods, and pastas. on the third week of april 2020, these restrictions began. we were not aware of this until we got to the check-out that friday morning. we were only allowed to purchase four canned goods and pastas per shopper. having a good relationship with the manager at aldi was helpful, he understood that this food was for big blue backpacks and was being used to help food insecure children in decatur. the manager was able to override the limit put on some items which allowed us to purchase more than the maximum amount put in place for these items to deter stockpiling. items that were no longer available to us, due to the restrictions, were ramen noodles and ravioli/canned pasta. for other items, we made many small transactions to get all the food we needed. unfortunately, the aldi manager was unable to provide any more overrides for future orders. however, some of the food items we usually purchased from aldi were not restricted, such as, pudding cups and granola bars, so we continued purchasing what we could to keep our partnership strong. despite what we could still purchase from aldi, we again had to adapt how we would acquire the necessary food for the rest of the school year. we have always purchased items from aldi since it is the most efficient option for providing nutritious food throughout the year for the students. since aldi could no longer meet all our needs, we opted to shop at sam’s club for the remainder of the items. while sam’s club is more expensive, we were able to handle the unexpected additional costs because of our savings which came from contributions of our donors and funding. unfortunately, we ran into the same problem here of limitations on how much food we could purchase. after explaining our situation to employees at sam’s club, the employees decided they would override the limits one time for us. luckily, this was the last shopping trip we had to do before the school year ended. had this not been our last shopping trip of the year our backup plan was to order food from the food bank. this is not an ideal option as we would not be guaranteed a specific amount of goods and we could not guarantee consistency with each food bag. as the new school year began, we are still following covid-19 guidelines while packing, picking-up, and distributing the food. we are also stocking up on more food in anticipation of other food restrictions that may be enforced. teachers at dennis lab school are still going door to door dropping the bags off for the students. despite all the difficulties, we have been able to continue serving the children at dennis lab school. one of our main takeaways from this experience is the importance of the connections we have within the decatur community. it is because of our close partnership with dennis lab big blue backpacks and the impact of covid-19 32 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 11, spring 2021 school that began at this organization’s founding that we could rely on the social worker and the teachers at the school to continue delivering the food. despite the obstacles of food restrictions, our partnerships and standing in the community helped us get special exceptions we desperately needed at aldi and sam’s club. it is thanks to our many varied donors that we had the funding to continue during this crisis. the pandemic presented many challenges for our organization, big blue backpacks. however, it is through our vast network of supporters that we were able to cope with the massive disruption of covid-19. with this in mind, our recommendation for students looking to begin an organization is to prioritize and cultivate connections within your community. having partners from the beginning sets a strong foundation for support and funding that may be invaluable in adapting to unforeseen circumstances. parental prevention education 1 running head: parental prevention education exploring the effects of parental prevention education on child sexual abuse prevention undergraduate researcher: saskia berrios-thomas social work major university of pittsburgh class of 2017 faculty mentors: keith caldwell, director of basw program and assistant professor, school of social work, university of pittsburgh yodit betru, clinical assistant professor and agency coordinator, school of social work, university of pittsburgh community partner: julie evans, director of prevention and crisis services, pittsburgh action against rape april 15, 2015 parental prevention education 2 abstract this research explores the impact of a parental prevention education program on child sexual abuse. a pre-existing parental prevention education program through pittsburgh action against rape works to give parents knowledge in warning signs, bystander intervention, and prevention techniques for child sexual abuse. quantitative surveys were given before and after the program. qualitative interviews were conducted after the program to measure parents’ level of understanding and intent to implement prevention knowledge in their households. parental prevention education 3 introduction and background child sexual abuse (csa) has long been known to be a serious issue. it is undeniable that abuse has long-term negative effects on children. the prevention of csa has been studied thoroughly throughout the last several years. this present study is investigating the effectiveness of parental prevention education programs. to do this, it is essential to first investigate previous studies and information surrounding the subject. perez-fuentes, et al. (2013) studied more than 34,000 adults in the united states to statistically estimate the prevalence of csa. they state that, “in the united states, child sexual abuse (csa) affects approximately 16% of men and 25-27% of women.” charles johnson (2004) cautions that this number is most likely underestimated because of the knowledge that many victims never come forward. while the issue is known, its scope is often not fully realized. one of the biggest components of any csa prevention program is teaching parents the warning signs of csa. dr. lane pullins and jennifer jones (2008), in their study parental knowledge of child sexual abuse symptoms, identify the warning signs with three main categories: medical symptoms, unusual sexual knowledge or behavior, and emotional and behavioral indicators. under these broad categories, more specific symptoms include injuries to external genitals and signs of infection; unusual knowledge about sex, excessive sexual interest/behavior, pregnancy, and touching others’ sex parts; depression, anxiety, anger, and substance abuse (p. 8-9). in the described study, parents were randomly selected and asked to list as many sexual abuse symptoms as they could. although the majority of parents were able to list at least one symptom in each category, “almost no parent listed symptoms related to sexual orientation, unusual attitudes about sex, or pregnancy” (pullins&jones 2008, p. 10). the researchers go on to explain that “fear, avoidance, and withdrawal from others was by far the most commonly cited symptom (86%), followed by depression (47%), and oppositional behavior (35%), all of which are cause for concern in general, but are highly nonspecific for sexual abuse” (pullins&jones 2008 p. 14). this study shows that although parents are aware the issues exist, they are unaware of the most important symptoms to look for. parental prevention education programs should emphasize the physical symptoms as alarming warning signs, but also include emotional changes and sexual interest in the discussion. parental prevention education 4 in prevention programs directed toward parents, it is important to explain who the typical perpetrator tends to be, as well as which children may be more vulnerable to abuse. according to johnson (2004), a perpetrator is most often someone the child knows, with the parent being the abuser 45.3% of the time. david finkelhor (2009) found in his study that only 14% of children are abused by someone they do not know. this means more than 80% of victims knew the perpetrator before they were abused. further, finkelhor explains that “child molesters are more likely to be educated and employed” (p. 172). parents often think that their children will be abused by an uneducated, intimidating stranger, not a well-dressed educated neighbor or friend. through interviews with incarcerated perpetrators, johnson (2004) found that perpetrators “seek children who are available, easily manipulated, and have desirable physical attributes” (p. 466). perhaps the most alarming finding of his study is summarized in one sentence: perpetrators “claim to prefer seduction and gaining trust over coercion by becoming the child’s friend, playing games with them, and offering them gifts” (p. 466). from these studies, we can gather that most perpetrators are known to their victims and use grooming patterns to lure and harm them. when considering curricula for parental prevention education programs, this information should be heavily emphasized. reppucci et al. (1989) also report that in prevention programs, “most intimate or long-term types of sexual abuse tend to be ignored as are specific discussions of molestation by parents. also generally missing is the information that some ‘bad’ touches can actually feel ‘good’” (p. 1268). it is important to know who children disclose to, and if parents are discussing an openness for children to disclose abuse if it were to occur. if parents are not discussing this openly in the home, it will prevent communication if abuse were to occur. communication in general is very important in preventing abuse. the more children talk to their parents, the more information they are equipped with to keep them safe and the more likely they are to talk about abuse or other issues if they do arise. paula schaeffer et al. (2011) found, through qualitative interviews with child victims, that children disclosed most often to their mothers (54.7%), followed by grandmothers (10%), and fathers and teachers (both 8%) (p. 347). these researchers also found that children disclose generally for three reasons: internal stimuli (ie. nightmares or guilt), facilitated disclosure (ie. questioned by parents or other individuals), and evidence of sexual abuse (ie. witness of abuse or physical evidence). in parental prevention parental prevention education 5 education programs, it would be important to note these three reasons and to emphasize that parents should ask questions to facilitate an openness for disclosure and should be vigilant for physical and emotional warning signs, as previously discussed. pittsburgh action against rape (paar) is a non-profit organization that provides services for victims of sexual abuse in pittsburgh and allegheny county. paar has an extensive prevention team that works to prevent sexual violence from occurring. the team has prevention programs directed toward parents, children, college students, and organizations and schools. the parental prevention initiative that they run is known as “parents in the know." this educational program works to engage parents in preventing child sexual abuse. there are four two-hour sessions at a community center with up to fifteen parents. given the mentioned findings, there are many prevention topics for parents to discuss with their children. walsh et al. (2012) summarize many of these topics, most of which are included in the current parents in the know program of pittsburgh action against rape (paar). the parents in the know curriculum includes the following topics that are starred:  building self-esteem  when it’s ok or not okay to have private parts touched*  using anatomically correct terms for genitals*  tell me or another trustworthy adult*  their right to decide who touches their private parts*  saying no if a person is touching and they don’t like it  not going with strangers*  telling me where they’re going  identifying trustworthy adults*  not taking gifts from strangers*  touching their own private parts*  listening to feelings to know if touch is ok  what to do if someone tried to tempt them with rewards  what to do if someone tries to make them keep secrets  what to do if someone is trying to touch private parts*  someone they know or like could touch them parental prevention education 6  what to do if someone shows them private parts  being safe on the internet*  it’s not okay for someone to take photos of private parts* both schober et al. (2011) and reppucci et al. (1989) agree that most prevention programs revolve around child-directed programming. these programs often teach safety skills and awareness information to the children. parental prevention programming has only recently started, when it was discovered that child-directed programming is ineffective. finkelhor (2009) conducted a study that found that youth between ten and sixteen who completed two prevention programs showed no difference in abuse rates several years later compared to the control group who were not exposed to any prevention programs. parental prevention education programs came about because it is now known that parents must be involved and that most children are not mature enough to implement prevention techniques themselves. while the literature is extensive on the impact of child-directed prevention programs and parent-directed prevention programs, there is little information on what prevention knowledge parents have coming into these programs. this information is essential to know what curricula and information should be delivered to parents. one study that did investigate this information begins to answer some of the questions i seek to answer, but still leaves some holes. walsh et al. (2012) did a study in australia on mother-child communication about csa prevention. they found that “approximately two-thirds of mothers reported having discussed the issue with their children” (p. 407). they go on to explain the different prevention topics which are discussed earlier in this paper. while these researchers do investigate whether parents are talking about preventing abuse, they do not discuss parents’ knowledge of specific warning signs, what parents are talking to their kids about, and whether they specifically discuss prevention strategies. more studies of this nature need to conducted so that we can have a deeper understanding of parental prevention, which may be the most effective form of prevention regarding csa. when creating, evaluating, and reforming parental prevention education programs, it is important to consider many factors. warning signs, particularly sexual knowledge and physical symptoms, must be explained and discussed. it is vital to thoroughly discuss that the majority of the time, the perpetrator is someone the child knows. furthermore, discussing csa when a parental prevention education 7 parent is the perpetrator, while uncomfortable, is essential. discussing prevention techniques with parents is important to facilitate discussion within the household. the research shows that talking about what is normal and what is not, and what to do if something feels wrong, can decrease the instances of abuse. finally, these programs need to discuss the importance of parents’ involvement in their child’s life as a whole. children need help protecting themselves and parents’ guidance is essential. during parents in the know programs, parents are taught to identify warning signs of child sexual abuse. some of these warning signs include unusual sexual behavior or knowledge, depression or withdrawing from others, physical symptoms, and spending a lot of time with one adult. parents are encouraged to become active bystanders if they notice an abusive situation or think their child may be a victim. in addition, the importance of conversations is discussed. if parents have an open environment for discussion with their children, it is more likely the child will come forward about abuse or simply to ask questions if something does not seem right. each week a different topic was covered, including boundaries, bystander intervention, healthy relationships, and healthy sexuality. information was taught using role-playing, scenarios, tips, games, videos, and discussion. at the end of each session, each parent was given a “mini-op” which served as a homework assignment for the parent to complete with his or her child. these mini-ops were framed for the children and parent to work together. assignments were usually on a coloring page with instructions to make lists or complete a role-play. the parents in the know session that was studied was conducted at the family care connection in the lawrenceville neighborhood of pittsburgh with a group of 9-10 parents depending on the week. the sample size was fairly diverse with all female participants aged 2563. participants were of different races and ethnicities and had different income levels. children of participants were generally young with an average age of four. there were two participants who were taking the program for their young grandchildren since their children were too old to participate. parental prevention education 8 methods a mixed methods study was used to ensure the most descriptive results were found. a quantitative survey was given before and after the parent programs were administered and a qualitative interview was conducted after the programs to gain a further understanding of parents’ views and opinions of the program. the survey consisted of two parts. the first was a scenario in which the parent was asked what he or she would do if his or her uncle was giving kids special attention, allowing them to sit on his lap, and hugging them. options included things from as simple as “keep watching your uncle” to “call the police.” each option included a five point scale for the parents to choose from. the scale included the options definitely would not do this, unlikely to do this, might do this, and definitely would do this. this scenario was included on both the preand post-surveys. the second part of the survey consisted of a list of things to talk about with a child. parents were asked if they talked about these activities with their children or not, and were given response options of yes (1) or no (0). the topics ranged from “what they like to do” to “how sex can cause pregnancy.” this list was also included in both the preand post-surveys. the survey was made up by paar in conjunction with pennsylvania coalition against rape (pcar) and drexel university school of public health. the preand post-surveys had been administered in the past to parents in the know programs but always in a longer form. the surveys had not been administered lately and results had not been studied in combination with qualitative interviews. the present study shortened the surveys to contain only the two aforementioned parts. the full survey had about ten parts and took a long time to complete. the interview protocol was formatted by pittsburgh action against rape and adapted for this study. several questions were taken out from the original model and two new questions were added. questions asked parents what they got out of the program and allowed for discussion of examples of successes and failures. the interviews were formatted in a “community conversation” style in which a focus group of five parents and the facilitators of the program discussed the questions together instead of having a rigid question-answer format. parental prevention education 9 results survey results were analyzed by coding answers and analyzing statistically. mean changes from preto post-survey answers were not as large as anticipated. for the scenario, most answers stayed the same with a mean answer between 3 and 4 for most questions on both the preand post-survey. several questions did see a substantial change, including “notify the host of the party” with a mean response of 3.444 on the pre-survey and 4.200 on the post-survey. questions that involved confronting the uncle did increase slightly. “talk with your uncle about your concerns,” “ask your uncle about his behavior,” and “explain to your uncle about why you are not comfortable with his behavior” increased from a mean of 3.333 to 3.700, 3.222 to 3.800, and 3.333 to 4.000 respectively. part two of the surveys, asking parents if they talk to their children about certain topics, saw more significant changes. the biggest change was in “proper names for their penis or vagina” which increased from a mean of 0.444 to 0.900. almost twice as many parents were able to talk to their children about naming their body parts correctly. this is an important change because children who know the proper names for their body parts are less likely to be abused. topics “what sex and sexual activities are” and “how sex causes pregnancy” increased slightly from a mean of 0.111 to 0.400 and 0.111 to 0.300. this small change is partially explained by the ages of children in the focus group. the mean age of children was 4 years old, which is not the target group for discussing sex and pregnancy in depth. however, this topic was covered in the program with a book on body parts and pregnancy given to parents for preschool aged children. a final important change was seen in the topic “practicing what to do if an adult touches their private areas” with a mean change of 0.444 to 0.800. although there were a few increases in recorded knowledge after the program was completed, many changes were statistically insignificant or nonexistent completely. for example, “what to do is an adult makes them uncomfortable” only increased from 0.667 to 0.800. in the scenario (part 1), “keep watching your uncle” went down from 4.667 to 4.00. the majority of the results followed a pattern of little to no change in response. parental prevention education 10 figure 1: pre-survey data: topics discussed between parents and children figure 2: post-survey data: topics discussed between parents and children the reasoning for this change is potentially explained by an overconfidence on the presurvey. the survey asks questions that assume an ability to parent well. parents may have felt vulnerable at the beginning of the program and may have answered that they would do something even if in fact they may not have actually felt comfortable doing it. this response bias is due to the nature of the questions and the underlying tone of asking parents to evaluate their parental prevention education 11 parenting skills. in addition, parents may have actually thought they were prepared to act correctly when the options were laid out in a hypothetical situation. what is known from the research is that is it easy for people to say that they will do something, but it is much harder to act on it when they are actually in the situation. one possible remedy to this bias in the research is to incorporate the respondent’s pre-survey answers in the post-survey format. for example, the researcher may give the respondent his or her initial pre-survey and give him or her the option to change the pre-survey response based on new knowledge gained. this would allow the respondent to evaluate his or her own responses and decide if there was response bias or not. although this reincorporation method was not used in this study, the qualitative interviews were used to investigate the lack of change in the survey responses. questions allowed parents to elaborate on how much they learned and if their opinions and views changed. results from the interviews were generally promising with parents stating an increase in both knowledge and anticipation to act in the future. the interview results were coded according to themes including topics learned, improvements/suggestions for future programs, and talking with other adults. topics learned in the program were of particular interest due to the desire to understand gains in knowledge, especially considering the lack of change in the surveys. body awareness was one of the most discussed topic that parents learned and implemented into their parenting style. one parents said, “it definitely opened up the conversation more about body awareness and talking to my oldest about her personal space. even the younger ones, what is private and what you can’t touch. so that was a good way to help me start that conversation.” another said, “i started talking to them about the actual body part names. like at first it was just private zone but using the words now and the actual names.” this conversation parents are having with their children is important because if children are openly communicating the names of body parts, a perpetrator is less likely to abuse them. the parents also discussed the importance of bystander intervention both with their children and with other peoples’ children. one parent said, “i would feel more guilty if i didn’t” intervene. other parents cited the role plays as good practice for real life situations in which they may need to intervene. parental prevention education 12 throughout the conversation, parents discussed an increased awareness around the issue and a readiness for conversations in the future. a mother of a three year old stated, “i think the program makes you more aware to look at it with your own children than with everyone else. you’re sitting on the outside saying ok this happened to them. but you sit in the program and you go this actually could happen to my family.” one of the most important aspects of parents in the know is encouraging parents to communicate with their children. it is more important to talk and be open with children than it is to have all of the right answers. the facilitators of the program discussed emphasizing an openness for communication about any problems a child is having. parents seemed to take this point seriously, with one parent saying, “i think it’s made it easier in a sense as to where you’re more prepared to talk about it as opposed to your kid just asking a question and you’re just completely caught off guard.” the parents in general discussed a readiness to talk to their children about abuse and healthy sexual behavior. improvements and suggestions for future programs were of particular interest for paar because the organization is hoping to improve and expand parents in the know in the future. parents discussed a desire for information on sex trafficking, domestic violence, and internet/technology safety. one parent discussed her concerns: “it’s so easy for kids, they have a cell phone and they give their numbers out to anyone.” a suggestion for future programs that was not discussed by parents but was noted by the researcher is to have more information on inter-familial and friend abuse. parents throughout the program discussed “stranger danger” and the fear of their children being abused by strangers. however, the research indicates that the majority of child abuse perpetrators are someone the child knows well. when parents continually brought up abuse by strangers, a facilitator reminded the group, “but remember, strangers are only part of our problem. it’s easy to say strangers, but it’s rarely a stranger.” a parent responded by saying, “i told my daughter, if it’s not mommy, daddy, brother or sister, grandparents, anyone else, if they touch you inappropriately, you need to come tell us.” however, this kind of conversation has the underlying connotation that it is ok for the mother, father, siblings, or grandparents to abuse the child. this only leaves room for the child to disclose if it is someone outside of the immediate family. in fact, the research shows that the parent is the abuser more than 40% of the time. information on inter-familial abuse needs to be heavily emphasized. it is an uncomfortable topic and hard to come to terms with. it is parental prevention education 13 generally easier to think that a child will be abused by a complete stranger, rather than someone a parent knows, trusts, and loves. another topic that should be discussed in future programs is information on different types of abuse. “child sexual abuse” is often generalized into one term when in fact there are different types of abuse. the implications are mostly relevant in terms of teaching parents warning signs. a toddler who is being abused by his father will show different warning signs than a 13-year old who is in a manipulative, non-coercive abusive relationship with a 60-year old man. finally parents discussed how they have been talking about this program and the information it provides with other parents. the participants, all female, discussed a general displeasure by their husbands. one mother’s husband was taken by surprise. she said, “well it just sparked our conversation like you know how we’re going to talk to our children about these things and you know when she’s going to be ready. it wasn’t like he disagreed with it, he was just like ‘oh my goodness.’” three parents discussed their husbands reactions to the book that was given out, “amazing me.” the book was designed for preschoolers and discussed the names of body parts, how a baby is born, and healthy sexual behavior. the parents discussed: “my husband did not like that book.” “yeah! i’m so glad my husband’s not the only one. he was like, ‘yeah, it’s going on the top shelf for a while.’” “mine said, ‘it’s too much, that’s too much.’” “mine was like, ‘why do they have to know all that? they’re not ready.’ and i was like, ‘well the older one is.’ and he said, ‘no, no.’” these conversations are important to have and the fact that both parents were involved in these discussions is promising. parental prevention education 14 discussion the program was overall successful in preparing parents to have conversations with their children about abuse and healthy sexuality. parents talked to their children about names for body parts and were more aware of the issue of child sexual abuse. in addition, parents are more equipped and feel more confident to intervene in situations where they think abuse may be possible. when thinking about expanding parents in the know and other parental educational programs, it is important to put less emphasis on abuse by strangers and more emphasis on interfamilial abuse, as it is the more common, less talked about type of abuse. parents need guidance in figuring out how to come to terms with the reality that inter-familial abuse is common, and they need help knowing how to talk to their children about it. in addition, it would be useful to give back the pre-surveys to allow parents to reflect on how much they learned throughout the program. this study had several limitations. the sample size, although diverse, was very small. in addition, the participants were all from the same neighborhood and all already attended the community center. parents from different geographic areas, income levels, and with children of different ages may show different results. in addition, the survey was relatively small with only two parts, which may not have allowed for an in-depth understanding of all of the issues surrounding child sexual abuse. parental prevention education 15 acknowledgements i would like to thank my faculty mentors keith caldwell and dr. yodit betru for their never-ending support and guidance. they always had an answer to my questions and always pushed me in the right direction, even when i felt lost. i would also like to thank julie evans at paar for her support and for allowing me to complete this project, jamie posey-woodson for facilitating the parent programs and meeting with me every week to talk about new ideas and progress, laura summers for meeting with me every week and always bringing in new perspectives, and holly hickling for overseeing everything and running great conversations with all of the community-based research fellows. i would like to thank all the other fellows for their input and dedication to their projects and the values of the fellowship. and lastly, i thank my parents for their ongoing love and support. parental prevention education 16 references finkelhor, d. (2009). the prevention of childhood sexual abuse. the future of children, 19 (2), 169-194. finkelhor, d., et al. (1995). victimization prevention programs for children: a follow-up. american journal of public health, 85 (12), 1684-1689. hunt, r & walsh, k. (2011). parents’ views about child sexual abuse prevention education: a systematic review. australian journal of early childhood, 36 (2), 63-76. johnson, c. f. (2004). child sexual abuse. the lancet, 364, 462-470. perez-fuentes, g., et al. (2013). prevalence and correlates of child sexual abuse: a national study. comprehensive psychiatry, 54 (1), 16-27. pullins, l. g. jones, j. d. (2008). parental knowledge of child sexual abuse symptoms. journal of child sexual abuse, 15 (4), 1-18. reppucci, n. d. & haugaard, j. j. (1989). prevention of child sexual abuse: myth or reality. american psychologist, 44 (10), 1266-1275 schaeffer, p., et al. (2011). children’s disclosures of sexual abuse: learning from direct inquiry. child abuse and neglect, 35, 343-352. schober, d. j., et al. (2011). an empirical case study of a child sexual abuse prevention initiative in georgia. health education journal, 71 (3), 291-298. walsh, k., et al. (2012). mother-child communication about sexual abuse prevention. journal of child sexual abuse, 21 (4), 399-421. parental prevention education 17 appendix a: survey data parental prevention education 18 parental prevention education 19 parental prevention education 20 parental prevention education 21 appendix b: survey mean data pre-test post-test parental prevention education 22 pre-test post-test parental prevention education 23 pre-test post-test parental prevention education 24 appendix c: graphs figure 1: scatterplot of pre-survey responses figure 2: scatterplot of post-survey responses parental prevention education 25 appendix d: interview transcription jamie: saskia is going to be writing down your answers and it’s going to help us with the program and help us add on to our program, the next level of the parent program. and it’s going to help saskia with her project that she’s doing so i’m going to turn it over to her. do you want to ask the questions and i’ll write down the answers? saskia: sure, sounds good. jamie: and is everyone ok with me recording the audio? it will just be your voice, not your face. saskia: is that ok? we’re using a tape recorder to record your answers. group: yes that’s alright, fine by me. jamie: you can change your voice if you want to, if you don’t want to be identified. saskia: and if you want to skip any questions that’s fine as well, you don’t have to feel like you have to answer every question or anything like that. jamie: but we want as much feedback as you can give us. saskia: so this is going to be a very open conversation. you guys can just sort of say whatever you want and it’s just a conversation setting style. our first question is what did you enjoy the most about the workshops, if anything? 1: for me, it made me see things differently as far as my kids and how i should be looking out for my kids or what i should be talking to my kids about. it definitely opened up the conversation more about body awareness and talking to my oldest about her personal space. even the younger ones, what is private and what you can’t touch. so that was a good way to help me start that conversation, especially the little ones. 2: i think the coloring books and all the workbook pages that you could share with the kids helped too. saskia: was it interactive and an easy way to work with them? 2: right, yeah. saskia: that’s good. 3: it definitely made me see that i’m not the only one that has my opinions. i was able to see other people’s opinions on it as well. 4: i agree with everything everybody said. and i liked the book that was given out. i forget the name of it. group: oh, yeah, beautiful me? 4: that was a very good book. jamie: amazing me. 4: amazing me, yes. saskia: were there any topics in the program that you were previously unaware of or that surprised you? 4: how many kids go to strangers. saskia: like that video we watched? 4: yes. jamie: the statistics of 7 out of 10 will walk away with a stranger 4: yes. jamie: and out of 2 days of filming, only 12 people helped intervene to stop the luring in the park. 4: yeah, those videos were very good, the video that we watched. saskia: anything else that you learned that you didn’t know before? parental prevention education 26 5: how to talk to your kids about the different issues, you know going through the different scenarios, that was helpful. filling out the bubbles was helping. jamie: the bubble sheet? the disclosure bubbles? 5: yeah, like if someone came to you, what would you say? 3: i don’t know that it made me more aware of more situations, i worked as a cop, so i’m very familiar with these topics, but it made me think more about it. saskia: like specific to your kids maybe? 3: yeah, it made me think about bringing it to my home and to my daughter. saskia: was there anything that you wanted to get out of the workshops that you thought was missing? 4: you covered a lot. saskia: there wasn’t anything that you would have liked to have learned that wasn’t in the workshops? 4: no it seemed to be all there. jamie: when you hear that there is going to be a parent program on how to keep your kids safe what is your first take on what we’re going to be talking about? 1: child safety. jamie: what else? 1: maybe child proofing your home. saskia: so we talked about that briefly, right? jamie: i’m just trying to figure out what comes to mind when people think of it. 4: strangers, fires. jamie: and just recently we started to add a part about a fire drill. this is something we never did at home. but this is important to have, you know those emergency drills for the home. how your family would take care of an emergency. what else did you think it would be about? 1: maybe drugs and alcohol. jamie: and when you say drugs and alcohol, is that effects of drugs and alcohol or is that how to keep your kids safe from drugs and alcohol because i think we talked a little bit about that. 1: yeah, also if you have even stuff in the medicine cabinet, talk to them about that. if you have any kind of alcohol in the home, all of that should really be locked up when you have little kids in the home. your household chemicals. saskia: now what about specifically relating to sexual abuse. when you heard the program was from pittsburgh action against rape what did you think we might be talking about? jamie: or you might not have known that paar meant that. some people don’t. you might not know that till i come. so did some of you know? or did you think we would be talking about sexual abuse? 5: no i thought physical abuse. saskia: do you think that’s important to talk about as well? group: yes. 3: i think an important to talk about with either sex, you know male or female, you male to male or female to female. it’s not just male female, gender specific. saskia: i think that’s important too. i think a lot of times people just assume it’s a man abusing a woman. jamie: so we’re talking about same-sex relationships. 3: and even female to male you know it’s not always the male as the aggressor. parental prevention education 27 saskia: right. 3: it’s not always an adult that’s the aggressor either, it’s other kids. saskia: the other kids, that’s something that’s happening. now what about abuse within the family? is that something that you had thought about before? 5: sexual abuse? saskia: yes, sexual abuse within the family? 5: yeah that’s something i think about. a lot of that stuff occurs within the family. saskia: so was that surprising to you or did you already know that? 5: no i knew that. saskia: you knew that? 5: yeah. jamie: you knew about the statistic of it being 83-83% of people that are victimized are victimized by people that they know? 30% of those folks are actually relatives. saskia: and where did you know that information from? was it from the media or somewhere else? 5: from the media. saskia: so you knew how prevalent it was because it’s been talked about so much recently? 3: from my prior training in working in emergency services, i’m still an emt. and even being that, you see you know, when you do that you see that. saskia: right…ok. so is there anything you’re doing differently now that you weren’t doing before the workshops? 4: i was talking to my grandson about what a stranger was. he’s 3 and a half. he doesn’t quite get it but he knows the word now and he’s got an inkling of what it is. saskia: ok. 3: abby’s still young but i’m still even moreso than i was, “you can’t say hi to someone unless it’s ok.” 5: see my problem with that is you don’t want to scare them. 3: she’s so young. 5: “don’t talk to strangers!” then they’re scared of everyone. 3: i let her wave to people at this point. and say hi when i say it’s ok and only let her go close to somebody if i say it’s ok. cause it’s hard, like when we went to the nursing home yesterday, how do i tell her? they’re all strangers! how do you tell her they’re strangers but it’s ok to talk to them? so i continuously turned around and said “it’s ok, mommy says it’s ok. they’re safe.” just to reinforce when mommy says it’s ok, we can go up and shake their hand or give them a hug. but when we’re in the store, it’s kinda like backing off a little bit to letting her say hi because everybody comes up to her like “hi!” and i’m like “ok don’t touch her.” and i’m trying to instill that but it’s really hard when you have other people who don’t help too. saskia: right. 3: but i’m telling her that “hey if mommy doesn’t say it’s ok, don’t do it.” 4: yeah i told my grandson, a stranger is someone you don’t know and just do not go alone with anybody that you don’t know. if somebody says “oh hi, you’re so cute, let me show you something.” no, i said no, just go to whoever you’re with, whether it’s his parents or myself. for right now, that’s what i tell him. saskia: right. it’s good keeping it simple so he can understand it. jamie: did we talk about code words? parental prevention education 28 group: no. jamie: so you can give your child a code word so they can always know. people who try to tell children they’re here to pick them up, like your mom told me to. you know what i mean? and so our children are very vulnerable. 3: my mom always did that. “here’s your secret word. don’t tell anybody. they only people that can pick you up is if they have this word.” jamie: right. 3: like pizza. it was something stupid honest to goodness it was like a stupid off the wall word. before i left the house, my mom said “if they don’t say the word green, you don’t go with them today.” and she changed it every once in a while so it wasn’t always the same thing, but if there was someone coming to pick us up from school or from the park, they had to say that word to you. saskia: yeah that’s a good idea. 3: so you know that they have talked to your parents. jamie: i don’t even think other people can pick other people’s kids up anymore. 3: you have to be on the emergency contact list. 5: even at my daughter’s school, we had to write a note saying it was ok. 3: up at woolslayer, my best friend has a kid there and my husband had to pick up her son. it was an emergency, she has heart problems and she called and said “hey can one of you pick up my son?” and i said “are they going to let us?” she actually had to call the school and put my husband on the emergency contact list. since they she has put both of us on the list. that’s the only way you can pick up if you’re on the emergency contact list. so at school, you know if they can’t get ahold of them, we’re on the list at the bottom under like 10 emergency contacts. saskia: right. 3: which is good for the school, but it is hard, like oh you have to be on the emergency contact list so they have all of our information. saskia: right. 4: not when i was growing up. jamie: yeah, anybody could pick anybody up. saskia: so going back to how you might do things differently now, what about talking to your kids? like have to talked to them about anything that maybe you didn’t talk to them about before? 1: i started talking to them about the actual body part names. like at first it was just private zone but using the words now and the actual names with that book. 3: it’s hard because abby’s just learning her words and her body parts. she still runs around naked. i did teach her her boobs and so she will yell “boobies!” but at least she knows what they are and it’s part of her body. she’s just discovering other body parts now. it’s hard because she doesn’t understand when you try to tell her. she looks at you like… jamie: like “it’s got a name?” 3: yeah and it’s just like stop. of course the first time dad heard he was like “what are you teaching her?” 1: that’s something i didn’t know. going back to that other question. you said kids who know their body part names are less likely to be abused. jamie: yes. because they’re openly communicating the names of the body part and they’re comfortable with saying it. you know, it’s not a secret, it’s what it is. it’s just like saying it’s parental prevention education 29 your arm. really it’s the adults’ problem. kids can deal with it. it’s our issue of how we, you know of course it’s always developmentally appropriate. when you feel it’s time not cause i came in here and said something, you work at it and do what makes you feel comfortable. you can teach your children how to do that. 1: that must be hard on the perpetrator though, like the kids “you just touched my vagina!” like, what? group: laughs jamie: get out of there. 1: my daughter is loud too. saskia: that’s good! 4: yeah my grandson, he knows the body parts but he doesn’t get the vagina part. group: laughs 5: because he doesn’t have one that’s why! 4: yeah, i told him the other day. i mean his parents taught him that he has a penis, they’re teaching him the right words. but i said to him you know “there’s a difference between a boy and a girl. a boy has a penis” he understands that “and a girl has a vagina.” and he just like looked at me, you know. and he said “no.” jamie: i should have brought this video of like 6 children and their parents are teaching them about sex and they’re like in between 5: oh i’ve seen that! jamie: did you? oh i loved the little boy who was like “ohhhh” and he was scared. it was so funny! and then the dad said “the vagina’s like a pocket and i have to put my penis in the pocket” and the girl said “eww.” i didn’t know why he did that. 5: the little boy who knew everything. jamie: oh yeah he knew too much! saskia: yeah from his brother. jamie: “who’s telling you all this?” saskia: so is there anything else you’re talking to your kids about that you didn’t talk to them about before? jamie: do you think you’re more prepared to have conversations that might be hard. group: yes jamie: so it might even be like the preparations for when hard topics come up. like when we did the assessing your comfort. that’s an exercise for when people think “well that’s not something i’m dealing with right now.” we came up with a list for parents of things they will have to deal with for the whole 18 years. now i got my daughter living with me right now and she’s 36 so i’m just saying. she kinda really is over 18. there’s some people that keep coming back. so you know we put a range of stuff on there like sexual activity. you know that’s a conversation you’re going to have to have. you might not be having it at 18 months but that’s a conversation you’re going to have to have. you do not want someone else having that conversation with your child or showing them. like we said before, people that are comfortable with talking about this stuff are better off. there are people out there who are willing to give that information away and tell you how to do it and show you how to do it so i think we need to be the main people teaching our children stuff about sexual abuse prevention, sexuality, healthy sexuality, all of those things that we want to be the leaders in teaching our children about. so maybe you just got a little more comfortable if those conversations come up, you’ll do something. what about being a bystander? parental prevention education 30 do you think by watching and going through the whole bystander intervention and watching the whole katie was at the park? do you think you’re more likely? first of all you’re probably paying closer attention. there’s no way that through this program your lens doesn’t change. you’re not paranoid. you just know there’s more things out there. 4: you’re more aware. 3: i think the program makes you more aware to look at it with your own children than with everyone else. you’re sitting on the outside saying ok this happened to them. but you sit in this program and you go this actually could happen to my family. saskia: that’s a good point. 3: the whole it’s not going to happen to me. jamie: almost like when we hear those things, like saskia asked the question like what did you learn? so yeah you heard about things happening to children, children being abducted, sexually abused, taking them all and raping them, killing them, but you never thought that that could happen to me in my home. so it kinda brings it home like it’s not just out here. there’s some thing we need to do to keep ourselves safe. saskia: ok, so do you think, either if you have made some of these changes or if you’re waiting till your kids get a little bit older, has it been easy, or will it be easy to make these changes in your life? especially with the way you talk to your kids and having those difficult conversations. 1: i think it’s made it easier in a sense as to where you’re more prepared to talk about it as opposed to your kid just asking a question and you’re just completely caught off guard. saskia: right, so you’re like ready to respond? 1: i mean it’s not an easy conversation, but at least, you know, you can prepare for it. jamie: i don’t want to keep saying stuff, but i’m gonna keep saying stuff. so it’s not an easy conversation like you said but you’re more prepared to have it and remember too you don’t have to have all the answers right away and you only have to have limited information. so whatever they’re asking, as long as we give just enough information like if the child is asking where did i come from and you think that means he’s ready to have the whole sex talk and really he might mean am i german, am i african american, am i chinese, he might just be trying to figure out what his nationality is versus you know did i actually come out of the vagina so you have to ask clarifying questions to figure out exactly what they’re asking then give them the information that’s developmentally appropriate for that time and then you have a monitor to know if your child is asking you questions that you think are beyond their scope or beyond what you taught then you would know something is up like “where are you getting that information from” like that guy who was asking his son all those questions and he was like “my brother told me.” of course you would know that if it was a sibling but it might be an outside person not in your home. could be from school or daycare or wherever. so you need to know that there are other people who could be teaching your child something you don’t feel they’re ready for. saskia: and do you feel like you are more prepared to be an active bystander if you saw something was going on with either your kid or a different kid? 4: i would feel more guilty if i didn’t. jamie: so you think you’re more likely to intervene? 4: yes. i feel like a conviction if i didn’t jamie: like “why didn’t i stop? why didn’t i do anything?” 4: right. saskia: yeah parental prevention education 31 jamie: and that’s another layer of awareness that we were trying to provoke you know our world is changing and i know that there’s a lot going on and people see a lot more than they think they see and we become desensitized, but that’s big we need to be saying something. saskia: so going off that question a little bit, have you talked to any other parents about what you’ve learned or how you’ve changed your behavior? 4: i’ve talked a little bit to my son. and you know he lives with them and they have all the information, the book and everything. 1: i talked to my husband about it. saskia: what did he think? 1: umm jamie: you never know with the husbands 1: well it just sparked our conversation like you know how we’re going to talk to our children about these things and yo know when she’s going to be ready. it wasn’t like he disagreed with it, it was just like “oh my goodness.” 5: my husband did not like that book. 3: yeah! i’m so glad my husband’s not the only one. he was like “yeah, it’s going on the top shelf for a while.” 1: that’s too much, that’s too much. 5: mine was like “why do they have to know all that? they’re not ready.” and i was like well the older one is. and he said “no, no.” jamie: how old is the older one? 5: 8. jamie: 8? yeah, so it says preschool aged. 5: right so he’s wrong. jamie: is it the pictures? tell me a little about what the problem is. 3: i think my husband, it’s the pictures. it’s so in detail. if it was just explaining it right now it might be ok but the pictures, i think that just makes him a little uncomfortable. she’s daddy’s little girl so. jamie: oh so do you think it would be different if you had a boy? 5: i don’t think it would be. saskia: it’s just so funny that it’s the dads that are so jamie: protective. 3: me and my husband have already had a conversation about this because there is a history in the family so we’ve already had the conversation of how to teach her and what to do. like when we are around family members we never take our eye off of her. she’s never alone with them you know, as a precaution. so this kinda reinforced it again, like gave it a different way to handle it. cause you know i easily fly off the handle, i’m very opinionated when it comes to this so especially because there is a history in the family, it gave me a different way to handle it and a few more things to look at and to talk about. saskia: that’s good. 3: i know with her pageants, i know with the other moms there’s a lot of concern for foreign pages that are adding us on facebook just spying on our kids in pageants. jamie: oh really? talk to me about that. 3: we’ve all been talking about that. it’s kinda scary because they’re like foreign people, there’s people from china and all over the place. but they could be fake profiles, we’re not sure but parental prevention education 32 they’re men that are preying on these young girls. well i can’t say they’re so much preying but they want to see the pictures. so us as pageant moms we had to really watch who we allow on our facebook pages, all the resale pages have been privatized because these crazy people were coming on to see kids in dresses. and they do sell bathing suits and stuff i mean they’re not that revealing but there’s still a lot of strange requests, just to pageant moms. we’ve all been talking and all the requests were going to the same people to the pageant moms. and then there were a couple moms who aren’t pageant moms who never got the requests and all of us had had a picture of our pageant child as our profile picture and they were trying to add us just to you know. so when we talked about online and protecting our kids more protected and secure, so they’re not stealing our pictures, that was helpful. jamie: that’s good to know. even when we had that conversation and people had different opinions, it still sparked the conversation about it, because i think that can lead right into facebook pages, going on there. 3: it’s really easy to steal pictures off facebook. i got lucky and had my pictures pretty protected. some of the moms didn’t know that and had their pictures stolen and put on this strange guy’s site. we had to fight with facebook to get it taken off. 4: how did they find out? 3: we seen it. he started friend requesting and sharing the pictures. and they were sharing pictures from the resale pages. we try to resell our clothing to each other and just have a little way to save money but now they’re stealing our pictures and we have to be more careful. jamie: so your pages weren’t private? 3: some weren’t, because you want other pageant moms on there. but now we’ve had to private them and have to actually accept people who join the pages because there’s so many people who have stolen pictures. it was just recently that it’s picked up. jamie: there was a woman at a parent program who was asking about the ramsy case. then i was thinking about the tv show with the little girls. 3: toddlers and tiaras. i will say that i know for a fact that it’s actually fake. it’s pageants, but it’s fake. they were paid to make it look more appealing. jamie: appealing? it looked like abuse to me. they were going after those girls and then some of the children, the way they were talking back to their parents disrespectfully, and like it was ok, like they had accepted that. that was a little disturbing as well. 4: honey boo boo, that name just came to me. saskia: alright so, going back to talking to your kids, i know some of you have younger kids, but if you have older kids, or even if you have younger kids, how have they reacted to the things you’re telling them, like talking about their body parts and stuff like that? 1: mine love it, especially that book. for some reason, she’s just like “let’s read it!” and i’m like ok! jamie: it’s interesting, you know she wants to know about herself. saskia: right i mean they’re interested. so were you the one to bring it up or did she bring it up? 1: well she had brought it up before, like way before this program, but you know, i had told her the names of the body parts. well at first i just referred to it as the private zone, and “no go tell” you know, say no to someone who’s touching your private zone, then you tell someone about it. so she had heard that before. saskia: anyone else kid’s have reactions? parental prevention education 33 5: well like i said with my younger she’s obsessed now with her vagina. she likes to walk around like “i love my vagina.” she knows she has a vagina. my son’s always known he has a penis. my oldest, she’s interested in it, but she doesn’t want to talk about it. like if i talk about it she goes “mom! don’t use that word.” and i’m like “that’s what it is.” meanwhile she has a different book you know a transitional “your body changes” and she loves to read it over and over and over again. so i know she’s interested in it, she’s just not asking as many questions as i would like. but she comes to me every once in a while, like if she’s stuck on something, “what if i’m at school when i get my period?” that’s the big one now. saskia: that’s really good that she’s talking to you about it now though. 3: abby’s just discovering parts now. she still takes a bath or shower with me and she’ll point to my parts and be like “this?” and i’m like “look you’ve got the same thing” and she doesn’t understand and she’ll poke me and look at me and her new thing is “huh?” then she laughs, she thinks it’s funny, even if you tell her what it is. she just stares at you, i think she’s comprehending. she can’t pronounce everything yet. saskia: now what about, we had talked about having those conversations with you know saying no to a stranger or abusive situations, how have they reacted to those kinds of talks? 4: my grandson, with the word stranger, you can tell he’s trying to understand, and he’s interested. so, you know he’ll get it soon. jamie: right, we just introduce it and we gotta keep following up. 4: but the other day he did say to me, he pointed to someone and said “stranger.” it wasn’t a stranger though. so i had to tell him “that’s someone you know.” jamie: ok, he’s trying it out. 4: yes. jamie: you know the best video i’ve seen that shows the stranger part is kindergarten cop. there’s a couple reasons i like it. one is the part where it shows the dad and he’s trying to figure out who is your daddy and what does he do? so the one little boy says “my daddy looks at vaginas all day long.” and he’s a gynecologist. and the other kid says “my mom says my dad is a really sex machine.” now he didn’t know what he did, but anyway with the guy who’s trying to get the little boy and shows up to the school, but they see him and they all yell “stranger!” that’s so good. 4: i haven’t seen that in so long. 5: there’s also a part with girls have vaginas and boys have pensises. jamie: i went and bought it at the exchange so you can easily show your kids about body parts and stuff like that. but remember, strangers are only part of our problem. it’s easy to say strangers. 3: everyone i come across, everyone keeps going strangers. it’s not always the strangers who do it. jamie: it’s rarely a stranger. 3: we don’t realize, really it’s not the strangers who do it, it’s the people who are close to us. saskia: so have you guys had that conversation with any of your kids? jamie: yeah, because we can talk pretty much easily about strangers. saskia: right, strangers are easy. jamie: so you can just say: anybody. 3: in our house, we tell her, she’s not allowed alone with anybody. even now, we tell her that. as she grows up she’s gonna learn. she won’t be allowed with family members. she’s not gonna parental prevention education 34 understand it because of the other side. because on the other side she can go with them. but on this side, she cannot. so i’d rather she start learning now that you can’t be alone with them. jamie: now, do ya’ll need to do something about that person? do they need to be removed from the house? or is it something you can’t do? 3: it’s something we can’t do. jamie: ok. 3: i mean trust me, in a heartbeat i would. it was when she was born i found out and i wanted to but because of the relationship in the family, i can’t. there’s just no way to remove him completely. it just is not going to happen. if i had my choice, she wouldn’t have anything to do with him. jamie: so when she gets to an age where she’s able to say why, what will you say? you don’t have to say if you don’t want. 3: she’s not going to know verbatim what happened, but she will know what happened. jamie: so you won’t go into detail. 3: no, we’ll just say it’s not safe and he did things that are very inappropriate. she doesn’t need to know details. she doesn’t need to know. she just needs to know it’s not safe and that we don’t want it to happen to her. jamie: ok. saskia: right. now what about a more general conversation sort of saying even someone you know, even if you don’t know someone specifically, like in your case you’re talking about one person specifically, but what about talking about just in general, there could be someone you know that could still hurt you? have you had that conversation? 1: i told my daughter, if it’s not mommy, daddy, borther or sister, grandparents, anyone else, if they touch you inappropriately, you need to come tell us. saskia: right. 1: someone’s not changing your diaper or helping you with the potty. so i told her specific names for now, i didn’t mention aunts and uncles because that’s too much, plus you know it could be an aunt or an uncle. i wouldn’t think it would be but for now i just told her immediate family, no one else should be touching you. 3: you know what she said is scary, that we all have that. it shouldn’t be. but unfortunately it happens. 4: yeah my grandson that’s 3, the only thing i said to him was, if you ever feel uncomfortable, if anyone ever makes you feel uncomfortable, if you ever feel uncomfortable with someone, you tell mom and dad and that’s as far as i’ve gotten there. it’s funny though, you know he’s 3 1/2 , the other day he was telling me that he doesn’t like the irs. group: laughs 4: and i go “what do you mean you don’t like the irs?” and he goes, we were in the car, and he goes “that man was looking at me.” we were going to walgreens in frankstown and i said “what man?” and he said “i don’t like the irs.” and what the heck? i thought maybe his parents were talking about filing their income taxes or something you know. here it’s somebody on television. some commercial he saw about the irs. and he said to me “that man in the tv was looking at me.” group: laughs 4: you know he didn’t realize. in his mind, he thinks people can come out of the television. jamie: right. parental prevention education 35 4: i said “honey that’s a television, they’re in there.” he understands sound waves, so i’m like “those are sound waves. he cannot come through the tv and get you.” group: aww. 4: my niece, when she was 5, she’s almost 30 now, i took her to see beetle juice. group: oh no! 4: i didn’t know, i wasn’t thinking. it was in oakland, it was a theater in oakland, she starts screaming like crazy. i thought she would think it was funny. but when the movie started she started screaming and we had to leave. 5: the older kids maybe, but not the younger ones. jamie: ok we should get back to what we were talking about. 2: i think for ava and her sister, we’ve told her “besides your mom and myself, cause i’m grandma, the only other person that can touch you is the doctor when he’s examining you.” saskia: so just making it real clear, like this is who can touch you and this is who cannot. 5: i tell them, even daddy is not allowed to touch you. like he can’t help you get dressed or anything. i’m like no, it’s only mommy, and grandma, and the doctor. jamie: when we individualize, we’re different parents. i just want us all to be aware. ya’ll make your own rules about how you do stuff. saskia: ok last question, which we kind of touched on before. are there any other issues about parenting or child safety that you want to learn more about? or any other ways that paar could reach out to you? jamie: is there something we want to learn more about? this can really start my conversation now, which is say um we could continue on to teach the parenting class, what other topics would you want to know about? 1: i don’t know how common it is, but i saw an article on sex trafficking. i don’t know if that’s something we could talk about and how that works the same way as any of the other sexual abuse. 4: that’s a good one. jamie: now this is something definitely that we could possibly talk about and i would use, there’s a couple movies out. did you ever see “taken”? group: yes. jamie: where his daughter is a teenager and she hooks up with her teenage friend and they go to paris. and they hook up with someone in the airport who then is the one who asks them to share a cab. and they’re thinking they’re saving money and then they go. and then he sends the people there and they kidnap them and yes that’s exactly how sex trafficking works. and the fact that people fly to places where dramatic things are happening, like the tsunami, hurricane katrina. people actually went there to find people who were displaced for the specific reason of sex trafficking. 4: that’s a big one now adays, sex trafficking. jamie: there’s a couple of law and orders that we could use, where they have their children chained up in the basement. there were african american children and children of all nationalities that people could say what they wanted. they wanted a 7 year old that had brown hair and blue eyes. yes, anything else? 3: i think more about the online safety, you know facebook. that’s a big thing right now. facebook, and anything online. and texting, i was going to say that next. you know, cell phone safety. it’s so easy for kids, they have a cell phone and they give their numbers out. and the parental prevention education 36 other thing is teachers in schools. right now there’s a lot of teachers going after students. it sounds werird but. saskia: yeah there was just something in the news yesterday. was it plum? jamie: plum, yes. the child was 18, so that’s what they’re trying to base everything on is that the child was 18. the age of consent is 16 in the state. but unless they have some type of clause where they can’t fraternize with people in the same building, there’s nothing that’s probably going to happen to him. saskia: well how much older was he? oh she was 18. jamie: yeah she was 18. and that’s what the lawyers were saying when they were talking to him. it’s a consent thing. 3: don’t schools have a rule that teachers can associate? i think there needs to be more of that. you know, even though she’s 18, you can’t be going out and doing this type of stuff with a student. after school’s out, you know after they graduate, then there’s not much they can do. but while they’re in school, there’s a lot of kids i can’t say they’ve been held back but, there’s a lot of kids who are 18 now at senior year that this is happening with and i think the schools need to implement something as well that you know we can’t, they can’t socialize like that. it’s getting hard on teachers too, i know a lot of teachers in high school you can email them if you had a question about your homework, so it makes it hard how you can differentiate between the 2. 1: yeah, he’s like teaching and the kids will email him you know, “oh i missed class, what’s my homework?” you know that’s how it is? the teachers have to do that? 5: i mean that’s what the internet’s for right? 1: they have plenty of classmates though. jamie: would you want to have a specific training on online safety? group: collective yes jamie: like we could probably get someone from paar to come and do the whole, like the whole time would be spent on it. pull the computer up and show you everything. 3: i think that would be a very good thing for a lot of people that aren’t familiar with the internet. 4: absolutely. 3: because that would be very helpful to a lot of older generations. the younger generations are learning so fast. these kids seem to know so much more than we do. i mean i grew up around the computer and i know a lot about the computer but i swear to god my daughter knows more about that ipad than i do at this point. and she’s only 18 months. jamie: my granddaughter’s talking about apps. she’s 6. and i’m like “what are you talking about apps for?” cause she knows how to download the games on the ipad and yeah they know way more than we ever knew. and this technology thing, it’s huge, i mean it’s endless. it’s big. and when the lights go out, if our electric goes off at our work, people will go home. like “what am i gonna do?” if the computers running slow, you can hear people in their offices “this thing is slower than molasses in july.” so, we’re dependent on it. we rely on it for so many things. oh i want to pass this around, this is my resource guide. i want you to look at it, pass it around. i’ll give you a copy when i do the final version. that’s the one that got the pictures on it. what i was trying to do was think about different resources. do you think that would be useful? i gave ya’ll the internet slang, the 25 things that parents should know, and i showed you the dictionary, 92 pages. i was trying to come up with tv shows. ya’ll sparked my conversation on that, to add the tv shows, remember i started to write them down because you were telling me some of the things that your children watch? parental prevention education 37 3: i think that parents to have a resource to go to and have a way to find stuff, they can use that to teach their kid. they can pick and choose what they want to use to teach their children. saskia: right. 3: you know if they have the resources available to them easier than having to online search for them, then i think that would also be more incentive for parents to actually go do it because instead of taking the time to find the resources, it’s right there in front of them. jamie: let’s talk about the incredibles, because i love the incredibles. that’s a parenting movie, the relationship was doing something, they all had to keep their superpowers secret. 3: there’s another tv show doc mcstuffen, i don’t know if anybody watched it. it’s a mom and a girl, the mom’s a doctor and doc is the stuffed animal doctor. and she always goes “mom what do i do? how can i help this?” so there’s her being like her mom. i only know because we’re a doc mcstuffen home. and her brother, she’s always fixing her brother’s toys. 4: there’s a tv show, up all night. i haven’t seen it. jamie: oh up all night, those are the three parenting teaching tv shows, i got that offline. you can go on youtube and see little pieces of it. i’ve never watched it but even modern family, they’re saying that that is a good teaching tool for parents, like it’s about conversations. it’s not about teaching your child certain things. group: yeah. 3: i guess so because modern family it has the gay couple it has all of it, the older couple, it has it all. jamie: yes. so that’s the conversation about same sex relationships, the conversation about step fathers, new baby. 3: parenthood, well they just went off the air. jamie: i know, what happened? 3: i don’t know. i didn’t like the ending though. 4: cole’s afraid of the incredibles. 5: what? 4: yeah. jamie: oh i love dash. 4: oh me too. jamie: that part of the movie where he figures out how fast he can go, i just love it. 4: i know. it freaks him out. group: laughs jamie: so anything else we could add? saskia: i just want to throw one thing out there. we talked about this a little bit, but i don’t know if this is something you guys might be more interested in. there’s different types of abuse. a lot of people think of rape, and people kind of generalize like child sexual abuse. but there’s times when there’s pre-teens and very young teens who might get in a situation with an older person where it’s not coercive anymore because they’re being manipulated. so that might show different warning signs than someone who’s being forced into having sex with someone. so i think that’s something that’s important. 3: and the fact that there’s physical, verbal, you know all the different types of abuse. saskia: right. 3: you know, instead of us all just thinking, physical abuse. parental prevention education 38 saskia: exactly, there’s a lot of emotional components that tie into it. i think that might be something important. jamie: and it sounds like domestic violence too. group: yes. jamie: did anyone watch the grammy’s? group: no. jamie: i didn’t see it either. but i saw online that the president said something about domestic violence and then a survivor spoke about domestic violence. 3: i’ve been through it, i’ve actually talked here about it. 4: you’ve been through domestic violence? 3: yeah. my ex-husband threw me across the room and when i called the police, i accidentally messed up. jamie: is he in jail? 3: no, um there’s a lot of circumstances behind it. everyone questions why. but, i locked us out of the house fighting by accident and i went to take off and he threw a brick at me. the police, i worked as a cop at the time, and i was on my way out the door to go to work when he grabbed me and threw me across the kitchen and then he ended up taking off outside and i went outside, and that’s when i realized the door was locked and that’s when he threw the brick at me. and the police actually turned around and refused to arrest him, refused to cite him. i actually had a broken finger and my knee was all bruised and everything. and they turned around. he was 236 pounds. at the time i was 100 pounds soaking yet. they tried to say, he tried to say that i grabbed his foot and tried to pull him across the room. now you’re looking at a 236 pound built man because he was in the army. and not to say that i was weak or anything, but i was 100 pounds soaking wet and they tried to say “well he had a mark on his head” meanwhile he had actually taken his hoodie and done it himself. i never touched him because i couldn’t. i literally had a broken finger. and i’ll be honest. i was armed, being that i was a cop. i was going to do undercover work because i worked with the narcotics team at the time so i was armed and i even said to the police, “why would i even bother dragging him across the room when i had a gun?” i never once touched him. as much as i had every right to pull my gun an protect myself, i never did. but they refused to cite him until i went in the next day. they wouldn’t even give me a pfa, because the police would not stand by me. even being that i worked with them. it was 2 older cops. one cop said he would do it. the other one he flat out said he didn’t want to do the paper work so he refused to do it. 4: how’d you get out of the relationship? 3: i up and moved out. jamie: do you think that there are a lot of police that don’t want to deal with domestic violence? 3: from working as a cop and seeing other officers, yes. it’s a very hard situation to deal with. you’re coming from not being involved. looking at it as if i hadn’t been there myself, it’s very hard to deal with because it’s very hard to judge what actually happened. i was very ontop of it, especially once it happened to me because there was a lot of emotion involved. the next few weeks after it happened, i didn’t want to deal with it. because i was scared. it’s emotional. and a lot of women, even men, turn around and don’t want to deal with it because they’re afraid to. and as an officer you have to i can’t say talk them into it, but you gotta try to get them to realize that it’s not gonna get better. and i only knew that because i had been through it myself and was able to share my story, but it took me a long time. it actually took another officer i worked with, parental prevention education 39 because i didn’t tell anybody for the longest time, even dealing with several domestic violences. it took, my partner just flat out said, to a lady who had been thrown down the steps “she’s been involved with it.” she kinda threw me under the bus and said “lookk, she’s been there.” because the lady was saying “you don’t understand.” and so she turned around and said that. but not all officers understand that and not all officers are going to do that. 4: you get that in every group though. 1: do the cops have to do the investigating though? or can you hire an investigator to do that? 3: that’s the hard part. the cop has to determine who the aggressor is. and now the law is if you have brusies and marks on you. here’s the problem though. i had a man and a woman who had both beaten the crap out of each other. now what do i do? i ended up taking them both to jail. both charged with domestic violence and let the judge deal with it. you can’t tell who actually was the aggressor. she could have been standing up for herself and made the marks on him. it’s another reason why cops sometimes say “you know what, you two handle it, i’m leaving.” it’s not the right thing to do. jamie: they wouldn’t have called you if they could work it out! 3: my opinion is that cops that do that, you know it’s hard, but they just don’t want to do what they have to do. 4: do they get training in domestic violence? 3: some do but some don’t. and that’s the problem. not all officers get the correct training. jamie: i heard that they would rather deal with any other call than a domestic violence. 4: i did too. jamie: first of all they don’t know what they’re dealing with. they don’t know what they’re coming up on. like the guy who shot all the people up there in stanton heights. that was supposed to be a domestic, they just left out that he was armed. that was crazy, that was an extreme case. but that was a domestic call. the mom was saying her son was going off or whatever, but she didn’t say he had shotguns. he just busts through and kills those. 4: police officers. he killed 3 police officers. one wasn’t even on duty. jamie: yeah, he could have just went home. 3: i actually knew 2 of the officers. 4: my niece’s husband did too. 3: there’s a lot of that. and here’s the thing a lot of officers don’t want to deal with that because of what you said, the situation in not knowing, i know myself, not knowing what you’re walking into. for instance we got a call, actually the neighbor called us and said “all i heard was screaming and it sounded like somebody fell down the steps.” we go to investigate, we get there and the guy answers the door and is hiding her. she’s in the back and we can hear her screaming and i could see because the 2 of us were there and he was distracting him and i could see her and she was completely covered in blood and everything else. i said to my partner, and luckily i had a partner who was willing, this was the same one that she turned around, and that’s that same situation where we go there and the guy is literally hiding her and going “we’re fine, nothing’s wrong she just fell down the steps.” it was the point where we had to talk our way into there and get her out of that house, we had the neighbor telling us that this is what he heard, but we’re going there not knowing. you know, did someone just fall down the steps, are they fighting? what’s going to happen when we knock on that door? hence why a lot of officers don’t want to deal with it because if you knock on that door, the cops that answer the call for the domestic and parental prevention education 40 the lady ended up getting killed. now, the cops got in a lot of trouble for that because they didn’t check on her. jamie: no they didn’t. 5: that was a mess. 3: i didn’t understand why they didn’t. they started doing that now. they have to see the other party. jamie: yes. 3: that should have been implemented a long, long time ago. group: yeah 3: my opinion, every time i respond to a domestic violence, i had to see both parties. period. there was no questions asked, i had to see both of them. 4: do you guys get paid well? do they get paid well? 3: when i worked as an officer, no. and most of them don’t. jamie: and that’s hard work. 3: and i will tell you right now, my full time job at mcdonald’s, people that work at mcdonald’s get paid more. 4: oh man. 3: the most i’ve made at my full time job was $13.75 an hour. 4: man. jamie: i guess the ones that have been there 20 years or whatever 3: even so, a lot of them don’t make. and that’s another reason i don’t work with service. jamie: ok, we’re going to be closing it down. but that’s ok, domestic violence is something we can keep talking about. i don’t know how ya’ll meet. do you meet every thursday? 3: they set stuff up. jamie: ok. i’m gonna ask her if i can get gail in here to do the internet safety. and it goes into twitter, instagram, oh that other lady and her daughter, her daughter’s 13 and they’re trying to see if teenagers are, trying to see who can get the most followers. so we got the little, what do you call them? 5: ghost followers? jamie: yeah, ghost followers, i couldn’t think of the word, which is dangerous. saskia: so any other things that you guys want to learn more about or any other comments about the program? questions? 5: i have a question. how do you deal with people that have been through sexual abuse who are not so trusted? like i have a sister in law who was sexually abused but now that she’s had a child, she refuses to allow him to spend the night with us or come over. we’ll ask if her kid wants to come to our house and stuff and she doesn’t allow it. jamie: so she’s restricting? 5: yeah. jamie: based off of how we were raised, and this is true for anybody, but based off of our experience of being raised in the families that we are raised in, that’s going to dictate a lot about how we are going to be a parent. so just think of if any kind of trauma happened as you were growing up or whatever. then you being a parent, that’s going to affect how you parent, so that’s what’s happening there. she’s trying to protect him at all costs but she doesn’t realize that because she hasn’t dealt with her own stuff that she is restricting him. so i don’t know if she’s ready for services or ready to be sitting down talking to someone about that. our services are parental prevention education 41 free. well they’re based on how, anybody can get services regardless of their ability to pay let’s just say that. so if she didn’t have insurance or anything, she could still come talk to somebody. she might not even realize that she’s doing it, cause it’s just so natural to her that that’s how she’s got to keep him safe. so that the things that happened to her don’t happen to him. we do that. that’s just sad because he’s not going to get to experience a lot and then when he turns 18 he’s gonna want to do everything. anything else? 1: i have something. well it’s more like feedback. we were at a child’s event and there was a daycare there and the two women who were in charge, to me they seemed verbally abusive to the children. and it was like a lower income area so it was like you know, so people just talk that way to their kids, but this lady was really over the line. i didn’t approach the lady, but i ended up calling i guess the child protective services and reported her and let them know who she was and told her what daycare it was. now with something like that, do you actually need to approach that person? jamie: i think you did what was best for you to do. i mean you did something. now is that a paid childcare? 1: yeah, that’s why it was so upsetting like this was supposed to be a legit childcare and like i wish i would have thought to get my cell phone out and you know record it that way but it was, it was awful. i felt so sorry for those kids. jamie: oh ok. 1: i was wondering should i have intervened at that moment to stop it? jamie: well what would you have said? 1: to that woman? jamie: yeah, well role playing is very significant so, yes what could you have said to that woman? 1: probably, “look, the way you are talking to those kids is very inappropriate, you know you could really traumatize a child the way you’re talking to them.” ask them if they have children and say “would you talk to your child that way?” and you know “the parents who are paying for this program expect you to treat their kids with respect regardless of what they’re doing. maybe you’re having a bad day, but you need to take a break.” jamie: or maybe a question like “are you ok?” like sometimes when we start back there, like you got to it at the end, like maybe she’s having a bad day, maybe she’s overwhelmed and sometimes even with our personal lives, they spill over into our work lives sometimes. just ask “are you ok? because how you are talking to them is bothering me, you know, making me feel some kind of way.” you know, she might need support, or might need help. 1: and i’m just thinking, if you’re talking to kids like that, do you always do that? 4: i guess in that case you could also go to the person in charge of the daycare and say something. but i was at the mall, monroeville mall one day last week 3: and maybe that’s something, not to cut you off, that’s something that they should go over too. about daycare. you know, because, i know myself, i have sworn up and down that my child won’t go to daycare, because i’ve seen what happens. jamie: what do you mean about daycare? 3: just the concerns that are there, what to watch out for, make sure that you’re going to a daycare that’s certified, that has the health department certification, that has the inspections done. even then, there’s still that chance, but you know, what to look for in your child when they come back from daycare. and what to do when you see that type of thing. parental prevention education 42 4: i think most likely if you do approach someone, they’re going to mf you. 1: well yeah that’s what i was thinking. jamie: well she probably wouldn’t have done it in front of the kids cause to me it would have stopped right then, even if she was just quiet for a second. ok, well i’m going to give everyone a giftcard for participating. saskia: thank you guys so much. group: oh yeah, you’re welcome. jamie: here is a form as well for feedback, we appreciate all of your help. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 working in and for the community: a reflection of community-based research saskia berrios-thomas university of pittsburgh as a sophomore at the university of pittsburgh, i was given the opportunity to conduct independent research under the guidance of a faculty mentor. the community-based research fellowship is awarded through the university of pittsburgh honors college. the fellowship gives students the opportunity to partner with a community organization and a faculty mentor to complete a research project that will provide meaningful benefits to both the community partner and the undergraduate researcher. the goal of the fellowship is to facilitate social change through working with a community organization; i worked with pittsburgh action against rape. through the fellowship, i learned about what it means to work with an organization, to do community work, and to do research. prior to this fellowship, i had only ever volunteered; i had not worked closely on a project with an organization’s staff. i learned what it means to go out into the community and i saw the people that paar is helping everyday. the good work the agency is doing is apparent in the effort the staff puts into each program, including parents in the know. without paar, programs like this wouldn’t exist. preventing sexual assault is something i personally care about. i am a survivor of childhood sexual abuse and a past recipient of services at paar. paar’s legal advocacy and counseling services helped me through an extremely difficult time in my life and i was always impressed with the great work of these programs. however, my hope is to prevent abuse from occurring in young children’s lives so that they never have to experience the pain and hardships of the aftermath of abuse. seeing paar’s prevention team and working on this project has given me great hope in the ability to prevent abuse, and to still provide relief for those we can’t protect. growing as a researcher has been an excellent experience. doing independent work with the guidance of seasoned faculty mentors allowed me to truly learn about the research process. i discovered the ups and downs of doing research, the hardships and benefits of working with a community partner, and the struggles and successes of taking on such a big project. i learned to be professional and how to have a successful meeting. i learned how to develop relationships with people before asking them to participate in my research. i learned how to ask for help and when to carry on without it. i learned how to analyze my results and how to think critically when they don’t turn out as expected. i learned how to do what the agency wants and not just what i want. and finally, i learned how to commit to a project and work to make it the best that it can be for both me and the agency. the service-learning orientation of the community-based research fellowship was unique and especially important to me throughout the process. the fellowship fostered an attitude of always putting the needs of the community first. when selecting a project, it was very important that the topic be something that the community organization supported and was an issue that it wanted solved; it was not acceptable to go to the organization and propose a project that it may not have wanted to do. the fellowship staff urged all of the fellows to meet with the community organization and discuss issues that were important to both parties. this aspect of the fellowship allowed me to see what it means to work with a community partner. the project i chose was something paar cared about and an issue in which it wanted to see positive change. berrios-thomas 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 the fellowship also provided a unique opportunity to work with other students in an interdisciplinary context. fellows came from many different majors and years with projects varying in scope and depth. although many aspects of our projects were different, we all had a common goal: to work with a community organization to help solve an important issue. we met biweekly to discuss what it means to do service-learning research. we had reading and journaling assignments to ensure we were actively thinking about the challenges we inevitably faced throughout the research process. for me, these discussions and readings were extremely important for my understanding of service learning. i have always been passionate about social change and improving the welfare of others, which is why i decided to become a social worker. however, having never worked alongside a community organization, i did not realize the complex nature of doing communitybased research. i believed it was as simple as finding an issue and fixing it with the typical research design. i did not take into account the complex relationships i would experience in not only working with the community partner, but the community member as well. through my research project last semester, i learned the importance of relationship-building before doing research with people in the community. it was important to get to know the parents i was working with before i started to ask them sensitive questions. i was lucky to be working with a group of parents who already knew each other and had excellent group cohesion. had this not been the case, i would have needed to have spent even longer building the relationships within the group to ensure everyone was comfortable before i began my research. furthermore, relationships with my community partner were extremely important. i learned that i was a team member, but i needed to respect paar’s mission and the goals the staff had. it was important for me to put my project in the context of the organization’s current state and overall mission and values. i feel very fortunate that my first experience in research was in service-learning research with a community-centered fellowship. as a social work major, any research i do will be centered on the community and the people i am working with. learning the importance of respecting these people and putting their needs first was an important lesson. had i simply done an independent study without the service-learning foundation, i may have centered my research around my own needs and wants, instead of the needs and wants of the community i was working with. i learned the importance of taking into account both parties’ interests and using the shared interests as a strength within the research framework and development of the project. once i talked to paar, it was easy to see that we had common goals in mind and i could tailor the research to fit both my needs and paar’s. furthermore, i gained this collaborative experience while also researching my topic independently while under the guidance of a faculty mentor. this guidance allowed me to use evidence-based research methods and to not miss any important steps throughout the process. i would not have understood the research process had i not been working so closely with my faculty mentors, as well as the other fellows and fellowship staff. i hope to continue doing research to help community organizations improve their programs and services. i think research-based initiatives that are evidence-based allow for the best care and treatment for individuals in the community. service learning is an excellent way to experience this type of research for the first time. even if students are not going into research that centers on social change or human populations, i think it is still important to understand the value of taking into account the needs of communities and any other group you may work with while researching. service-learning is important for understanding the goals and needs of others berrios-thomas 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 4, fall 2015 so you can better understand how you can tailor your research to meet those goals and needs, as well as your own. ~ i would like to thank my faculty mentors keith caldwell and dr. yodit betru for their support and guidance. i would also like to thank julie evans at paar for allowing me to complete this project, jamie posey-woodson for facilitating the parent programs and meeting with me every week to talk about new ideas and progress, laura summers for meeting with me every week and always bringing in new perspectives, and holly hickling for overseeing everything and running great conversations with all of the community-based research fellows. saskia berrios-thomas, university of pittsburgh research saskia berrios-thomas, university of pittsburgh reflection running head: from punitive to restorative, punishment to healing 29 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 9, spring 2020 from punitive to restorative, punishment to healing: using restorative justice in a school to combat zero-tolerance policies and the school-toprison pipeline anna katherine carey university of north carolina wilmington from punitive to restorative, punishment to healing 30 abstract zero-tolerance policies have had an adverse effect on students in school since their inception in the 1990s. they began to grow in popularity with the implementation of the gun-free school act (gfsa) in 1994. the gfsa justified making more behaviors punishable as fears of school violence and gang-related shootings grew. as the negative effects of zero-tolerance policies and their contributions to the school to prison pipeline became apparent, there has been an emphasis on ways to combat them. restorative justice and practices have been used in school settings as a way to combat these policies. implementing restorative practices in schools can have a positive influence on students and fight zero-tolerance policies and the school to prison pipeline. an alternative school in the mid-south is implementing restorative practices in a variety of ways to help at-risk students who have been expelled or suspended from their home schools. using restorative practices in the classrooms at this alternative school has a positive effect on the students as it is teaching mindfulness, focus, and self-calming techniques. from punitive to restorative, punishment to healing 31 introduction the topic of juveniles and restorative justice is one of the most broadly researched uses of restorative justice within the field. the effects of restorative justice on juvenile crime, delinquency, the use of restorative justice in schools, and the effect it can have on stopping the school to prison pipeline are important subjects of research. i chose to focus on the use of restorative justice in school and its effects on the school to prison pipeline. over the last two semesters, i completed a directed individual study and volunteered at an alternative school serving as a restorative justice coordinator to help facilitate restorative practices within the classroom. in this essay, i will examine the current literature on the school to prison pipeline, zero-tolerance policies, the use of restorative justice in schools, and my own experiences with restorative justice at an alternative school in the mid-south. zero-tolerance policies and their effect on the school to prison pipeline: zero-tolerance policies and the pipeline zero-tolerance policies were adopted in schools in the 1990s and have their origins in the “war-on-drugs” when community leaders and school officials were outraged by gang and drugrelated shootings (heitzeg, 2009). among growing concerns over weapons, drugs, and school violence, fears intensified with horrific acts of violence such as the 1999 shooting at columbine high school in littleton, co (fowler, 2011). schools had already begun to abandon rehabilitative measures, replacing them with “get-tough” policies such as the 1994 gun-free school act (ruiz, 2017). the gun-free school act (gfsa) was enacted in 1994 and was one of the first zerotolerance policies. the gfsa mandated one academic year expulsion for bringing a firearm to school and that these cases were reported to law enforcement. the gfsa was later broadened to include any weapon and has been used as a justification for many minor infractions becoming criminalized and reported to law enforcement (heitzeg, 2009). the gfsa has inspired schools to from punitive to restorative, punishment to healing 32 expand the range of violations that can result in expulsions. these violations have included alcohol or drug possessions and disruptive behavior (wilson, 2014). the desire to make schools safer led to an increase in the number of offenses that could be punishable, and the punishments became harsher (scott, 2017). the school environment became more militarized and the patterns had an adverse effect on students (scott, 2017). zero-tolerance policies can have multiple negative effects on student behavior and increase the likelihood of engagement in future disciplinary problems such as disengagement, noncompliance, tardiness, and truancy (teasley, 2014). these policies can make learning more difficult and lower morale or garner mistrust between students and teachers. policies are often enforced by local police and school resource officers which can lead to a direct referral to law enforcement and the justice system (heitzeg, 2009). the collaboration between law enforcement and schools combined with increased surveillance has resulted in increasing the number of youths being referred to the juvenile system for minor behaviors (gonzalez, 2012). an intense surveillance environment causes feelings of mistrust and can disrupt cooperation and respect. intense surveillance sends the clear message to students that they are “dangerous, violent, and prone to illegal activity” (nance, 2017, p. 786). zero tolerance punishments put students at a greater risk for decreased connectivity, increased risky behavior or illegal behavior, and poor academic achievements and dropout. all these behaviors can lead to entry into the school-to-prison pipeline (schiff, 2018). increased reliance on zero-tolerance policies in schools feeds into the school to prison pipeline. the school to prison pipeline has its roots in zero-tolerance policies and there are several key factors that contribute to student entry into the pipeline. the school to prison pipeline can be defined as a pattern of tracking students out of educational institutions and either directly into or indirectly into the juvenile or criminal justice systems (heitzeg, 2009). it is the idea that harsh from punitive to restorative, punishment to healing 33 punishments push students out of the classroom and can lead to the criminalization of misbehaviors, increasing the probability of entering the prison system with zero-tolerance policies being the main contributor (ruiz, 2017). it can also be defined as the causal link between educational exclusion and the criminalization of youth (wilson, 2014). the author (2014) argues that the usa has a “culture of incarceration” where people who present difficult problems are removed from society and schools have adopted similar methods. students with problematic behavior are simply removed and the underlying issues are not addressed. the students with the greatest academic, social, emotional, and economic needs are the most frequently punished (noguera, 2003) schools punish the neediest children because the fixation of behavioral management and social control outweighs and overrides all other priorities and goals. students with additional needs or disabilities are expelled for trivial reasons such as disrespect or non-compliance because administration does not want to deal with providing accommodations (zweifler & de beers, 2002). when students with special needs are expelled, they miss out on the services and individualized care, however inadequate they may have been. missing out on the services can hinder development or academic progress. zero-tolerance policies provide administration with an easy way to remove low test scoring students. most often they are dropped from the school roll after missing school too many times. they are usually the ones dragging scores down and when they are removed, test scores increased (zweifler & de beers, 2002). zero-tolerance policies result in systematically expelling poorly performing and “behaviorally challenged” students and there is a marked lack of dignity for those students who are dismissed from class or school with no say in what happened or what the consequences should be (schiff, 2013). schools often operate on the assumption that safety and order can be achieved by removing “bad” students and keeping them away from the “good” students. from punitive to restorative, punishment to healing 34 removing students through suspensions or expulsions is justified by the belief that it is necessary to maintain order (noguera, 2003). the longitudinal 2011 “breaking schools’ rules study” of middle schools in texas found that 54% of students had been “in-school” suspended and 31% of students averaged two days of “out-of-school” suspension at least once during an academic year (wilson, 2014). gonzalez’s (2012) research suggests that students today are more likely to be suspended or expelled than students a generation ago. in 1974, there were 1.7 million students suspended during the academic year. that number rose to 3.1 million in the 2000 academic year and 3.3 million in 2006 (gonzalez, 2012). suspensions and expulsions as predictors for future discipline and juvenile system involvement the single greatest predictor of involvement in the juvenile system is a history of disciplinary referrals in school (fowler, 2011). involvement in one or more incidents at school means that a student is more likely to be referred to the juvenile justice system (fowler, 2011). academic failure, exclusionary practices, and dropping out are also factors in contributing to the school to prison pipeline, especially for minority students and students with disabilities (christle et al., 2005). youth who are disciplined or involved in court are at a higher risk of dropping out and becoming involved in the juvenile system (fowler, 2011). they may be officially labeled and internalized those labels or experience authoritative out casting which can further the likelihood of dropping out and recidivism (braithewaite & mugford, 1994). students can display heightened sensitivity in situations where they believe the punishment is not warranted or is too harsh for the behavior. this can lead to disengagement and loss of trust in teachers (zweifler & de beer, 2002). students who get in trouble often will internalize labels given to them by from punitive to restorative, punishment to healing 35 teachers or admin and realize their educational trajectory will not lead anywhere. this will result in the loss of incentives to conform to school norms and expectations (noguera, 2003). having harsh penalties, such as suspensions, will also lead to children returning to school feeling lost and these feelings will likely result in further misbehavior (ruiz, 2017). students who were suspended once were more likely to drop out in the future and students who were suspended as disciplinary punishment were five times more likely to have contact with the juvenile system in the following year (wilson, 2014). suspensions and absences leads to an increased likelihood of dropping out which causes employment difficulties and an increased reliance on social services. the increase in reliance leads to an increased temptation of criminal behavior (ruiz, 2017) exclusionary practices will also interfere with educational progress and can contribute to the cycle of failure (gonzalez, 2012). novak (2019) examined a structural equation to examine the effect suspension by age 12 had on juvenile system involvement by 18 as well as the extent low-school commitment and deviant peer association contribute to the relationship. she hypothesized that suspension by age 12 will have a significantly positive association with juvenile system involvement by 18 (novak, 2019). her findings revealed that youth suspended by 12 were 1.64 times more likely to be involved with the juvenile system by 18 than those who were not suspended. the overall effect was significant and positive. she also found that suspensions by age 12 reflects a lack of commitment and bond to the school. the strain of suspension further decreases commitment and exposes youths to delinquent peers and increases the odds of involvement in the juvenile system (novak, 2019). when students are removed or pushed out of schools by suspension or expulsion, they become disengaged and their academic achievement goes downs. this can fuel negative attitudes towards school and make dropping out more appealing (gonzalez, 2012). school failure may lead to from punitive to restorative, punishment to healing 36 community problems when out-of-school suspensions are the consequence for misbehavior in school. the community may be affected because youths have idle time and may be on the streets with no direction (shippen et al., 2012). zero-tolerance policies and minority students zero-tolerance policies have caused an imbalance as minority students are more likely to be “pushed out” of schools and into the juvenile justice system (wilson, 2014). youth who are subject to the harshest forms of punishment as a result of zero-tolerance policies often come from poverty-stricken communities with high rates of violence and unemployment. these youth are often defensive and ill-equipped to deal with a structured school environment (schiff, 2018). african american students account for approximately 15% of the united states student population but make up 42% of out-of-school suspensions and 34% of expulsions nationwide (ruiz, 2017). they are also expelled at three times the rate as white students and more harshly sanctioned for comparable or lesser infractions (schiff, 2018). 1 in 10 male high schoolers will drop out and 1 in 4 african american males who have dropped out are either in juvenile detention or jail (dupper, 2010). the disproportionate representation of african american students effected by zero-tolerance policies is not due to socioeconomic status. studies controlling for income and poverty found that the disparities still exist (zweifler & de beers, 2002). minority students are usually caught in the school to prison pipeline because of inadequate decision making of teachers and administration, not because of violent or deviant behavior (scott, 2017). discretionary school decisions for nonviolent behaviors disproportionately affects african american students (fowler, 2011). miscommunication between african american students and white teachers or administration are possible contributors to tracking those students out at higher rates. this from punitive to restorative, punishment to healing 37 might be due partly to implicit bias or stereotyping among educators. heitzeg (2009) argues that states with the lowest minority populations have the greatest disproportional rates of suspension between races, as well as the greatest miscommunications between minority students and white teachers. the disproportionality is often due to differences in referrals made by teachers. referrals are made for loitering, disrespect, excessive noise, and insubordinate behavior. this occurs from teachers misrepresenting behaviors and is essentially culturally biased (zweifler & de beers, 2002). due to implicit racial bias, policies and referrals are applied unequally. implicit bias includes attitudes or believed stereotypes that affect our understanding, actions, and decisions in an unconscious manner (staats et al., 2015). people typically hold implicit biases that favor their own “ingroup.” implicit bias in schools can influence administration or school resource officers in their decision making to implement strict security measures or enforcing zero-tolerance policies. white officers or administration are more likely to perceive minority students as misbehaving and punish them while acting in “good faith” by not punishing white students for similar misbehaviors (nance, 2017). many people implicitly associate african americans with aggression, violence, or criminality. teachers are more likely to perceive african american students as being violent or aggressive. teachers’ negative implicit bias towards minority students were also associated with lower academic achievements and were strongly associated with expectations and achievements (nance, 2017). studies have also revealed that teachers are more likely to label african american students as “troublemakers” after their second infractions and felt they should be disciplined more harshly. they believed the behaviors were indicators of a negative pattern (nance, 2017). schiff (2018) argues that youth who experience persistent and pervasive forms of personal or cultural trauma can exhibit forms of post-traumatic stress disorder. suspension and from punitive to restorative, punishment to healing 38 expulsion based on race or experiencing racist based incidents at school can be personal trauma. while one incident alone is not necessarily traumatizing, multiple micro-aggressions that occur on a daily basis can build and create intense traumatic impacts. the severity of the trauma can be increased if the incidents occur in public and there is no public intervention (bryant-davis & ocampo, 2005b). daily occurrences of micro-aggressions have a significant impact because students of color have to determine on a regular basis whether or not an event is race related. this can lead to stress, poor physical, and mental health (carter, 2007). students of color may be hyper-vigilant and feel unsafe in situations with predominantly white groups. feelings of inferiority are also associated with racist incidents (lee et al., 2018). in school settings, such stress and feelings of inferiority may lead to disengagement and poor academic achievement which in turn can lead to disciplinary problems and even drop out. and because african american students are more likely to be suspended, they are more likely to experience stress because of the suspension, and therefore be more likely to have future disciplinary problems and suspensions. restorative justice as a means to combat zero-tolerance policy as the concern regarding the effects of zero-tolerance policies grows, there is a focus on means to combat them. restorative justice has emerged as a way to stop entry into the school to prison pipeline because of its dimensions that starkly contrast zero-tolerance punishments. schiff (2013) writes that restorative justice “shows greater and longer-term promise than punitive, exclusionary discipline strategies that distance youth from necessary structures of support” (p. 3). restorative justice and restoratives practices seek to understand the underlying causes of misbehavior to repair damages and build a sense of community. the focus is on healing rather than punishing, reintegrating instead of ostracizing (ruiz, 2017). from punitive to restorative, punishment to healing 39 restorative justice defined restorative justice can refer to a variety of practices that occur at different stages of the traditional justice system. an incident may be diverted to a restorative justice program, avoiding the traditional system entirely, or the restorative justice practice may run parallel to the traditional justice system (daly, 2001). essentially, restorative justice is characterized by dialogue, relationship building, and the communication of morals and values by the community (rodriguez, 2005). restorative justice and the core principles of restorative can be represented in a diagram of a wheel (figure 1). the center of the wheel is the main focus; making wrongs right and repairing harm. surrounding the core principle is respect for all and how it is achieved. respect for all is achieved by involving stakeholders, focusing on harms and needs, addressing obligations, and using inclusive and collaborative processes (zehr et al., 2015:46). there is a focus on correcting harm as opposed to retributive justice which strives for proportionate punishment to teach the offender a lesson through suffering (miller, 2011). it is a collaborative process that involves the victim, the offender, and the community. there is an emphasis placed on victim needs and accountability of the offender (bazemore & day, 1998). zehr (2015) writes that restorative justice is an approach to achieving justice that involves those who have a stake in the situation to collectively identify and address harms, needs, and obligations in order to heal and put things as right as possible. restorative justice theories assume that criminal offenses are a violation of people and relationships. crime is perceived within the context of the community as an act against individuals (bradshaw & roseborough, 2005). criminal activity harms people and relationships and efforts should be made to address and repair the harm (rodriguez, 2007). the purpose of restorative justice is restoration to both the victim and the offender as well as repairing harms from punitive to restorative, punishment to healing 40 done to the community (bergseth & bouffard, 2007). repairing the harm, the criminal act caused should be the focus of a restorative justice practice. justice occurs in this setting when the needs of the victim, the community, and the offender are met (bazemore, 1999). to ensure that these needs are met, restorative justice practices will include a series of strategies that attempt to bring the affected parties together to promote offender accountability and begin to repair specific harms (bergseth & bouffard, 2007). restorative justice responds to crime at the micro and macro level. at the micro-level, restorative justice addresses the harm that resulted from an offense. the first priority is victim reparation. at the macro level, the harm done to the community is addressed and dialogue is had about building safer communities (bazemore & umbreit, 1995). restorative justice has its roots in indigenous culture and traditions. there are elements from native american, african, and new zealand aboriginal cultures. zehr (2015) writes that the circle approach has roots from the aboriginal people groups in canada. those circles are often referred to as “peacekeeping circles.” in these circles, a talking piece is passed around to let each person speak, one at a time (zehr et al., 2015). circle keepers lead the circles as facilitators and offer advice and insight (zehr et al., 2015). another version of restorative justice circle comes from the maori people of new zealand. the maori people have a proverb that says, “let shame be the punishment” (zehr et al., 2015). that proverb encourages healing and problemsolving instead of punishment and exclusion. the proverb also relates to their belief that children should be kept in the community after an offense if at all possible. the family group conferencing program emerged after the aboriginal community realized the western justice system undermined family involvement and aboriginal youth were being disproportionately affected. the family group conferences uses the principles of letting shame be the punishment from punitive to restorative, punishment to healing 41 and keeping children in the community. it is a decision-making meeting where the families of the victim and the offender are present and involved in the reintegration process (zehr et al., 2015). several native american tribes have similar practices involving circles. native american “talking circles” used a talking piece within a circle to discuss important community issues (zehr et al., 2015). restorative justice programs in schools prioritize building school community instead of punitive responses to behavior (gonzalez, 2012). the goals of restorative justice in a school should be re-engaging youth who are at risk of academic failure and juvenile justice system entry. schools should create restorative responses for misbehaviors that keep youth in schools, off the streets, and out of detention (schiff, 2013). restorative justice is distinctly distinguished from punitive punishment because the person who caused harm is actively taking responsibility rather than passively accepting the punishment (schiff, 2013). it is the school’s responsibility to ensure students are held accountable for their actions so they can correct and restore the harm they may have caused. students are reintegrated as productive members of the school community instead of being pushed away (gonzalez, 2012). the philosophy of restorative practices in schools includes reparation, holding youth accountable for their actions, and directly involving the harmed persons or communities. all stakeholders, students who committed the act, harmed students or teachers, and those who are important in the student’s life, are involved in the decision making and agreements (schiff, 2013). the circle of restorative justice is expanded to include all stakeholders. restorative justice in schools is based on developing a value set along with building and strengthening relationships, showing respect, and taking responsibility (teasley, 2014). restorative practices can take on a variety of forms in schools but will always have the same core principles; 1) a focus on from punitive to restorative, punishment to healing 42 relationships first and rules second, 2) giving a voice to the person harmed and the person who caused the harm, 3) engaging in collaborative problem solving, 4) enhancing personal responsibility, 5) empowering change and growth, and 6) including strategies for restoration and reparation (schiff, 2013, pp. 6-7). restorative justice should serve as a compass, rather than a roadmap. the principles serve as a guiding compass that offers direction but not a specific format (zehr, 2015). research has suggested that restorative practices in school have a positive effect on decreasing the racial disparities in school discipline (schiff, 2018). the racial discipline gap is significantly and negatively associated with a lack of connectiveness between minority students and school adults. miscommunications and misunderstandings lead to more minority students being suspended or expelled. however, schiff (2018) found that teachers who implemented restorative practices in their classrooms often had positive relationships with minority students in their classroom and issued fewer disciplinary referrals than teachers who did not implement as many restorative practices. implementing restorative practices in schools restorative justice can be implemented as a “whole-school approach.” this approach uses restorative justice practices to build a culture and climate based on agreed upon values, mutual respect and trust, inclusion, tolerance, and understanding (schiff, 2018). values are applied consistently to each scenario and are applied with fidelity. schools that implement a wholeschool approach view misbehavior as more than just a rule violation. it is a violation of the relationships that have been built within the school (schiff, 2018). systematic changes will be needed to successfully implement restorative justice in schools. school personnel needs to undergo training sessions and skills development to understand the practices (teasley, 2014). teachers and administration need specialized professional development in order to serve diverse from punitive to restorative, punishment to healing 43 students in educational settings and culturally competent teachers are needed (shippen et al., 2012). high stakes testing should be reduced and replaced with practices that can demonstrate the depth of school subjects and examine the whole student and their individual needs across multiple domains. practices like these will provide full and equal opportunities for students to fulfill their potential, achieve their goals, and improve their quality of life (shippen et al., 2012). school resource officers should be re-trained to serve as primary restorative interveners (schiff, 2013). often times they respond to disciplinary incidents and may be the first contact a student has with the juvenile system. having them trained as restorative interveners may reduce the number of referrals. if there is a referral and contact with the juvenile system is made, parole officers should also be trained in restorative practices in order to prevent or reduce re-offending. schiff (2013) writes that an important part of implementing restorative practices through sros and pos is acknowledging that the school system and the juvenile system are serving the same kids (p. 13). data collected from a case study of the denver public school system from 2006-2013 has shown five considerations for school officials in order to implement restorative justice in schools successfully. 1) the systematic implementation of restorative justice combined with discipline policy reform plays a key role in a successful outcome. 2) the positive impact of restorative justice can be correlated with increased academic achievement. 3) implementation of restorative justice should be aligned with clear goals, including short-term, medium, and long-term. it should start as a small pilot phase and grow into widespread adoption. 4) restorative practices should be different in every school and district. schools vary in size, location, and student demographics. restorative practices address the needs of each individual schools. schools are not just adopting or adding another universal program for teachers to enforce in their classrooms. from punitive to restorative, punishment to healing 44 5) the most effective approach to implement restorative practices is a comprehensive continuum model that can have transformative effects within the community. this is achieved through frequent proactive restorative changes, affective statements and questions, informal conferences, and large group circles (gonzalez, 2014, pp. 153-160). having clear goals and a plan for implementation is key for it to be successful. every school and even every classroom may adopt restorative practices in the way that it works best for them. it is not a one-size-fits-all solution. shippen et al. (2012) identified a tiered instructional approached that provides proactive and preventive academic intervention. they identified three tiers of support, universal, secondary, and tertiary, that can provide restorative practices and are school-based preventions to combat school failure. the universal tier of support involves defining and explaining academic and behavioral expectations to students. recognition is given when appropriate behaviors are demonstrated. teaching the appropriate behaviors is important to this tier (shippen et al., 2012). the secondary tier is used as support for students who are not responsive to the universal tier or do not understand the expectations. students are mentored and taught social skills to prevent any problematic behavior from being persistent (shippen et al., 2012). the tertiary tier is to support intensive individualized interventions. students who have established patterns of chronic or pervasive skills in academic or social skills receive the most support here. it is often seen in special education or exceptional child classes (shippen et al., 2012). having support in place is essential for the implementation of restorative practices. defined values or expectations are used in restorative justice when misbehaviors occur to illustrate the impact the actions have had on the school community. students are made aware that their actions are more than just a rule violation, but a violation of trust and values. and although the values have been violated, support for the student is still there and the opportunity for growth and healing is taken advantage of. from punitive to restorative, punishment to healing 45 restorative practices at an alternative school an alternative school in the mid-south is actively using restorative justice. students in middle and high school are referred to the school during a suspension or expulsion. the school has three tracks for students; choices, turning point, and transition. the choices program is designated for students who have been suspended for short-term from their home school, usually 5-10 days. the turning point program is for students on long-term suspension, usually until the academic winter break or the end of the academic year. the transition program is for students who need a transitional period before reentering the traditional school setting either from extended hospitalization or incarceration. each student is given a “point book” that is filled out every day in order to evaluate behavior and academic performance (figure 2). six points are given every hour block for a possible total of 78 points. students start out at a level 0 and can increase to a level 5 over time. if a student makes enough points (usually 60/78) they can increase a tenth of a level a day. a student who starts the week at level 1 can increase to level 1.5 by the end of the week if they earned enough points every day. as a students’ level increases, they are given more privileges and freedom; walking down the hall, going to the bathroom unsupervised, and the ability to run errands between teachers and administration, etc. this alternative school uses a whole-school approach when applying restorative practices. they have established core values and apply them consistently and with fidelity as schiff (2018) suggests. the three core values that the school strives for are respect, opportunity, and excellence. schiff’s (2013) six core principles can also been seen at the school. the school focuses on building relationship between teachers and students, as well as encourages student relationships. students are asked to reconcile with other students or teachers they may have caused harm to and work together to avoid confrontations or problems in the future. this from punitive to restorative, punishment to healing 46 encourages the student to take responsibility for their actions and could empower personal growth. by using schiff’s (2013) principles as well as their own principles, the school is working towards restoration and reparation (pp. 6-7). as well as the whole-school approach to restorative practices, the school also employs a very similar tiered instructional approach to the one shippen et al. (2012) recommends. a universal tier of support can be seen with the core values that are communicated to students upon enrollment to the center. teachers go over their academic and classroom expectations with new students. teachers are quick to praise and give recognition to students who demonstrate appropriate behaviors or achievements. similar to the secondary tier, students who do not respond to the expectations of the school or classroom are identified and a conversation is initiated with either the counselor, the behavior interventionist, or the vice principal about expectations and they are encouraged to seek support from them or the teachers. the most common conversation discussed with students is about adhering to the dress code. finally, the center demonstrates the tertiary tier with its individualized teaching and instruction for the exceptional child (ec) students. these students have extensive academic or social needs. the ec students have the option and are encouraged to attempt work in a normal class with help individual help from a teaching assistant. if they do not respond well to that classroom setting, they have the option to return to the ec class with the ec educators. different restorative practices are used in several of the teachers’ classrooms and clubs. a teacher assigned to a middle school social emotional learning (sel) period starts the block by having the students journal and write down three things they are grateful for or hope to learn during the day. the teacher then leads the students in a short yoga routine to focus on centering, self-calming, and mindfulness before the classwork begins. while somedays there are many from punitive to restorative, punishment to healing 47 complaints to completing the yoga routine by the middle schoolers, i believe those who participate enjoy it and are more centered and focused during the next period. they do not have to be told to focus or pay attention as much as those who did not participate and finished their work more quickly. the teacher assigned to the middle school sel block during the 2018/2019 year started each morning with a restorative justice circle. every day the middle schoolers would grab their chairs and sit in a circle. a talking piece was passed around as the students greeted the person to either side of them. the talking piece was used to allow every student a turn to talk and only the person holding the piece was allowed to speak. often times a short lesson on the purpose of the circle or restorative practices was taught by one of the teachers and the students would be asked to share what their thoughts or feelings were on the lesson. one lesson was held on the difference between restorative practices and punitive punishments. students were asked to share when they had received a punitive punishment and when they had been given a restorative one. some students identified their suspension or expulsion as a punitive punishment and the opportunities at the alternative school as restorative practices. other days a game would be played as a way for the students to get to know one another and find meaningful connections with each other. the focus of the circles was always building relationships, trust, and community among the students and between the students and the teachers. as with yoga, not all students were open to the idea of the circle and occasionally outright refused to participate. those students were always reminded that the circle was a safe place for sharing and that the circle would not be as complete without them as their voice mattered in the classroom. the students who enjoyed the morning circle, and reminded us to do one when we forgot, actively participated in the games and shared when from punitive to restorative, punishment to healing 48 asked. those were the students who used the circle as a means of centering and focus before the school day began. the weekly art club is another opportunity where restorative practices are seen. the coordinator of the art club is a social work intern who is teaching the middle schoolers how to use art as a way to vent frustrations and express emotions. on the first day of art club, he put together a questionnaire for the students to complete about their likes, dislikes, and what they do when they are angry. what type of music you like to listen to? what’s your favorite movie? what do you do when you’re sad? what makes you happy? he then showed them how to conceptualize those interests and feelings into art. one student mentioned how he liked to listen to a certain comedian when he was sad. together they figured out how to take what he liked about that comedian and translate it into something he could paint or draw. by encouraging these boys to think abstractly and out of the box, they are learning how to express themselves in ways other than outbursts of anger or distancing themselves from friends and family. they are learning to process their emotions and turn them into something positive. i have loved seeing how open they are to learn about art and how willing they are to be vulnerable around each other. during my time volunteering, i worked primarily with students in the turning point program on long-term suspension. i was in the classroom during the first couple of blocks, usually from 9am to noon, two to three times a week helping teachers and interacting with students. i served as support for different teachers by working one-on-one with students who seemed to be disengaged or needed individualized help. more than once in math class, i helped a student throughout the period and watched them really grasp the material. giving them one-onone encouragement prevented them from becoming disengaged and unruly. most of the students in the class crave adult attention and praise but do not know how to ask for that so they become from punitive to restorative, punishment to healing 49 non-compliant or frustrated to gain attention. by recognizing which students really wanted that individualized attention, i could help them, encourage them, and praise them when they excel. i also helped the school’s behavior interventionist who runs what she refers to as her “calm academy.” her office space serves as a restorative justice room where students, or teachers, can come to take a break throughout the day. students who elect to go to the room during class can take a break to center or focus themselves for 15 minutes without losing points in their book. the space has yoga mats and balance balls, stress balls, and puzzles for students to use and learn selfcalming techniques. a student i talked to who was using the room says he likes it because he can sit in the corner that has a tipi like tent with blankets and feel safe and cozy. he said that the cozy feeling relaxes him and helps him focus. students also have the option to take a break during the day by going for a walk outside for a couple of minutes. some students just want to sit outside at one of the tables to center and get away for a few minutes and others have liked to do a few laps around the school before going inside. one student i got to know told me about her goals in life. she was recently told she could graduate sooner than anticipated and is trying to figure out where and how she will go to college. she wants to be a trauma therapist because they have played an important role in her life. she mentioned hoping she can help others like they helped her. i helped her research programs and scholarship options. i was able to relate and connect to her because she is hoping to apply for the same military scholarship i currently have. i told her about my experiences with it and some tips for applying. another student i walked with a few times told me she was frustrated with the long school days and was waiting to get approved for halfdays. she said she wanted to go on half days because she has a son and worries about him when she is at school. she is 15, almost 16. she also mentioned that she is hoping to start at the local community college next semester in their duel-enrollment program for high-schoolers. i strongly from punitive to restorative, punishment to healing 50 encouraged her to pursue that and told her i commended her ambition for wanting to pursue that program, as well as what a responsible and mature decision that was. conclusion restorative justice and restorative practices are necessary to combat the school to prison pipeline. because they are essentially the opposite of zero-tolerance, i believe that they have the potential to keep students engaged and committed in schools and not suspended or expelled. restorative practices encourage accountably, mutual respect, and build relationships. having teachers who are trained in restorative practices and are culturally competent can help reduce the racial disparities in suspensions and expulsions. they can create meaningful relationships and make connections with students that would encourage them to stay engaged. eliminating miscommunication and misunderstanding between minority students and school adults can be achieved by implementing restorative practices such as circles and conferences where everyone gets to have a voice and tell their side of the story. when every student has a voice in a circle or conference, they can feel seen and heard. they can tell their story to administration and teachers. students, teachers, and administration can begin to communicate more effectively, and mutual respect and understanding can grow. making the change from punitive to restorative in schools begins with small changes in the classrooms. teachers making meaningful relationships with students, encouraging accountability, praising appropriate behaviors, and guiding when behaviors are not appropriate are small changes that can have a big impact on a student. using restorative practices in the class and eventually throughout the entire school can begin the muchneeded discipline reform and stop students from being at risk for the school-to-prison pipeline. from punitive to restorative, punishment to healing 51 figure 1. diagram of key restorative justice principles (zehr et al., 2015). from punitive to restorative, punishment to healing 52 figure 2. point book from the alternative school. from punitive to restorative, punishment to healing 53 figure 2. point book from the alternative school (cont.) from punitive to restorative, punishment to healing 54 references bazemore, g., & day, s. e. (1998). beyond the punitive lenient duality: restorative justice and authoritative sanctioning for juvenile corrections. corrections management quarterly, 2 (1), 1-15. bazemore, g., & umbreit, m. (1995). rethinking the sanctioning function in juvenile court: retributive or restorative responses to youth crime. crime and delinquency,41 (3), 296 316. bergseth, k. j., & bouffard, j. a. (2005). the long-term impact of restorative justice programming for juvenile offenders. journal of criminal justice, 35(4), 433-451. bradshaw, w., & roseborough, d. (2005). restorative justice dialogue: the impact of mediation and conferencing on juvenile recidivism. federal probation 69(2), 15-21. braithwaite, j., & mugford s. (1994). conditions of successful reintegration ceremonies: dealing with juvenile offenders. the british journal of criminology, 34(2), 139-171. bryant-davis, t., & ocampo c. (2005a). racist incident-based trauma. the counseling psychologist, 33(4), 479-500. bryant-davis, t., & ocampo c. (2005b). the trauma of racism. the counseling psychologist, 33(4), 574-578. carter, r. t., (2007). racism and psychological and emotional injury: recognizing and assessing race-based traumatic stress. the counseling psychologist, 35(1), 13-104. christle, c. a., jolivette k., & nelson c. m. (2005). breaking the school to prison pipeline: identifying school risk and protective factors for youth delinquency. exceptionality, 13(2), 69-88. daly, k. (2001). restorative justice: the real story. punishment and society, 4(1), 55-79. dupper, d. (2010). does the punishment fit the crime? the impact of zero tolerance discipline on at-risk youths. children & schools, 32(2), 67-69. fowler, d. (2011). school discipline feeds the ‘pipeline to prison.’ phi delta kappan, 93(2), 14 19. gonzalez, t. (2012). keeping kids in schools: restorative justice, punitive discipline, and the school to prison pipeline. journal of law education, 41(2), 281-336. gonzalez, t. (2014). socializing school: addressing racial disparities in discipline through restorative justice. in d.j. losen (ed.), closing the school discipline gap: equitable remedies for excessive exclusion (pp. 151-165). new york, ny: teachers college press. from punitive to restorative, punishment to healing 55 heitzeg, n. a. (2009). education or incarceration: zero tolerance policies and the school to prison pipeline. forum on public policy, 2009(2), 1-21. lee, b., kellett, p., seghal, k., & van den berg, c. (2018). breaking the silence of racism injuries: a community-driven study. international journal of migration, health, and social care, 14(1), 1-14. miller, s. l. (2011). after the crime: the power of restorative justice dialogues between victims and violent offenders. new york, ny: new york university press. nance, j. p. (2017). student surveillance, racial inequalities, and implicit racial bias. emory law review, 66(4), 765-836. noguera, p. a. (2003). schools, prisons, and social implications of punishment: rethinking disciplinary practices. theory in practice, 42(2), 341-350. novak, a. (2019). school-to-prison pipeline: an examination of the association between suspension and juvenile system involvement. criminal justice and behavior, 46(8), 1165-1180. rodriquez, n. (2005). restorative justice, communities, and delinquency: whom do we reintegrate? criminology and public policy, 4(1), 103-130. rodriquez, n. (2007). restorative justice at work: examining the impact of restorative justice resolutions on juvenile recidivism. crime and delinquency, 53(3), 355-379. ruiz, r. r. (2017). school-to-prison pipeline: an evaluation of zero tolerance policies and their alternatives. houston law review, 54(3), 803-837. schiff, m. (2013). dignity, disparity, and desistance: effective restorative justice strategies to plug the ‘school-to-prison pipeline.’ ucla: the civil rights project. schiff, m. (2018). can restorative justice disrupt the school to prison pipeline? contemporary justice review, 21(2), 121-139. scott, d. (2017). developing the prison-to-school pipeline: a paradigmatic shift in educational possibilities during an age of mass incarceration. journal of correctional education, 68(3), 41-52. shippen, m. e., patterson d., green, k. l., & smitherman, t. (2012). community and school practices to reduce delinquent behavior: intervening on the school-to-prison pipeline. teacher education and special education: the journal of the teacher education division of the council for exceptional children, 35(4), 296-308. staats, c., capatosto, k., wright, r.a., & contractor d. (2015). state of the science: implicit bias review 2015. kirwan institute for the study of race and ethnicity. from punitive to restorative, punishment to healing 56 teasley, m. l. (2014). shifting from zero tolerance to restorative justice in schools. children & schools, 36(3), 131-133. wilson, h. (2014). turning off the school-to-prison pipeline. reclaiming children and youth, 23(1), 49-53. zehr, h., amstutz, l. s., macrae, a., & pranis, k. (2015). the big book of restorative justice: four classic justice & peacebuilding books in one volume. new york, ny: good books. zweifler, r., & de beers, j. (2002). the children left behind: how zero tolerance impacts our most vulnerable youth. michigan journal of race & law, 8(1), 191-220. figure 1. diagram of key restorative justice principles (zehr et al., 2015). references bergseth, k. j., & bouffard, j. a. (2005). the long-term impact of restorative justice programming for juvenile offenders. journal of criminal justice, 35(4), 433-451. bradshaw, w., & roseborough, d. (2005). restorative justice dialogue: the impact of mediation and conferencing on juvenile recidivism. federal probation 69(2), 15-21. braithwaite, j., & mugford s. (1994). conditions of successful reintegration ceremonies: dealing with juvenile offenders. the british journal of criminology, 34(2), 139-171. bryant-davis, t., & ocampo c. (2005a). racist incident-based trauma. the counseling psychologist, 33(4), 479-500. bryant-davis, t., & ocampo c. (2005b). the trauma of racism. the counseling psychologist, 33(4), 574-578. carter, r. t., (2007). racism and psychological and emotional injury: recognizing and assessing race-based traumatic stress. the counseling psychologist, 35(1), 13-104. daly, k. (2001). restorative justice: the real story. punishment and society, 4(1), 55-79. dupper, d. (2010). does the punishment fit the crime? the impact of zero tolerance discipline on at-risk youths. children & schools, 32(2), 67-69. fowler, d. (2011). school discipline feeds the ‘pipeline to prison.’ phi delta kappan, 93(2), 1419. gonzalez, t. (2012). keeping kids in schools: restorative justice, punitive discipline, and the school to prison pipeline. journal of law education, 41(2), 281-336. gonzalez, t. (2014). socializing school: addressing racial disparities in discipline through restorative justice. in d.j. losen (ed.), closing the school discipline gap: equitable remedies for excessive exclusion (pp. 151-165). new york, ny: teacher... heitzeg, n. a. (2009). education or incarceration: zero tolerance policies and the school to prison pipeline. forum on public policy, 2009(2), 1-21. lee, b., kellett, p., seghal, k., & van den berg, c. (2018). breaking the silence of racism injuries: a community-driven study. international journal of migration, health, and social care, 14(1), 1-14. miller, s. l. (2011). after the crime: the power of restorative justice dialogues between victims and violent offenders. new york, ny: new york university press. nance, j. p. (2017). student surveillance, racial inequalities, and implicit racial bias. emory law review, 66(4), 765-836. noguera, p. a. (2003). schools, prisons, and social implications of punishment: rethinking disciplinary practices. theory in practice, 42(2), 341-350. novak, a. (2019). school-to-prison pipeline: an examination of the association between suspension and juvenile system involvement. criminal justice and behavior, 46(8), 1165-1180. rodriquez, n. (2005). restorative justice, communities, and delinquency: whom do we reintegrate? criminology and public policy, 4(1), 103-130. rodriquez, n. (2007). restorative justice at work: examining the impact of restorative justice resolutions on juvenile recidivism. crime and delinquency, 53(3), 355-379. ruiz, r. r. (2017). school-to-prison pipeline: an evaluation of zero tolerance policies and their alternatives. houston law review, 54(3), 803-837. schiff, m. (2013). dignity, disparity, and desistance: effective restorative justice strategies to plug the ‘school-to-prison pipeline.’ ucla: the civil rights project. schiff, m. (2018). can restorative justice disrupt the school to prison pipeline? contemporary justice review, 21(2), 121-139. scott, d. (2017). developing the prison-to-school pipeline: a paradigmatic shift in educational possibilities during an age of mass incarceration. journal of correctional education, 68(3), 41-52. shippen, m. e., patterson d., green, k. l., & smitherman, t. (2012). community and school practices to reduce delinquent behavior: intervening on the school-to-prison pipeline. teacher education and special education: the journal of the teacher edu... staats, c., capatosto, k., wright, r.a., & contractor d. (2015). state of the science: implicit bias review 2015. kirwan institute for the study of race and ethnicity. teasley, m. l. (2014). shifting from zero tolerance to restorative justice in schools. children & schools, 36(3), 131-133. wilson, h. (2014). turning off the school-to-prison pipeline. reclaiming children and youth, 23(1), 49-53. zehr, h., amstutz, l. s., macrae, a., & pranis, k. (2015). the big book of restorative justice: four classic justice & peacebuilding books in one volume. new york, ny: good books. zweifler, r., & de beers, j. (2002). the children left behind: how zero tolerance impacts our most vulnerable youth. michigan journal of race & law, 8(1), 191-220. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 the impact of income levels on food insecurity in rural communities kelly annestrand, shelby lenz, andrea bird, and amy james tarleton state university abstract the issue of food insecurity, defined by anderson (1990) as: “[the] limited or uncertain availability of nutritionally adequate and safe foods or limited or uncertain ability to acquire acceptable foods in socially acceptable ways” (1557), is widespread for rural communities as they experience a lack of proper nutrition at a higher rate. this research study seeks to examine the correlation between household income per the poverty level and food insecurity within the population of a rural area. the research seeks to identify trends in the levels of income and the levels of food insecurity in a rural area based upon the poverty threshold. the poverty threshold, as defined by the u.s. department of health and services (2016), is the minimal amount of income needed for a family to meet its basic needs. using the poverty threshold as a measure of the minimum amount of income needed, the poverty threshold is determined by the amount of family members in the home, beginning with $11,880 annually for a household of one individual, and increasing by $4,140 for each additional household member (u.s. department of health and human services 2016). objectives include assessing the correlations between income levels and food insecurity and assessing the participants’ interpretation of food insecurity. in this research investigation, the initial hypothesis maintains that income level is positively correlated to the presence of food insecurity. in addition, the study includes two hypotheses developed by the researchers: h1: income level will be positively correlated to the presence of food insecurity. h2: food insecurity will be more frequent in households with incomes below the poverty level than in households with incomes above the poverty level. the research study analyzed the income level of individuals within the geographic location as well as the level of household food insecurity. the researchers utilized a mixed methodological approach to analyze pre-developed demographic questions, as well as qualitative and quantitative responses to the household food insecurity access scale (hfias) developed by the national center for health statistics (2012). the study had a sample size of 175 participants who have resided in the rural area for at least one year. participants were identified through civil service agencies and purposive sampling methods of personal contacts within the community. the data analysis included basic correlations and frequency charts. of the 175 participants, 20% (n=35) indicated they did not make enough money to meet their own basic needs, such as food. from this percentage of participants, 83% (n= 145) indicated they had an annual income lower than $20,000. the other 17% (n=29) indicated not making enough money to meet their basic needs and reported an income between $20,000 and $34,000 annually. an implication of the study includes modifying current efforts to reduce food insecurity in order for resources to become more accessible to residents who earn a lower income. annestrand, lenz, bird, and james 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 the impact of income levels on food insecurity in rural communities food insecurity is an issue that affects a significant percentage of the population, both nationally and locally (alaimo, briefel, frongillo, and olson 1998). research has shown that rural areas, defined by the united states department of agriculture (usda) in 2015 as an area with a population under 50,000 people, tend to be affected by food insecurity more frequently than urban areas (sharkey, johnson, and dean 2011). there are a few variables possibly influencing this occurrence, including the socioeconomic factors such as race, education level, and household income. examining food insecurity rates by household incomes per the poverty level may provide important insight into the potential strategies that can be used to address hunger. feeding america, a charitable organization, compiled data from the usda and released a publication in 2013 providing statistics on food insecurity at the national, state, and local county level. according to this data, 17.2% of the population in a rural region of texas, the county in which the research was conducted, is food insecure in comparison to the national average of 16.4% (feeding america 2013). in addition, feeding america (2013) has identified families with lower incomes being at a higher risk for food insecurity. another factor is the prevalence of food insecurity related to the availability of community resources. transportation and financial barriers are more frequent in rural communities, as there are fewer resources available for those who are in need in rural areas (sharkey, johnson, and dean 2011). in rural areas, finding work that pays well can be a challenge, making it difficult for individuals in such communities to make a living. the lack of public transportation also creates a barrier–many rural areas often do not possess public transportation such as buses, subways, and taxis, making those who do not have a vehicle unable to travel to where the resources are located. as rural community budgets and population are smaller in proportion to those of urban areas, in addition to rural areas’ geographic location being so remote, public transportation is an unrealistic option for rural communities. it is unlikely that individuals would choose to be food insecure as adequate nutrition is a basic need for survival. as a result of healthy and nutritional food costing more and being located in more urbanized areas, many food-insecure individuals opt for less nutritional food that is more affordable and accessible in their community. literature review a study conducted by alaimo et al. (1998) utilized the third national health and nutrition examination survey (nhanes iii) to determine how demographic characteristics relate to the prevalence of food insecurity in family groups in the united states. the goal was to determine the prevalence of food insecurity based on income, racial/ethnic groups, age, and region of the united states the results of the study indicated a greater risk for food insecurity among low-income groups in comparison to low-to-middle income groups. in groups that had low-to-middle incomes, 4.3% of individuals experienced food insecurity, as compared to solely low-income groups where 14% faced food insecurity. as a whole, 10.6% of all participants living at or below 185% of the poverty line reported being food insecure for at least a short amount of time. in regard to race, food insecurity was highest among hispanic participants at 15.2%, followed by african american individuals at 7.7%, and white participants at 2.5%. after annestrand, lenz, bird, and james 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 analyzing the responses to the survey, it was determined that the prevalence of food insecurity was much higher for the participants who answered in spanish (the language they are most proficient in) compared to those who answered in english. among the total number of hispanic participants who completed the survey, those who answered in spanish accounted for 21.2% of the percentage of food insecure while those who answered in english only accounted for 9.7%. the results of this analysis found that “between 1988 and 1994, approximately 2.4 to 3.2 million children younger than age 12 lived in foodinsufficient families. an additional 0.7 to 1.3 million teenagers…lived in food-insufficient families” (alaimo et al. 1998, 423). a limitation of the study, as discussed by the authors, surrounds the scale nhanes iii, as it does not attempt to measure the quality, uncertainty, or psychological components of food insecurity. the nhanes iii only measures the quantity of food insecurit y based on the current self-reporting answers to the survey, which has the potential to lead to a less in-depth analysis of the role demographic factors have on a family’s food insecurity. another study completed by wehler et al. (2004) demonstrated how the factors of lowincome and unemployment can directly impact the probability of a family being food insecure. the study utilized “a sample of 220 homeless recruited from worcester’s homeless shelters and welfare hotels …and a comparison group of 216 never-homeless women was recruited from the department of public welfare office to represent those at risk for homelessness” (wehler et al. 2004, 109). according to the data, 30% of the sample reported having an income 50% below the poverty line, while 69% reported an income 75% below the poverty line. in addition to these results, approximately 44% of the participants had not completed high school. the participants were ethnically diverse as white and hispanic individuals were evenly represented with 39%, african americans with 14%, and 9% identifying themselves as another ethnicity (asian, pacific-islander, etc.) not listed on the survey. in the questionnaire, which asked participants if they or their children had experienced hunger during the past year, 45% of participants stated they experienced no hunger, 38% of adults experienced hunger, and 17% of adults stated their children experienced hunger. one of the major limitations of the study was the exclusion of other factors, which have the potential to contribute to a family being food insecure, besides homelessness. additional findings indicated many other factors should be considered when examining the income level of an individual including, but not limited to: child support, access to public assistance programs, personal relationship support, mental illness, presence of violence, and housing and other subsidies. a study by dean and sharkey (2011) investigated if the possibility of a correlation between food insecurity and social resources within a rural central texas region existed. 1,803 adults participated in the study which included measures originally derived from the brazos valley health assessment in 2006. the study included data from three age categories (18-39, 40-59, and 60 years or older), race and ethnicity, educational attainment, gender, and household income. the results of the study show large disparities in reference to food insecurity and availability in rural regions as compared to more urban regions. the results indicated more than 25% of the participants would run out of food during the week and would be unable to purchase more, consequently becoming food insecure as a result. in comparing participants from urban areas as opposed to rural areas, 16.8% in urban communities admitted food insecurity had annestrand, lenz, bird, and james 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 occurred in the past month, while 18.3 % of the rural participants admitted food insecurity occurred in the same time span. additional findings demonstrated other common disparities among rural regions including age, education level, and household income (p<0.001). rural participants at 28.3% “were more likely to report low social-capital scores than urban respondents” at 16.5% (dean and sharkey 2011), while there were no disparities in regards to gender (dean and sharkey 2011). a limitation of this study is the high number of recognized independent variables, which include education, income level, age, gender, ethnicity, social resources, and personal differences as perceived by the individual. these studies validate the current research study by providing an examination of the disparities common in rural regions as compared to urban communities. several disparities examined in the studies, such as having a low-income household, certain demographic factors, and the availability of resources, reiterate the many differences and the impact that these differences have in rural communities as compared to urban areas. the studies demonstrate the correlation between resource accessibility and the presence of food insecurity, as well as the impact the lack of resources has on rural community members. theoretical framework the theory utilized to conduct this study is the ecological systems theory (est) developed by urie bronfenbrenner in 1977, which suggests that an individual is constantly affected by various systems of his or her life as these varying dimensions interact with each other. an example of such includes an individual whose profession is influenced by their status as food insecure. when the individual exhibits common symptoms of food insecurity (a microsystem issue), such as stress and malnutrition, such factors can have a negative impact on the individual’s work performance (meso-system). ultimately, food insecurity can weaken communities through the ways described above, and a lack of resources in the area can exacerbate such effects (macro-system). consequently, the manner in which different systems interact and influence others is apparent. this illustrates how his or her environment at different levels can impact an individual. regarding the research study in investigating the manifestations of food insecurity in terms of income level, est is critical to the effective implementation as well as interpretation of the research. the theory is especially vital in understanding the microsystem, mesosystem, and macrosystem in an individual’s life, and the role income level may have in determining or influencing the presence of food insecurity within a household. as the hypotheses for this research study maintain that food insecurity is influenced by the variable of household income, est possesses a large role in illustrating the manner in which conclusions are plausible. est also assists in examining many factors occurring in an individual’s life and attempts to discover how these variables influence one another. the research study intends to investigate this concept through the dependent variable of food insecurity contrasted with the independent variable of income level. the systems within an individual’s life interact and influence one another. having a lower income level makes the individual more at risk for food insecurity, as the individual would lack the necessary economic means to obtain nutritionally adequate food for the household. utilizing est as the theoretical base of the research study appeared to be the most appropriate of social work theoretical frameworks available to base the nature of the investigation due to its annestrand, lenz, bird, and james 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 multifaceted design. with a multifaceted research design, social work practitioners are able to examine a variety of variables influencing an individual’s life. the est is also relevant not only for the purposes of collecting data for evaluation, but also in interpreting the results as well. methods and research design as mentioned previously, the study was conducted using a mixed methodological approach, obtaining data from both quantitative and qualitative questions. the survey included open-ended questions, six predeveloped demographic questions, and rating questions. the household food insecurity access scale (hfias) developed by the national center for health statistics (2012) was also utilized in the questionnaire. hfias is an internationally recognized scale with questions in reference to six different domains of the perceptions on food insecurity. the domains measured in the hfias are 1) uncertainty or anxiety over food; 2) perceptions of insufficient quantity of food; 3) perceptions of insufficient quality of food; 4) reported reductions of food intake; 5) reported consequences of reduced food intake; and 6) feelings of shame for resorting to socially unacceptable means of accessing food (national center for health statistics 2012). the researchers employed several methods of gathering information, which included sampling at civil service agencies, purposive sampling methods of personal contacts, and attending community events to gather participants. the theoretical framework for this study is structured from the method in which the data is collected, primarily through the use of questionnaires containing quantitative and qualitative inquiries. the independent variable is identified as income level and measured by the self-report of income, and the dependent variable of household food insecurity is measured through comparing and contrasting income levels from other data sets. the researchers observed the presence of food insecurity and other factors (or systems) of an individual’s life, such as the observed variable of household income level, through analysis of the collected data. the sample size of the survey was 175 participants 18 years of age or older. the respondents of the questionnaire received a verbal explanation of the entire survey before the respondents made the decision to participate in the study. all participants were categorized as residents of the rural area, which is defined as the participant residing there for a minimum of one year. the researchers focused on the independent variable of the participant’s household income in correlation to the dependent variable of the existence of food insecurity in the participant’s household. three patterns emerged from the data. the first pattern is the prevalence of food insecurity was negatively correlated to the income level of the participant’s household. the second observable tendency in the data is the presence of food insecurity being positively correlated to the income level of the participant’s household. and the third trend is the absence of discernable correlation between the prevalence of food insecurity and the income level of the participant’s household. data analysis the sample size of the data consisted of 175 participants, which were obtained by means of convenience sampling. of this sample, 36% (n=62) were male and 64% (n=113) were female. in regards to age, 38.8% (n=68) were between the ages of 18-24, 21.7% (n=38) were between the ages of 25-35, and 39.4% (n=69) were over the age of 35. in addition, 77.8% (n=136) of the annestrand, lenz, bird, and james 6 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 participants were caucasian, 14.2% (n=25) were hispanic, 4% (n=7) were african american, and 4% (n=7) identified as a different race. in terms of education, 21.2% (n=37) of the participants had a 6th-12th-grade education, 27.4% (n=48) had a high school diploma or ged, 36% (n=63) reported having some college, and 15.4% (n=27) reported having a college degree. the hypotheses for the research study included predictions that those with an income under the poverty level would be more prone to food insecurity, as well as a positive correlation existing between household income level and food insecurity. in the sample group, 20.5% (n=36) indicated they did not make enough money to meet their everyday basic needs. when the percentage was analyzed by demographic variables, 83% (n=30) of individuals possessed an annual income under $20,000. furthermore, 50% (n=18) of the participants who reported they did not make enough money to meet their everyday needs held a high school diploma/ged or less. in addition, 33% (n=12) of the individuals who stated they did not make enough money to meet their everyday needs also had to eat a smaller meal due to not enough food being available in their household. the data shows that people with an income under the poverty level were more likely to experience food insecurity, as 83% (n=30) who had experienced food insecurity at least once during their life had an income below $20,000. in addition, a direct correlation appeared in regards to food insecurity: the lower the income, the more likely individuals were to eat a smaller meal than what they felt they needed due to the lack of food. the results also indicated 83% (n=30) of individuals who had to eat smaller meals had an income of lower than $20,000, and the remaining 17% (n=6) had an income ranging from $20,000-$34,000 annually. based on these observations, both hypotheses proposed were supported by the data. the data also displayed a direct positive correlation based upon income level and prevalence of food insecurity. an identified strength of the research study was the researchers’ prior knowledge and personal connections within the community. this prior knowledge allowed for researchers to identify survey participants through prior work in social service agencies and community involvement. another strength of the research study was the use of a valid scale. the accessibility and simple terminology of the hfias scale allowed the participants to complete the survey with ease. the reliability of the study allows for a more accurate analysis of results on behalf of the researchers as well. a limitation of the research included participant hesitancy to complete the survey and discomfort faced by participants associated with food insecurity in rural communities. as surrounding rural communities were reluctant to discuss food insecurity, locating participants proved to be challenging. conclusion an analysis of the data in this study suggests a correlation between income level and food insecurity: as household income level decreases, the prevalence of food insecurity increases. the results of this study indicated the specific issue of food insecurity is present in the population of this county. however, the research study did not provide indications for effective means of reducing the prevalence of food insecurity within the identified population. consequently, further research is needed to identify and determine effective means of addressing the disproportionate levels of food insecurity among individuals with different income levels. annestrand, lenz, bird, and james 7 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 in addition to providing a direction for further research, this study highlights a target population for current efforts to meet the needs of those who experience food insecurity, especially within the county in which the research was conducted. while further research is still needed to determine the most effective methods of combatting food insecurity among lowerincome families, current efforts may now also be used to target lower-income households as a result of the identified prevalence of the issue. ~ i would like to thank my mentor, dr. ebony hall of tarleton state university, for her guidance, mentorship and encouragement. it has been an absolute privilege to learn from you! annestrand, lenz, bird, and james 8 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 references alaimo, k., r. r. briefel, e. j. frongillo, and c. m. olson. 1998. “food insufficiency exists in the united states: results from the third national health and nutrition examination survey (nhanes iii).” the american journal of public health 88 (3): 419-426. anderson, s. a. 1990. “core indicators of nutritional state for difficult to sample populations.” the journal of nutrition 120 (11): 1555-1600. bronfenbrenner, u. 1977. “toward an experimental ecology of human development.” american psychologist 32 (7): 513-531. dean, w., and j. sharkey. 2011. “food insecurity, social capital and perceived personal disparity in a predominantly rural region of texas: an individual level analysis.” social science and medicine 72 (9): 1454-1462. feeding america. 2013. map the meal gap: highlights of findings for overall and child food insecurity. http://www.feedingamerica.org/hunger-in-america/our-research/map-themeal-gap/2011/2011-mapthemealgap-exec-summary.pdf. national center for health statistics. 2012. household food insecurity access scale. http://www.fao.org/fileadmin/user_upload/eufao-fsi4dm/doc-training/hfias.pdf sharkey, j., c. johnson, and w. dean. 2011. “relationship of household food insecurity to health-related quality of life in a large sample of rural and urban women.” women & health 51 (5): 442-460. united states department of agriculture. 2015. what is rural? http://www.ers.usda.gov/topics/rural-economy-population/rural-classifications/what-is rural.aspx united states department of health & human services. 2016. poverty guidelines. https://aspe.hhs.gov/poverty-guidelines wehler, c., l. weinreb, n. huntington, r. scott, d. hosmer, k. fletcher, and c. gundersen. 2004. “risk and protective factors for adult and child hunger among low-income housed and homeless female-headed families.” american journal of public health 94 (1): 109-115. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 who can change the world? cate daniels university of denver young people who grow up in an individualistic society but care about the collective good are told that they can create lasting positive change by having original ideas and turning passion into action through hard work. it took me a very long time to recognize that as long as my goals were focused on what i could “fix,” just based on my own limited perception of big issues, i wasn’t really doing good. i needed to consider the boundaries of my knowledge and decenter myself from work that was supposed to be for the public good. my thesis research project was born from the process of learning, thinking i knew everything, recognizing i knew very little and then setting off to learn more. when i started college at the university of denver, i organized my course load, extracurricular involvement, and social life around social good. i joined the black student alliance, diversity committee, a youth mentorship program, and other organizations to learn to organize, motivate, and educate the people around me to act on equity. in these roles, i was speaking from my own perspective about the social issues that were important to me. however, i was also learning about intention versus impact. one of the most difficult truths to confront was that my identity as a white-passing person of color made it important for me to know when to step back and yield my platform to the voice of others. just because i knew about something did not mean i was the best person to speak about it. further, caring about a problem did not automatically give me the tools to solve it. i took these lessons forward with me into the rest of my college career and allowed them to structure my research. during my junior year of college, i studied in thailand at the international sustainable development studies institute (isdsi). thailand has experienced rapid, widespread development. as a result, the country’s natural resources need to be managed carefully. otherwise, growing infrastructure and elevated standards of living could endanger the function of rich ecosystems such as montane, subtropical, and mangrove forests, river biomes, and coral reefs (hirsch, 1990; agrawal et. al, 1999; pariona, 2017). isdsi helps students understand the different pathways to balancing conservation and growth. the program emphasizes experiential learning, and students live and learn in communities throughout thailand. my cohort quickly came to understand that ownership was a pressing issue in conversations about resource management, and that localized decision-making power and agency allowed traditional knowledge to shape sustainable practices. this concept points to the value of community-based resource management, which can help to resolve conflicts between local people and the government and lead to sustainable development (bennett, dearden, 2014; johnson, forsyth, 2002). we studied community-based natural resource management in the most depth while living and learning in a farming community in the north of thailand and a fishing community in the south. in these places, local people had developed strategies to advance both the health of their adjacent ecosystems and their own economic needs. collective action, mutual accountability, and a commitment to continual learning allowed people to empower themselves 4 who can change the world? undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 and advance the objectives of sustainable resource use. every person had a voice and was able to express not only what they needed, but also what they hoped for future generations, including the hope for flourishing lands and oceans. the collective support for the expression of these desires fueled conservation and restoration. the framework of community-based resource management, which operates at the intersection of social and environmental justice, was immediately compelling to me based on what i was personally interested in. therefore, as soon as i learned about this solution, i wanted to prove that it could solve all the world’s problems. i started to consider how i might be able to copy and paste the efforts of the community members who taught us in thailand into other contexts and tell people facing resource-management issues of all kinds, “look at what they’re doing! it works! you should do this too!” luckily, i had professors and mentors who challenged me to think critically about this inclination. after all, the imposition of development “solutions,” which are not locally appropriate and perpetuate a lack of community agency was something i claimed to oppose vehemently. the idea that people could come up with their own ways of interacting with their livelihood resources, based on local knowledge and priorities, was what had drawn me to community-based resource management in the first place. why would i possibly know what works best for all people, everywhere? of course, there is no one-size fits all solution to the massive questions raised in conversations of development and resource management. i decided at this point to re-focus my efforts on understanding how community-based resource management had worked in one specific instance, so that this framework could be better understood as an option for people to consider while they exercised their right to choose a course of action that best suited their own needs. my first step in planning out my research project was to recall how much i did not yet know and to remember that my identity should be a key consideration in my planning. i knew what i wanted to study, but i was unsure of what questions to ask, and to whom. i remembered the lesson that, because of my position the way i am perceived by others, i could unintentionally drown out the voices of people who are often ignored in conversations about equity, even if my goal was to help them be heard. therefore, i wanted to remove my voice, biases, and assumptions from the research as much as possible. further, i aimed to use the project as a platform to amplify both the voices of people working on sustainable resource management and the people who depend on the wellbeing of those resources for survival, especially where these two groups overlap. therefore, my first step was to connect with a community and established research bodies to create a locally appropriate project outline. i first decided to revisit the fishing community mod tah noi in southern thailand to learn more about their success. i wanted to understand why they were so effective in organizing, communicating, adapting to new rules, and holding each other accountable for following these. my first instinct was to put this community’s strategy on a pedestal based on what i understood of their work. however, i reminded myself to seek objectivity. after all, when i first visited, we focused mostly on the fact community practices had changed to restore the marine ecosystems to health. i still lacked information about the process of changing these practices, and what challenges had persisted after changes were made. most importantly, i did not know the underlying motivation that had caused individuals to make resource-use changes in their day-today lives. was it community ties? was it economic pressure? social pressure? or had the way people thought about their responsibility to the ocean and its inhabitants changed? 5 who can change the world? undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 while i was reviewing literature and doing background research about mod tah noi, it was brought to my attention that an ngo working in gazi, kenya, had established a project called mikoko pamoja. the mission of this initiative was to enable development within the community by preserving the local mangrove forests and selling carbon credits. the organization had produced impressive results, like changing how people interacted with the mangroves and facilitating the construction of a new school (with books also purchased by carbon credits) and a water distribution system. in mod tah noi, a local ngo called the save andaman network foundation had also intervened with ideas about combining community development and conservation. the organization had acted as a catalyst for change and a bridge between local actors and the provincial and national governments. after new community practices were established, the ngo stepped back from the day-to-day proceedings within mod tah noi. i was fascinated by the similarities in these strategies and their proximity to what i was interested in studying, and i discovered that mod tah noi and gazi are similar in many ways beyond ngo involvement. their population sizes are comparable, as are their levels of development (relative to the rest of their country’s) and economic activities. they are both economically and culturally tied to their low-output artisanal fisheries on the indian ocean, which are adjacent to and sustained by seagrass beds, mangrove forests, and coral reefs. additionally, both mod tah noi and gazi are relatively geographically isolated, and the local people are mostly muslim in predominantly nonmuslim nations. i had the same questions about mikoko pamoja and conservation efforts within the community of gazi as i did about the community-led conservation efforts in mod tah noi. why were practices changing and ecosystem conditions improving? was it because rules were changing, or because mindsets were changing? i decided to make this the central question of my research, and i set out to answer it. when i arrived in gazi, i was immediately grateful for the partnerships i had established with mikoko pamoja and the kenya marine research and fisheries institute. local affiliates of these organizations introduced me to community members and helped me to understand local customs. they also guided the development of my survey instruments and practices so that i could ask the right questions and make participants feel comfortable in the process. when i explained my intentions for my research, it was revealed to me that how the people of gazi and the people of mod tah noi interacted with the groups working on conservation was very different. in mod tah noi, people who lived in the community were leading resource use campaigns and all community members were voting on all resource-use rules. mod tah noi was treating regulation and resources as a single system with many interrelated parts to consider. in gazi, mikoko pamoja’s work with the mangroves was relatively isolated. local people voted on rules about mangrove use and how to spend the money earned from carbon credits, but there was no additional regulation about seagrass use, coral interaction, or any other marine practices. i was very interested in this difference and the presence versus absence of systemslevel thinking, so i narrowed down the scope of my research. i decided to investigate whether the work of the save andaman network foundation and mikoko pamoja created a sustainability ethic that extended to fisheries or not. this seemed an important question because fishing is such a central part of life in both communities, and the fisheries in both localities are under intense ecological stress from changing climate conditions and overfishing. the answer to this question 6 who can change the world? undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 would tell me whether changing practices around resource use were based on obligation or ideology, and why. i had thought a lot about how to conduct this project in the most ethical way possible, but i was still conscious of how i brought my own identity into every conversation. i once had a professor tell me that extracting knowledge from communities overseas is just a modern form of colonialism. my first strategy for doing more equitable research was to ensure that the learnings from this project would be given to the community to use as they saw fit. second, i wanted to advocate for the priorities and wellbeing of the people i was interviewing, while knowing that one conversation with an individual would not provide me with enough insight to speak to their needs. instead, i asked questions that prompted people to speak for themselves about their present opportunities and challenges. my community partners helped me to design a survey instrument that allowed me to collect objective data about fishers’ attitudes. based on the responses to a set number of questions, i created a sustainability attitudes scale and used a multivariate regression model to assess the effect of the project site (a proxy for the structure and methods of conservation efforts) to measure the sustainability ethic of each fisher. the results were highly statistically significant and showed that fishers in mod tah noi considered sustainability in their fishing practices more than gazi fishers did. at times, i was extremely uncomfortable with my inability to communicate the intentions of my project in the local language. i wanted to clarify that there were no right or wrong answers and that my goal was not to make people feel ‘studied.’ i wanted to learn from them, based on what they chose to share with me, not about them. i interviewed only fishermen to learn about their priorities and practices in their craft, and most of my questions were technical rather than personal. i relied heavily on the community organizations and leaders i had partnered with to help me communicate my intentions and build trust. when i compiled my results, i ended up with a similar feeling of discomfort. because of the way americans talk about sustainability and value natural systems, it seems like my conclusion is a value-based judgment which says that one community and ngo were “successful” while the other was not. this is not at all what i believe, nor does it reflect the complexity of both situations. mikoko pamoja’s objective was not to change the practices of fishermen, and fishers in gazi are not unconcerned with the health of the fisheries. they are aware that their practices have an impact on the local ecosystems. in fact, many expressed knowledge of how all the components of their adjacent fisheries, mangroves, and seagrass beds work together and depend on each other. there were many reasons why fishers felt they could not comply with any existing rules designed to promote the health of the fisheries, and why they had mostly not adopted or employed a sustainability ethic in their work. an additional challenge arose from the fact that many of the people i interviewed would have no use for a final report written in english, so my plans to share my findings with them had to be more innovative than emailing a copy of my paper. here, again, i had to lean into partnerships to ensure that my work could be meaningful in amplifying the voices of community members and allowing them to share amongst each other their knowledge that i had compiled in this project. i was able to communicate my findings to thought leaders at both mikoko pamoja and the save andaman network foundation and to use direct quotes from community members to make recommendations. for example, it became apparent to me in my research that in mod tah noi, having community members lead the charge towards a healthier community and a healthier 7 who can change the world? undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 ocean was empowering. most working people in both communities are fishers. therefore, when conservation work makes space for everyone to participate in a meaningful way (as it does in mod tah noi), the people working in the fisheries are automatically invited to declare their needs and to advocate for reasonable and effective fishing rules. by presenting this knowledge to be disseminated in both communities, my work is making a case for active inclusion based on what participants shared with me, not based on my own ideals. by sharing my research with the organizations, i worked with, i was also able to answer questions they had about their solutions. i also sought to provide a critical lens through which they could see their impact so that their programs can be more effective in moving forward. this project allowed me to work for the public good not by having a new idea, but by using the resources i’ve been provided through higher education to initiate conversations between knowledgeable actors and advocate for making room in these conversations for those who are often silenced. as i look to the future, i will remember that while there may be good intentions in trying to solve problems that affect people all over the world, i will never have a complete picture on my own. most importantly, i will never know more than another person about their own situation. i can, however, play a role in bringing about positive change by asking questions, keeping an open mind, and using my positioning to amplify the voices of people with something to say so that we can create inclusive and sustainable solutions. 8 who can change the world? undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 references agrawal, c., arnold, j., j.m.. baland, j., beckley, t., borrini-feyerabend, g., l.m.. campbell, a., zhang, y. (1999, january 01). community forest management in thailand: current situation and dynamics in the context of sustainable development. retrieved october 08, 2020, from https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11056-005-7483-8 bennett, n., & dearden, p. (2013, august 30). why local people do not support conservation: community perceptions of marine protected area livelihood impacts, governance, and management in thailand. retrieved october 08, 2020, from https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/s0308597x13001711 hirsch, p. (1990). development dilemmas in rural thailand. retrieved january, 2020, from https://www.cabdirect.org/cabdirect/abstract/19916710174 johnson, c., & forsyth, t. (2002, june 12). in the eyes of the state: negotiating a "rights-based approach" to forest conservation in thailand. retrieved october 08, 2020, from https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/s0305750x02000578 pariona, a. (2017, april 25). ecological regions of thailand. retrieved october 08, 2020, from https://www.worldatlas.com/articles/ecological-regions-of-thailand.html 9 https://www.cabdirect.org/cabdirect/abstract/19916710174 https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/s0305750x02000578 learning from exceptional children 1 learning from exceptional children lindsay finn marquette university at marquette university, service to others is an integral part of the campus environment. as a jesuit institution, service to those most in need in our community is one of the core principles marquette was built upon. in order to reach out to those in need, the service learning program at marquette enables students to connect to the community by learning from experience the concepts being taught in the classroom. in my senior year at marquette, i was given the opportunity to do service learning through a psychology course entitled, “working with exceptional children.” in this course we learned about the differences between children who are considered “typically developing” and those that are “exceptional” and what factors impact the lives of children with exceptionalities. by integrating service learning into the curriculum, we were able to see firsthand the various ways that children are unique, different, and exceptional, to how familial, societal, educational, and multicultural issues impact the lives of children with exceptionalities. to fulfill the requirements of the course, we worked with elementary school children in inclusive classrooms at spring creek elementary school. inclusive classrooms serve both typically-developing children and those with exceptionalities such as learning impairments or physical disabilities or those who are considered gifted and talented. this is typical in elementary schools around the nation as districts try to meet the needs of each student. inclusion is part of the individuals with disabilities education act (idea), which outlines provisions for districts to follow to allow children with exceptionalities to receive the best educational experience “with non-disabled peers to the maximum extent appropriate” (hardman et al. 2011, 28). this is often referred to as the least restrictive environment (31). this piece of legislation was groundbreaking for education because it meant that almost all children would participate in educational activities in classrooms with their peers to whatever extent they were capable. by working to place students in their least restrictive learning environment, every child has the opportunity to grow and work with peers, which is a fundamental aspect of development that children might have missed out on in a segregated classroom. spring creek has embraced inclusion and continues to work to place each student into a least restricted environment. while in the classroom, children with exceptionalities can sometimes need a little extra help or direction, so schools often employ aides to assist teachers in the classrooms. i became one of these aides and was scheduled to help for four hours each week in the third and fourth grade classrooms. during the times i was in the classrooms, students were usually working on reading, writing, and math, so i often worked with specific children on an individual basis during the student’s work time. this allowed the teacher to provide additional instruction or assistance to students that needed help understanding new and challenging concepts. by assisting the teachers and support staff directly in the classrooms, i had the opportunity to experience firsthand some of the challenges and successes inclusive education provides students at the elementary school level. as a component of my course, we discussed the ecological systems theory as an innovative way to reflect upon our service learning experiences and how they correlate with class material. bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory is commonly used to describe the development of individuals and has been especially useful as a way to analyze the lives of 2 children with exceptionalities (butera 2005; bronfenbrenner 1979). bronfenbrenner’s theory emphasizes that a person’s biological characteristics cannot fully explain the development of that person. it is also important to consider how an individual interacts with one’s environment to completely explain his/her development and characteristics. this theory was developed as a way to understand human development by categorizing each aspect of a person’s life into four distinct systems: the microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem, and finally macrosystem (bronfenbrenner 1979).the micorosystem, or individual, includes a person’s biological characteristics, personality, family, neighborhood, school, or peers. in contrast, the mesosystem includes interactions between microsystems, such as the interaction between family experiences and church experiences and between church experiences and peer experiences. the exosystem consists of the components of the larger social system with which the individual does not usually have direct contact (e.g., like family friends, social services, or government agencies). finally, the macrosystem represents the society and culture of an individual. this would consist of things like values, belief systems, lifestyle choices, customs, and resources that accompany a person’s particular societal or cultural upbringing (bronfenbrenner 1979; johnson 2008). in order to fully understand and appreciate the complexities of individuals, bronfenbrenner believed one must look at each of these systems and, in turn, and how the systems were interconnected as a person grew and developed (bronfenbrenner 1979). throughout the course, we considered our experience though the lens of this theory. the levels i felt were the most important to the experience of children with exceptionalities at my site were the exosystem, or community and the macrosystem, the society and culture. community influences the community that a child is brought up in is one important component of bronfenbrenner’s theory because it often has a profound effect on the development of children with exceptionalities. at spring creek elementary, community interactions involve not only the children interacting with the teachers and support staff at the school but also with their peers. before i began working in the classrooms, i had a lot of ideas about how the classroom environment would function and what hurdles i might expect to find that would affect learning within this community. by reflecting on these thoughts and seeing firsthand how successfully the learning community at spring creek functions, i was able to see how important establishing a strong, supportive community can be for children with exceptionalities. peer interactions can be an important source of support within the educational community for children with disabilities. one of the most interesting things that i witnessed during my time at spring creek was the interactions between children with and without exceptionalities. when i started this class and my service learning, i was interested to see how children who were “typically developing” would treat those who had some difficulties in the classroom setting. before this experience, i had thought that there would be significant differences between the styles of interactions between these children with predominantly negative interactions being the most common. i worried “typically developing” children would easily be able to identify which children were different and possibly pick on them or exclude them from activities. after spending time in the classroom, i am happy to report that i actually observed the opposite behavior. it seems as though they take on the role of caretaker and naturally try and help them to succeed. for instance, one day when i was in the classroom, the students listened to a book and afterward needed to choose something they liked best about the book to write a summary. in this 3 particular classroom, there is one student that is an extreme perfectionist and this often causes him to have a very hard time writing about his own ideas because he is afraid of not doing things correctly. in order to help him think of ideas, i decided to take him over to the book so that he could look at it to brainstorm with his goal in mind. there were a few other children also looking at the book, so when we arrived, there was not a space where he could sneak in to get a peek. i could see that he was quickly getting very distressed over the fact that he couldn’t see the book since they only had a short time to write. i was about to step in when, to my surprise, one of the little girls noticed him and immediately gave up her spot for him, even though she herself didn’t have the summary done. then she proceeded to work with him to come up with ideas to write about as a team. working together, they both completed their summaries with ease. he didn’t even need any encouragement like he normally does to write down his ideas. it was almost as if she too picked up on him struggling and wanted to help him even though she, also, had her own work to do. by both students working together towards a common goal, they each were able to complete the task without difficulty. unlike my previous fear, it seems that instead of exploiting the exceptional children’s weakness, peers seem to want to help them succeed. this highlights some of the greatest strengths of inclusion for students like the child in my example because, just by inviting him to work with her, this little girl allowed him to feel like a valuable part of the classroom community (hardman et al. 2011). this interaction clearly proved to me how important peer support is in the learning process for children with disabilities and how important peers can be in the learning community. society and cultural influences one component of bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory that i found most interesting examines the society and culture that a child is brought up in to see how it affects one’s development. people are essentially a product of their culture and the society in which they are raised (hardman et al. 2011). the society, culture, and those around an individual ultimately shape that individual and how they are able to relate to others. as one progresses though life, those they meet such as their peers, family, and even their friends indirectly shape their opinions, feelings, thoughts, and values they come to believe in. after working at my service learning site for a few months, it was interesting to see how society and the constant push to have traits society values have affected both myself and other individuals at my site. regarding the influence of culture and society, i found it very interesting to consider whether or not “typical” societal values are supported or challenged at my service learning site. many of the ideas that we have about people with disabilities come not only from our own interactions with these individuals but also from what society says about individuals with disabilities. these values are often so ingrained in our minds that they are hard to avoid. one of the most interesting insights regarding this concept relates to the idea of the disability hierarchy. in class we were introduced to the idea of the disability hierarchy as the perception some individuals have that it is better or worse to have one type of disability versus another (snow 2005). in some respects, the disability hierarchy can help perpetuate discrimination against those that have particular disabilities, such that one person may be considered and even treated as if he/she is more likely to succeed based on qualities that one thinks have more value than someone who is perceived as having a less impairing disability. kathie snow, in her essay the disability hierarchy, suggests that this often results in individuals developing a stratification of pity, or a “level of pity [that] is equivalent to where a particular disability sits on the hierarchy” and interacting with these individuals according to their allotted pity (2005, 2). 4 surprisingly, this is the exact type of thinking that i witnessed in a classroom at spring creek. while the class was working on a group project with the teacher, i was discussing the abilities and futures of a few students with the teacher’s assistant assigned to the classroom. as fourth graders, next year they would be moving to the middle school where they would not have a teacher’s assistant in their classroom. the assistant was expressing her concern for some of the students that she believed were “worse off than others” based on the type of disabilities they had. ultimately, it seemed like she was suggesting that one disability was better or worse than another. she seemed to think that because one child had a physical impairment, he/she would be more likely to succeed intellectually in future educational settings as opposed to another child with what she deemed as a “worse” disability. this is a clear example of the disability hierarchy. she had developed an internal scale of disabilities where she ranked particular disabilities as better or worse than others based on traits or skills she, herself or society valued. as we talked she continued to express more pity or concern for those that she deemed to be “more disabled” because they wouldn’t get the help she believed they needed to succeed. it was almost as if, internally, she had placed limits on the children that she believed they couldn’t pass unless they had individual help to reach those goals. admittedly, when i heard this i was very surprised. when i initially heard about the disability hierarchy, i imagined that it existed, but didn’t expect it to be expressed so out in the open. with how much progress the educational system has been making to allow all students to learn and succeed, i feel as though this thought might be a great hindrance to progress. as stated by snow, “the greatest barrier facing individuals with disabilities is not the disability itself, but attitudes about disabilities and the resulting… treatment of people with disabilities” (2005, 1). by placing kids on an internal scale, the teaching assistant was placing limits on the children she was working with that easily could prevent her from seeing the success of some children. also, she might not offer help to those that she perceives as unworthy of more assistance. after all, these children are very aware of what others think about them and their abilities and if we always convey, even indirectly, that we don’t think they will ever understand something, that negative thought itself might be the only thing standing in the way of their success. with this value scale being reinforced even in the minds of some educators, it proves that we have a long way to go in establishing a level playing field even in the lives of those with disabilities. the service learning organization at marquette university offered me an invaluable opportunity to learn by giving back to the local community. overall, during my time at spring creek, i have seen how a child’s personal characteristics, community, society, and culture can have a serious effect on the life of a child with exceptionalities. by utilizing bronfenbrenner’s theory to examine the lives of children with exceptionalities, it was easy to break down all the components into easily manageable pieces. looking back on this semester, the hardest and most interesting thing to reflect on was how these various influences affect children with exceptionalities. knowing how negative and often judgmental society can be of people with disabilities, i was afraid i would realize that society’s perceptions have also been held in the elementary school setting. now, after my experience, i can safely say that this was not always the case. although i did witness some concerning thoughts regarding the disability hierarchy within some of the support staff, i also witnessed some positive peer interactions which lead to increased confidence and the ability to push past some of the stigma surrounding disabilities. seeing this development over time helped to put the issue into perspective and allowed me to see how we as a community can help these children to succeed, even if it means taking little steps to eventually reach a larger goal. through these situations, i was able to truly see how much of an 5 asset a supportive and united community and an encouraging society can be for a child with exceptionalities. my experience has shown me that although it can be slow at times, progress is being made toward successful total inclusion of children with exceptionalities in the general education setting. i am forever grateful to marquette and service learning for recognizing how important this program is for students and for providing me with the experience that many students don’t receive until they graduate. as a jesuit university, marquette takes pride in the service their students do for the community, and i am happy to have had an opportunity to participate in this program. references bronfenbrenner, urie. 1979. the ecology of human development. cambridge, ma: harvard university press. butera, gretchen. 2005. “collaboration in the context of appalachia: the case of cassie.” the journal of special education 39 (2): 106-16. hardman, michael l., clifford j. drew, and m. winston egan. 2011. human exceptionality: school, community, and family. 10th edition. belmont, ca: wadsworth. johnson, eileen s. 2008. “ecological systems and complexity theory: toward an alternative model of accountability in education.” complicity: an international journal of complexity and education 5 (1): 1-10. http://ejournals.library.ualberta.ca/index.php/complicity/article/view/8777/7097. snow, kathie. 2005. “the disability hierarchy.” disability is natural. http://www.disabilityisnatural.com/new-attitudes-menu/the-disability-hierarchy. learning from exceptional children community influences society and cultural influences references undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 birthing knowledge production as resistance: centering black mississippians’ maternal care in psychosocial support sandra ojeaburu harvard college abstract this article explores the utility of a burgeoning black doula and midwife movement began in 2018 by the mississippi birth coalition by juxtaposing doula care with the now ubiquitous, medicalized healthcare system. i trace the regulation and subsequent displacement of black midwives in the 1920-1950 government regulation of midwifery in mississippi. i acknowledge the way public health interventions codified anti-african american sentiment and discounted black female birthing epistemologies. black mothers in mississippi, especially those on medicare seeking community-based supports in the form of baby cafés, doulas, and midwives, desire culturally competent supports that focus on mental health and holistic care services. specifically, analyzing reproduction in black communities in mississippi emphasizing the subversion of patriarchal authorities often located in medicalized hospital care, by reinscribing power to the black female community. how did these black birthing communities comprised primarily of black women disappear? how can these communities of care become integrated into holistic maternal healthcare in mississippi? introduction the disparities that black women face in the united states are frightening, but to many black women in mississippi—unsurprising. recent research identifies black mothers as being over 2.5 times more likely to experience a pregnancy-related death than white women with a maternal mortality rate of 37.1 deaths per 100,000 live births for black mothers compared to 13 deaths per 100,000 live births among white women (cdc 2019). moreover, black women are more likely to experience preventable maternal death compared with white women. in mississippi, the state ranked as the least healthy state for women, infants, and children. the maternal mortality for black women is 30.5 per 100,000 live births compared to 27.7 per 100,000 live births for white women (cdc 2019). while these statistics pinpoint a grievous problem, they fail to identify the unequal birthing landscape that black mothers must traverse in mississippi. the systemic racism as evidenced by food deserts, the limited medicaid funding with 60% of mothers on wic and medicaid, and the limited access to hospital care, both due to limited transportation and also to the dearth of hospitals in the region are all structural risk factors that place black women at higher risk of maternal mortality. moreover, these risk factors on top of racial injustice and racism contribute to the “toxic stress” that places black mothers at higher risk of pre-eclampsia and eclampsia which are major risk factors for maternal mortality (giurgescu, c et. al 2014). regulation of midwifery in mississippi in 1920, mississippi was a site in which public health and traditional medicine seemed to be integrated. the development of a public health system in mississippi was a response to high maternal mortality rates, as the state had the highest infant mortality rate of 30% (sano 2019). 69 birthing knowledge production as resistance: centering black mississippians’ maternal care in psychosocial support undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 yet, sometimes government structures that are supposed to provide care, have unintended consequences. the following discussion draws a terrain of the bureaucratic measures in mississippi that discounted black midwives’ birth knowledge through midwife training that contained anti-black sentiment. i articulate the way the regulation of midwives replaced black midwives with predominantly white nurses and stratified birthing epistemologies unfairly deeming black midwives’ birthing knowledge and methods of care as invalid. in the early 1900s, doctors attended approximately half of all births in the united states, predominantly by wealthy and middle-class white families. about 5,000 predominantly black midwives delivered mississippi’s midwives delivered 84 percent of black infants, the largest percentage in the country in 1920 (mississippi state department of health 2019; sano 2019). however, mississippi also had the highest maternal and infant mortality rate at the time. a children’s bureau study of two rural mississippi counties in 1916 to 1918, found multiple factors were responsible for the low quality of maternity care, yet they primarily pinpointed the “midwife problem” and condemned ‘untrained, ignorant, and careless’ midwives who relied on ‘primitive’ and ‘unsanitary methods’ (sano 2019). felix underwood the executive officer of the mississippi state board of health, echoed this sentiment stating, “ninety percent of [midwives] could not read or write, and a great number were old and filled with superstitious ideas” (sano 2019). future training and health campaigns would aim to provide legitimacy to racist narratives of black midwives. from 1920 to 1950, training requirements targeted black midwives through education requirements, physical and mental fitness, and cleanliness standards (ferguson 1950). director of public health nursing, mary osborne, created the “manual for midwives” in 1922 to use as a teaching guide on proper hygiene for midwives, but alluded to the racist ideology that presented black midwives as unsanitary (mississippi state department of health 2020). new midwives were only accepted after a period of training, a record of a high school diploma, and increased education that many experienced black midwives could not attain due to segregated schooling and few resources dedicated to schooling for african americans. moreover, they had to report to predominantly white public health nurses, nurse midwives, and doctors, which often resulted in many low-income and old black midwives being turned away (ferguson 1950). the intervention was successful in improving birth outcomes more generally. the maternal mortality rate decreased from 9.6 per 1,000 live births in 1920 to 6.7 per 1,000 live births in 1935 (mississippi state department of health 2019). yet, the regulatory processes by which black midwives were phased out of the maternal care sector were imprinted with racist and classist messaging. the unintended consequences included racial prejudice against black women in healthcare, displacement of social support in maternal health, and community these biased regulations disbanded black communities that black midwives delivered and cared for. aftermath of midwife regulation through the history of this regulation arises the story of the african american midwife that was not incorporated into the mississippi public health system and “had no national professional organizations to defend their existence within the field of medicine” (sano 2019, 394). moreover, the process of medicalization of birth and encouraging hospital births was formed, by the 1960s, over 95% of births took place in hospitals with physicians (rooks 1997). subsequently, the medicalization1 of public health “reframed childbirth as a dangerous medical 1 medicalization: the process by which human conditions and problems come to be defined and treated as medical conditions 70 birthing knowledge production as resistance: centering black mississippians’ maternal care in psychosocial support undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 process that was best managed by a physician-specialist in a hospital rather than an ‘untrained’ midwife at home” (sano 2019, 395). these regulatory laws were established under the guise of decreasing the risk of maternal and infant mortality, but also functioned as a field with medicalized and racialized undertones that devalued and deemed black women’s knowledge production as insufficient. though black midwives were told that their knowledge production around maternal health was invalid, many were caretakers for white families during slavery. black mothers were forced to care for white children and depended on income made as caretakers during the jim crow era (lee 1996). as a consequence, the “mammy” caricature arose as a depiction of the black woman as a loyal servant in white households forced to care for white children— neglecting her own. the caricature was completely desexualized, often obese, dark-skinned, and faithful to the white family. she was a surrogate mother/grandmother to white families. this caricature represented the dialectical role of the midwife, caretaker figure that simultaneously had amassed knowledge on birthing and childcare through delivering her communities’ babies, and caring for other children, yet somehow did not have knowledge production worthy of maternal healthcare. this figure was simultaneously the embodiment of knowledge black mothers had in caring for other people’s children and symbolic of undervalued and unappreciated black women. through this account of midwifery, we see the creation of a monitored reproductive medical care system that did not provide the same social, emotional, and spiritual support that midwives did. the traditional midwifery role became replaced by the medical model of maternal care dependent on pathology. establishment of limited healthcare access for black patients this structural violence continues to have repercussions on health outcomes, especially maternal health outcomes in mississippi today. in mississippi, the jim crow era resulted in structural segregation that forced black people to be dependent on an insufficient healthcare system that excluded them. the white hospitals in the region did not admit black people or gave them inferior treatment. often, black patients were required to bring their own utensils, toothbrushes, and linen and to hire a black nurse if one was not on staff. in 1929, there were only 6 hospitals that offered limited services to black folk and all were in southern mississippi, and not the delta (beito 2006). in 19471969, black entrepreneurs set out to increase the number of hospitals available to black mississippians. in “let down your bucket where you are,” david beito and linda royster beito, discuss the development of the black fraternal hospital system, first founded by thomas huddleston (beito 2006). he formed the afro-american sons and daughters in 1924, a fraternal society that grew to expand the number of black hospitals available for black mississippians. the demise of the system can be attributed to lack of funding, burdensome regulation, competitive pressure from government, and third-party health care alternatives characteristic of the neoliberal shift in medical insurance funding. these same economic shifts in the late 1960s resulted in a system of care in which black mississippians were dependent on state-funded hospitals. simultaneously, newly racially integrated hospitals were miles away from their communities and less accessible. however, a focus on community-based care unfolded in jackson, mississippi not too long ago. in 1970, black pediatrician dr. aaron shirley helped to establish the jackson hinds comprehensive health center, which became the largest community health center in the state (jackson medical 71 birthing knowledge production as resistance: centering black mississippians’ maternal care in psychosocial support undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 mall foundation 2019).2 in 1996, aaron shirley founded the jackson medical mall, the first medical mall of its kind in the us, to provide accessible healthcare in black communities in jackson. the medical mall is the location of the only high-risk maternal health clinic in the city that serves women on medicaid and wic. while shirley was a trailblazer in community health that focused on bridging gaps in healthcare access for african americans with a school-based clinic to provide health and counseling services to help reduce teen pregnancy, drug abuse, teen violence, sexually transmitted diseases, and mental health issues, many women still complain of 3 hour wait times for obgyn prenatal visits at the jackson medical mall due to understaffing and underfunding. overall, the healthcare system in mississippi that black mothers must traverse was made unequal, and insufficient. distrust in mississippi: wariness of bureaucratic indifference during ethnographic research, i entered a fraught maternal care landscape divided especially by socioeconomic status and race as i conducted fieldwork in jackson, indianola, and greenville, mississippi. in particular, i entered a region of unspoken, coded trauma that encompassed black women’s historic battle for bodily agency, and reproductive justice. given the exploitative history of black female reproduction in the region, my form of community-based research was grounded in decolonized methodology and acknowledged a hope-centered approach to community care. instead of focusing on the damage caused by systemic racism within healthcare systems, i aim to reimagine birthing support located outside the hospital that women hope to attain. indigenous education scholar eve tuck describes communities in which damaged centered research has taken place as both “over-researched” and “invisible” (tuck 2009). many mississippians decry research that is often done on what happened to mothers, as opposed to who makes up these communities, their agency within their communities, as well as the important knowledge production and care that black women give their communities. entering the field, my interlocutors were wary of my presence as a researcher given the historic irresponsibility of medical researchers in the region. during the slavery era in mississippi, the enslaved female body became a “means of production” and african american women were viewed as objects whose purpose was to provide a steady slave workforce through childbearing (luke 2018, 19). in medical apartheid, historian harriet washington discusses the “slaveholder-physician dyad” in which white doctors employed medical tactics through monitoring women’s menstrual cycles, sterilization, amputation, and other procedures (washington 2006, 46). in addition to this reproductive surveillance, doctors utilized black enslaved peoples in medical experiments. african americans came to associate “western medicine with punishment, loss of control over their most intimate bodily functions and degrading public displays” (washington 2006, 113-114). the reproductive surveillance characteristic of slavery became located in medical experiments. in medical bondage, history professor dierdre cooper owens outlines the rise of gynecological practice in the us that depended on black enslaved women as test subjects, to establish healthcare protocol (owens 2017). black mothers were typified as having a robust reproductive function and being incapable of pain, and these notions racialized maternal care. when mothers miscarried or had stillbirths, slaveowners blamed black mothers’ behaviors for the loss. this history is significant in understanding gynecology which was built on these notions of hyperfertility. finally, in the 1970s, black women of low-income were targets of forced 2 dr. aaron shirley took his pediatrics residency at the university of mississippi in 1965 and became the first african american to accomplish this feat. 72 birthing knowledge production as resistance: centering black mississippians’ maternal care in psychosocial support undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 appendectomies. in killing the black body, law professor dorothy roberts discussed the widespread sterilizations that occurred in the 1970s-1980s. roberts describes this hyperfertility trope as defining black women’s bodies as vessels for procreation. mississippi in particular passed a sterilization law in 1928 that allowed for the “sexual sterilization of inmates of state institutions” (state of mississippi 1928). in the beginning, those victims of this law were predominantly individuals with mental health disorders. moreover, parchman farm, mississippi’s notoriously harsh prison, where leading public health service providers provided female convicts, predominantly black women reproductive medical operations (shankar 2020). in the 1920-1980s, this sterilization would continue and expand to black mothers, predominantly mothers on welfare outside the prison system and become known as “mississippi appendectomies.”3 these unnecessary hysterectomies performed at teaching hospitals in the south on women of color as practice for medical students both stripped black mothers of their agency and choice over their bodies, while much of the discourse labeled these mothers as hyper fertile, or promiscuous—undeserved of reproduction that incurred high welfare costs (roberts 1997). given this history, my work draws connections to structural legacies of the jim crow and slavery era. yet, instead of knowledge that reinforces the dialectic of oppressor and oppressed, i draw inspiration from subaltern locations of knowledge production such as black birthing support groups. within these stories are the significance of recollection and memory. illustrating black mothers’ negotiation of agency in birthing through community-based support networks is a response to the increased call for intersectional work. as a researcher entering mississippi, i depended heavily on being vetted by community sources, given the unique kinship structures and culture of grassroots organizing in mississippi that is careful about who they let into their organizations. i opted for a method that completely depended on the desires of community-based organizations grounded in systems outside government and medical bureaucratic control. this entailed working with the urban league of jackson at a free program for women called the baby café, diaper banks, interviewing doulas, midwives, and other psychosocial support networks for mothers. while i opted for methods of community service learning such as grassroots organizing, and political canvassing, i acknowledge that this was not enough. there is no escaping the extractive nature that often undergirds research. i entered the field to be of use, but even in-service learning and community-based research, there is always a power dynamic between the researcher and those researched. therefore, for much of my work, i recognized the sacredness of women’s birth stories and the stories that go unspoken, shrouded in silence and memory—too difficult to share. “the public health racket” in mississippi, reproduction is a sensitive topic, as it bears intergenerational trauma and memory that can often elicit defensive responses. mississippi has only one abortion clinic known as “the pink house” that is located in jackson. anti-abortion protestors obstruct the entryway to the building and heckle women as clinic escorts guide them safely to the building every day (allen 2017). the abstinence-only sexual education is limited. simply, there is a sense of secrecy in maternal and sexual health. in mississippi, reproductive control is intertwined with history, especially in black communities. 3 in mississippi appendectomies, women were told they needed to remove their appendix and instead were sterilized (hutchison 2011). 73 birthing knowledge production as resistance: centering black mississippians’ maternal care in psychosocial support undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 one black doula and reproductive justice advocate named michelle reiterates the regional difficulty when discussing reproductive justice in mississippi, especially with northerners that view reproductive rights expansion in the state as impossible. she said, “those northerners repeatedly used to ignore and judge us in the south. they are only involved in reproductive justice now because it is popular.” this regional distrust that michelle explicated motivated my research to focus on grassroots organizations and advocates that have been working in the reproductive justice space for decades. given this topic can be territorial and sensitive, i wanted to elevate the rich voices that go unheard. consequently, i interviewed nonprofit owners at sisters in birth and the baby café which i will describe in this section, as well as black mothers, doulas, and midwives. given this distrust for government regarding black reproductive health, extends to healthcare institutions that are viewed as continuations of bureaucratic indifference—i interviewed only a few nurses, doctors, and health insurance companies. getty israel, the founder of sisters in birth, a nonprofit public health organization that pairs community health workers to women with low incomes and provides support in the form of birthing classes, yoga classes, health education, and prenatal to postpartum care. when asked about her relationship with public health departments, she responded, “what are these organizations doing to use best practices? nothing. these are white people earning these salaries off of black bodies. it’s a racket—a public health racket.” the director of the mother support group, the baby café, shared a similar dissatisfaction with hospitals.4 she said, “hospitals do not invite people in. they are not ‘community’ friendly. what these hospitals should do is stop sending people into our organizations to just research and take from the ‘community.’” this space was empowering for black mothers, but every time representatives from the university of mississippi medical center were present to complete community needs assessments or data, there was a clear rift in comfort. in both of these cases, there was an institutional distrust that goes beyond the personal interactions or instances that black women have with sole care providers. rather, there was a greater narrative amongst these women: that these public health officials and hospitals were structurally removed from the communities they claimed to serve. moreover, there was a negative view that the same institutions that were supposed to care for women, actually harmed them and were more interested in controlling them rather than listening to their concerns. this disconnect between black community-based support groups and the healthcare system is a historic one that continues to be passed from generation to generation and has repercussions biologically and socially. intergenerational trauma and coded fear in birthing in her book, lose your mother, history professor saidiya hartman contends that ideas about black women that have historically circulated in the medical field must be understood as an extension of what she calls ‘the afterlife of slavery’” and situated in the history of “black women’s reproductive exploitation” (hartman 2007, 6; davis 2019, 13). in conversations with community organizers native to mississippi, this “afterlife” hartman discusses is generationally transmitted through birthing stories. maternal mortality and loss enshroud many families in mississippi. such trauma as collectively known by black expectant mothers in mississippi is seemingly written off with sayings such as, “well, that’s mississippi.” while this could seem 4 baby café of jackson: a free support group of predominantly black mothers on wic, that i spent every week working within which mothers would meet every week to discuss their pregnancy, eat, and gain the tools needed to advocate for their birth process. 74 birthing knowledge production as resistance: centering black mississippians’ maternal care in psychosocial support undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 like a locution of complacency or defeat, within this phrase used by every single one of my interviewees, there is an unspoken memory of past events. this utterance is an acknowledgment of the distinct nature with which loss molds and shapes black mississippians’ past and present. niketra acknowledged grief in her family’s birthing story. as a black mother of two children, she elucidated the implication of intergenerational trauma in her documentary called “laboring with hope” (burse 2019). she discussed how she lost her aunt when her cousins were born, and it was particularly grievous because it was a preventable loss due to racism in the hospital room. niketra recalled how her mother raised her cousin and spoke little about the topic of birth. she said, “i interviewed my mom and my husband’s mother, and so many others—there were a lot of tears. sometimes i would ask my mom questions and she just couldn’t share, so we skipped them.” for this family, discussing black motherhood meant also discussing loss. her family structure changed and with it the perspective on maternal health. while socially, this embodiment of terror was unspoken, pregnancy incurred a realm of the biological embodiment of inequity and transmitted unequal social treatment to offspring. evolutionary biology research confirms the way this trauma is ingrained in the makeup of dna expression through epigenetics (carey 2018). in evolutionary biology, changes as one’s body are exposed to energetic stressors such as air pollution, psychosocial stress, and smoking negatively impact lifespan (burris and vick 2017). black mothers are more likely to live in these areas with higher pollution, limited nutritious food access, and limited access to hospitals that increase these epigenetic changes (giurgescu, et.al. 2014). in addition to the personal trauma that spans generations, the structural removal of black birthing communities through public health development in mississippi continues to reverberate through black families today. one elderly black woman in her 60s that is a certified lactation consultant from indianola discussed that she and her 5 siblings were all delivered by midwives, yet she noticed that few midwives are left. she spoke longingly of midwifery, “this used to be people’s lifeline. when midwives would deliver babies, the whole community would make sure the mother did nothing for a month. they would clean, cook, fix up the house, and more. now, we don’t have that. when they removed the midwives, they removed our community.” this quote is powerful. the woman views the midwife as symbolic of a past time, in which black mothers had birthing support—physically, emotionally, and spiritually. this alludes to the yearning for a community in birthing that is not located in the healthcare system. while birth became focused in hospital settings, pregnancy care must be bolstered outside healthcare institutions. my interlocutors yearn for this community to be restored once again. with a greater analysis of interviews and field observations, a greater picture of the limitations in locating birth in the context of the hospital arises. the next section provides analysis in the form of policy recommendations centered on the hopes of my interviewees. analysis given the way loss and trauma are intertwined with many mississippians birthing stories, an analysis of the psychosocial support that women receive is of paramount importance. through juxtaposing the present medicalized landscape of pregnancy care and the traditional, i uncover the multiple structures and birthing methodologies at play. continuing a hope-focused lens of research, each recommendation highlights the aspirations of my interviewees for a restructured the birth landscape in mississippi. 75 birthing knowledge production as resistance: centering black mississippians’ maternal care in psychosocial support undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 decry stratified birthing epistemologies through encouraging birth plans first, the oppositional, tenuous relationship between doctors and doulas in mississippi, is best remedied when mothers lead their birth plans. for many of my interlocutors that were black mothers on medicaid in mississippi, they came to the baby café because they felt empowered as they were encouraged to ask questions about anything ranging from fibroids to mental health. one woman stated, “before this group, when i was pregnant, i felt alone. i was told by my sperm donor that he wished something bad happened to my baby…as a single parent, it is lonely, so this place gave me the support i needed and gave me hope.” outside of the baby café, mothers felt disempowered in prenatal checkups because they said their doctors do not listen to their concerns or rush them, given doctors’ appointments often only range from 15-30 min. one mother, named niketa recalls a conversation she had at the jackson medical mall, the only high-risk pregnancy clinic for women on medicaid in jackson. she made the decision not to have an epidural in her pregnancy, but the “physician told me that they only do epidurals in the hospital, though i repeated many times i did not want one.” niketa had to bring her doula to advocate, after which they found out the physician was incorrect, and she can birth without an epidural. one doula and labor and delivery nurse named raquel elucidated the reason behind this tension, she said, “whenever my coworkers get a patient with a birth plan or doula, they send them to me. some doctors view these patients as difficult.” she said some doctors in mississippi view birth plans as complicating their job. many doctors she worked with disregard the health education, knowledge, and requests of mothers and doulas. this leads to dissatisfaction in maternal care because mothers are not given this agency and control over their birth decisions. my findings indicate that birth plans are beneficial as they involve mothers in their own care. therefore, maternal healthcare that acknowledges the legitimacy of midwives and doulas from which mothers get health education, is culturally significant and beneficial. especially in mississippi in which birthing knowledge is produced, modified, and passed through generations. integration of doula and community birth workers within the healthcare model next, the disparities in black maternal health call for institutionalized advocacy in maternal healthcare through integrating the doula role in the healthcare model. to provide consistent and standardized care, doulas and midwives must be vetted. in mississippi, though there was a history of traditional midwifery, there is a lack of regulation or standardization of doula care which makes standardizing care difficult. one mother describes her encounter with one doula who she had to file a restraining order against. she said her doula brought someone into her appointment without her permission and continued to harass her once she got a new doula. charnice said, “i had to file a restraining order against her, and my doctor followed suit for his practice. you just never know what kind of doula you will get.” charnice’s story is representative of how variable the experience can be and the lack of standardization places mothers in further danger. cassandra, doula, nurse practitioner, and president of the mississippi birth coalition, echoes this same lack of standardization and regulation in the doula community that places doulas in financial and legal instability.5 she said, “some doulas argue with doctors and make things so hard. the issue is doulas are unregulated. i can think of some who i would not 5 mississippi birth coalition: formed in 2018, the ms birth coalition is a group of doulas, midwives, and reproductive justice advocates 76 birthing knowledge production as resistance: centering black mississippians’ maternal care in psychosocial support undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 recommend. some make the relationship between doctors and doulas more volatile.” this lack of regulation or requirements makes everything more difficult for mothers when choosing birth workers. the mamas first act introduced by congress in may 2019 proposed an expansion of medicaid coverage to expectant mothers who seek services provided by doulas and midwives (congress hr2751). this act, if passed would standardize a payment system for doulas nationwide and provide infrastructure for the burgeoning movement in mississippi. through integration, women have the opportunity to create a catered care plan that is socially and environmentally relevant to mothers and doulas are. specifically, doulas enter the homes and daily environments of their clients, acting as community health workers to educate and provide psychosocial support for expectant mothers whenever mothers call. this type of knowledge production and transmission at the community level fulfills a distinct need that doctors, and healthcare professionals cannot due to insufficient time with patients and the often inaccessibility of hospitals and clinics to mothers’ homes. social medicine approach: mitigating unnecessary medical intervention minimizing medical intervention is especially significant since the c-section rate in the us is 31.9% which is higher than the recommended 10-15% by the who (the lancet 2018) specifically, mississippi has the highest rates of c-section of any state with 37.8% (cdc 2019). while conditions such as diabetes, hypertension, and pre-eclampsia can increase this risk of csection, increased stress levels, and lack of advocacy and support in delivery rooms can leave mothers more susceptible. totiana, a black mother with three children, stated that she became a doula because during her childbirth, her doctor tried to conduct an unnecessary episiotomy until her “husband stopped the doctor and confronted him.” for single mothers, this type of unnecessary medical intervention can be more prevalent. precious echoes this fear, “i just put everything in god’s hands. down here it is natural for them to put medicine. that’s the instinct.” in reproductive injustice, anthropologist dana-ain davis verifies precious’s claim and states c-sections validate and suggest that when doctors see black women they tend to “corral the evidence needed to insist she will need a c-section” (davis 2019, 67). black women are disproportionately more likely to have c-sections not only due to maternal and infant mortality risk factors (such as diabetes, and high blood pressure), but also doctors’ racial prejudice that rush black childbirth (belluz 2018). cassandra labels this as an inadequacy in the systemic way healthcare institutions approach maternal care. she said, “the [birthing] classes offered by the hospital are just to make the birth in the hospital easier and prepare women for epidurals. they rescue you away from the medicine they gave you…when babies’ heart rates drop due to the epidural, [doctors] then have to do an emergency c-section for the issue they caused.” research on the efficacy of doulas and midwives have been shown to decrease the chronic stress that birthing persons face in childbirth. the biological pathway is outlined in a study by rp lederman et al, showing women in active labor who reported anxiety and toxic stress had significantly increased levels of endogenous epinephrine, which is a hormone associated with decreased contractile activity and longer labors (lederman, r.p et. al 1978). doulas presence during labor decrease anxiety and create an environment of comfort that reduces the levels of these aforementioned hormones, facilitating contractions, uterine blood flow, shorter labor times, and fetal well-being. doulas act as preventative measures to ensure women are advocated for and have the psychosocial support that improves labor outcomes. 77 birthing knowledge production as resistance: centering black mississippians’ maternal care in psychosocial support undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 centering maternal care outside the hospital in community-based and psychosocial support programs for the doulas, and nonprofit owners i interviewed that provide psychosocial support to expectant black mothers on wic in mississippi, they look to invest not in the healthcare system, but in their own communities—in the daily spaces that mothers occupy. using the tenants of reproductive justice ideology, they believe that housing, food access, and especially work environment contribute to a mother’s ability to have safe pregnancies. for one nonprofit owner, beneta, it is about ensuring that mothers have a space to call their own, where degrees, prestige, or the power dynamic inherent in the doctor-patient relationship does not exist. her work includes “baby-friendly designation” of workplaces, malls, airports, and more daily spaces to normalize black mothering in the form of breastfeeding, childcare, and maternal leave. she emphasizes the normalization of discussing pregnancy and birthing to cause a cultural shift in the way black mothers are treated. she insists that healthcare workers, “cannot help the community without being in it. you cannot improve community health without community.” one participant in the baby café when asked about how the baby café changes the culture around motherhood, said, “the baby café reaches out to businesses and calls my workplace to make sure they are baby-friendly, which is great.” in many support group sessions beneta would ask mothers if they have employers that let them have time off for prenatal checkups and spaces for expelling breastmilk in their workplaces and she would call their employers if this was not the case. this “baby-friendly designation” seems to be a solution to what getty describes as managed-care health organizations being “so far removed from the reality of the people and communities they are working with. mississippi invests little in primary prevention.” preventative care requires addressing the social determinants that result in dismal birth outcomes which include stress-related symptoms of hospital care ranging from clinic wait times, and adverse nurse or doctor interactions. hillary, a high-risk patient that is a black woman, kidney transplant recipient, lupus, history of high blood pressure, and ivf therapy patient, described the effect her experience in her clinic had on her health: “at the jackson medical mall, i was so stressed since i would wait for about 3 hours every time for my prenatal visit. my doctor was worried about my high blood pressure at every visit at the jackson medical mall, but my blood pressure lowered shortly after this switch to the private clinic. it has been low ever since.” for black doctor and mother, dr. collier, the community-based support groups are so important because of the limitations of depending on obgyns to fulfill advocacy or psychosocial support for mothers. she states, “there are limitations to the ability of doctors to balance their world view that is heavily geared to risk-management with the world view of emotional and social support that expectant mothers’ value.” in preventative maternal care, using local moral world theory identifies the distinct worlds doctors reside in. doctors are geared towards managing diseases, mitigating risk, and controlling illness. these goals require surveillance or management of bodies, and sometimes lack care that is catered specifically to expectant mothers and focuses on stress management or psychosocial support. thus, increased groups for black mothers provide important outlets mothers cannot get elsewhere. using reproductive justice as the foundation of the continuum of care and unpacking silently coded intergenerational trauma finally, it became abundantly clear that statistics do not give a clear representation of the barriers to care, specifically the psychosocial elements of physical and emotional wellbeing. 78 birthing knowledge production as resistance: centering black mississippians’ maternal care in psychosocial support undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 this was revealed through ethnographic research, working in communities and being involved in the intimate daily lives of my interviewees, and the realization that pregnancy care especially doctor visits places a focus on childbirth, and often ignores the total what i theorize to be the continuum of motherhood. utilizing the “continuum of care” framework in medicine that defines an integrated system of care that guides and tracks patients over time, the continuum of motherhood focuses on the significance of engagement in care both temporally and spatially. however, it emphasizes motherhood in maternal care. by placing the emphasis on the mother, the “fourth trimester,” or postpartum care, that often goes unnoticed calls for support in breastfeeding and tasks of motherhood that many of my interviewees feel the healthcare system did not advise. one mother named ronda described this dilemma stating, “the hospital does not [teach health education] enough. i do not think they really care. they rush us up out of there. they’re like, ‘take the baby, bye!’” she articulates this feeling that many mothers echoed stating that the hospital cared mostly about ensuring babies were safe and delivered but did not support or care for black mothers. in addition, one mother named jules demonstrated the limitations of hospital care. she said she often felt judged and “criticized” in healthcare settings for having kids because she was a single black mother on wic with four kids, pregnant with a fifth. one day, this mother attended a baby café session dilated, with a hospital band on her wrist. she said that rather than stay in the hospital, she would prefer to wait in the baby café until she went into labor. she told the group, “i have not told many people about my pregnancy, not even my family, i am just scared. i found out that this child is missing an arm and i have no one—i do not say this aloud, it’s hard.” her choice to go to the baby café instead of staying in the hospital while dilated presented her priorities in childbirth—psychosocial, emotional support, comfort, empowerment, and camaraderie. many mothers stated that the hospital cared mostly about ensuring babies were safe and delivered but did not support or care for black mothers. for most mothers and children, the first appointment is 6 weeks after childbirth, this does not consider breastfeeding lessons or maternal mental health. in addition, hospitals have minimal role in ensuring the workplace environment or home to which mothers return are comforting or supportive. utilizing the continuum of motherhood to understand maternal health helps to acknowledge the temporality of birthing. the effects of the mother’s own childhood and their mother’s own birthing processes are important in unpacking trauma and ensuring women feel empowered to be mothers at any stage in the process. for precious, when she was an expecting mother, there was a wealth of information, traditional folk curatives, and “west african birth traditions,” she had to choose from that she found alarming and confusing. she said, “if i research too much, i will literally put my baby in a bubble. and we will go out there to the country and we will live on the land.” while precious states this vertigo from the many sources from which she gets information, she states that she has a group chat with her sister, aunt, and mother that she turns to for support. she says an app with cultural sayings or curatives passed down in black birthing communities would be so useful because though she has a team of obgyn, nephrologists, and endocrinologists that are all women, she still depends on the black female family members for support, tips, and recommendations. for black single mothers, creating this community of black mothers is culturally significant and comforting simply, my findings emphasize that maternal health begins with reproductive justice. the story of a mother’s journey begins with comprehensive sex education to food access and stable psychosocial support networks to prenatal visits, adequate maternal leave, childbirth, and support 79 birthing knowledge production as resistance: centering black mississippians’ maternal care in psychosocial support undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 from healthcare professionals in the fourth trimester. moreover, the mental health of mothers and their views on reproduction are important as the stress, trauma and memories of mothers, grandmothers, aunts, or friends that have birthed in fear threaten to live on in expectant mother’s psyches. it is important for women to have advocacy and support. final recommendations overall, the community-based research in baby café support groups and interviews with doulas, doctors, and expectant mothers provided insight into the landscape of maternal healthcare in mississippi for black women, both within the ubiquitous medical institutions, and in their homes and community-based support groups. the characteristics of quality care are grounded in a relationship in which women feel in control of their birth plan, empowered by their healthcare provider, and have psychosocial support networks located in their communities of color. the main findings from the 3 months of ethnographic work can be summarized by 5 main policy recommendations that address structural improvements to maternal healthcare in mississippi that will meet the needs of black mothers. outlined as aspirations, these structural changes include: (1) acknowledge the displacement of black birthing communities in mississippi and institutionalize black birth work and psychosocial support, (2) standardize doula care, (3) interrogate modernity and the adverse effects of medicalized birthing, (4) understand “toxic stress” and its relationship to intergenerational trauma (5), focus on the continuum of motherhood. future research would focus on multiple aspects, specifically, delving into familial support structures for black mothers and understanding the role of partners more fully. i would aim to focus on partners and the role that they play in motherhood. while many of the mothers i interviewed were single mothers, it would be useful to understand how interactions within the healthcare system from prenatal checkups to delivery change when partners are more present in the birthing process. moreover, i would analyze mental health and the effect of maternal health on women’s mental well-being. while postpartum depression is a topic of burgeoning interest, it has not been fully researched in black communities. there are existing barriers to mental healthcare in black communities that range from the limited number of black psychiatrists to the cultural stigma around seeking mental health services. interviewing black expectant mothers more candidly about their mental health and how it progresses throughout pregnancy and postpartum would help to further develop a case for increased psychosocial support in black birth communities. finally, i hope to expand my research population to be more representative of intersectional identities which includes transgender birthing persons. also, i hope to understand more fully complications in support for more marginalized groups that are not black, heterosexual, cis women. in addition to expanding the research population, i would interrogate the significance of spatial orientation and location further. in the future, i aim to look more closely at rural communities that have no choice but to depend more on care located outside the hospital given the limited number of healthcare institutions in these areas. this would include researching the limitations of telemedicine in maternal care for black mothers. overall, further research on intersectional black communities, mental health, and the barriers in rural regions would allow for a greater understanding of the barriers to care amongst black mothers. moreover, this would expand the role of moderators such as transportation to community-based support groups, or incorporation of doulas in medicare coverage in mississippi that would all play a role in improving black birth outcomes. altogether, these 80 birthing knowledge production as resistance: centering black mississippians’ maternal care in psychosocial support undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 findings and further topics of focus, contribute to the 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(2006). medical apartheid: the dark history of medical experimentation on black americans from colonial times to the present. new york: doubleday. 83 service learning project – an individual analysis 1 the utilization of ethical models to develop learning experiences and improve the programs at a community organization rebecca wulforst nazareth college of rochester an examination of the after school programs at a local community organization has provided insight into the concept of ethics. margaret mead, an american cultural anthropologist, once said, “never doubt that a small group of thoughtful, committed citizens can change the world. indeed, that’s the only thing that ever has” (n.d.). the organization’s programs and our efforts as students are directly related to mead’s message because together, we are helping to shape the community of rochester, new york. the programs offer youth a safe place to go after school and provide activities geared towards helping them improve their interpersonal and communication skills. ultimately, we are trying to help the organization improve their programs so that the youth can be inspired, empowered, and better prepared for their futures. additionally, we want to enhance the communication between the youth and staff, so they have strong and reliable relationships. this progress has the potential to be directly reflected in the overall community. in order to do this, we put in hard work and dedication. in addition, we not only used our intellectual knowledge to help in the process, we also gained intellectual knowledge by participating. dissecting the process from logistical, team, and individual perspectives uncovered the learning experiences that come from such a process and the connections between the course objectives and a variety of mission statements. furthermore, the experiences can be connected to various ethical models and concepts including the norms of caring and utilitarianism, the virtues of self-discipline and courage, and the concepts of stakeholders, servant leader and superleader. first and foremost, my team members and i devoted plenty of hard work and dedication to the service learning project (slp). in january, i visited the organization in order to introduce myself to the environment, programs, and several of the youth. on march 20, i met two employees of the organization, and they conducted a two-hour session where, together with my group members, i received training on how to utilize the out-of-school time (ost) observation instrument. policy studies associates, inc. developed the out-of-school time observation tool with the support of the charles stewart mott foundation (pechman et al. 2008). this instrument is what we used to analyze a variety of different programs the community organization offers to local youth. during this meeting the staff presented a short film to provide us with an example of what we would be observing. once everyone understood how to properly use the observation instrument, the next step was to divide the team into observation groups. the group i participated in observed a program for youth in grades 7-12, but there were other programs devoted towards youth in younger grades. i attended the program on friday, march 23 and monday, march 26 and observed four activities: minute to win it, a scavenger hunt, basketball, and stem (science, technology, engineering, and math). i observed the activities for a minimum of 15 minutes and completed the observation instrument based on what i had witnessed. after the observations for the after school programs were complete, the group recorded all of the data into an excel spreadsheet. this sheet calculated the average ratings for all of the programs based on activity and for the individual youth and staff categories. we also met several 2 other times to complete sections of the final report. ultimately, we decided to formulate a document in google docs which allowed all of us to edit one paper at any given time, and any changes that were made could be viewed by the members of the group. after the observations were complete and the data was compiled, it was apparent that based on ethical grounds, we were justified in engaging in the slp. we can justify this by using the ethical norms of care and utilitarianism. according to cavanagh, the norm of caring can be defined as “responsibility to a person because of relationship” (2010, 88). overall, the community organization and the class as a whole are building and strengthening significant relationships. the staff is looking out for their relationships with the youth by being kind, positive, and supportive. for example, during the stem activity, the group of seventh graders was upset because they were unsure about what to make with their container of trash. one of the staff members explained that it was okay if they were uncertain about how to go about it. she helped them get started and offered some ideas regarding how to begin. after she contributed her advice, the kids were really able to get creative and innovative. aside from the actual activities, the staff members showed a genuine concern for the overall well being of the children. by observing and reporting on the strengths and weaknesses of the programs, the class is also supporting the relationships between the staff and the youth. we are trying to improve the programs so that communication can be improved and the relationships can develop to be even stronger. the norm of utilitarianism can also be used to justify engaging in the slp. according to cavanagh, the norm of utilitarianism can be defined as “the greatest good for the greatest number” (2010, 92). the organization as a whole is looking out for the common good of the community and its children. the programs are designed to give youth a safe place to go after school in a structured and enjoyable environment. the activities implemented at the programs are geared towards improving their interpersonal and communication skills and also help them move beyond their current level of understanding. this will affect the overall community because these learnings and skills can be used in their future endeavors. as a class, we are also bettering the community. we are helping the organization inspire and empower youth to be prepared for the future. this vision has the potential to be directly reflected in the overall community. after some self-reflection, it is apparent that i have learned plenty from this experience. specifically, i think the overall experience was both troubling and inspiring. the experience was troubling because it was obvious that the children needed guidance. during the activities, many of the youth seemed as if they did not have any desire to participate. there are plenty of reasons why this might be. for example, after a long day at school, some children might prefer to be home rather than at an after school program. in addition, some children could be dealing with issues that we may not be aware of. the issues could concern school or something that may be taking place at home. these children are the ones who could benefit from being shown the right direction, which is why the experience was also inspiring. i was able to see how mentors can help the children. youth need mentors, which is something that i would love to be involved with. the concept of being a mentor can directly be connected to the four virtues. it is directly connected because “good moral behavior is nurtured by mentoring, modeling, executive vision, and the corporate culture that this creates” (cavanagh 2010, 107). according to cavanagh, two of the four virtues are self discipline and courage. self discipline can be defined as “the developed habit of not pursuing a good excessively” (106,107). he goes on to say that this is related to wanting to possess or control things (106). it was obvious that some of the youth did 3 not have this quality. for example, one specific youth during the minute to win it activity was very controlling. she would consistently try to dominate the game without taking the other youths’ feelings into account. in addition, she would force her opinion onto others, without taking the time to listen to their opinions. mentors could set an example for her. it is obvious that she has many mentors at the organization already, and these mentors try to give her the tools needed to develop the virtue of self discipline. however, there is only so much time and resources that these mentors can spend on one child because so many of the children need their attention as well so it is important for these children to have as many mentors as possible. courage was another virtue that some of the youths did not possess. according to cavanagh, courage “enables one to overcome obstacles to do what is necessary to achieve a good goal” (2010, 106). during both days of observation there was one student who never participated in any of the activities and demonstrated the characteristics of isolation and introversion. from personal experience, i know it takes courage to overcome personality hindrances. the mentors at the organization could help her to become more outgoing and extroverted. for example, during the basketball activity, one youth was sitting on the sidelines watching. a staff member took the youth aside and started playing with him. eventually, the youth wanted to play with the rest of the children. the staff member did a good job of gradually getting the youth to fully participate. these precise virtues and learnings can be used in my future. cavanagh points out that “just as individuals choose to be virtuous and repeatedly act to bring that about, so, too, managers must choose a specific style of managing if they seek to encourage a moral corporate culture” (2010, 107). similar to my observations regarding why the slp was inspiring, i hope to use these learning experiences when i am a manager. specifically, i want to be able to help employees transform negative qualities into positive qualities, or in other words, i want to be a mentor to the individuals who need guidance. the service learning project was connected with all of the learning objectives presented in the management ethics syllabus in one way or another, but it was directly connected with two specific objectives. one of these learning objectives was number ten: “applying intellectual and social capital for the improvement of the greater community, at work, in service and faith organizations, and in our classroom” (leigh 2012b, 2). specifically, we are assisting the community organization with their quality improvement efforts. we have been willing to share our unbiased feelings about their program offerings with the staff. to do this, we are using our ethical frameworks and concepts to guide our feedback. the project was also connected with learning objective number three: “[d]evelop the ability to analyze ethical issues from various constituency and stakeholder perspectives” (leigh 2012b, 2). we are representing the needs of a variety of different stakeholders, especially the community, by researching the programs that the community organization offers. this can also be linked to the article by sandra waddock. in regards to the community, waddock addresses how an organization should be a neighbor of choice. this means, “being a welcome, trusted neighbor with a positive relationship within the communities where the company has operations” (2009, 193). by taking efforts to improve their role in the community, i would say that the organization is definitely a neighbor of choice. in addition, since nazareth college gives students the opportunity to participate in community service throughout the school year, i would also say that nazareth is a neighbor of choice. this experience also has connections with the study of business administration. according to cavanagh, “business managers have the opportunity to make our society a better place for all. it is important for business people to communicate the importance of ethics, social 4 responsibility, and good character” (2010, 73). this service learning project enabled us to do just that. the experience allowed us to use our intellectual and social capital on ethics to help the overall community. we used what we learned in our ethics course as well as other courses to assist the staff with their programs. for example, leadership and interpersonal skills are two prime examples of qualities we are consistently developing in both business and liberal arts classes. it takes both of these qualities to be successful with this project because there is a great deal of teamwork involved and constant communication is needed with the managers and administrators of the organization. furthermore, the project allowed us to make ethical observations and judgments that may be helpful to us in our business oriented futures. another connection exists between this experience and the mission statements of both the school of management and nazareth college. particularly, this project enabled us to contribute value to ourselves, an organization, and to society (school of management 2012). this allowed us to contribute value to ourselves because we gained intellectual knowledge just by participating. we learned about what programs the organization has to offer and what it takes to make those programs successful. in addition, we learned about the workings of a nonprofit organization. we contributed value to the organization because our observations could be used to obtain grants and demonstrate to outsiders and stakeholders that the business is consistently trying to improve their role in society. finally, we contributed value to society by helping the organization build stronger communities. a similar connection exists between the service learning project and nazareth college’s mission statement. this project enabled me to develop the skills necessary to pursue a meaningful career and inspired dedication to the ideal of service to my community (mission & vision 2012). for example, it prepared me for active civic participation in a diverse democratic society because, while observing, i was in the vicinity of people of many diverse backgrounds. (leigh 2012a, slide 6). in addition, it gave me the opportunity to gain practical experience in a potential career field (leigh 2012a, slide 7). furthermore, i utilized a variety of different skills while participating in this project including leadership skills, interpersonal and written communication, and project management, all of which can be used in my future managerial career. there were a few challenges faced during the course of this project. one of the most obvious issues that arose while doing the work for this project can be directly connected to servant leadership. cavanagh defines servant leadership as, “leaders who view their primary purpose as that of meeting the needs of others and helping others grow and develop” (2010, 250). i think this can further be connected to the idea of the “superleader,” “a leader who listens more, asks more questions, encourages learning, and uses less punishment” (251). in regards to this project, clear “leaders” emerged at the start of the assignment, but they did not have the qualities of a “superleader.” they did not always listen or promote positive communication. alternatively, they would decide what was best for the team without discussing the decision with the overall group. only after the decision was carried out would they talk about the situation. even then they would not listen to the suggestions of the group. furthermore, they did not ask questions, and they did not encourage self leadership. for example, they would not let individuals take initiative. when an individual did take initiative, the “leader” would alter whatever it was that the individual did. in other words, they were too controlling of the situation. therefore, the team experience in this project did not fit the model explained by cavanagh. dissecting the service learning project from logistical, team, and individual perspectives has uncovered the learning experiences that can be linked to a variety of ethical concepts, 5 learning objectives, and mission statements. specifically the positive and negative learnings were connected to the norms of caring and utilitarianism, the virtues of self-discipline and courage, and the concepts of stakeholders, servant leadership, and superleaders. in addition, the experience was directly linked with the learning objectives of the course and the mission statements of the community organization, the school of management, and nazareth college. overall, this experience affected many people including the class, the staff at the organization, and the youth. ultimately, the results will hopefully be reflected in the overall community. reflecting back on meads (n.d.) message, “never doubt that a small group of thoughtful, committed citizens can change the world,” it seems obvious that small endeavors taken by a few people can make a positive impact on the lives of many. references cavanagh, gerard f. 2010. american business values a global perspective. 6th edition. upper saddle river, nj: prentice hall. leigh, jennifer. 2012a. service learning panel (powerpoint slides). nazareth college. ______2012b. syllabus for mgt 410w management ethics. nazareth college. mead, margaret. n.d. quotation details. quotes and famous sayings the quotations page. http://www.quotationspage.com/quote/33522.html. mission & vision. 2012. nazareth college. http://www.naz.edu/about-nazareth/mission-vision. pechman, ellen m, monica mielke, christina russell, richard white, and north cooc. 2008. “ost observation instrument and report on its reliability and validity.” policy studies associates. http://www.policystudies.com/studies/?id=30. school of management. 2012. nazareth college. http://www.naz.edu/management. waddock, sandra. 2009. leading corporate citizens: vision, values, value added. new york, ny: mcgraw hill. the utilization of ethical models to develop learning experiences and improve the programs at a community organization microsoft word adusting to disruption-my experience with community-based research during covid-19resubmission.docx undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 11, spring 2021 adjusting to disruption: my experience with community-based research during covid-19 taiya bedward wilfrid laurier university community-based research is a medium through which fully immersive and genuine learning can take place. crucial to community-based research is collaboration. this quality begs for the absence of pride and the abundance of open-mindedness which allows for the necessary transmission of holistic and transformative knowledge to be shared in a way that plays on the strengths of community partners and researchers alike. jones (2018) was correct in their observation that, “every successful network has its own mixture of driving forces and moving parts” (para. 9). during the sudden turmoil that covid-19 put the world and my research internship into, it was paramount to trust in and rely on the strength of the networks already established between our community partner, professors, graduate student mentor, faculty advisor, and university staff. indeed, it was in the strength of our network that we were able to address challenges with recruitment and building rapport and overcome pandemic disruption during our project. i was introduced to my community partner, the coalition of muslim women (referred to here as the coalition), through a research internship with the centre for community research, learning, and action at my university, wilfrid laurier. my research team was tasked with designing and implementing a research project that identified the social, professional, and personal impacts of the coalition on the lives of its members. this project continued the work the 2018-2019 internship cohort completed; however, we did alter the research question slightly to shed light on the contribution of men to the efforts of the coalition. the coalition is unique in that it is the only not-for-profit, grassroots organization that is managed exclusively by muslim women in ontario. they emphasize empowering a diversity of muslim women and outreach to the larger kitchener-waterloo region in ontario, canada, to create an understanding and mutual respect among muslim and nonmuslim community members. in hosting events that center on art, community outreach, and leadership training, they provide supportive spaces and skill-building to empower muslim women to share their ideas and be leaders in their community. prior to this experience, my previous community outreach experiences had been enriched through my interactions with populations differing vastly in age, often operating in a clerical or assistant capacity to aid in programming for the elderly and toddlers. in this university internship, the enrichment came from the exposure to cultures different from my own and working with an organization that affirms and empowers my identity as a minority woman. the experiences i had in attending the coalition’s events and in learning about their work entrenched me into the work to be done. coupled with the field placement with the coalition was a class component that integrated our field observations with concrete concepts and theories. the evolution of adjusting to disruption: my experience with community-based research during covid-19 7 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 11, spring 2021 research was emphasized continually throughout our two terms of classes. what once was a segment of academia that was wrought with human rights abuses and unethical research design has evolved into research approaches intended to meet community needs and even bring about change. community-based research now strives towards becoming a field that champions interacting with the community in a way that shares power, is respectful, and transparent through learning from examples like the tuskegee syphilis experiment and the stanford prison experiment (katz et al., 2008 & zimbardo, 1973). in ethics and community-based participatory research: perspectives from the field, bastida et al. (2010) outline key ethical considerations such as encouraging community involvement in research, ensuring that communities benefit from the research, and data collection and sharing. it is in these ethical considerations where researchers must recognize the role of power dynamics in negatively or positively affecting these key ethical considerations – especially in marginalized populations. drawing, again, from the tuskegee syphilis experiment, it is evident that dynamics like race, socioeconomic status, class, and gender intersected and were abused such that the marginalized group – the participants – experienced more marginalization (katz et al., 2008). with the knowledge that i would be working with muslim women a group of people who have continually been vilified and marginalized i felt a personal responsibility to represent the coalition in as accurate a manner as possible to prevent further marginalization and extreme power dynamics. as researchers, we have the power to affect public perceptions about a group or community in a way that has far-reaching consequences that can span generations. this is the responsibility we take on as researchers and my professors made me starkly aware of this. in cultivating a relationship with the coalition, i acted as the communications and scheduling person; as a result, my scope of focus stretched from the more clerical side of research to the immersive, human-centered side that is interviewing. the following observations and reflections come exclusively from my experience in the roles i had during the project. as with any research involving human participants, building rapport was a priority leading up to the recruitment process and we were able to do this by attending the coalition’s ladies night gala. the ladies night gala is an annual event where members of the coalition and broader waterloo region communities come together to celebrate women and culture. i believe our attendance at this event was a crucial first step in building rapport with the members of the coalition and aided in reaching as many members as possible. this event provided a more personal way to interact with coalition members that could not be accomplished through an impersonal recruitment email and flyer. attending this event helped us marry the analytical aspects of our project with the crucial relationship building processes that rapport hinges upon. being at this event helped to introduce me to the importance of relationship building in research – something that is especially crucial to community-based research. i believe having this familiarity prior to recruitment changed the perception of the case study from a research project conducted by wilfrid laurier university students to a conversation among allies in the waterloo community. while conducting research with marginalized communities and gaining a more indepth understanding of the obstacles faced by these communities, it is likely that empathy will breed a sense of allyship which is something i felt. in this feeling of solidarity, it was adjusting to disruption: my experience with community-based research during covid-19 8 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 11, spring 2021 important for me to recognize that the individuals in the coalition are the experts on their reality, and no amount of research will come close to the value in their lived experiences. being aware of this is essential in the construction of knowledge that is holistic and gives voice to invaluable to perspectives. we were confident in our initial connections with our community partner and our confidence held through the university research ethics board process and propelled us through to the recruitment process we had laid all this groundwork for. sadly, covid-19 progressed around the world and the blossoming interest we had started to drum up with the coalition members wanned as the world was thrown into uncertainty. around this time, communication with our community partner was understandably not as strong, as the precarious nature of covid-19 jarred them (and us) and brought an abrupt halt to their day-to-day. the pandemic brought everything to a halt and shrouded the future in uncertainty, making commitments like participating in a study seem trivial in comparison. for a moment, all anyone was concerned about was survival, and our recruitment and research plan suffered as a result. when communications eventually resumed, some members that initially wanted to be interviewed changed their minds or stopped replying. recruitment was very slow around this time and we lost a scheduled interview due to the panic she was feeling around the virus. at that point, we had three interviews completed and with only one more scheduled to happen; we fell short of our goal of fifteen interviews. with this unforeseen change of circumstances, we consulted and brainstormed with our mentor and faculty advisor to adjust to a lack of data. we were able to adapt by supplementing our interviews with the previous cohort’s interview transcripts to address relevant research questions. we were fortunate to be working on a project that continued and built off of the previous years. alternatively, we could have explored increasing the compensation amount or perhaps re-evaluating our scope and recruitment tools to include members, volunteers and staff as opposed to just members. although we did not reach our goal of fifteen interviews, i was grateful that each member of my group got to experience conducting one interview each. in preparing for my interview, which happened to be the last one, i grappled with the quality of rapport i could build in a zoom interview compared to the in-person interviews we had initially planned for. by having a face-to-face interview, an interviewer can display body language that conveys openness and warmth which, can subconsciously ease a participant into being more comfortable with their answers. with this being lost, my goal going into the interview was to build rapport through communicating empathetically leading up to the interview and establishing common ground. during the height of the pandemic, it was as if the world was briefly united in our collective uncertainty and fear, and this provided a shared experience from which i established familiarity and a mutual understanding with my participant. in my email correspondences leading up to the interview, i would always start by conveying my empathy and understanding of the seriousness of the pandemic and continually expressed my gratitude for her willingness to participate in the interview. as the last group member to do an interview, i had a certain level of preparedness from my teammate’s experiences. however, nervousness accompanied me as i opened my laptop to connect to zoom – this eventually subsided as the interview progressed. i was able to connect with my adjusting to disruption: my experience with community-based research during covid-19 9 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 11, spring 2021 participant through lived experiences: her being an immigrant to canada and me being raised by immigrants. i could empathize with her plight and understand some of the obstacles she had faced, as they were obstacles some of my family members had to overcome. i think that it was important to identify this commonality in the way i posed my questions, and it had the intended effect of building rapport and easing awkwardness that can often accompany interviews. in establishing common ground and mentally drawing parallels between her life experience and the life experiences of my family members, i felt my similarities to my family diminish in comparison. the context of our interview highlighted how differently they navigated the world as immigrants compared to how i navigated the world as a 1st generation canadian. i realized how i benefited from my family’s experience as immigrants while simultaneously benefitting from my identity as a canadian citizen. i imagined my identities as the daughter of immigrants and as a canadian citizen intersecting in a way that privileged me more than either identity would on their own. not only does my canadian nationality benefit me on an international and local scale that affects me politically, socially, and economically; i also benefit from the rich culture, child-rearing practices, and the spirit of determination that is characteristic of people who are immigrants. as the pandemic stretched on, i found myself reflecting on how salient things like positionality and privilege became in this project and how striking the differences between myself, our community partner, and the world at large became. positionality describes “the stance or positioning of the researcher in relation to the social and political context of the study—the community, the organization or the participant group” (coghlan & brydon-miller, 2014). much like community-based research’s potential to equalize everyone’s position in a project, i was able to orient myself in a way that took into consideration how my position as a student researcher and a woman in society related to that of my peers and community partner. positionality and privilege go hand-in-hand in the way they color our world view and affect the unconscious biases with which we operate in research and society at large. mcintosh (2000) beautifully conceptualizes privilege as “an invisible package of unearned assets that i can count on cashing in each day, but about which i was ‘meant’ to remain oblivious” (p. 10). as covid-19 increased disparities between social classes world-wide, i became aware of my privilege and began to conceptualize the word in a broader sense. this project added nuance to the word privilege as i began to see it not as a descriptor for majority groups in society, but as a subjective term that can be applied to any group. through exploring first-hand, the obstacles members of the coalition had faced in navigating a predominantly white and canadian landscape, i came to understand how their lived experiences interacted with the waterloo region in a way that made the privilege of others glaringly obvious. privilege is a relative term and when you view it like this, you are better able to see how privilege can function differently in different people. what once was a word that was often associated with “white” became something i recognized within myself as a black woman, a canadian citizen, a student researcher, and a purveyor of higher education. we all have varying levels of privilege, and in recognizing how our positionality affects this quality we can begin to foster more productive conversations around this topic. adjusting to disruption: my experience with community-based research during covid-19 10 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 11, spring 2021 references bastida, e. m., tseng, t. s., mckeever, c., & jack, l., jr. (2010). ethics and community-based participatory research: perspectives from the field. health promotion practice, 11(1), 16– 20. https://doi.org/10.1177/1524839909352841 coghlan, d., & brydon-miller, m. (2014). the sage encyclopedia of action research(vols. 12). london,: sage publications ltd doi: 10.4135/9781446294406 jones, m.a. (2018). strong social networks are key to turning around communities. stanford social innovation review. retrieved from https://ssir.org/articles/entry/strongsocialnetworksarekeytoturningaroundcommunities# katz r.v., green b.l., kressin n.r., kegeles s.s., wang m.q., james s.a., russell s.l., claudio, c. & mccallum, j.m. (2008). the legacy of the tuskegee syphilis study: assessing its impact on willingness to participate in biomedical studies. journal of health care for the poor and underserved. 2008;19:1168–1180. mcintosh, p. (2000). white privilege: unpacking the invisible knapsack. in j. noel (ed.), notable selections in multicultural education (pp. 10). guilford, ct: dushkin/mcgrawhill . zimbardo, p. g. (1973). on the ethics of intervention in human psychological research: with special reference to the stanford prison experiment. cognition, 2(2), 243– 256. https://doi.org/10.1016/0010-0277(72)90014-5 running head: you never really go home 10 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 9, spring 2020 you never really go home: returning from an international service trip samantha gisleson siena college you never really go home 11 i stared in awe. my senses went wild as i attempted to take in every sight, smell, and sound. the first thing i noticed was the stench: burning garbage. my eyes watered from the smell, but as they began to focus i started to process what i was seeing. the structures made of aluminum sheets and tarps were actually homes, and the large dirt path running straight through the cluster of homes was to be a highway. what looked like a construction site was actually a community that is home to hundreds of nicaraguan refugees. my mind raced as father matteo led us through the triangle of solidarity, a “squatter” community made up of small “houses,” which were more like huts. the triangle of solidarity was a happy place, but it was also a broken one. i say broken, because a bulldozer had quite literally plowed through the middle of it, leaving hundreds of families without homes. seeing the destruction that the new road caused to this community was devastating. however, what is even more disturbing is that no one is aware that this is happening, which is sadly because no one wants to hear the hard truths. unfortunately, when talking about service trips there is great disparity between what people expect and want to hear and what we want to say. when i returned home from costa rica, i would get the occasional question from a friend regarding my trip to costa rica, and each time i gave the same programmed response, “costa rica is absolutely stunning, i had an amazing trip, i definitely think i made a difference, they had so little but they were so happy and welcoming, and i would certainly go back again.” each time i recited the expected speech, i felt my skin crawl and my blood boil. the fact is, costa rica is beautiful, breathtaking actually, but it was also ugly. while in costa rica i was able to meet amazing people and learn things that fundamentally changed how i view the world and the people who live in it, but i was also exposed to things that still keep me up at night. you never really go home 12 many of the families who once lived in the triangle of solidarity are now spread around the country of costa rica, many of them separated from one another. the families who remained in the triangle often spent twelve hours a day without water, and sometimes it was multiple days before the water turned back on. these people had their lives turned upside down all so a highway could be built where their friends once lived, and there was nothing i could do about it. returning from costa rica was infuriating; i found myself actually angry that people were just going about their normal daily lives while refugees in costa rica were going without water. water is something taken for granted by many individuals, including myself. it is something that many people do not realize the importance of until it is gone. you don’t think about how often you utilize or consume water until you are standing in the middle of a community that only has access to running water for a few hours a day. a few days after i returned back to albany as i was sitting in calculus class, my mind kept wandering back to costa rica. i always felt at home while at school, but after returning from this trip i found it difficult to feel comfortable anywhere. in a place where i had once felt engaged, excited, and secure, i felt cold, distant, and ungrounded. everywhere i went i felt like i was looking at my life through someone else’s eyes. as time went on, i began to feel hopeless, like there was nothing i would ever be able to do that would help to resolve the injustices in costa rica, let alone the rest of the world. i wanted to do something, but the task seemed so monumental that i didn’t know where to start, so i began to go about my normal routine. i went to class, hung out with friends, and did homework like i normally would, but this time i felt like i was walking in someone else’s shoes, like i was no longer the same person. the experience of being in another country, living and serving with its people, and embracing its culture, is an experience that changes you. stumbling over garbage and gagging on you never really go home 13 the smell of the dump while walking through a nicaraguan village in costa rica impacts you. theses experiences change how you think, act, and perceive the world around you; quite like trauma. sometimes when we take time to slow down and think about a given situation, it can be too painful to deal with or we may “not have the proper support and conditions to attend to it,” so we “deny, avoid, or circumvent” it (pyles 2015, p. 18). this is why people often try to return to their “normal” lives rather than facing what they just experienced by continuing to think and talk about it. just as after a traumatic incident, when you return from service abroad, you don’t return to the same home you once knew; everything you learned, saw, heard, and smelt stays with you. service and advocacy trips can be extremely impactful, but that is partly because they often bring up very sobering and upsetting information. participants in these trips often learn things that will stick with them forever, so it is important that they find ways to process this information in a positive and constructive way. this shows the similarity between trauma and international experiences, especially service and advocacy trips. both trauma and experiences abroad change the way in which you view the world and perceive different situations. this is why trauma research can be helpful when building a space in which students can reflect and plan for the future. trauma researchers, as well as “researchers in several different fields have discovered that people who have experienced seriously adverse events frequently report that they were positively changed by the experience” (mcmillen 1999, p. 455). however, it has also been found that these positive changes were reached through “the receipt of needed support” (mcmillen 1999, p. 455). this suggests that similar types of spaces would be helpful in aiding students returning from service and advocacy in finding ways to process what they have learned and create action plans for the future. you never really go home 14 similar to trauma, experiences abroad should be debriefed and reflected upon in order to bring about positive changes. i think that if students had a platform to work through the experiences they had while abroad, they may be able to work towards enacting change upon arrival home. unfortunately, many institutions do not provide a space in which students can reflect and generate ideas after returning from a service or advocacy trip abroad. the lack of action-planning and post-trip reflection after returning from costa rica brought to my attention the need for this type of space in higher-education institutions. my experiences have shown me that there is a need for post-trip reflections and debriefing exercises in order to increase the ability for short-term international service trips to enact sustainable change. we need a space to be together, to reflect, and to plan; a space in which we can mentally return to costa rica and create a blueprint for the future; something that keeps us attached; attached to ourselves, our experiences in costa rica, and the present. debriefing and making sense of past experiences can help students to form creative ideas and can also prevent students from simply slipping back into their normal routine and unintentionally letting the thoughts and plans for action become memories. healing justice, a practice that “proposes we bring our nonjudgmental awareness to what is asking for our kind attention right here and now,” is one method for dealing with trauma, especially for those who are healers themselves, and not necessarily the ones who faced the trauma directly (pyles 2015, p. 18). this is an appropriate framework to use when crafting a safe space for people coming back from service abroad because as volunteers, we did not directly face the hardships of the people in costa rica, but instead observed them and worked through ways to relieve them. when organizing international service trips, the organizers always plan pre-departure activities that will prepare students for what will occur on the trip, but nobody prepares you for you never really go home 15 coming home. nobody prepares you for feeling like a stranger in your own home. trips leaders have even admitted that they “have little insight into the longer-term impact of international study tour on students,” which shows the need for post-trip reflections (hall et al. 2016, p. 43). like trauma, travel experiences can encourage purposeful changes in one’s life structure and views of others and the world, but in order for this to happen, people need to enter the right spaces when they return from abroad. the methods used to help victims cope with trauma show that positive changes can occur as a result of crisis, and therefore could be used to help create the spaces needed to keep the story of “us” intact after an international service trip (mcmillen 1999, p. 458). having reflections and group gatherings after returning from costa rica would have helped my team and i to develop new ideas regarding how we could take action after our trip came to an end. this type of post-trip reflection would not only have given us the chance to create action plans, but it would also give us the opportunity to hold one another accountable. it would have given us the chance to more thoroughly work through what we had experienced and find positive ways to take action. we could have found local organizations to connect with or come up with innovative ways to aid those who we met with and learned from in costa rica. unfortunately this didn’t happen for us, but that does not mean it can’t happen in the future. the first step in creating this space is to build the foundations. trauma research, such as healing justice can be part of that foundation. another part could be pulled from existing travel models, such as the jafari model, which is a tourism model that explores the “potentially transformative impact of the return from non-ordinary back to ordinary daily life” (hall et al. 2016, p. 34). this model has six components, but there are two that would be appropriate for building this safe space, and they are called repatriation and incorporation. repartition you never really go home 16 recognizes that “while the former self is being revived, it will not be exactly the same,” and incorporation involves weaving elements of the experience into everyday life (hall et al., 2016, p. 42-43). the jafari model highlights the importance of “a post-travel review or debrief in which students and staff reconnect” in order to “solicit feedback, conduct presentations and draw linkages between theory and the study tour activities” (hall et al., 2016, p. 43). international service trips are similar to tourist trips because of their length, but they also have elements of trauma mixed in, which is why the combination of these two models would help to build the build the foundations of these post-trip spaces. the next step is to bring the students into a space that has been created using the ideas laid out above. using repartition, incorporation, and healing justice, leaders can create a space for the students who participated in the trip to meet and have conversations with one another upon arrival home. the key here is to utilize the ideals of each of these frameworks to approach these conversations. healing justice assures that people will be heard without judgment and with the intention of focusing on what can be done right now. repartition highlights students’ need to be given the “opportunity to examine and articulate the ways in which they have been affected in both formal and informal” settings (hall et al., 2016, p. 42). by talking through and reflecting upon experiences, students can find ways to uncover the hope in hopeless situations. by continuing the conversation upon arrival home, students can find ways to use past experiences to change both their lives and the lives of others for the better. the final step is to find ways to help students connect their experiences serving aboard with another part of their lives. helping students to find meaning behind their experiences can help them to better process what they have seen. this is where incorporation comes in. the incorporation component insures that elements of the experience are built into students’ “normal you never really go home 17 lives.” in our case, this could include taking a class that focuses on costa rica or refugees in some way. it could also include changing our career paths, but it could also be something less drastic such as simply incorporating a cultural component learned in costa rica into our daily routine. the key here is making a space that allows students to grow and have the realizations that allow them to use what they have learned and seen in a constructive way going forward. the type of spaces i am looking to create are difficult to build, and will require creativity and careful planning to be strong and sustainable. trip leaders will need to put as much thought into post-trip sessions as they do into planning the activities that will take place during the duration of the trip. healing justice and the jafari model are two models that can be used to build the foundations of these spaces. these are the materials needed to build the post-trip spaces in which students can reflect and grow, so now we just need to pick up our tools and get to work. you never really go home 18 references hall, t., gray, t., downey, g., sheringham, c., jones, b., power, a., & truong, s. (2016). jafari and transformation: a model to enhance short-term overseas study tours. frontiers: the interdisciplinary journal of study abroad, 27, 33-46. https://frontiersjournal.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/halletal-frontiersxxvii jafariandtransformation.pdf mcmillen, j. c. (1999). better for it: how people benefit from adversity. social work, 44(5), 455–468. https://doi.org/10.1093/sw/44.5.455 pyles, l. (2018). healing justice: holistic self-care for change makers. new york: oxford university press. autism in a whole new light 1 autism in a whole new light stephanie marie buck northampton community college for my service learning experience i observed and assisted in an autistic support classroom at an elementary school. i joined the class on fridays for a total of seven visits. i began by getting to know the four students in the class and learning about their disabilities. i also developed an understanding of the three teachers and how they all interacted with one another. spending time in this type of classroom setting, i came to realize how much effort goes into providing an education for children with special needs. after seizing this opportunity, i was interested in how teaching children with autism truly happens. the only other experience i had with autism beforehand was being a “buddy” at special olympics through my high school. remembering the challenge of keeping my buddy with autism behaviorally stable throughout the events of the day, i wanted to understand how different the approach is in a controlled professional environment with these children. going in, i had rather low expectations of communication and progress in educational successes. the effort and the amount of personal and educational success i witnessed is absolutely astounding! after the first few visits, the feeling i once had about autism separating people completely vanished. it was important for me to understand how these four students were placed or identified to receive services through autistic support. for the convenience of the school district, the four students were grouped together. they were taught the same routines, but individually they each had specific techniques tailored to their school work which accommodated their disabilities. i observed and documented, in my daily journal, learning techniques, routines, behavioral patterns, and student progress. as far as learning techniques, children with autism are taught by means of prompts. a prompt is anything that aids the student in giving a correct response. these prompts included physical, gestural, visual, positioning, and modeling. each one was tailored to the student’s disability in order to help him or her learn the desired material. as an example, gestural prompting was used with a student studying novel pictures: pictures in a book that contained something that was wrong. one such picture had a bike with square wheels instead of round wheels. the goal was to be able to correctly point out the error in the picture. if a student had a hard time with it and was stumped, the teacher would simply point to the wheels to direct the student’s focus. routines were used as a way to help guide the students into each activity for the day. students with autism need a predictable type of structure. this promotes personal successes among the students and therefore aids in their learning abilities. these students also have limited attention spans with small valuable learning windows, and these routines are set to meet both of these needs throughout the day. behavioral problems or tantrums occurred at almost every visit. the causes for such incidences varied. sometimes the student was over-stimulated, sometimes he or she was sick, sometimes it was a routine change, and sometimes the source of the stress was undetectable. the most extreme incident i encountered occurred when a student was informed that he would not be going with his tutor for the afternoon. the student immediately started to pout and cry and showed signs of hyperventilation. he continually apologized to the teachers, believing that he was at fault for the change because of bad behavior. it took him about an hour and a half to calm down and refocus. 2 because i was in this classroom for an extended time frame, i was able to detect progress in the students. i observed speech improved, fine motor skills strengthened, listening skills refined, verbal sounds communicated, and matching objectives accomplished. this astounding level of progress was the accomplishment of a student with an intellectual disability. her speech and verbal communication skills were extremely limited, almost nonexistent. her goal was to make a certain sound for an object of interest. it was evident by the end of my visits she could clearly say the sound “p” for a pretzel, the student’s favorite snack. one student was taught to communicate by means of a picture exchange communication system, known as pecs. out of all the techniques i observed, the use of the pecs book was the most interesting and fascinating to learn about and observe in practice. the pecs system consisted of a book with laminated pictures that had a velcro backing. the pictures were of food items, a potty, toys, and emotion faces. the pictures had been tailored to the child’s daily routine and lifestyle. one goal of this method is to give the child a means to communicate his wishes, thoughts, and feelings. i witnessed this process used by the student and was impressed by the level of communication achieved. he is speech-impaired and cannot form any audible sound or words. i observed the student using this method to communicate what he wanted to eat, how he felt, and what he wanted to do. going into the book, he could answer such a question as, “what do you want to eat?” or indicated a need or desire by picking out the corresponding picture and handing it to the teacher. eventually, the pecs book goal is to lead to the child’s speech production. i discussed this with the teachers who are unsure if this would be possible for this student in the years to come, but they and the parents are hopeful. it is incredible to witness how this child was able to communicate in a nonverbal way. this shows just how truly capable children like him really are. once i had completed my observations, i had the unique opportunity to learn how to interact with the students in their various activities. for instance, one student had the goal to work on fine motor skills. by creating a “crumple heart” the student was able to work on this skill. the task was to crumple up pieces of paper and glue them on a heart cut out. i worked with the student to demonstrate and motivate him to crumple pieces and place them on the heart. this was a valuable experience for both of us because it was fun and productive. i also aided a student who had a speech impairment and therefore struggled with reading comprehension and pronunciation. together we sat down and read a book. i would read part of a sentence, and he would finish it. when he struggled, i guided him through pronouncing a challenging word and asked questions frequently throughout the story to make sure he was improving his comprehension. another student was working on associations. the teacher showed the student a picture of a cup and then when shown three items and prompted by asking for the cup, the student would give her the cup. after watching many attempts by the teacher, i asked to work with the student. my approach was to show the student the picture of the cup and then hand the cup to the student. i noticed that the student’s timing ability to then hand me the cup when placed among the two other items improved! this technique astonished both the teacher and me! at this moment i realized, by taking a leap of faith, i could help this child. in doing this, i learned just how eager and capable these students are if given the chance and time. i felt privileged to be able to work with these students and have the chance to learn from one other. i benefitted from working with the autistic support class by discovering sources which contribute to the tension and frustration these classes and teachers experience. one such source was the elementary school itself. these particular classes are in the same buildings housing the 3 general education students, but are not socially accepted or treated equally by fellow staff and students alike. i personally can attest to this. i walked down a hallway with the other special education teachers and students with special needs. the general education teachers and students would not even look at us. i noticed a sense of wariness. since students with autism are unpredictable, both general education teachers and students are unsure how to interact with these students with special needs. i could now empathize with the teachers when they told me about not feeling wanted or accepted as a part of the school. it broke my heart to witness and understand how children and others with autism are stigmatized in our society. stigmatizing people who have autism distorts the way in which we see them. stigmatizing makes you see the disability of the person, when you should be seeing the person with the disability. the difference is being able to take into account that he or she, too, is a person and nothing less. this is the common ground between you and a person with autism. as a step forward, recognizing that a person with autism shares the same emotions but just expresses them in a different manner helps to communicate and bring the two of you together. i experienced the great reward at learning how to do this. there was a student who would shake a tight fist back and forth to display her happiness or a sign of agreement. i would then mimic this motion to ask if she was happy or to even communicate that i, too, was happy. it was amazing to see her repeat it when it was appropriate. i felt included, and no longer an outsider to her world. another source which adds to the stigmatization, at least in the school, is that the autistic classes have to be “integrated” in the public schools. this basically means the classrooms themselves only have to be in the same building as regular education schools, but the students themselves do not need to interact with the general population of students. this is infuriating once you think about the chain reaction it creates. by separating the special education children, it starts as a physical communication that these children are different and needed to be separated from the others. even to the students who do not understand autism and other learning disabilities, they understand that those students’ classrooms are “over there” and theirs are “here”. it sets the stage for the feelings that could develop later in life. stressing the point that there is nothing wrong with having the two student populations interacting to some degree can be done by students, parents, and community members a like. discussing and presenting the subject to a school board is a possibility that could change this or at the very least have the idea surfaced. if this were accomplished, it would introduce children without autism to the autistic world. the result would be better educated adults and better treatment of people with autism, due to the fact that they grew up associating with students with autism throughout their years in public schools. hopefully this will lead to integrating students with other disabilities as well. the autistic support organization was a third source of stigmatizing. the teachers of the autistic support classes are employed by the autistic support organization and therefore are not employees of the school districts in which their classes are located. naturally, this creates conflicts in policies among the teachers and administrators involved. this frustrates the special education teachers and creates unnecessary job stress. it is difficult for someone without the right kind of power, such as me, to have a respected say in the lines that have been crossed and where new ones should be drawn. there is enough knowledge and common sense nevertheless to know that, “a [school] that is divided can not stand.” participating in the service learning had many positive impacts. first and foremost, it affected me in ways i never realized were possible. i learned so much about autism and the ways in which education can and is being used to help students prepare for the future. 4 in addition, i got to work with some amazing teachers who have dedicated themselves to these children and do an amazing job at it. they do not baby their students because of their disabilities nor do they bend to their every whim. their goal is to try to prepare them for “the real world” in the individual ways that each student can adapt, in order for them to more successfully mainstreamed into society. this learning experience had a positive effect on the college as well. being there, i represented northampton community college. i would talk about my courses relating to this assignment, such as sociology and psychology. i mentioned the theories involved in the courses and key information. they would ask how this assignment related to those courses, and i would explain while they listened with heightened interest. once hearing about these courses, they wanted to know about the rest of my courses. it was a genuine experience to be able to enlighten them with my first year college experience and knowledge. i thoroughly enjoyed this learning option. as a college student, i was able to be in a professional setting and use what i am being taught in college to take my education to the next level, while enjoying the social atmosphere. it is not every day that i can dress professionally and be in a school district work environment surrounded by successful people, relating college experiences, academic degrees, and career choices. i would highly recommend the service learning option to other college students in any type of course. it is a worthwhile educational experience and can also be a lot of fun! having this opportunity gave me my first real look at the inside structure of a work environment. i got to go “behind the curtain” and really take it all in. i met specialized teachers, tutors, parents, and students with autism. most importantly, i was able to discover how all the cogs worked in a school, more or less, to make the bigger picture in society. service learning brought me one more unforgettable step further into the real world. as a future social worker and someone pursuing an msw degree, i am anticipating one day working in the foster care and adoption field, where i will be able to use this extraordinary experience in practice. i have learned how to better acquaint myself with adults and how to bring something new to their work and social environment. i have adapted their work ethics, in that if i keep pursuing my goals i can reach my desired career with high success. i learned how to work with children of special needs and realized their strong perseverance. with this knowledge i will be able to approach other unfamiliar circumstances with children with an open mind. i communicated with parents associated with this program and was informed of parental situations. some of the parents had a strong desire to create a secure alliance with the special education teachers and the autistic support organization in order to have the greatest care and support for their child. other parents unfortunately did not share this goal and often were the ones causing frustration due to their lack of cooperation and or not correctly following instructions and paper work. i learned that not all parents work with the school and the teachers in the same way. when i was confronted with the realization of the variety of responses to this complicated situation, it made me reflect on my future career. as a social worker there are bound to be quite similar situations, since i will likewise be working with parents, children, and government regulations. each situation must be handled with professional attention, but as i clearly saw this can be challenging and keeping composure can be the most difficult. further, what this allowed me to see is that no matter the emotional responses, people need to be brought together to some degree for a greater common purpose. as for me, i will encounter this in a situation like that of an adoption. many people are needed to fulfill this goal, and i will be the one responsible for 5 piecing it all together. this was a time for me to take personal mental notes on what works and what does not. being a part of a working system and work environment is exactly the type of hands on experience which will prepare me for my career, and service learning has done just that and so much more. in april of 2012, there was a public announcement estimating that autism now effects one in eighty eight children, and one in every fifty four boys. these numbers show a seventy eight percent increase since 2002. with these numbers increasing, autism is clearly becoming more and more common within our society. this is a pressing issue that cannot be ignored; it will not simply just go away. i would strongly encourage becoming involved in some way or another with people who have autism. these are not people in another country; they are people in your community, people in your own backyard. there is a world of possibilities of great experiences and people you could meet. a wonderful option would be to get involved with special olympics, as i mentioned i did earlier. this is a day of events set up for children with intellectual disabilities and a typical location is that of a local school. special olympics, in its own way, unites people from all over for a day of true companionship and support for these kids and the chance to join them is unforgettable. you can find out when these events are and more information on how to participate at their website www.specialolympics.com. if nothing else you can begin by creating an open mind about autism and just taking a look at what other people are already doing to help, it can be truly inspirational. i encourage to you visit the website www.autistimspeaks.org. this website contains information and answers about autism, blogs, donation options, and other organizations associated with autism in many ways and locations. the key to understanding autism is knowledge. by having the common knowledge to be able to be around these children, it helps to appreciate them for who they really are, as individuals, and not by their disability alone. there is always room for fear in the areas that are not understood. autism does not have to be one of these areas, and it can start with you. i extend my deepest gratitude to dr. jennifer bradley from northampton community college. her limitless energy, time, and advice has made this publishing opportunity a reality. autism in a whole new light undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 peer mediation as a viable option for school conflict resolution programs racheal whiteside university at buffalo albert bandura (1977) developed the social learning (sl) theory to explain that people learn how to act from each other. they learn through observation, mimicry, and modeling. to explain how adolescent aggression develops he coined the phrase “reciprocal determinism,” meaning a person’s environment affects his behavior and vice versa. bandura’s theory helps to establish a baseline criterion for interpreting the development of adolescent conflict resolution skills. from the ages of 11 to 14, children begin the early transitional phase of childhood to adulthood. at this time, kids start to experiment with more vibrant forms of self-expression, contemplate different social perspectives, move towards independence as they make self-guided decisions, and regularly question established norms. this point in psychological development leaves children highly impressionable as they absorb the actions of their environment and subsequently use their behavior to alter the environment. with these marked changes comes an increase in conflicts that deviate away from selfcentered disputes typically seen in young children and trend toward ones of a more complex, interpersonal nature. in order to nurture their personal growth during this interim phase of life, children require a sense of structure. middle schools possess the necessary cornerstones to implement such a structure, thus producing a climate capable of fostering positive personal growth in adolescents, particularly in developing conflict resolution skills. this paper seeks to explore conflict resolution policies and programs within education while attempting to determine a better conflict resolution policy for public schools in buffalo, ny. this paper will cover multiple topics related to school conflict resolution options both specifically related to buffalo, ny and public schools on a broader scale. the reader will be exposed to my observations of conflict in high schools and a theoretical framework of how these conflicts arise. the paper then transitions into how peer mediation addresses conflict, options for designing a peer mediation program, and different models such as peace pal. it closes with the results of various peer mediation programs, how certain factors affect those results, and a discussion on current buffalo initiatives like positive behavior interventions and supports (pbis). long-term trials, extensive data collection, and interviews conducted in studies discussed later in this paper show peer mediation is a viable option as a means of school conflict resolution. implementing peer mediation programs would force schools to step away from zerotolerance policies in place of a more all-around beneficial discipline curriculum. my time at ps 1 my desire to contribute time to educational programs stems from my past community service efforts in peer tutoring. during high school, i managed a peer tutoring program for four years at a small, public, southwestern new york middle/high school; the peer tutoring program i created still continues at the school today. i designed the initial program on the premise that many students’ academic missteps do not occur because students lack intelligence. instead, i focused on the existence of other unseen background factors affecting their grades. some factors may include a student: feeling left behind, having no motivation, lacking interest, or even fearing asking for help. most students who attended my program were not held accountable for their lack whiteside 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 of action academically, but only received failing grades, which creates a negative feedback loop. for example, if a student does not ask for help for some reason, his/her chance of receiving a failing grade increases. as these failed assignments pile up, the student eventually fails class and falls behind his/her peers. this leads to even less motivation to ask for help and thus the cycle continues. my experience with peer tutoring in high school pushed me toward enrolling in a college seminar called service learning in buffalo public schools. the course was built around the isep program, a national science foundation funded education program that began at university at buffalo and has since partnered with other colleges. isep strives to improve access to and the quality of stem education within the buffalo public school system. it also aims to cultivate a strong partnership between the community and university. to do so, the seminar sends university at buffalo (ub) students to public schools where they become mentors to middle/high schoolers in a classroom setting. ub students may lead stem-geared activities, assist teachers, design laboratory experiments, or even coordinate an after-school program. this unique form of service learning combines purposeful community service with an intense educational and reflection component to enrich the learning experience for budding college students. it teaches them the importance of guiding youth towards a brighter future while actively boosting buffalo public school stem education and strengthening community relations. during the seminar, i paired up with public school 1 (ps 1). when i began visiting the school, i went in with the same mentality as when i began my peer tutoring program. the school placed me in its 8th-grade science classroom for both regents and non-regents students. largely, my duties consisted of grading papers, setting up laboratory exercises, and leading small group activities related to the day’s lesson. for the most part, i believe i effectively helped my students understand the content presented to them, but some major pitfalls did occur along the way. while at ps 1, i consistently encountered an overflow of conflict, both student-to-student and student-to-teacher, which negatively affected everyone’s learning experience. on any given day, students got into arguments, but teachers typically put a stop to such behavior in a timely manner. the biggest cause of disruption was students yelling various vulgar phrases at each other and teachers, going beyond typical idle chitchat. although these arguments ended, they lacked any resolution. this illustrates how certain teachers did not take responsibility for their lack of classroom management. when said teachers demanded students to sit in silence during a disagreement, they expected all of the disruptions and problems to end indefinitely, which is not a realistic expectation. by ending the argument, a chance remains for the argument to reignite, sometimes to even larger proportions. instead, students need the opportunity to resolve their differences, either right in the moment or by temporarily leaving the classroom in order to work through the problem. due to these standards during the spring quarter of ps 1’s most recent school year, a fight between multiple middle school girls broke out and lasted for over three weeks. it was not resolved by the time summer break started. the nature of the fight remains unknown, but seemingly began for superficial reasons. regardless of the cause, this one fight caused consistent disruptions in numerous classrooms, negatively affecting even those not part of the dispute. the fact that the fight persisted for such an extended period displays a lack of means for conflict resolution at any level. protocol states that students involved should report to the superintendent to discuss their actions and ensuing consequences, but nothing came of such a meeting. additionally, bound by numerous laws, codes, and guidelines, even teachers can only intervene whiteside 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 to an extent. this fight illustrates a bigger problem regarding conflict resolution policies or lack thereof. current conflict resolution perspectives the section that follows examines different theories of how conflict arises and why peer mediation proves effective in conflict resolution. across the country, communities can see an increase in the availability of programs designed to teach prevention strategies against youth risk behaviors. the primary focus of these programs lies within schools, but still the national center for educational statistics reports violence among early adolescents continues to rise. according to albert bandura’s (1977) sl theory, violence is not an innate characteristic but rather a learned behavior. therefore, this spike in conflict can be attributed to current social climates, a lack of positive role models, and an individual’s perception that he/she cannot contribute to society in a meaningful way. while schools and communities work to create a less volatile environment, it is also important to teach children how to resolve disputes properly. conflict does not produce destructive or constructive results, but rather how parties choose to resolve a conflict does. people who act destructively later report feelings of hostility and anger with a higher chance of using physical contact as a means of resolution. acting constructively provides an opportunity for personal development as skills in problem solving and communication improve. ibrahim bilgin et al. (2012) conducted a study, “the effects of cooperative learning techniques on 5th grade students’ conflict resolution and empathic tendencies in science and technology course,” to reveal that students exhibiting low levels of empathy display relatively aggressive behavior and possess limited problem solving skills. this led bilgin et al. to conclude a person’s positive or negative approach, among other factors, needs to be included in determining outcomes of conflict resolution. programs teaching prevention strategies against youth risk behaviors hope to discourage kids from picking destructive behaviors when conflict arises. after long-term trials, extensive data collection, and interviews conducted in studies discussed later in this paper, peer mediation proves a viable option as a means of school conflict resolution. implementing peer mediation programs would force schools to step away from zerotolerance policies in place of a more beneficial discipline curriculum. zero-tolerance policies were initially designed as a response to cases of guns brought on school grounds by students. it later developed into one-size-fits-all solutions with limited indications of refining student behavior. in fact, the use of punitive punishment leads to negative results for most parties. reactive approaches yield limited results when other means of resolution exist, such as: negotiation, mediation, and arbitration. when students enter a disagreement they possess two ways of ending it: 1) resolve the conflict themselves through avoidance of either the problem or parties involved, a display of power, or negotiation; and 2) report the conflict to an authoritative figure. peer mediation opens up an alternative that lies between these two options and gives students a greater voice in their own problems. when authority figures give students a greater voice, those students move from being treated as a body in a classroom to a citizen-to-be. everyday school lessons teach students about issues concerning citizenship, primarily how people should conduct themselves in person-toperson interactions. this crucial set of knowledge can follow students into the adult world and set them up for knowing how to dissolve conflicts positively. by not capitalizing on these key teaching moments, opportunities for pupil empowerment subsequently become compromised due to existing discipline structures. people need to remember that schools reflect culture at large; whiteside 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 therefore, conflict in schools and the ways in which we handle our disagreements reflect community standards. goals of peer mediation this section relates the various overarching goals of peer mediation and begins to discuss the peace pal program. students with low empathic tendencies demonstrate relatively aggressive behaviors and low problem-solving skills. the positivity or negativity of a person’s approach to conflict resolution factors into determining the outcome of conflict resolution. table 1 displays typical reactions from an adolescent based on the type of attitude he/she projects in the face of conflict. adolescent cynicism reflects a character under traditional conflict resolution policies while adolescent skepticism relates more to the goals of peer mediation. peer mediation works to achieve three goals: 1) enhance students understanding of anger and conflict; 2) improve the level of knowledge pertinent to conflict resolution, conflict, and mediation; and 3) peacefully resolve student conflicts. as aggressive student interactions decrease, an environment for positive peer interaction is promoted, thereby reducing incidences of school violence. student conflict also runs the risk of harming academic development not only for parties involved but also for students outside of the conflict. research devoted to peer mediation chiefly explores the hypothesis that as peer mediation programs become implemented, schools will exhibit a drop in the number of out-of-school suspensions. a test program named peace pal also questioned: 1) how student knowledge in regards to conflict resolution, conflict, and mediation changes after peer mediation training; 2) how often peer mediation successfully resolves student conflict; 3) if disputing students participating in the sessions see it as valuable; and 4) if peer mediators find the sessions valuable (schellenberg, parks-savage, and rehfuss 2007). the questions explored by peace pal can transfer to questions all peer mediation programs hope to answer. how to design a peer mediation program the next few sections discuss the development of different peer mediation models and how they have proven successful. students, especially early adolescents, frequently rely on their peers’ and their own conflict resolution skills. therefore, a power shift and change in perception of authority must occur to handle student disputes. students need to feel involved and gain a voice when attempting to resolve disputes to better increase the likelihood of successful settlements and see positive long-term change in student behavior. dr. edward sellman (2011) of the university of nottingham developed a technique to determine how a school-specific peer mediation program should be designed. he advises first observing students’ behavior in context, then researching the school’s historical context in terms of conflict, and finally devise a pilot table 1: a dimensional analysis of adolescent orientations toward the interpretation of individuals and institutions larusso and selman (2011) whiteside 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 program that aims to produce change in rudimentary behavior via intervention. afterwards, he says to observe the results and alter the program as necessary. most often the designed program will involve selecting students to act as student mediators, then subsequently training and equipping them with conflict resolution techniques and negotiation skills. from there, students may voluntarily choose to resolve minor conflicts with the aid of a mediator and tentatively avoid punishment. teachers’ and school administrators’ level of involvement varies in different peer mediation models and depends on the severity of a conflict in question. peer mediation services frequently prevente minor conflicts from escalating. it also gives staff members more time for other activities such as resolving larger conflicts or continuing classroom academics. these reported successful results will be discussed later in case studies. peer mediation models the first model, peace pal, revolved around the social learning theory. sl theory states that children will replicate social behaviors they previously bared witness to while attempting to adapt to established patterns of peer interaction (schellenberg, parks-savage, and rehfuss 2007, 2). creators of peace pal translated established cognitive behavioral techniques devised from sl theory to dictate the peer mediation progression. they conducted their study within the midatlantic region of the u.s. focusing on a suburban k-5 school. to begin the program, students acting as peace pal mediators and school coordinators underwent peer mediation training. parties involved learned how to: 1) define key terms associated with peer mediation; 2) reflect feelings while understanding the difference between thoughts, feelings and actions; 3) engage in active listening techniques; and 4) uphold confidentiality. in the event of a conflict, school coordinators would schedule mediation sessions between the students in question and a student mediator. at the conclusion of these sessions, all parties involved devised a resolution unanimously agreed on and then formalize the agreement by signing a peace treaty. the study concluded that 100% of conducted sessions led to positive conflict resolution, and after one year of peer mediating, the total out-of-school suspensions declined (schellenberg, parks-savage, and rehfuss 2007, 4). both participants and peer mediators alike described a positive experience with peace pal and continued to quote the program as both helpful and impactful on themselves and others. peace pal exhibited a long-term impact in reducing violence throughout the school while providing additional benefits, including students gaining knowledge and techniques influential in constructively resolving conflict. they later showed retention of these new skills months after the study ended, proving conflict resolution skills learned in school can transfer to future disputes. overall, schellenberg, parks-savage, and rehfuss (2007) recorded a 36% drop in general disruptive behavior within the test school. the second model, restorative resolution, designed by jay zaslaw, argues against zerotolerance policies and believes restorative dispute resolution better benefits not only students but the school as well. restorative resolution places the responsibility of resolution on the offending student. it operates on the presumption that students prove more likely to initiate a progressive behavior change when authoritative figures work with them rather than for them (zaslaw 2010, 1). the ultimate goal of the program is to build mutually respectful relationships between all parties as they learn to see each other as human beings while actively listening. in order to whiteside 6 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 achieve this goal, offenders and victims alike must work to repair damage to not only the victim but the school as a whole. this promotes safety in the school community. students, parents, teachers, and administrators all take part in the conflict resolution process. some techniques utilized include discussion/feedback dialogues, activities that demonstrate consequences of the offending action, and role playing. to confirm a positive resolution, all stakeholders participate in negotiating a settlement which calls attention to both the victim and the school. during this process, participants inevitably develop empathy through learning about one another. doing so supports ibrahim bilgin et al.’s study on conflict resolution relating to empathic tendencies. the described system of restorative resolution derives from an in-depth set of principles. after studying the effects of restorative resolution, zaslaw (2010) reported the number of out-of-school suspensions and disruptive behavior decreasing, along with a drop in teacher disrespect incidents. these findings correlate to an effective program that facilitates positive conflict resolution and teaches students new social skills. the third model attempts to outline a course of action against multi-party conflicts, or those that involve five or more students. while the previous two models prove highly effective in school settings, they are only intended to diffuse two party conflicts. with students, middle school students particularly, multi-party conflicts are more likely to manifest; therefore, enacting a system specifically designed for those types of conflicts proves crucial. as with the other programs, multi-party models also seek to apply an all-inclusive outcome that benefits all parties. outcomes may include improving skills in understanding various points of view, problem solving, and strengthening friendship. figure 1 outlines a plausible system designed to resolve multi-party conflicts peacefully within a school setting. the creators behind this model, summer yacco (previous graduate student of the university of florida) and dr. stephen w. smith (university of florida) suggest primarily utilizing trained adults for conflicts of this nature and believe peer mediation is better left for two party conflicts (2010). relation to health risks two school-based programs found to reduce health risk behaviors in adolescence include conflict resolution education (cre) and social emotional learning (sel). in the article “early adolescent health risk behaviors, conflict resolution strategies, and school climate” larusso and selman (2011) say that programs promote the development of individual student social skills and competencies. their research suggests that skills for managing interpersonal conflicts may serve as a protective factor against risk behaviors. lower levels of risk behaviors specifically link to more cooperative conflict resolution strategies. in contrast, higher levels of risk behaviors relate to aggressive strategies and strategies marked by low concern for the needs of others. larusso and selman (2010) conducted a study on twelve k-8 schools. the schools resided in a medium-sized city that contained both an economically and ethnically diverse environment figure 1: framework for conceptualizing multiparty conflict. yacco, summer, and smith (2010) whiteside 7 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 somewhere in the northeastern united states. the results concluded that: “58% of 7th grade students reported engaging in some form of risk behaviors, with 31% of students engaging in two or more risk behaviors, 17% in three or more risk behaviors, and 9% engaging in four or more risk behaviors” (larusso and selman 2011, 357). as a result, individual students’ conflict resolution strategies represented a statistically significant predictor of multiple risk behaviors. results peer mediation programs implemented in schools do correlate to a reduction in aggressive behavior and an increase of empathic tendencies in turn, promoting a constructive atmosphere in school leading to increased learning scores (bilgin 2012, 8). students also expressed more confidence in areas such as problem solving and logic. these changes resulted from conflict resolution coordinators successfully providing students with new social tools and teaching them how to self-regulate their behavior internally before acting out. as students learn to translate this set of social relations into principles of communication, their internalization becomes externalization. utilizing this adapted sense of communication in classrooms serves as reinforcement (sellman 2011, 13). children typically initiate physical retaliation as their primary reaction to conflict. to decrease reactionary violence, a gap must develop between students’ action and reaction phases. peer mediation extends this gap between actions as the program effectively reaches its intended goals. as the gap extends further, school violence, both verbal and physical, reduces. it proves peer mediation programs can infiltrate and shift students’ attitudes and adjust school climate. all models for conflict resolution geared towards students demonstrate a potential in reducing and preventing school violence over long-term periods. these results consistently occurred across various settings and cultures, suggesting a school’s ethnic diversity does not negatively affect attempts at peer mediation. additional research may be done to expand studies to include school personnel’s adjusted role in conflict resolution as administrations move away from zerotolerance policies. it should also include parent and community members’ perception of peer mediation programs’ effectiveness. factors that affect program results this section examines how although peer mediation is effective, certain circumstances can set up any model for failure. multiple factors such as administration support, publicity, and teacher participation can influence acceptance of a peer mediation model. school climate establishes itself as the most powerful factor. larusso and selman noted schools with less supportive conflict resolution climates showed higher rates of skeptical attitudes among students pertaining to the feasibility of resolving conflict nonviolently. in comparison, more supportive conflict resolution climates exhibited the exact opposite attitudes with children, nearing enthusiasm, for initiating non-violent means of resolution (larusso and selman 2011, 8). following along with school climate, teacher attitudes proved pivotal in students’ instrumentation of new social tools from peer mediation. larusso and selman (2011) discovered that if students believed teachers did not include the new conflict resolution principles in daily classroom experiences, they doubted the program’s effectiveness. another limitation of peer mediation stems from underestimation of the proper amount of reform necessary to implement a new model of conflict resolution successfully. by piggy-backing off the old model, presumably a whiteside 8 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 zero-tolerance policy, a contradiction grows between the new and old methods. sellman (2011) deduced, “schools that implement initiatives as if they can be ‘bolted upon’ existing structures, determined by adults, are unlikely to both sustain the initiative and reap any benefits” (14). many programs crumble because schools fail to rectify traditional means of conflict resolution to include the new peer mediation guidelines. buffalo public schools on a final note, here i will discuss current conditions in the buffalo public schools (bps) and suggested courses of action to improve these conditions. present bps policies largely resemble those of traditional punitive punishments. however, within the last decade, buffalo public schools have begun the process of transferring over to a new system with elements similar to restorative conflict resolution. in the 2005-2006 school year, bps initiated positive behavior interventions and supports (pbis). this systematic approach, seeking to provide behavioral support and a positive culture for students to achieve emotional, social, and academic success, operates on eight core values. two main goals include: 1) increasing consistent use of more effective academic teaching techniques that take into account behavior on multiple levels across the school; and 2) reducing reactive disciplinary methods. another new facet to some buffalo public schools includes student ambassadors. they promote positivity within a school’s atmosphere to enhance the well-being and safety of students and staff. student ambassadors are not peer mediators but they do represent a step in the right direction towards introducing a full-scale peer mediation program. when asked about the effects of student ambassadors, an advisor at one of the buffalo high schools using the program commented, “the program instills a sense of responsibility within the students. anybody can step up and be an ambassador. i’ve seen students considered to be at risk flourish and succeed when put in the role of leadership. the ambassadors influence their peers in a positive way and the program creates a more positive school climate” (qtd. in bps student ambassador program). a student ambassador of a different buffalo high school replied, “i feel i can inspire kids to come to school, builds our school community” (qtd. in bps student ambassador program). the bps board does not require schools to participate in this program; currently only ten out of 57 schools participate. recently, pbis coordinators began pushing for more explicit restorative practices than current conditions can provide. the coordinators gave a presentation called “pbis and the restorative approach.” it outlines how a restorative resolution benefits all people affiliated with a school, how to implement this program, and what to expect. in contrast to the proposed restorative resolution system, bps’s current code of conduct outlines four levels of interventions and responses. it describes classroom intervention, administrative intervention, suspension, and extended suspensions1. even as the district attempts to include pbis, student ambassadors, and research restorative resolution practices, the current state of conflict resolution still is composed of primarily punitive punishment. if bps continues in this manner of mounting a new conflict 1 examine page 15 of bps’s official code of conduct to review the four levels. additional entries of interest include pages 16 to 23 for inappropriate and disruptive behaviors and response level, page 25 for student rights and responsibilities, and page 50 for student exclusion procedures whiteside 9 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 resolution system on top of the preexisting one, its efforts will surely fail. these attempts at change lack the critical mass necessary for positive results, and support dr. sellman’s (2011) theory of contradiction between new and old models of activity. it can be concluded, through observations at ps 1, that the school definitely does not contain the essential support required to renovate its methodologies of student punishment. it exhibits an adherence to zero-tolerance policies. this school in particular displayed physically and verbally abusive conflicts that continued for multiple weeks. a majority of the students bickered with each other and their teachers throughout class sessions. additionally, some teachers demonstrated little interest in peaceful resolution of conflict at any level. conclusion peer mediation techniques implemented in schools prove a viable option for conflict resolution. multiple models exist for positively resolving conflicts. all showed a decrease in school violence, an increase in supportive school climates and academic achievement, and taught students skills that transfer to real-world applications. this article demonstrates that peer mediation is an effective option as a means of school conflict resolution and a necessary transition as schools rethink previous zero-tolerance policies. different from their original intention, zero tolerance policies now act as one-size-fits-all solution to conflict. this creates a climate with limited indications of refining student behavior, unlike peer mediation programs. bps placed itself in a position where conflict between new and old resolution systems will occur unless the district changes its attitudes towards reform and gains more support. ps 1 could greatly benefit from a peer mediation program, especially as its incidences of violence increase. this school is a perfect candidate for the peace pal model because students desire to see a change in the school climate but lack the proper support. by placing the responsibility of peacefully resolving conflicts on the students, we bypass this problem and move towards teaching students higher social skills. above all, accountability must be appropriately assigned at every level of conflict. ~ i would like to thank dr. joseph gardella of the university at buffalo for being my mentor over the past few years, providing an atmosphere that allowed me to explore my personal academic interests while fostering continued improvement professionally. whiteside 10 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 references bandura, albert. 1977. social learning theory. englewood cliffs, n.j: prentice hall. bilgin, ibrahim, yunus karakuyu, tatar erdal, abdullah cetin. 2012 “the effects of cooperative learning techniques on 5th grade students’ conflict resolution and empathic tendencies in science and technology course.” new educational review 27 (1): 184-94. “student ambassador program.” buffalo public schools. http://www.buffaloschools.org/ educationalservices.cfm?subpage=96794. “code of conduct.” buffalo public schools. http://www.buffaloschools.org/ studentservices.cfm?subpage=57596. larusso, maria, and robert selman. 2011. “early adolescent health risk behaviors, conflict resolution strategies, and school climate.” journal of applied developmental psychology 32 (6): 354. “positive behavior interventions and supports.” positive behavior interventions and supports. https://www.pbis.org/ schellenberg, rita cantrell, agatha parks-savage, and mark rehfuss. 2007. “reducing levels of elementary school violence with peer mediation.” professional school counseling 10 (5): 475-81. sellman, edward. 2011. “peer mediation services for conflict resolution in schools: what transformations in activity characterise successful implementation?” british educational research journal 37 (1): 45-60. yacco, summer, and stephen w. smith. 2010. “getting along in middle school: understanding multiparty student conflict.” counseling and human development 42 (7): 1. zaslaw, jay. 2010. “restorative resolution.” the education digest 76 (2): 10. strade how content-based learning widens the achievement gap for english language learners tara strade the state university of new york at buffalo introduction in passing the expiration date for deferred action for childhood arrivals (daca) – a program that protects some 700,000 immigrants, frequently referred to as ‘dreamers,’ who were brought illegally to the united states as children – and of rising xenophobic attitudes towards those whose first language is not english, it is vital for educators and administrators to fabricate safe, comfortable environments for english language learners (ells). according to the u.s. department of education, ells are defined as individuals whose native language is a language other than english, and whose difficulties in understanding english may deny opportunity for success in academic achievement and societal participation (education commission of the states 2014). in buffalo, ny, from the early 2000s onward, the influx of refugees in erie county have originated from burma, somalia, bhutan, and iraq. specifically, in terms of the children of immigrant and refugee families, the number of ell students in buffalo public schools (bps) sharply increased from 2,539 in 2004 to 4,307 in 2014, with a total of 63 different languages across the district, according to partnership for the public good (fike, chung, and riordan 2015). in light of president donald j. trump’s commentary about undocumented immigrants not being people, but rather categorizing them as ‘animals’ (davis 2018), it is key for districts like buffalo public schools to provide a safe learning environment for all their students. in order to accomplish this, it is important for educators to empathize with the ell students who have suffered from devastation and travesties: famine, civil war, persecution, natural disasters, etc. however, this population requires more attention, as refugees and immigrants are a small percentage in comparison to the second-generation. contrary to common belief, the majority of ells are not international students, but rather natural-born citizens of the united states. naturalborn ells equally suffer the consequences of inadequate english as a new language (enl) education as their foreign-born peers due to the lack of language focus and differentiated instruction. despite the legal measures that ensure nondiscriminatory practices for this subpopulation – such as the equal protection clause – ells still lack fair assessments, accommodations, 1 quality instruction and proper resources to remain competitive with their counterparts. for example, in 1982, plyler v. doe ruled that states cannot constitutionally deny students equal access to free public education on account of their immigrant status ("public education for immigrant students” 2017). however, a discrepancy remains between the definition of equal access, where every student receives the same resources, and equitable access, where every the equal protection clause of the fourteenth amendment has been an important concept in the law of public 1 education, as it prohibits states from denying any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the law (“equal protection” 2016). strade !2 student is provided the resources they need to be successful. this unfortunate reality raises an essential question of whether or not the u.s. education system is providing ells equitable opportunities for academic achievement with the current methods of instruction. in the midst of immigration policy debates, and of widespread mentalities of prejudice against those with different cultures, religions, languages, etc., effective education proves indispensable in permitting ells the chance to attain “the american dream.” these students have the right to appropriate language-support within the classroom until they achieve english proficiency, as this allows for participation in all aspects of a school’s curriculum. the united states should therefore focus less on english-only content based instruction, and more on differentiating instruction for ells, as they deserve to be taught by dual-certified educators who strive to recognize the value of their students’ native language and culture through multiculturalism as to increase ell students’ academic achievement and english proficiency. background in the united states, the most common response to the increase in ells is content-based instruction (cbi), an approach to language learning focused heavily on content, and a crucial element of enl education. according to the migration policy institute, new york city public schools have the second highest in ell student population in the united states (soto et al. 2015) – 80.95% of students citywide are taught by freestanding enl, a “research based-program comprised of a stand-alone model and integrated enl,” in which english academic language is the medium to convey content (new york department of education 2017, 28). in buffalo public schools’ bilingual education handbook, the commissioner’s regulations part 154 requires: “districts and schools engage all english language learners in instruction that is grade appropriate, academically rigorous, and aligned with the new york state […] common core learning standards” (12). however, without proper support or training in teaching english to speakers of other languages (tesol), content teachers struggle to properly implement appropriate strategies in ell-heavy classroom. without an ell co-teacher, or the ability to properly incorporate differentiated instruction as to accommodate various types of students, english-only cbi negatively affects ell students’ ability to gain english proficiency. especially in the earlier stages of language development, ignoring students’ first language and culture as valuable tools to teach content ultimately forces ell students to gradually trail further behind their academic counterparts, as they have difficulty meeting state standards. for example, according to new york state education department (nysed), only 2% of english language learners in grades 3-8 were considered proficient this past year on the regents english language arts assessment; 4% of ells were proficient on the regents mathematics assessment. in 2016, the average graduate rate in new york city public schools was at 70%, whereas only 27% of ell students graduated. in the same year, the average graduate rate in buffalo city school district was at 63%, whereas only 24% of ell students graduated out of 231 students. given the 2016 average graduation rate in nys was at 80%, it is apparent how wide the achievement gap remains between ell and non-ell students with cbi (“nyc & buffalo public” 2017). strade !3 in school districts like buffalo public schools, who frequently report higher poverty rates , it is also challenging to execute cbi without adequate financial support. according to 2 sanchez (2017), “ells are often concentrated in low-performing schools with untrained or poorly trained teachers. the shortage of teachers who can work with this population is a big problem in a growing number of states.” without appropriate funding from either state or local governments, lower-income districts cannot sufficiently provide for its ell student population. for example, in what nys describes to be an ‘integrated enl classroom,’ where students receive core content area and english language development instruction, the curriculum is supposed to be “… taught by a teacher dually certified in the content area and enl or are cotaught by a certified content area teacher and a certified enl teacher” (“integrated enl sources”). other ell program options that nys suggests include either ‘transitional bilingual education programs’ or dual language programs. however, these educational strategies, which require either co-teaching or the utilization of home language, are not included in the budget for districts like buffalo public schools. how can one properly provide additional resources and assistance for ell students if one must first overcome the economic disparity that exists within the education system? regardless of the economic standing of a school district, it is important for content teachers to be more adaptive in their methods of instruction. english-only content-based instruction, without support from an additional tesol teacher or the use of students’ home language, bars ell students’ ability to succeed in the united states education system and workforce, as it does not effectively increase their english language proficiency. particularly in terms of meeting new york state standards and requirements for core subjects, such as mathematics and english language arts, this proficiency is vital. on account of this deficiency, a viable alternative to diminish the achievement gap and increase language comprehension in ell students is differentiated instruction: a framework for effective teaching that provides a diverse group of students with different avenues towards content-knowledge. within a classroom, clear differences lie within the culture, socioeconomic status, language, gender, motivation, ability or disability and personal interests of the students; teachers must be aware of these varieties as they plan curriculum. by considering a wide spectrum of learning styles and needs, teachers can establish a more flexible curriculum through personalized instruction; this will ensure equal educational opportunities for all students, particularly ells. methodology outside of the quantitative data on the growing population of ell students provided by the new york state education department, the majority of qualitative data that works to verify the consequences of content-based instruction in its current implementation, and the benefits of differentiated instruction, derives from relevant case studies and research. additionally, support 82% of enrolled students in buffalo city school district are economically disadvantaged (“nyc & 2 buffalo public” 2016). strade !4 also originates from a student’s observational journal, which is based on her volunteer hours in a fourth-grade, ell-heavy classroom at ps 93 southside elementary. alongside the influx of foreign-born individuals in the united states – specifically in new york – there have been multiple studies centered on appropriate ell education. for example, delgado (2017) conducted research on the factors for success in a content-based ell classroom, and found that sheltered instruction classrooms are not often led by educators unprepared to address the needs of ells; rather, they are “led by dually certified ell and content educators who deliver grade-level material and focus on english acquisition simultaneously” (19). identifying the buffalo city school district as a prime example, school districts that service large numbers of ells do not have the budget required to maintain two professionals in all of the rooms where they can meet the developmental needs of english language. in an ideal situation, every district with a high percentage of ell students would have the opportunity to be well-staffed with trained ell educators to assist in lessening the achievement gap. however, as previously mentioned, ell students are chronically placed in lower-income districts, most of which are forced to resort to a more cost-effective method: english-only instruction by content-teachers (sanchez 2017). rather than attempting to alter this unfortunate reality, delgado (2017) mentions one common thread essential to the academic success of ells: the sociocultural domain. this aspect of understanding student background is often lost in the frenzy of preparing students for standardized tests and standards. taking purposeful strides towards learning about where students come from is not only feasible, but central for successfully differentiating instruction for ells. in buffalo public schools for example, there are 63 different languages across the district, therein highlighting the wide range of cultural backgrounds in its student population. just as classroom teachers, school administrators, and policymakers carry their cultural experiences and perspectives into their everyday lives – educational and personal – so do students from various ethnic and cultural backgrounds. as delgado (2017) notes, “classrooms were successful when strong interrelationships were evident between language and content learning, efficient organizational structures, as well as a focus on the celebration of culture” (18), thus reinforcing the idea of a culturally-responsive pedagogy in order to better tailor the content for ell students. additionally, learning about students’ sociocultural background increases teacher consciousness regarding the students’ previous english-language education and experience, therein avoiding unnecessary assumptions about proficiency. according to david farbman (2015), a report author from the national center for time and learning: “it took [elementary] students three to five years to develop oral proficiency and four to seven years to develop what is known as ‘academic english proficiency,’ the more sophisticated application of language in formal contexts like analyzing texts or comprehending complex concepts” (5). in recognizing ell students vary on this timeline towards gaining ‘academic english proficiency,’ the difficulty of using a single set of strategies through english-only content-based learning becomes incredibly clear. differentiated instruction is considerably more empathetic towards different student backgrounds, as it allows teachers to help students who need heavier or lighter support while at the same time creatively instructing ells at the grade-level that will help them gain access to the strade !5 curriculum. moreover, itwaru poorandai (2017) reports in her research on culturally and linguistically differentiated instruction for ells: “constructivist pedagogy provides students the opportunity to become active, responsible individuals who can learn at their own pace based on their own ability level” (17). the lack of specificity in constructivist pedagogies is what allows it to adapt to the diversity within individual classrooms – it is flexible because this ideology centers on the construction knowledge and meaning from personal experiences. when a teacher practices constructivism in the classroom, by default it creates culturally-responsive lessons; ultimately, this leads to differentiated content that both engages and proves relevant for diverse learners with different culture and linguistic backgrounds. the intersections between sociocultural experiences, constructivism and differentiation create a learning environment with a high potential to narrow the gap between ell and non-ell students, as it acknowledges the importance of diversity within the classroom. with more specific observances in elementary classrooms containing high numbers of ells across nys, the need to reform current methods of instruction for ells becomes increasingly more apparent. for instance, jacqlyne thornton (2017) conducted a case study on teachers’ perceptions of english-only ell instruction in a fourth-grade classroom, which coincide with strade’s (2017) observations of ell students in a fourth-grade classroom in buffalo public schools. the case study was conducted as an online survey, completed by fourthgrade teachers in urban and suburban public-school districts across new york state; teachers who qualified taught ell students as a homeroom or content area teacher through english-only instruction and possess a nys teaching certification. the questionnaire the teachers completed online spoke to the challenges of english-only instruction and suggestions for improvement of ell education, where 75% of participants agreed there were challenges with the current method, 50% requested more support to meet the needs of ells and 75% requested more time to plan lessons that incorporate strategies to better teach ells. the challenges listed in the responses to the questionnaire discussed a lack of research on specific ell students, varied english-language knowledge of ell students within classrooms, and the language barrier between parents and teachers (thornton 2017). similar challenges were echoed from strade’s (2017) perspective while volunteering with fourth-grade ell students in ps 93 southside elementary: “… i am infuriated at… how quickly [teachers] push through the content. how… can i keep the small group of ell students i work with up to speed amid presumptuous chaos? the teachers… assume that… the amount of time given to the rest of the class to learn a certain piece of material is sufficient – by default – for [ell students]. there is a major lack of responsibility here…there needs to be recognition in that not every student learns the same way, and at the same speed… – this should be considered when creating plans of differentiated instruction, especially with ells” (8). lack of support, time, and training – these challenges frequently occur in classrooms of englishonly content-based instruction, as the american education system narrow-mindedly envisions the strade !6 end goal of rigid national standards and english proficiency without first considering the logistics of the process. how can teachers accomplish this goal without first recognizing that a learner’s ability to understand english language is critical for school success? professor jim cummins, one of the world’s leading authorities in bilingual education and second language acquisition, seeks to highlight the complexities of ells learning english by recognizing the difference between basic interpersonal communication skills (bics) and cognitive academic language proficiency (calp). these distinctions were made in order to draw educators’ attention to the timeline and challenges that ells must endure in their attempt to match their peers in academia. cummins (2008, 71) states, “bics refers to conversational fluency in a language while calp refers to students’ ability to understand and express, in both oral and written modes, concepts and ideas that are relevant to success in school.” naturally through social interactions, children develop the implicit and explicit language skills necessary to socialize with their peers, therefore “conversational english” or bics. this type of language proficiency is harnessed by ells in non-academic settings, such as the lunch room, playground or school bus, and can fool educators into believing the child has “acquired english.” however, though english language learners may speak the language in the hallway, this does not mean they have mastered the academic and cognitive language skills necessary for success in the classroom. due to this distinction between bics and calp, it is essential for teachers and administrators to be cognizant of each ell student’s development and timeline in mastering english. both the case study questionnaire (thornton 2017) and the student observation journal (strade 2017) highlight differentiated instruction as a solution to better ell-heavy classrooms. according to thornton (2017), “scaffolding (modeling or re-teaching), explicit vocabulary instruction, and visual aids were the most commonly used approaches” (#); more specifically, vocabulary explained by pictures or visuals, adapted texts, and the small group teaching model. the small group model was also commonly used in ps 93 southside elementary, as strade (2017) frequently sat at the back table with a small group of ell student to provide extra support. these small group atmospheres worked to increase student confidence – in reading, writing, asking questions, and working through in-class assignments. the opportunity for collaborative learning through small group activities not only aligns with student-centered learning, but also provides the prospect for ells to develop their english-speaking ability and build their social skills (itwaru 2017). additional suggestions in thornton’s research first included more regular professional development on teaching strategies and practices for educating ells, particularly for contentteachers not certified in ell/tesol/etc.; second, more support from the district with translators for parent-teacher conferences, and additional time and relevant resources to develop thorough lesson plans to address the needs of ells. by professionally developing teachers’ knowledge of ell education strategies, increasing the amount of time teachers are allotted to plan for their lessons, adding additional support in the form of resources, and providing a translator to reach strade !7 the families of ell students, educators will be more prepared to differentiate their instruction for ell students. differentiated instruction works to increase academic achievement and english proficiency as teachers reach out to parents of ell students to gain a more comprehensible overview of their child’s background, utilize additional time and resources within a culturallyresponsive pedagogy and develop their understanding of the ell population professionally within their district. as supported by recent research, a relevant case study and observations of an ell-heavy classroom, the role of differentiated instruction and multiculturalism would better suit the needs of ell students, specifically within lower-income districts, as it provides a costeffective alternative to cbi through use professional development and district support. discussion there is a wide selection of tactics to properly implement differentiated instruction in an ell-heavy classroom specifically, depending on the needs of each student. though new york state requires specific standards for ell students per grade level, there is no clear consensus on how to adequately accomplish this goal within the classroom. instead, the debate rages on, with a number of teacher blogs and websites that outline tips for ell instruction as to ensure equity and fairness in academic success. for example, alrubail (2016) provides a handful of equitable accommodations for ells on edutopia, such as providing students a dictionary or thesaurus, translations, extra time on tests or quizzes, and alternative methods to understanding the curriculum, such as visual aids. additionally, alrubail (2016) suggests the following to increase language proficiency: “[…] effective english-language learning classrooms foster a strong environment of collaboration, dialogue, and group engagement. it's important that students have multiple opportunities throughout the day to engage in conversational-style learning with their peers so that they can practice their oral language skills.” the confinements of a traditional ‘textbook’ classroom will not efficiently work to improve proficiency, as it forces auditory learning without opportunity to verbally practice the language. further, the use of native tongue can work to increase the cognitive development of ell students, and thus improving their proficiency in english. itwaru (2017) speaks to this in her observations of ell teaching and learning strategies, noting: “students who receive instruction in their first language demonstrated higher academic success. ells’ performance increased when the same test was administered in [their home language] … students’ math and problem-solving skills increased with instruction in the familiar vocabulary, phrasing, and syntax of their primary language” (27). clearly, the use of familiar speech, translations, and either a dictionary or thesaurus works to expand ells’ comprehension in a concise manner by incorporating home language(s) into the lesson (alrubail 2016). differentiating instruction with the use of non-english additionally creates a culturallyresponsive classroom as previously discussed – a safe and welcoming environment for students of varying ethnicities, religions, languages, etc. the sociocultural perspective of instruction is one of the first steps towards proper differentiation of teaching and learning in the classroom. it is therefore important for the teacher strade !8 to build a relationship with the students in the classroom, as to go beyond student data and records in learning about different experiences, background and needs. this may seem like an incredibly simple concept; but, without this essential piece of knowledge, educators cannot properly mold their teaching to the students. to further this notion, rita pierson (2013) gave a ted talk regarding the value and importance of building relationships, particularly with students. in a rousing call to educators, pierson (2013) says: “every child deserves a champion, an adult who will never give up on them, who understands the power of connection, and insists that they become the best that they can possibly be.” she notes in her talk that no significant learning can occur without relationships, as it works to link students and teachers to better adapt the classroom into a safe and comfortable learning space. positive relationships are the foundation of any successful classroom and particularly one that includes ells. educators must connect with their students and families in order to create lessons that engage them through their interests and goals, and to foster new learning. within this development, teachers will also better recognize the literacy and language backgrounds of their students, especially by discovering past educational experiences, home environment, etc. teachers need authentic evidence of what each of their students can do with content, language and literacy, rather than making assumptions about their ells progression towards ‘academic english proficiency’ through cbi. taking the time to understand the spectrum of proficiency in the classroom creates an environment where teachers can effectively scaffold and support each student’s growth relative to the standards of the state (i.e. common core). additionally, this will clarify the type of differentiation necessary within the classroom so that teachers can identify meaningful goals and objectives with students; this will ultimately permit better decisions regarding curriculum, instructional strategies, classroom management, assessment, and pacing. alongside the formation of valuable relationships with students, teachers can learn how to differentiate and accommodate ells in the classroom. in various case studies and recent research, as well as tips from veteran-teachers on educational blogs, the most common themes of adaption in classrooms with diverse learners include: visuals (video clips, images, etc.), hands-on projects, first language usage, modifications to speech or text (translated texts, simplified instructions, etc.), collaborative learning, and instructional technology. it is important to recognize these as examples of methods for teachers to properly differentiate instruction – specific accommodations for diverse learners fluctuate between classrooms, districts and states. it is the appreciation and recognition of diversity within the classroom that separates differentiated instruction from content-based instruction (cbi), as cultural awareness is what allows for creativity, growth, and development. differentiated instruction embraces diversity and multiculturalism within an academic setting, which sparks ideas and relatable strategies for educators to narrow the achievement gap, increase proficiency, and encourage success within the learning process for ells. strade !9 conclusion ell students face the unique learning challenge of developing skills and content mastery to meet nys standards while simultaneously acquiring a new language, frequently without the assistance of their native language. according to pearson’s website on “english language learners” (2017), “by 2025, one in four public school students will be an english language learner.” given that ells are an incredibly fast-growing student population in public schools across the united states, providing equal educational opportunities for these students is a crucial investment in the future of the country. alongside this population growth has emerged a mentality among educators, one that encompasses the idea that ‘every teacher is a language teacher.’ this implies that every educator must be prepared to teach a classroom with ell students, regardless of training or certification – how can this be accomplished? differentiated instruction works to level the playing field, as it does not maintain the rigidity of the traditional classroom; instead, it allows educators to step away from the constraints of the traditional classroom, and towards constructivism. it is a method which works to adapt the instruction to accommodate a variety of learning needs and to blend into the dynamic of a particular classroom, without altering the standards. teachers who practice differentiation in the classroom design lessons based on students’ learning styles (auditory, visual, kinesthetic, etc.), manage the classroom to create a safe and supportive environment, assess students’ progressive using formative assessment (think-pair-share, creative extension projects, etc.), and continually adjust content to meet students’ needs. the implication of differentiated instruction is that it reaches the sociocultural aspect of students’ background as to build upon prior experiences and knowledge. unlike cbi, differentiated instruction does not utilize academic language as a medium for language development, particularly in a monolingual classroom; rather, it recognizes that ell’s home language can be a powerful resource to make notoriously complex content-area concepts comprehensible and to promote literacy development in english. in the current climate of the trump administration, its hostility severely impacting american attitudes towards foreign-born or non-english speaking individuals, it is more important than ever that educators unite to meet ell students with support and solidarity, rather than unquantifiable expectations of immediate english proficiency through english-only instruction. in a nation founded by immigrants and refugees, the american attitude and expectation of foreign-individuals is not only unfair, but fails to recognize the beauty and potential of bilingualism in the education system. strade (2017) notes this frequently in her observations of ells at ps 93 southside elementary: “[…] these students are linguistically talented… how can we ostracize [ells] for not knowing english well enough when they [are] bilingual? no wonder they are having such difficulty – it would be horrifying [to be] shoved into a higher-level class with only a minimal understanding of a language i just began learning a couple years ago” (5-6). content-based instruction, particularly in monolingual classrooms that lack the necessary support of resources and faculty experienced in ell education, unfairly assumes one method of language instruction will benefit all. this ignorance towards various strade !10 learning styles, cultural upbringings, education levels and experience is the true pitfall of cbi instruction, therefore resulting in a lack of english proficiency. in nys – given its long laundry list of standards for students, teachers and districts alike – the lack of proficiency in ells due to the assumptions of cbi proves to be detrimental, particularly in the impressionable years of elementary school. further, districts across nys, regardless of economic status, must work to support teachers with ell-heavy classrooms rather than permitting teacher unpreparedness to increase students’ lack of proficiency. in order to lessen the widening achievement gap between ell and non-ell learners, it is vital for educational reform to center on professional development to train educators on differentiated instruction for ell students, on culturallyresponsive pedagogies that permit collaborative learning and constructivist ideologies within the classroom, and making necessary accommodations for ells. differentiated instruction is therefore an alternative adaption to the needs of the expanding ell subpopulation, as it ensures these students equitable access to important academic content and successful completion of core subjects through valuable learning opportunities that content-based instruction simply cannot provide references alrubail, rusul. 2016. "equity for english-language learners." edutopia, july 7. https://www.edutopia.org/blog/equity-for-english-language-learners-rusul-alrubail buffalo public schools. 2017. bilingual education handbook: 2016-2017. buffalo, new york https://www.buffaloschools.org/cms/lib/ny01913551/centricity/domain/62/bcsdbilingu aleducationhandbook.pdf cummins, jim. 2008. “bics and calp: empirical and theoretical status of the distinction.” in encyclopedia of language and education, edited by nancy h. hornberger, 71-83. new york: springer science + business media llc. https://link.springer.com/referenceworkentry/10.1007%2f978-0-387-30424-3_36 davis, julie hirschfeld. 2018. "trump calls some unauthorized immigrants 'animals' in rant." the new york times, may 16. https://www.nytimes.com/2018/05/16/us/politics/trump-undocumented-immigrants animals.html. delgado, janet, and lorraine t. benuto. "a qualitative examination of factors for success in a content-based english language learner classroom." international journal of learning, teaching and educational research 16, no. 8 (august 2017): 18-36. https://www.edutopia.org/blog/equity-for-english-language-learners-rusul-alrubail https://link.springer.com/referenceworkentry/10.1007%252f978-0-387-30424-3_36 strade !11 https://www.ijlter.org. education commission of the states. 2014. “how is an ‘english language learner’ defined in state policy?” 50-state comparison. november. http://ecs.force.com/mbdata/mbquestnb2?rep=ell1402. “english language learners (ell).” 2017. pearson. accessed december 15. https://www.pearson.com/us/prek-12/why-choose-pearson/thought-leadership/english language-learners-ell.html. "equal protection." 2016. legal information institute [lii]. june 13. https://www.law.cornell.edu. farbman, david a. 2015. "giving english language learners the time they need to succeed: profiles of three expanded learning time schools." national center on time & learning. november 30. https://eric.ed.gov. fike, deandra, subin chung, and emily riordan. 2015. “immigrants, refugees, and languages spoken in buffalo.” partnership for the public good. https://ppgbuffalo.org "integrated enl resources." 2017. new york state education department. accessed december 15. http://www.nysed.gov. itwaru, poorandai. 2017. “teachers' understanding of culturally and linguistically differentiated instruction for english language learners.” phd. diss., walden university new york city department of education. 2017. division of english language learners and student support: english language learner demographics report for the 2016-17 school year. new york. http://schools.nyc.gov/nr/rdonlyres/3a4aec4c-14bd-49c4 b2e6-8edf5d873be4/223369/201617demographicreportfinalspring20191.pdf "nyc & buffalo public schools | nysed data site." 2016. data.nysed.gov. https://data.nysed.gov. pierson, rita. 2013. "every kid needs a champion." filmed may. ted video, 7:48, https://www.ted.com/talks/rita_pierson_every_kid_needs_a_champion. "public education for immigrant students: understanding plyler v. doe." 2017. american https://www.ijlter.org http://ecs.force.com/mbdata/mbquestnb2?rep=ell1402 https://www.pearson.com/us/prek-12/why-choose-pearson/thought-leadership/englishhttps://www.law.cornell.edu https://eric.ed.gov https://ppgbuffalo.org http://www.nysed.gov https://data.nysed.gov https://www.ted.com/talks/rita_pierson_every_kid_needs_a_champion strade !12 immigration council. june 15. https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org. sanchez, claudio. 2017. "english language learners: how your state is doing." npr. february 23. https://www.npr.org/sections/ed/2017/02/23/512451228/5-million englishlanguagelearners-a-vast-pool-of-talent-at-risk soto, ariel g. ruiz, sarah hooker, and jeanne batalova. 2016. "states and districts with the highest number and share of english language learners." migration policy institute. august 24. https://www.migrationpolicy.org. strade, tara. 2017. “asi 400.” reflection journal, the state university of new york at buffalo. thornton, jacqlyne. 2017. “case study of english language teachers' perceptions of educating ells in english-only monolingual settings.” phd. diss., northcentral university. https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org https://www.npr.org/sections/ed/2017/02/23/512451228/5-million%2520%2520%2520english-languagelearners-a-vast-pool-of-talent-at-risk https://www.npr.org/sections/ed/2017/02/23/512451228/5-million%2520%2520%2520english-languagelearners-a-vast-pool-of-talent-at-risk https://www.npr.org/sections/ed/2017/02/23/512451228/5-million%2520%2520%2520english-languagelearners-a-vast-pool-of-talent-at-risk https://www.migrationpolicy.org undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 the role of relationships in indigenous community-engaged learning de souza, e. & watson, s. university of toronto abstract service learning is the pursuit of education while serving the interests of the community and undertaking a direct role in social change (phillips, 2013). it allows students a chance to develop research skills while simultaneously building bonds with colleagues and creating relationships within communities. we are two undergraduate students, from a collaborative group of five, who undertook a month-long summer scholars in residence (sir) program at the university of toronto mississauga. our involvement with the sir project, “community-engaged learning with the indigenous action group (iag)” immersed us in a grassroots effort to research the impacts of a community-engaged learning course at the student level. the goal of the course, “anthropology and indigenous peoples of turtle island” (ant241h) is to initiate and maintain an indigenous curriculum in a university setting. self-reflection is pivotal in our research skill development and our understanding of the impact of the project in its initial stages. qualitative analysis of student assignments demonstrated the importance of creating relationships with indigenous scholars to advance indigenous pedagogy and provide students with the tools needed to build relationships with the local indigenous community. our own relationships with the mississaugas of the credit first nation (mcfn) was limited to remote learning by covid-19 pandemic restrictions. within this context, it is integral to the longevity of this project that we adapt to the virtual modality of learning necessary for the continuation of this course. despite the hindrances to our relationship building, the sir experience transcended our interpersonal needs as allies and laid the foundation for a stronger bond as we progress in the longitudinal study. the iag initiative within sir our journey into service learning or community-engaged learning was initiated by an invitation to apply to the jackman’s scholars in residence program (sir) at the university of toronto in canada. sir is an immersive research program in which selected undergraduate students live and work together in collaborative groups as research assistants (ras) at one of the three university of toronto campuses. each sir research group is guided under the supervision of a faculty member, in a month-long summer research project where the completed work is presented to colleagues at a colloquium. the research project we applied to, “communityengaged learning with the indigenous action group”, was at the mississauga campus. the project is part of a three-year longitudinal study of the course, “anthropology and indigenous peoples of turtle island” (ant241h) funded by the connaught community partnership 15 the role of relationships in indigenous community-engaged learning undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 research program. this project is approved by the research ethics board tri-council agency (reb# 00038121). the indigenous action group (iag), which facilitates ant241h and runs the research project we participated in, includes nine members from mississaugas of the credit first nation (mcfn) and two non-indigenous professors from utm. the iag was formed with the goal of making utm a more accessible space for indigenous students, as well as introducing a wide range of students to the indigenous land-based pedagogy of the territories upon which the campus sits. our role as ras was to measure the impact of ant241h by analyzing the qualitative data from the initial semester of the course. originally, we were supposed to go to the mcfn reserve and work collaboratively with the iag members at multiple points during this project. however, since our research was conducted during the covid-19 pandemic restrictions, our ability to meaningfully connect and build relationships with mcfn and the iag was altered. instead, we worked mostly (albeit remotely) with the utm professors, who would invite mcfn iag members to our online sessions as guest speakers. (de)colonization on campus in a canadian context canada’s truth and reconciliation commission’s (trc) 94 calls to action are a response to canada’s genocidal colonial history. this document outlines needs to be met by the colonial government to begin reconciliation, such as call to action #65 in education, “we call upon the federal government...in collaboration with aboriginal peoples, post-secondary institutions and educators, to establish a national research program with multi-year funding to advance understanding of reconciliation” (trc, 2015). the university of toronto steering committee’s response document, answering the call: wecheehetowin, calls upon the university to establish meaningful relationships, with indigenous people at the centre of decision making (uoft steering committee, 2017). the iag was formed in response to the calls to action involving education to reimagine indigenous teaching at utm. it is important to note, however, that the university of toronto was not a blank slate in terms of de-colonial projects. the st. george campus offers indigenous academic services and cultural immersion opportunities. first nations house (fnh) at st. george (2020) was established to provide a cultural space with services for first nations, metis, and inuit students from community elders. the campus hosts an indigenous studies students union (issu, 2020), led by students enrolled in indigenous studies engaged with this effort. at the mississauga campus, in comparison, there are no indigenous studies programs. the utm indigenous centre, with only two staff, focuses on cultural advocacy and the provision of cultural competency training for non-indigenous faculty and students. the maanjiwe nendamowinan building, which means ‘gathering of minds’ in anishinaabemowin, was opened at utm in 2019. the mcfn named this building to acknowledge that the campus sits on their traditional territories (see http://mncfn.ca/). as st. george students participating in this sir project at utm, we became aware of the ongoing inequities as colonial hierarchical structures permeate all frameworks of learning. during the sir colloquium we observed the stark difference between our project rooted in relationship building and advocacy, compared to the other more ‘standard’ research projects. despite the presence of indigenous peoples and programs, academia is still dominated by western pedagogy, and indigenous student visibility remains low due to a lack of social spaces 16 the role of relationships in indigenous community-engaged learning undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 and funding for support services and research. the iag’s intervention, therefore, is a novel collaboration to which we participated during its early years, especially as this relationship was not initially supported by utm. although the answering the call: weecheehetowin (uoft steering committee, 2017) announced the university’s commitment to addressing the trc’s calls to action (2015), the appropriate time and resources have not been allocated to building a strong relationship with the mcfn. for example, the university has failed to establish a permanent source of funding for the course. this indigenous-led course requires more funding to cover costs such as trips to the mcfn reserve, honorariums for guest speakers, talking circles, transportation, annual powwows, and research. the impact of ant241h is being analyzed through a longitudinal mixed-method research study examining how local indigenous knowledge and pedagogy affect undergraduate attitudes and previous learning. nvivo software is used to conduct the qualitative analysis of student interviews, course reflections, and assignments. the quantitative analysis of pre and post-course surveys will be completed over the next three years. individual reflections on relationships & research erica de souza my educational background is in childhood development as an early childhood educator (rece), and my current study is in indigenous studies and anthropology. the indigenous studies program at the st. george campus has educated me on the continued colonization of indigenous peoples, and my own position as a non-indigenous person. my motivation in this project stems from this personal responsibility as a settler, to help maintain spaces for indigeneity amidst the ongoing indigenous cultural erasure in canada. i applied to this project with the expectation that the indigenous studies program was accessible to all students across all three campuses. this assumption was incorrect, singularly conceptualized by the high expectations i set for post-secondary institutions. i inquired as to the reasoning behind the focus of an indigenous studies program in a single location. the answer was related to the availability of instructors, and finances. though some availability is better than none, the lack of an indigenous curriculum is not ideal as it creates inequity of knowledge and resources in indigenous education. settlers are graduating without ever understanding their responsibility to upholding treaties or the privileges granted to them. teachings with indigenous knowledge keepers and elders become special events, instead of normalizing indigenous pedagogy in all curriculum areas. the impact of being in service to the project and iag became much clearer with this realization. as our research occurred during the covid-19 pandemic, the project was made accessible online only, instead of living on campus. it was disappointing to not be able to visit the mcfn reserve or meet indigenous iag members in person. we communicated via online zoom calls, through our main communication with utm professors fukuzawa and laliberte. our conversations with the iag were hindered by this inaccessibility, as conversations were now interview-based, we were unable to engage in informal conversation to build strong relationships. in our efforts to build relationships with the mcfn, it is paramount to engage members with respect and understanding for their collective culture, beliefs, and relationships to land. it 17 the role of relationships in indigenous community-engaged learning undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 was through establishing a new relationship after a long history of disrespect that this course now exists. building bonds of trust is entirely personal, emotional, and subjective, but when we introduced ourselves, we could only give a short introduction reiterating our commitment. communicating with my fellow sir team members was similarly superficial as our online introductions only outlined our positionality. we did not get to know each other well enough through candid conversations to have a solid foundation. we were strangers with a common goal. although the interviews lacked familiarity and relationship building components, they were necessary for the project. qualitative data analysis depended on our understanding of the student's concepts mentioned in their assignments. some of these references i had not heard before, as indigenous knowledge is not homogeneous. utm professor laliberte was able to fill many informational gaps, and fellow team members contributed from their own specializations. though limited, the bonds i formed with colleagues were built on trust and i depended on them when necessary. i was most cognizant of the impact of this service-learning when performing qualitative analysis with the nvivo 12 software. as we tracked how students incorporated knowledge through assignments their depth of integration was revealed as well, (coded deep, superficial, unclear, or none). analysis delved into student relational concepts by coding the nuances in the dialogue, examples such as implicit bias, and cognitive dissonance. though data varied as students' experience are coloured by personal background, i was left with the impression that non-indigenous students were beginning to positively integrate indigenous pedagogy into their schemas and develop empathy for indigenous peoples of turtle island. this research allowed me to witness the personal impacts of a course on a community level. shantel watson my commitment to indigenous human rights education in public schools led me to this project. it was through my involvement in high school with an art-based initiative that focused on gender-based violence against indigenous women and members of the queer community that i immersed myself in self-education on indigeneity. this led to an exploration of indigenous literature through regular visits to first nations house on the st. george campus. through my relationships with the indigenous educators at first nations house, i refined my understanding of how colonial legacies influence the university’s relationship with indigenous learning. furthermore, i began to think critically about the role of education at a secondary and postsecondary level in reconciliation. the iag’s work will help to fill in this gap; therefore, i was drawn to apply to be an ra for this project. due to the timeline restrictions of the sir program and self-isolation orders, the process of relationship building with the mcfn was expedited. as a non-indigenous person, i aspire to work in an ally capacity; however, i struggled with the fact that members of the mcfn placed trust in me before i had the chance to earn it. councillor veronica king-jamieson welcomed us into the iag sharing with us her family and lineage. personal and group communications with members of the iag demonstrated interest in learning about our heritage and positionality. i was never made to feel as if my intentions were being evaluated. had i been in councillor jamieson’s position i would have been compelled to be more reserved in my approach as a result of my own personal experiences as a black female. interviewees were forthcoming and transparent which improved the quality of both our research and our experiences within sir. my main 18 the role of relationships in indigenous community-engaged learning undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 concern: would i ever have the opportunity to demonstrate my genuine concern for indigenous education? this experience challenged me to reflect critically on my positionality. although i am a woman of colour, as an immigrant, i am still a settler. i must recognize the privileges which accompany my social status while acknowledging the intersection of our experiences with systemic oppression. this truth must be accepted to avoid engaging in “oppression olympics,” or a superiority complex. navigating these complexities was essential within my role as a researcher as well as building a healthy relationship with members of the mcfn. nevertheless, there were moments of reciprocation which demonstrated our dual commitment to building a meaningful relationship. councillor veronica king jamieson and councillor cathie jamieson from the mcfn remained enthusiastic about assisting us in our research. we reached out to both councillors to join us in the colloquium to acknowledge the mississauga territory and their role at utm, during which they actively participated. our unification around a central goal allowed us to transcend our mutual unfamiliarity. i credit this service-learning experience for allowing me to acquire new research skills through practice as opposed to instruction. the greatest barrier which i faced was my unfamiliarity with the discipline of anthropology. i study international relations and minor in two foreign languages. nvivo coding required us to apply psychological and anthropological linguistics analysis. my field of study is concerned with ideologies and institutions, not individuals, and their motives. however, my academic background contributed to my understanding of how western institutions impose barriers that prevent the acceptance of indigenous pedagogy in academia. my colleagues were more astute in this area of knowledge. aside from indigenous studies, they have academic backgrounds in anthropology, psychology, and professional community engagement. their partnership was beneficial to my skill development as a researcher. student experiences in ant241h our preliminary qualitative data analysis (n=73 students) revealed students’ appreciation for traditional methods of teaching in anishinaabe culture. this course sometimes allowed for students to engage in a teaching circle which promoted the open exchange of ideas. as a form of experiential learning, ant241h classes also incorporated outdoor excursions. students found the knowledge to be more accessible after hearing first-hand experience from indigenous scholars and community members. one student commented, “[this] learning provided me [with] a better and deeper understanding of the realities through the eyes of the indigenous people living them, whereas before i had this knowledge purely through textbook and removed sources. seeing, listening, and talking to the people with a direct connection to the topics being discussed helped me to learn.” students had vivid memories of the experiences shared with them through storytelling models and were able to engage from their individual positionality. some students did struggle with this knowledge integration as the learning of indigenous pedagogy is simultaneously the unlearning of many western ideals such as individualism and ownership. many students demonstrated easier integration by employing the concept known as 19 the role of relationships in indigenous community-engaged learning undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 two-eyed seeing coined by mi’kmaw elder albert marshall. it is with respect for both knowledge systems that they can co-exist in ways of knowing and living. learning about twoeyed seeing is a step towards decolonizing our minds and our societies. (bartlett, marshall & marshall, 2012). a student reflected on the societal impact of two-eyed seeing from their own experience, “i have a deepened understanding of the indigenous "eye" and that helps me see how the westernized world view and the indigenized world view work together to create a more sustainable world.” ant241h applied a holistic approach to learning, providing students with the opportunity to incorporate both educational platforms for the benefit of their growth. student empathy was the contributing factor to understanding their relationships to course material and their role as a settler on indigenous territory. recommendations for the future although relationship-building efforts have been and will continue to be impacted by the pandemic, reconciliation cannot seize in the face of unforeseen circumstances. the current funding model means that the temporary discontinuation of the iag’s efforts could place the future of ant241h in jeopardy. although moving the course and the research project online will reduce the length of interactions between members of the mcfn community, students, and faculty as well as impede with land-based methods of learning, virtual spaces can be used to create more meaningful interactions through live lectures and discussions as well as incorporating traditional aspects through innovative uses of the technology at hand. online learning can make these opportunities more accessible to students who face barriers related to long-distance travel and removes the hierarchy that is reinforced by physical structures of the lecture hall. the global pandemic situation has demonstrated that in times of crisis, there is a need for increased support and connectivity in all relations. conclusion: setting a precedent the importance of relationships in our role to the iag and mcfn community was based on understanding our own positionality as settlers. we wanted to be of service by indigenizing institutionalized spaces, in support of decolonization efforts. the building of relationships between colleagues, mcfn members, and non-indigenous iag members, was a slow process and continues because of the impersonal nature of remote communication. however, this experience has demonstrated to us the critical role of grassroots mobilization in fulfilling the mandate of the iag. while we developed skills for coding, as a small role in the longitudinal study, we take pride in understanding the impacts of ant241h and being involved in social change. our initial research results from this semester indicated that while this course establishes an improved relationship between the university and mcfn, the colonial structures and attitudes of the university create intentional gaps in its capacity to meet the standards articulated in wecheehetowin (steering committee for the university of toronto, 2017). ant241h as a grassroots movement sets the precedent of how we wish the institution to evolve. decolonizing our minds remains an underlying issue if students struggle to consolidate both the western and indigenous approaches to learning, which is imperative to initiate relationship building. we will 20 the role of relationships in indigenous community-engaged learning undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 continue to monitor this process of individual growth throughout the next three years. acknowledgements we would like to thank the indigenous action group, mississaugas of the credit first nation, and jackman humanities institute scholars in-residence program. a special thank you to our faculty supervisors nicole laliberte and sherry fukuzawa and guest lecturers councillor veronica king-jamieson, councillor cathie jamieson, jonathan ferrier, kristen bos, and andrew judge for their ongoing guidance during our research. 21 the role of relationships in indigenous community-engaged learning undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 references bartlett, c., marshall m., & marshall, a. (2012) two-eyed seeing & other lessons learned with a co-learning journey of bringing together indigenous and mainstream knowledges & ways of knowing. journal of environmental studies & science, 2, 331-340. https://linkspringer-com.myaccess.library.utoronto.ca/article/10.1007%2fs13412-012-0086-8 phillips, l. (2013) working adult undergraduate students’ interest and motivation in service learning and volunteering. the journal of continuing higher education, 61 (2), 68-73. steering committee for the university of toronto response to the truth and reconciliation commission of canada. (2017). answering the call wecheehetowin: final report of the steering committee for the university of toronto response to the truth and reconciliation commission of canada. https://www.provost.utoronto.ca/wpcontent/uploads/sites/155/2018/05/final-report-trc.pdf truth and reconciliation commission of canada. (2015) truth and reconciliation commission of canada: calls to action. http://trc.ca/assets/pdf/calls_to_action_english2.pdf university of toronto st. george. (2020). student life. first nations house and indigenous student services. https://studentlife.utoronto.ca/department/first-nations-house/ university of toronto st. george. (2020). centre for indigenous studies. indigenous studies students union. https://indigenousstudies.utoronto.ca/undergraduate/issu/ university of toronto st. george. (2020). centre for indigenous studies. indigenous studies at the university of toronto. https://indigenousstudies.utoronto.ca/about/ 22 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 harmony and healing: a community-based research project deborah clymer grove city college i was first introduced to ruth at the start of the semester. she was sleeping in her recliner in the hallway of the grove manor nursing home. activities director sandy mcconnell asked if she would like to meet me. she gave me a vexed look and said, “no i wouldn’t. go away.” i nervously backed away from the chair. sandy whispered, “ruth is perfect for the project. i think the music could really help her.” sandy informed me that ruth had severe dementia and it affected her personality in such a way that caused her to be physically and verbally aggressive towards others. i was nervous to continue meeting with ruth. however, i agreed with sandy. if playing music could help her then we had to try it. a few months later, i was sitting next to ruth in the living room. we had been listening to the piano for ten minutes. her eyes were closed and i dared not disturb her. however, when the musician began to play “the battle hymn of the republic,” ruth started to sing under her breath. amazed, i touched her shoulder. she looked at me and smiled. i started to sing with her, stumbling over the lyrics as she sang every line perfectly. “we used to sing that song in school,” she explained afterwards. “i was an elementary school teacher.” “wow! that must have been a great job.” i replied, unsure of what to say. she smiled and nodded. this was the start of a conversation i had with ruth that afternoon. she patiently answered all my questions. if she had not told me she had been a teacher, i may have been able to guess. later, i told sandy mcconnell about the experience. sandy’s eyes brimmed with tears. “you saw the old ruth again. only the music could do that.” ruth was one of the residents with whom i worked while facilitating a community-based research project. during the fall 2015 semester, i took a course in research methods that culminated in designing a research proposal. i expressed an interest in gerontology to my faculty mentor dr. jennifer mobley. she then introduced me to the work of dan cohen and the music and memory program. the organization is rooted in neuroscientific research and focuses on how music can touch the lives of those suffering from dementia. i studied the topic further throughout the course by examining the physiological and psychological effects of listening to music. i then worked with a local long-term care facility the following spring semester to orchestrate a project that consisted of both research and community service. this article will examine both aspects of the project by discussing the study i conducted as well as the communal impact of interacting with the elderly. research my research question was “how does listening to music affect the emotional, behavioral, and cognitive state of persons with dementia?” information was gathered through an ethnographic study, which involved volunteering at the grove manor nursing home and becoming a participant observer. i visited the nursing home on a weekly basis for two months before playing any music for the residents. over these weeks, i spent time with the residents, gaining an understanding of the personalities, cognitive ability, and normal behaviors of each resident. after this, student musicians were invited to play for the residents every friday undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 clymer 2 afternoon. a different student group performed each week. this allowed the residents to hear music from several instruments including the piano, guitar, flute soloist, flute trio, vocals, and violin. their song choices consisted of hymns, classical, and generational music. the residents were recorded during the music sessions and interviews were conducted in order to gauge resident responses. staff members and students were interviewed in order to gather their perspectives and observations. the study was conducted under kitwood’s (1997) personhood approach. this view holds that every person has social and emotional needs regardless of neurological losses associated with dementia and should be treated with value and respect. hence, the project also contained a community service aspect to promote interaction with and the wellbeing of those involved in the study. the project involved student volunteers from grove city college who were seeking to serve their local community. my hope was not only to explore the power of music but also to build a relationship between the university and elderly populace of grove city. reaching individuals through music increasingly, research suggests that music be used as an alternative treatment to pharmacological and physical intervention for individuals with dementia. music has been proven to effectively prevent agitation, improve communication with caregivers, and aid in recollection efforts (brotons, kroger, and pickett-cooper 1997; gerdner 1999; raglio et al. 2008). by observing the effects of music on the residents of grove manor nursing home, i found that the music generally improved their disposition and memory. music has been found to decrease aggravation and anxiety for persons with dementia (cooke et al. 2010; goodall and etters 2005; guétin et al. 2009). i observed this firsthand. a resident named merle, for example, was impassive and inattentive before a flautist began to play “amazing grace.” merle responded by looking up, clapping along, and smiling while his wife emily watched him, beaming. many residents responded to songs in a similar, alert, and enthusiastic manner by closing their eyes in appreciation or singing along. overall, residents displayed behaviors indicating happiness and peace. secondly, residents recalled past information after having listened to music associated with specific memories. ruth, for instance, remembered being a teacher after she heard a song associated with this experience. a resident named nancy began to sing the lyrics to the hymn “he walks with me” after having only heard the melody on the violin. research supports the notion of music aiding in cognition. when familiar songs are played, individuals with dementia are sometimes able to recall memories that otherwise seem lost by triggering parts of the brain associated with emotion, motion, and memory (sacks 2014). dr. oliver sacks (2014) said, “the past, which is not recoverable in any other way, is embedded as if in amber in the music and people can regain a sense of identity.” along with the benefits, i also saw that music could not heal everything. i recall a student volunteer asking me what her mother could do to prevent early onset alzheimer’s as it ran in the family. i wanted to tell her to offer music as a solution, but that would not be correct. there is no way to cure or slow the progression of alzheimer’s. that was a hard reality of this project. no amount of service would be perfect and no amount of time i put into this project would alleviat e all the suffering for the people with whom i worked. there were also times when the music did not positively affect the residents’ behavior or cognition. some individuals asked to leave during the performances and others simply slept through them. the project was certainly not perfect and undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 clymer 3 i had to accept that. it was difficult to do so at first. however, i came to realize that i did not have to change the world. i could just focus on helping locally by working with a small group of residents and volunteers and promoting further contribution to music intervention. sandy mcconnell said, “i have seen music touch people in a way that nothing else can.” i have now seen it myself. music reached the residents. it lifted their spirits and, in some cases, it brought back memories. while the music did not connect with every resident, i believe those who did not exhibit physiological or cognitive change still received the message: “you are worth playing for.” cultivating intergenerational community it has been said that the elderly are “[t]he classics of our culture, the ‘great books’ of who we are” (powell and arquitt 1978, 421). if we stopped reading classical literature, it would be detrimental to our understanding of our history, beliefs, and culture. in the same way, losing relationships with the elderly can have severely negative consequences. in today’s society, very few children grow up with meaningful relationships with the elderly and the number is decreasing further. families are becoming more fragmented, neighborhoods are no longer seen as support systems, and prejudice serves to separate the groups further (421). the segregation between the young and old negatively affects both generations. without interaction with younger people, the older generation may struggle to “meet the needs of daily life.” they lack the “opportunities to make significant cultural and societal contributions” (421). without interaction with their elders, young people do not gain valuable information about their “cultural heritage.” further, “it may… lead to the development of unrealistic attitudes about older adults and the natural process of growing old” (422). my project focused on the elderly with dementia specifically, which is a disease that further isolates individuals (rossato-bennet 2014). mcconnell explained that many of the grove manor residents did not receive daily visitors. she affirmed that the project brought some community between the two generations and fostered the building of relationships. one resident spoke of a student visiting her in this way: “i cannot think of the words to say. i haven’t spoken to anyone in hours. i haven’t done anything in days. and all of a sudden, sunshine walks into the room.” most of the residents thanked the students repeatedly for coming and welcomed conversation. mcconnell said, “the residents got used to you guys coming on friday afternoons. they were really enjoying that. very, very much.” the students also appreciated the experience. for instance, one student violinist was initially nervous that her performance would not meet their expectations and that she would not know what to say to them. she soon found, however, that the residents were receptive, warm, and welcoming. one woman squeezed her hand when they first met and said, “thank you for coming. i love you.” the violinist later said to me, “that was such a blessing. i am really thankful that we had the opportunity to do it. it made their day and it made our day.” several of the musicians expressed similar sentiments. a student vocalist approached me a few weeks after she had volunteered. she said, “when we were packing up to leave [after the performance] i started to cry. that was an incredible experience.” in the midst of mental decline, isolation, and illness, the residents touched the students with their hospitality, patience, and grace. interacting with individuals of a different generation oftentimes has a transformative quality. it promotes respect, learning, and acceptance. the world youth report of the u.n. (2003) emphasized the need for intergenerational programs that “promote an interdependence undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 clymer 4 among generations and recognize that all members of society have contributions to make and needs to fulfill” (407). this project allowed for one generation to interact with the other. in doing so, both groups benefited. the residents shared their stories, advice, and hospitality with the students. in return, the students shared their music, time, and love. challenging cultural misconceptions amy cuddy (2004) wrote, “stereotyping of elderly people goes largely unchallenged and even unnoticed in the united states” (19). cuddy’s study demonstrated that americans stereotype the elderly as incompetent and “helpless” (11). while aging does cause physical changes to the body, society grossly exaggerates the negative consequences of such changes. americans intrinsically view the elderly as less “valuable” to society than younger people and fear the aging process themselves. the fear is a reasonable one considering that a significant number of elders are treated worse in society because of their age. isla rippon (2014) found that 36.8% of persons over the age of 65 experienced age discrimination. participants were considered to be discriminated against if they received poorer services in restaurants and stores, experienced lesser quality healthcare by providers in hospitals, were treated with less respect, considered to be less intelligent, or threatened and harassed. throughout the semester, i spoke with students about their views on the elderly and geriatric care. in general, very few students offered positive sentiments towards elderly people. many students expressed that they were worried about getting older. one student said, “[elderly persons] are lonely because they don’t want to talk to people.” students would speak of work with the elderly as charitable instead of a mutually beneficial opportunit y. many students said they “would never want to live in a nursing home.” i too had preconceived notions about the elderly of which i only became aware after spending some time at grove manor. i did not expect to emotionally and psychologically benefit from the research. i also did not think i would enjoy the experience, anticipating seeing only hardships behind the nursing home doors. however, i soon realized the error in my thinking as i built relationships with the residents and was encouraged by every visit. take, for example, my experience with june. june was one of the residents whom i had the privilege of visiting multiple times over the course of the semester. upon meeting her and learning of her dementia, i thought our conversations would be one-sided and beneficial only to her. however, june’s sense of humor, appreciation for every day, and compassion for others changed my way of thinking. june’s first priority was to make sure i was keeping in touch with family, taking time for myself, and looking forward to my future. she asked me once, “what do you want to do after college?” i answered that i did not know. she said, “do not worry. you have the rest of your life to figure out the rest of your life!” june shared continual wisdom and i received great joy from visiting her. there were subtle moments where i was acutely aware that the project broke down some of the cultural misconceptions for the other students. towards the end of the semester i remember talking with a group of friends. one female student was lamenting the fact that she found a gray hair. another student, who was very involved in the project said, “hey! that just means you’re getting older and wiser.” the simple act of interacting with the elderly and educating people on cultural misconceptions can significantly decrease negative stereotypes towards aging (yamashita, kinney, and lokon 2011). kishita, fisher, and laidlaw of the government office for science undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 clymer 5 (2015) wrote, “evidence suggests that tackling anxiety about ageing by improving knowledge of ageing and facilitating positive interactions between younger and older people can reduce ageist attitudes among [the younger and older] populations” (16). although the project was small, it was a challenge to the generally accepted premise that value is found in youthfulness and aging is associated with only negative consequences. the students and i were blessed by the residents’ wisdom, humor, encouragement, and hospitality. i believe that those of us who participated in the project developed a more realistic view of aging and have come to appreciate the beauties, amidst the challenges, associated with being older. conclusion community-based research gives students the opportunity to combine education with service in order to make a positive impact in the world. service learning gives students an invaluable opportunity to engage with persons in their local vicinity, learning and growing alongside of them. while addressing a real need in the community, students are able to enhance their interpersonal skills and become better-informed adults. chekhov (1860-1904) said, “knowledge is of no value unless you put it into practice” (qtd. in loid 6). prior to and during the work with the nursing home, i gathered valuable resources about cross-generational barriers, aging, elder care, dementia, and music intervention. i then used this information to develop a plan that i thought would touch upon these issues and benefit the community. becoming an active participant in research motivated me to want to learn more about the field. this gave me the opportunity to enter into relevant conversations with my peers and professors as a better-informed advocate for music intervention and intergenerational community. just as research enhanced the service aspect of the project, service enriched my studies. i found a new passion and understanding for the elderly that i would not have had if it were not for this project. with every visit, i made new observations to analyze and discuss. by facilitating this project alongside the research, i was also able to maintain kitwood’s personhood approach. it helped me to see that a person whose family member is diagnosed with alzheimer’s disease would define dementia very differently than would a scholarly article. by staying grounded and focused on individuals through service, research became much more important and relevant. dr. g. allen power (2010) wrote, “music gives us something we hunger deeply for. something we have pursued for thousands of years. rewired our very brains for. we need music. it awakens in us our most profound safety… the safety of living in concert with each other, and our own selves.” my observations from the study support the notion that music helps individuals be “in concert” with themselves and others. listening to familiar songs aided in the psychological challenge of piecing together the fragments of fading memories and feeling a sense of peace again. this research and community service project caused me to see an entirely different side to aging, dementia, and music. i now view aging as more of a privilege than a burden. i also have developed a different perspective on serving others. the project fostered an environment of learning, understanding, and growth for the students. the residents likewise received a message of love and were able to connect with others with the aid of music. as i ponder over everything i have learned from this project, from my research and the building of intergenerational relationships to the healing power of music for persons with dementia, i realize that my work has only just begun. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 clymer 6 ~ i would like to thank my faculty mentor dr. jennifer mobley for her support, encouragement, and guidance. thank you for sharing in many long meetings, laughs, and inspiring conversations during this experience. it was a privilege to work with an individual who makes the world a little bit better every day. i would also like to express my gratitude to sandy mcconnell and her invaluable assistance with this project. sandy’s selfless love for others was an inspiration. i am also indebted to the grove manor nursing home for welcoming us in graciously. finally, i would like to thank the grove city college volunteers who shared their time and talents with the community. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 clymer 7 references brotons, melissa, susan kroger, and patty pickett-cooper. 1997. “music and dementias: a review of literature.” the journal of music therapy 34 (4): 204–245. chekhov, anton (1860-1904) quoted in bruce loid (2009), “power, responsibility & wisdom: exploring the issues at the core of ethical decision-making and leadership.” the journal of values-based leadership 2 (2): article 6. cooke, m.l., w. moyle, d.h. shum, s.d. harrison, and, j.e. murfield. 2010. “a randomized controlled trial exploring the effect of music on agitated behaviours and anxiety in older people with dementia.” aging & mental health 14 (8): 905-16. cuddy, amy j.c. 2004. ageism: stereotyping and prejudice against older persons, edited by todd d. nelson. cambridge, ma: mit press. gerdner, l.a. 1999. “individualized music intervention protocol.” journal of gerontological nursing 25 (25): 10-16. goodall, d., and l. etters. 2005. “the therapeutic use of music on agitated behavior in those with dementia.” holistic nursing practice 19 (6): 258–262. guétin, s., f. portet, m.c. picot, c. pommié, m. messaoudi, l. djabelkir, a.l. olsen, m. m. cano, e. lecourt, and j. touchon, j. 2009. “effect of music therapy on anxiety and depression in patients with alzheimer’s type dementia: randomized, controlled study.” dementia and geriatric cognitive disorders 28 (1): 36–46. kishita, naoko, paul fisher, and ken laidlaw. 2015. what are the attitudes of different age groups towards contributing and benefitting from the wider society and how are these experienced by individuals in those age groups? looking forward to 2025 and 2040, how might these evolve? london, uk: government office for science. kitwood, t. 1997. dementia reconsidered: the person comes first. philadelphia: open university press. powell, judith a., and george e. arquitt. 1978. “getting the generations back together: a rationale for development of community based intergenerational interaction programs.” the family coordinator. 27 (4): 421-426 accessed may 26, 2016, http://www.jstor.org/stable/583446. power, g. allen. 2014. alive inside: a story of music and memory, directed by michael rossato-bennett. new york, ny: alive inside foundation, 2016, projector films. raglio, a., g. bellelli, d. traficante, m. gianotti, m.c. ubezio, d. villani, and m. trabucchi. 2008. “efficacy of music therapy in the treatment of behavioral and psychiatric symptoms of dementia.” alzheimer disease and associated disorders 22 (2):158-162. http://www.jstor.org/stable/583446 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 clymer 8 rippon, isla, dylan kneale, cesar de oliveira, panayotes demakakos, and andrew steptoe. 2014. “perceived age discrimination in older adults” age and aging 43 (3): 379-386. sacks, oliver. 2014. alive inside: a story of music and memory, directed by michael rossatobennett. new york, ny: alive inside foundation, 2016, projector films. united nations. 2003. young people in a globalizing world: world youth report. new york: united nations. yamashita, takashi, jennifer m. kinney, and elizabeth j. lokon. 2011. “the impact of a gerontology course and a service-learning program on college students’ attitudes toward people with dementia.” journal of applied gerontology 32 (2): 139-163. running head: well-being and burden in family caregivers 1 exploration of the relationship between well-being and burden in family caregivers: a community based research project deanna dragan warren wilson college running head: well-being and burden in family caregivers 2 abstract family caregivers provide long-term care to a growing population of older adults. family caregiver research focuses on the burden and strain of this role. the aim of this study was to explore the psychological effects, both negative and positive, of being a family caregiver. this research was developed and conducted to meet an identified community need, in collaboration with two nonprofit organizations. a convenience sample of family caregivers was obtained through two nonprofit agencies that provide aging services. the levels of burden and wellbeing were assessed through self-report questionnaires administered electronically or by mail. the sample size for this study was small (n=11); this was not wholly unexpected due to the challenges of assessing an understudied population of people in roles which place high demands on their time. some trends in the data suggest that higher levels of reported burden are associated with lower well-being. the two community agencies involved with this study expressed the need for further research to confirm this, and to identify positive experiences associated with caregiving, as reported by caregivers. exploration of the relationship between well-being and burden in family caregivers according to census data from 2010 there were 40 million older adults (people over the age of 65) in the united states, which accounted for 13% of the total population. it is projected that by 2030 there will be approximately 72 million older adults accounting for 20% of the total population in the u.s (federal interagency forum on aging-related statistics, 2012). this substantial increase in the population of older adults will put a significant toll on the long-term health care system. as the population of older adults has grown, family caregivers have become an increasingly important population to research because they are considered the “backbone” and “bedrock” of long-term care provision (levine et al., 2006; wolff & kasper, 2006). as an integral part of long-term care, family caregivers have a large economic impact. for example, feinberg and houser (2012) estimate that 40 billion hours of unpaid care are provided annually by family caregivers, with an economic value of $450 billion. additionally, the average annual cost to live in a long term care facility is $61,318 compared to $13,150 to live in a community with the assistance of a family caregiver (federal interagency forum on aging-related statistics, 2012). who are family caregivers? there are over 65 million family caregivers, but researchers are inconsistent in determining the criteria for being considered a family caregiver (national alliance for caregiving & aarp, 2009). some definitions focus on running head: well-being and burden in family caregivers 3 what caregivers do: “informal (unpaid) family caregivers provide the majority of assistance that enables chronically disabled older people to continue to live in the community rather than in specialized care facilities” (federal interagency forum on aging-related statistics, 2012, p. 72). another definition notes the type of care: “adl [activities of daily living] and/or iadl [instrumental activities of daily living] care provided by a family member or friend or anyone with an emotional attachment to an individual who is frail, disabled, or chronically ill” (metlife mature market institute & national alliance for caregiving, 2007). studies have defined caregivers based on the number of hours of care provided, status of residency with the care recipient, number of adls or iadls the care recipient needs assistance with, among other qualifications (beach, schulz, yee, & jackson, 2000; glueckauf et al., 2009; zarit & femia, 2008). just as the definitions vary, so do the caregiving experiences. langa et al. (2001) highlighted the differences in the caregiving experience by comparing caregivers of people with dementia at various stages of severity. the study found that caregivers of people with severe dementia on average provided 46 house of care per week compared to caregivers of people with no cognitive impairments who provided 4.6 hours of care. there is a vast range of experiences within the caregiving population. despite differences, family caregivers contribute vital services and need to be supported in providing the highest quality of care they are capable of. research challenges researchers across disciplines have recognized the importance of family caregivers and have conducted many studies in order to more effectively support this population. many research studies emphasize the importance of interventions, support programs, and policies that need to be developed (montgomery, gonyea, & hooyman, 1985; nabors et al., 2013; roberto & jarrott, 2008). however, researchers have discovered numerous methodological challenges to assessing the complexity and diversity of the caregiving experience. sampling is noted as one of the most common challenges and one of the main reasons for inconsistencies in the research findings (pinquart & sörensen, 2003b). for instance, studies using convenience samples from clinical populations may be overestimating the level of distress in caregivers compared to non-caregivers. researchers have attempted to create more representative samples by including participants from larger or national studies; but, the inherent heterogeneity within the caregiving experience limits generalizability (hilgeman, allen, decoster, & burgio, 2007; noonan & tennstedt, 1997; ory, hoffman, yee, tennstedt, & schulz, 1999; roff et al., 2004; roth, perkins, wadley, temple, & haley, 2009; schulz & beach, 1999; yates, tennstedt, & chang, running head: well-being and burden in family caregivers 4 1999). as noted by the american psychological association (apa, 2014a), the caregiving experience can vary significantly depending on the relationship between the caregiver and care recipient, the type of condition the care recipient has been diagnosed with, and the age of the caregiver and care recipient. research on family caregivers has mainly focused on care recipients with dementia, older adults, and spousal caregivers. this specificity in sampling also makes it difficult to recruit a representative sample. lastly, most research on family caregivers relies on selfreport measures (zarit & femia, 2008). negative focus thus far the majority of research on family caregivers has been focused on the negative experiences of caregiving. in a review of the research on family caregivers, zarit and femia (2008) highlighted the assumption involved in the research that all caregivers are burdened by their role. this assumption is a trend throughout the research stemming from a research study on the correlates of burden (zarit, reever, & bach-peterson, 1980). researchers frequently cite this study as very influential in research on caregiver burden (zarit et al., 1980). for some researchers, burden is assessed as a single construct. others have separated burden into two distinct parts: subjective versus objective experiences of burden (montgomery et al., 1985). still other researchers have studied burden as a predictive factor for levels of depression or care recipient positive affect (wilson-genderson, pruchno, & cartwright, 2009). in one such study, researchers demonstrated the relationship between the level of depression in the caregiver and the quality of care provided for the care recipient (smith, williamson, miller, & shulz, 2011). another study by glueckauf et al. (2009) focused on reducing depression in caregivers through counseling. other concepts assessed have been strain (dorfman, holmes, & berlin, 1996), stress (haley, levine, brown, & bartolucci, 1987; zarit, stephens, townsend, & greene, 1998), stress process model (glueckauf et al., 2012; haley, lamonde, han, burton, & schonwetter, 2003), and compassion fatigue (lynch & lobo, 2012). these are just a fraction of the studies which emphasize the negative impacts of caregiving. the negative focus within caregiving research is apparent in the limited range of scales and assessments developed to measure the caregiving experience. a recent inventory of assessment measures demonstrates the unbalanced ratio of 216 assessments on negative constructs compared to 13 assessments on positive constructs (family caregiver alliance, 2012). not only is there a limited amount of scales measuring the positives, but a scale running head: well-being and burden in family caregivers 5 that is labeled as “one of the few that address the positive feelings of caregiving” has been shown to have reproducibility concerns due to wording (post, festen, van de port, & visser-meily, 2007, p. 1051). intervention studies also reflect an exclusively negative focus by examining stress, depression, and dementia care (glueckauf et al., 2009; glueckauf et al., 2012; pinquart & sörensen, 2006b; teri, mccurry, logsdon, & gibbons, 2005; zarit et al., 1998). much of this research has suggested that caregiving is correlated with negative physical and psychological health outcomes (pinquart & sörensen, 2003b). in a review of the physical health of caregivers, pinquart and sörensen (2007) found that there are different predictive factors for physical health and psychological health in caregivers. as part of the cardiovascular health study, schulz and beach (1999) found that caregivers who reported strain had increased risk of mortality compared to non-caregivers. another physical health study recently found an association between alzheimer’s caregivers’ depressive symptoms and cardiovascular functioning (mausbach et al., 2012). overall, the negative physical and psychological health effects of caregiving have been well documented throughout the body of research on burden, depression, and stress. in reviewing the research, kramer (1997) noted that the focus of the research on caregiving is “…consistent with the long trend in social science research to focus on general measures of psychological dysfunction” (p. 218). while advancements have been made in the caregiving research, the “lack of attention to the positive dimension of caregiving seriously skews perceptions of the caregiving experience” (kramer, 1997, p. 218). holistic approach a multidimensional perspective of the caregiving experience would allow researchers and practitioners to more effectively support family caregivers. as noted by picot and colleagues, “assessment of the rewards of caregiving is pertinent to a holistic view of the caregiving experience” (picot, youngblut, & zeller, 1997, p. 33). picot et al. defined rewards as positive perceptions of the caregiving experience; they developed the picot caregiver rewards scale (pcrs) to assess those rewards. the scale was developed with the hypothesis that scores on the pcrs would be negatively correlated with scores on the zarit burden interview (zbi), the most common scale for assessing burden, and the scores on the center for epidemiological studies depression scale (ces-d). the results of the study supported the hypothesis, but highlighted that the assessment needed further development to include items on personal growth, and objective versus subjective rewards (picot et al., 1997, p. 50). running head: well-being and burden in family caregivers 6 in addition to rewards, researchers have referred to positive perceptions of caregiving as gains, benefits, and uplifts. the inconsistency in terminology perpetuates the unreliability of the research findings and suggests the need for further research. pinquart and sörensen (2003a) also demonstrated the need for further research on uplifts, their concept of positive perceptions. they stated that, “these uplifts may reduce the levels of cg [caregiver] burden and depression. however, the associations between uplifts and psychological outcomes are also inconsistent” (pinquart & sörensen, 2003a, p. 4). in order to demonstrate the associations between positive perceptions of caregiving and psychological outcomes more research is needed. researchers have explored multiple positive outcomes hypothesized to be involved in the caregiving experience, but each has received limited attention. only a few studies have been conducted on topics such as resiliency (clay et al., 2013; nabors et al., 2013), reciprocity (dwyer, lee, & jankowski, 1994; reid, moss, & hyman, 2005), and positive affect (folkman & moskowitz, 2000). while these studies look at positive concepts, they are assessed by comparing them to concepts like burden and depression. for example, the main finding from both studies on reciprocity is that reciprocity decreases levels of burden in caregivers. other studies have tested the relationship between positive effects and negative effects of the caregiving role. boerner, schulz, and horowitz (2004) found that the positive benefits of caregiving can decrease depression and grief for the caregiver when the care recipient dies. through studying the relationship between burden and wellbeing, researchers have highlighted some important distinctions regarding outcomes and predictor factors (chappell & reid, 2002; stull, kosloski, & kercher, 1994). the relationship between the positives and the negatives of caregiving differs, which is another reflection of the heterogeneity of caregiving experiences. researchers of family caregivers have operationalized well-being using a variety of assessments that generally reflect a narrow definition of well-being. in a meta-analysis of the research on caregivers compared to non-caregivers, pinquart & sörensen (2003b) found that subjective well-being was most commonly operationalized using life-satisfaction scales, positive affect scales, or single-item happiness indicators. an earlier study by knight, williams, mcgee, and olaman (1998) measured well-being with a depression scale, a burden scale, and a health rating. yates et al. (1999) operationalized well-being using a single depression scale. haley et al. (2003) measured well-being with a life-satisfaction and a depression scale. psychological well-being has been operationalized in various ways including a positive affect and a depression scale (lawton, moss, kleban, glicksman, & rovine, 1991). broader definitions of well-being assess running head: well-being and burden in family caregivers 7 negative factors as demonstrated in a study by noonan and tennstedt (1997) in which they measured psychological well-being with scales on depression, self-esteem, mastery, role captivity, and loss of self. lastly, one study defined psychological well-being using four items to measure “how many days per week they felt: (1) dejected or out of sorts, (2) calm, serene, and relaxed, (3) tense, irritated, or nervous, and (4) full of energy, strength, and optimism” (perrig-chello & hutchison, 2010, p. 199). the reason these operationalizations are troublesome is not only due to methodological concerns, but due to the incomplete picture of caregiving these narrow definitions of well-being provide researchers. some suggest researchers should adopt the perspective that “there is more to mental health than the absence of pathology” (kramer, 1997, p. 218). to operationalize psychological well-being with a depression scale is to assume that if one is free of depressive symptoms one is automatically experiencing psychological well-being. in a review of the research on the gains of caregiving, kramer (1997) highlighted the way ryff (1989) defined psychological well-being in order to generate “a wholesale rethinking about caregiving experiences and outcomes” (p. 218). ryff (1989) conceptualized psychological well-being as having six dimensions including: personal growth, purpose in life, autonomy, environmental mastery, positive relations with others, and self-acceptance. this definition of well-being goes beyond simple constructs of life satisfaction, positive affect, or happiness. through this broader conceptualization of psychological well-being research can holistically assess the caregiving experience. present study in collaboration with the aging coordinating consortium’s five-year strategic plan to improve aging, family caregivers were identified as a population that could be better served by local agencies, which sought to gather more information about their experiences. the purpose of the present study was to meet that community need through collaboration with carepartners and the council on aging of buncombe county. in the process of exploring research topics, assessing levels of depression in family caregivers was suggested. as outlined, however, there is extensive social science literature on depression among this population, which prompted an alternative focus on the psychological well-being of family caregivers. this study was conducted to add to the limited research on the potential benefits of caregiving. during the preliminary stages of research, the study was continually changed and adapted to fit the needs of the community. specifically, this study used a multidimensional definition of psychological well-being to further develop the understanding of caregiving experiences. to assess the benefits, running head: well-being and burden in family caregivers 8 family caregivers completed two surveys; one on burden and one on psychological well-being. it was hypothesized that there would be a negative correlation between psychological well-being and burden. method participants potential participants were recruited through two nonprofit agencies that provide aging services in western north carolina, carepartners and the council on aging of buncombe county. carepartners provides rehabilitation, home health, adult care, hospice, and palliative care. the council on aging of buncombe county coordinates resources, education, and programming to support older adults. following multiple discussions with these two community partners, a convenience sample of family caregivers was generated through flyers, posters, person-toperson solicitation at family caregiver support group meetings, referrals, emails, and mailings. in order to obtain a large sample, no exclusion criteria regarding number of hours of care provided or condition of care recipient was used. anyone who self-identified as a family caregiver was eligible to participate. after discussions with the community partners, two versions of the survey were made available. the primary version was electronically completed while a paper version was available upon request. further communication between the community partners and primary researcher may have increased participation by making the paper version more accessible. despite significant recruitment efforts and broad eligibility requirements, the final sample size was much smaller than the intended size. of the 11 participants who completed the study, 90% (n=10) were recruited through the same nonprofit agency. on average, caregivers were 62.8 years old (sd=8.6), ranging from 42 years old to 74 years old. most caregivers identified as female (n=9), one caregiver identified as male, and one caregiver did not provide a response. in terms of kinship, 73% (n=8) were caring for a parent and 27% (n=3) were caring for a spouse. on average care recipients were 84 years old, ranging from 65 years old to 95 years old. measures there were two primary measurements used in this study. the zarit burden interview (zarit et al., 1980), which assessed the variable of burden and the psychological well-being scale (ryff, 1989), which assessed the variable of well-being in family caregivers. the zarit burden interview (zbi) scale originated as a 29-item questionnaire and was developed to measure subjective impact of caregiving (zarit et al. 1980). the most commonly used form of the scale has 22-items (zarit, orr, & zarit, 1985; see appendix a), which is frequently used by running head: well-being and burden in family caregivers 9 agencies who are providing aging services (apa, 2014b). in the 22-item version each item represents a feeling that the caregiver is asked to endorse using a 5-point scale, ranging from 0 (never) to 4 (nearly always). hébert, bravo, and préville (2000) offer these score interpretations as guidelines: 0 – 21 (little or no burden), 21 – 40 (mild to moderate burden), 41 – 60 (moderate to severe burden), and 61 – 88 (severe burden). in a review of the research on dementia caregivers, pinquart and sorensen (2006) found that the zbi has been used to assess burden in 32 studies. additionally, hébert et al. (2000) found that scores on the zbi were unrelated to factors such as age, gender, living situation, and marital status among other factors, which demonstrated the broad potential applications of the scale with the caregiving population. this scale has shown good internal consistency (alpha=0.91) and test-retest reliability (0.71) (hébert et al., 2000). the 22-item version of the zbi scale was chosen for this study due to its widespread use, brevity, and good psychometric values. the psychological well-being scale (pwb) originated as a 120-item questionnaire with 20-items per dimension of psychological well-being (ryff, 1989). the dimensions, or sub scales, include: autonomy, environmental mastery, personal growth, positive relations with others, purpose in life, and self-acceptance. since the development of the original scale various versions have been created, which differ on the number of items per sub scale and on the items that overlap. the original scale “showed high internal consistency and test-retest reliability as well as convergent and discriminant validity with other measures” (ryff & keyes, 1995, p. 720). many studies (abbott, ploubidis, huppert, kuh, & croudace, 2009; cheng & chan, 2005; kafka & kozma, 2002; van dierendonck, 2004) have been conducted to analyze the validity of the structure of conceptualizing psychological well-being with six factors. the sample sizes and analysis methods of these studies differ; but, they all conclude that despite some flaws the pwb is a valid measure of psychological well-being. the version used in this study was the 42-item pwb scale (see appendix b). participants respond to each item on a seven-point scale ranging from 1 (strongly agree) to 7 (strongly disagree). there is an almost even balance between positively worded and negatively worded items on the scale. some items were reverse scored so that high scores reflect high psychological well-being. there are no scoring guidelines provided for defining high or low well-being. the 42-item version of the pwb scale was used in a study that focused on testing the construct validity of the six factor model of psychological well-being by conducting a factor analysis of the items included on the scale (abbott et al., 2006). the study supported the construct validity of the psychological well-being scale. most studies assessing the psychometric running head: well-being and burden in family caregivers 10 properties of the pwb have focused on construct validity with little attention to the reliability of the scale (abbot et al., 2006; cheng & chan, 2005; kafka & kozma, 2002; ryff & keyes, 1995; springer, hauser, & freese, 2006; van dierendonck, 2004). a psychometric evaluation of the reliability of the 42-item version demonstrated that the pwb adequately measures psychological well-being, but the precision is weak at measuring high levels of psychological well-being (abbott et al., 2009). these assessment strategies were used due to their accepted validity in the social sciences. more intentional collaboration with community partners may have led to the utilization of different assessment techniques. especially, due to the low level of participation, qualitative information may have been more useful to meeting the identified community need. procedure this study was approved by the social sciences review board at the associated institution. interested participants were instructed through an information sheet (see appendix c) to directly access the electronic version of the survey or to contact the researcher for a physical copy to be mailed to them. the electronic version of the survey was powered through an online survey software that maintained confidentiality by not collecting i.p. addresses. for both the electronic and paper versions of the survey, participants completed the informed consent form (see appendix d), demographic questions, the pwb, and the zbi in this order. participation was voluntary with no rewards or incentives provided. it took approximately 45 minutes to participate in the study. results the research objective of the present study was to explore the relationship between psychological wellbeing and burden. the researchers hypothesized that there would be a negative correlation between psychological well-being, measured by the pwb, and burden, measured by the zbi. the average score on the pwb was 217 (s= 37.8) with a minimum score of 147 and a maximum score of 259. the highest possible score on the pwb is 294. the average score on the zbi was 43 (s= 15.7) with a minimum of 21 and a maximum of 60. the highest possible score on the zbi is 88. a pearson’s correlational test was run to determine the relationship between the pwb scores and zbi scores. the results from the correlational test were insignificant (r= -.348). as seen in figure 1, an insignificant, weak negative correlation was found between scores on the pwb and the zbi. running head: well-being and burden in family caregivers 11 figure 1. mean scores on the psychological well-being scale and the zarit burdern interview. there is an insignificant negative correlation between the mean scores of each assessment. discussion the purpose of the present study was to explore the relationship between burden and psychological wellbeing, with the intention to respond to a community need for information about family caregivers. the results were inconclusive due to sample size, but this was not wholly unexpected. sampling is a key methodological challenge to studying family caregivers (apa, 2014a; zarit & femia, 2008). despite the lack of significance, the data suggest a negative relationship between psychological well-being and burden which suggests that family caregivers with higher burden have lower psychological well-being. this reflects the findings of picot et al (1997), which found a negative correlation between the rewards of caregiving and burden. however, psychological well-being and rewards of caregiving are two distinct concepts that should not be assumed to be equal. further research is needed to fully understand the relationship between the variables. running head: well-being and burden in family caregivers 12 while this research study is inconclusive, it demonstrates the extent of the unknown concerning the caregiving experience. this study provided a preliminary exploration of the psychological well-being of family caregivers by intentionally focusing on the positives of caregiving. another strength of this study was the holistic conceptualization of psychological well-being. compared to other studies psychological well-being was operationalized with six dimensions instead of only measuring one factor, for instance happiness. this study's most notable limitation is the sampling issue. the sample was too small to run a significant correlational analysis or to analyze a specific sub scale of the pwb. for example, prior research suggests that family caregivers would score highly on the purpose in life dimension of the pwb (kramer, 1997). not only was the sample small, it was also not representative due to 90% (n=10) of the participants being recruited through the same nonprofit agency. these concerns highlight the need to assess the methods used to recruit family caregivers from the community. additionally, the length of the survey may have limited the ability of those in the caregiving role to participate. the sampling issues involved in this study significantly limit generalizability; however, issues of generalizability are common in research on family caregivers due to the enormous variety within the population. also despite the holistic operationalization of psychological well-being, the pwb was not specific to caregiving. thus, the pwb may not be a clear indicator of the positive aspects of specifically caregiving. pwb may not be an indicator of the caregiving role experience, but a reflection of the overall context of the person who is the caregiver (kramer, 1997, p. 219). despite these limitations the present study has the potential to further research on the positives of caregiving. as this study has shown, researching family caregivers is challenging. based on the sampling issues of this study the researcher suggests evaluating the methods used for recruitment of family caregivers. additional collaboration with family caregivers could provide insight on this challenge. understanding the time constraints of caregivers from a caregiver’s point of view could be used to define more useful assessment tools. also, more qualitative data collection methods may more accurately describe the positives of the caregiving experience due to the heterogeneity of the population. in addition to researching solutions for sampling challenges, future research could assess differences in psychological well-being between family caregivers utilizing support groups compared to no support services. lastly, researching how psychological well-being and the positives of caregiving change over running head: well-being and burden in family caregivers 13 time could be beneficial. academia, practitioners and the public could all benefit from further research into the caregiving experience and its positive factors. regardless of the inconclusive data, the most important strength of this research comes from the relationships that were developed in order to conduct this community-based research. without the collaboration from the surrounding community this research would not have been possible or pursued. increased communication and more time spent in discussions may be useful in the future for conducting research aimed at addressing community-identified issues. however, time constraints not only affect family caregivers, but also staff who support community agencies. identifying the most effective modes of communication with community partners from the outset may help to address the limitations identified in this research study. conclusion researchers have recognized the importance of family caregivers in the long term health care system but have yet to holistically understand the caregiving experience. the majority of research conducted on family caregivers has focused on the negative effects of being a caregiver, such as burden, strain, and depression. the present study explored the positive effects of being a caregiver through a community based research project. while the results proved to be insignificant, a weak negative correlation suggests that there is a negative relationship between burden and psychological well-being. this study was unable to provide holistic information on family caregivers in the community but the collaboration on which it is based was a step forward toward that goal. the lack of research on the benefits of caregiving skews the perception that caregiving is an exclusively negative experience. the insignificance of the current study’s results and the limited research on the benefits of caregiving demonstrate the need for further research. further research could better inform academia, clinical practitioners, family caregivers, and the public on the full range of caregiving experiences. running head: well-being and burden in family caregivers 14 references abbott, r. a., ploubidis, g. b., huppert, f. a., kuh, d., & croudace, t. j. 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(1998). stress reduction for family caregivers: effects of adult day care use. journal of gerontology, 53b(5): 267-277. running head: well-being and burden in family caregivers 20 appendix a zarit burden interview (zbi) survey #2: please circle the response the best describes how you feel. never rarely sometimes quite frequently nearly always 1. do you feel that your relative asks for more help than he/she needs? 0 1 2 3 4 2. do you feel that because of the time you spend with your relative that you don’t have enough time for yourself? 0 1 2 3 4 3. do you feel stressed between caring for your relative and trying to meet other responsibilities for your family or work? 0 1 2 3 4 4. do you feel embarrassed over your relative’s behavior? 0 1 2 3 4 5. do you feel angry when you are around your relative? 0 1 2 3 4 6. do you feel that your relative currently affects your relationships with other family members or friends in a negative way? 0 1 2 3 4 7. are you afraid of what the future holds for your relative? 0 1 2 3 4 8. do you feel your relative is dependent on you? 0 1 2 3 4 9. do you feel strained when you are around your relative? 0 1 2 3 4 10. do you feel your health has suffered because of your involvement with your relative? 0 1 2 3 4 11. do you feel that you don’t have as much privacy as you would like because of your relative? 0 1 2 3 4 12. do you feel that your social life has suffered because you are caring for your relative? 0 1 2 3 4 13. do you feel uncomfortable about having friends over because of your relative? 0 1 2 3 4 14. do you feel that your relative seems to expect you to take care of him/her as if you were the only one he/she could depend on? 0 1 2 3 4 15. do you feel that you don’t have enough money to take care of your relative in addition to the rest of your expenses? 0 1 2 3 4 16. do you feel that you will be unable to take care of your relative much longer? 0 1 2 3 4 17. do you feel you have lost control of your life since your relative’s illness? 0 1 2 3 4 running head: well-being and burden in family caregivers 21 never rarely sometimes quite frequently nearly always 18. do you wish you could leave the care of your relative to someone else? 0 1 2 3 4 19. do you feel uncertain about what to do about your relative? 0 1 2 3 4 20. do you feel you should be doing more for your relative? 0 1 2 3 4 21. do you feel you could do a better job in caring for your relative? 0 1 2 3 4 22. overall, how burdened do you feel in caring for your relative? 0 1 2 3 4 running head: well-being and burden in family caregivers 22 appendix b psychological well-being scale (pwb) survey #1 the following set of questions deals with how you feel about yourself and your life. please remember that there are no right or wrong answers. circle the number that best describes your present agreement or disagreement with each statement. strongly disagree disagree somewhat disagree slightly neither agree slightly agree somewhat strongly agree 1. i am not afraid to voice my opinions, even when they are in opposition to the opinions of most people. 2. in general, i feel i am in charge of the situation in which i live. 3. i am not interested in activities that will expand my horizons. 4. most people see me as loving and affectionate. 5. i live life one day at a time and don't really think about the future. 6. when i look at the story of my life, i am pleased with how things have turned out. 7. my decisions are not usually influenced by what everyone else is doing. 8. the demands of everyday life often get me down. running head: well-being and burden in family caregivers 23 circle the number that best describes your present agreement or disagreement with each statement. strongly disagree disagree somewhat disagree slightly neither agree slightly agree somewhat strongly agree 9. i think it is important to have new experiences that challenge how you think about yourself and the world. 10. maintaining close relationships has been difficult and frustrating for me. 11. i have a sense of direction and purpose in life. 12. in general, i feel confident and positive about myself. 13. i tend to be influenced by people with strong opinions. 14. i do not fit very well with the people and the community around me. 15. when i think about it, i haven’t really improved much as a person over the years. 16. i often feel lonely because i have few close friends with whom to share my concerns. 17. i don’t have a good sense of what it is i’m trying to accomplish in life. 18. i feel like many of the people i know have gotten more out of life than i have 19. i have confidence in my opinions, even if they are contrary to the general consensus. running head: well-being and burden in family caregivers 24 circle the number that best describes your present agreement or disagreement with each statement. strongly disagree disagree somewhat disagree slightly neither agree slightly agree somewhat strongly agree 20. i am quite good at managing the many responsibilities of my daily life. 21. i have the sense that i have developed a lot as a person over time. 22. i enjoy personal and mutual conversations with family members and friends. 23. my daily activities often seem trivial and unimportant to me. 24. i like most parts of my personality. 25. it’s difficult for me to voice my own opinions on controversial matters. 26. i often feel overwhelmed by my responsibilities. 27. for me, life has been a continuous process of learning, changing, and growth. 28. people would describe me as a giving person, willing to share my time with others. 29. i enjoy making plans for the future and working to make them a reality. 30. in many ways i feel disappointed about my achievements in life. running head: well-being and burden in family caregivers 25 circle the number that best describes your present agreement or disagreement with each statement. strongly disagree disagree somewhat disagree slightly neither agree slightly agree somewhat strongly agree 31. i tend to worry about what other people think of me. 32. i have difficulty arranging my life in a way that is satisfying to me. 33. i gave up trying to make big improvements or changes in my life a long time ago. 34. i have not experienced many warm and trusting relationships with others. 35. my attitude about myself is probably not as positive as most people feel about themselves. 36. i judge myself by what i think is important, not by the values of what others think is important. 37. i have been able to build a living environment and a lifestyle for myself that is much to my liking. 38. i do not enjoy being in new situations that require me to change my old familiar ways of doing things. 39. i know that i can trust my friends, and they know they can trust me. 40. some people wander aimlessly through life, but i am not one of them. 41. when i compare myself to friends and acquaintances, it makes me feel good about who i am. running head: well-being and burden in family caregivers 26 circle the number that best describes your present agreement or disagreement with each statement. strongly disagree disagree somewhat disagree slightly neither agree slightly agree somewhat strongly agree 42. i sometimes feel as if i've done all there is to do in life. running head: well-being and burden in family caregivers 27 appendix c information sheet for potential participants interested in participating? what is this research study about? this research study is exploring the effects of being a family caregiver. the study is being conducted in cooperation with carepartners, council on aging, and the aging coordinating consortium. the overall purpose is to gain a comprehensive understanding of what it is like to be a family caregiver in buncombe county. am i allowed to participate? if you are a family caregiver you are eligible to participate. why should i participate? the results of this study will be used to inform service providers like carepartners and the council on aging on the effects of being family caregivers. this study will assess the positives and negatives of being a family caregiver, which could directly improve the resources and support systems available in buncombe county. not only could you experience a direct benefit in the improvement of the services provided to you, but your participation could improve the relationships of future family caregivers with their service providers. how long will it take to participate? approximately, 40-45 minutes. what is involved in participating? participating involves completing personal information questions and questions related to caring for your care recipient. your personal information and responses will be kept confidential. ready to participate? the survey will only be available until march 5 th , 2014. the survey is available online at this link: https://www.surveymonkey.com/s/family_caregiver_research note: if you don’t have access to a computer the survey can be mailed to you by calling the researcher, deanna dragan, at 610-507-8392. if you have questions please call the researcher at the above contact or email (ddragan@warrenwilson.edu). running head: well-being and burden in family caregivers 28 appendix d informed consent form informed consent to participate in research title of research study: an exploration of the effects of being a family caregiver the purpose of this study is to gain a better understanding of both the positive and negative effects of being a family caregiver. your participation will help to improve the understanding of family caregivers by service professionals and potentially improve the resources provided as support for family caregivers. first, you will complete some personal information questions that will allow the researcher to contact you following completion of the study. secondly, you will be asked to respond to statements regarding caregiving. participating in this study will require approximately 40-45 minutes and should be completed in one sitting. if you have a need to stop the survey please return to finish it as soon as possible. while there are no known risks to participating in this research study, some participants may experience discomfort as a result of responding to questions related to caregiving. your participation is completely voluntary and if you feel uncomfortable, or do not wish to continue at any point during the survey you may discontinue without penalty. your personal information will only be known to the researcher and your responses will remain confidential. the results of this study will be shared publicly, but in general terms to protect the confidentiality of your identity. if you would like to discuss any discomforts you experience or have any questions about participating you can contact the researcher listed below. researcher name: deanna dragan supervisor: dr. bob swoap telephone number: 610-507-8392 telephone number: 828-771-3706 as the participant, i have been fully informed of the above-described procedure and the benefits and risks that are involved in participating in this study. i have received a copy of this entire document (attached after this page in the packet). i have voluntarily given permission for my participation in this study. i confirm that i am at least 18 years of age and by signing i am consenting to participate. _____________________________________ ____________ signature of participant date undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 it’s not always about the final product: the challenges and rewards of community-based research deanna dragan warren wilson college my undergraduate career has instilled in me a passion to serve the community. at warren wilson college engaging in service is a graduation requirement, but for me it evolved into a personal commitment to be involved in my community. i have worked closely with many community partner organizations. over the last three years i have engaged in direct service, completed a summer internship, coordinated event planning, participated in a strategic planning committee, and facilitated service opportunities through communication with community partners. my service experiences have informed the direction of my future career plans, enhanced my academic learning, and drawn me closer to people in the community. based on the variety of ways in which i have engaged in service, i eventually felt i was ready to tackle a sustained relationship with a community partner. as such, i approached the idea of a community-based research project with confidence. this confidence was short lived, as i soon found that i had underestimated the challenges of conducting community-based research. despite these challenges, i now feel even more strongly about the importance of developing and completing community-based research projects. from the fall of 2013 through the spring of 2014, i conducted a research project in partnership with two nonprofit organizations on the psychological effects of being a family caregiver. i began this research as a course within my psychology major. while most of my peers chose college students as their participants, my interests in psychology were focused on older adults. with very limited resources allotted for my research, much like all undergraduate research, i was prompted to utilize community partner connections to reach the older adult population. i decided to complete a community-based research project not just to access participants, but because i wanted this research to serve a purpose beyond course credit. in this way, the research felt more meaningful and gave me strong motivation to dedicate my time to the project. after discussing my research interests with multiple people, i was connected with the aging coordinating consortium, a committee with a five-year strategic plan to improve aging in buncombe county, nc. the committee invited me to a meeting to see how my research interests might align with the goals of its strategic plan. simply sitting in on one of the meetings was a greater learning experience than quite a few of my academic courses. i was in a room with people dedicated to solving the issues i felt most passionate about. it was a truly inspiring experience just to be in the same room with them. the research question was developed based on these agencies’ need to know more about the family caregivers in the area. by aligning my time and energy with the needs of this committee, i served a real function in moving the strategic plan forward. i attended multiple meetings in order to fine tune and communicate my research objective and procedures for reaching it. one of the first challenges in this process was the fact that the group met only once a month, during one of my classes. this foreshadowed a persistent challenge throughout this project, which was staying on schedule with my course deadlines while not imposing on my community collaborators’ time. dragan 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 the council on aging of buncombe county and carepartners, two members of the aging coordinating consortium, offered to collaborate with me on research focused on family caregivers. developing the research procedures required many phone calls, emails, and visits to these two nonprofit organizations. this was particularly challenging because i was trying to synthesize different sources of input with my own ideas for how to assess family caregivers. it was often difficult to make decisions because of the conflicting ideologies at play. for example, based on my academic training in psychology i leaned toward quantitative research methods instead of qualitative methods. looking back, i wish i could have spent more time collaborating with my community partners to develop my research plans, without the pressure of my course timeline. with more intentional conversations around their needs as nonprofits, i might have gotten a better understanding of the value of qualitative interviews for their purposes. additionally, while i was motivated by the idea of giving back to the community, this was a daunting project due to the scale of the strategic plan. the aging coordinating consortium’s plan addresses the needs of the entire county, but because of limited resources and time i had to shrink the scale of the research. in addition, collaborating with my community partners was much more time intensive than i expected and required many more firm decisions from me than i had anticipated. reflecting on this, i think i had assumed that the community partners would provide a clear direction for the research rather than the wide scope of issues they presented. this gave me some freedom in developing my research, but was also overwhelming. furthermore, differing ideologies around research complicated my decision making about which aspects of family caregiving to assess. the aging coordinating consortium and the two community partners often urged me to assess levels of depression in family caregivers. however, i was more interested in psychological well-being, which, unlike depression, has not been well studied in the literature surrounding family caregivers. it appears well documented in previous research that most caregivers are burdened by the role to at least some degree. a gap exists in research regarding the benefits or positive experiences associated with the caregiving role. thus, navigating between what i thought might best serve the needs of the community and what my community partners saw as being in their best interests was a great learning experience. navigating these conflicting ideas was further complicated by the additional pressure of conducting research for an academic course in the discipline of psychology. i found myself relying on my own initiative and communicating with my community partners succinctly in order to move the project forward on pace with my timeline. one of the most important lessons i took away from this experience is the value of adaptability. many times i found myself wondering what the next step was, or what the community partners would need from me next. there were no procedures or guidelines for how to make this project come to fruition. in the beginning it frustrated me to have no structure, but ultimately it forced me to adapt to the needs of my collaborators. one of the key moments when i had to learn to adapt was when the research study struggled to recruit participants. my intention when i began this community-based research project was to give back to the community. i had high hopes for how this research could be beneficial, but when only eleven caregivers participated, i had to adjust my strategies and my expectations. through this process i learned which methods were more and less successful at reaching the family caregiver population. i may not be able to present clear results on the experiences of family caregivers to the aging coordinating consortium, but i believe that learning this was a step forward. dragan 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 3, fall 2014 throughout this process of collaboration i was looking for a model to follow or guidelines for next steps. now i realize that trying to organize the process of community-based research into a rigid model might limit the diversity of the opportunities for knowledge development. i found that i could develop a model based on my experience, but just as each community partner differs, so does the process of collaboration. as long as one approaches the community partner with humility and is ready to adapt, i feel that a project can be successful. overall, this experience significantly increased my skills in communicating and adapting. more importantly, it challenged me to reevaluate what it means to work with a community partner and what it means to do community-based research. i now have a greater appreciation for the hard work and commitment that community partners contribute to a project like this. it is not a simple task to volunteer for a community-based research project but i am grateful my community partners dedicated their time. i learned that sometimes a project is still successful even if the initial goals are not met; a collaboration has been created and a partnership developed. i know now that the value of community-based research is in the process of community collaboration itself. i learned much more about the community, community partners, and myself by working through the challenges of conducting this research than i had ever hoped for. when i began this project i was looking for a way to serve a purpose in my community and i now feel that working with the community in this sustained way has renewed my sense of purpose to engage in service. for me, the bottom line is that it’s not always about the final product of community-based research, sometimes it’s about coming together to learn through the process. ~ i would like to thank dr. bob swoap for his continuous support and guidance through this project. i would also like to thank the psychology department and the service program staff at warren wilson college for their networking connections. lastly, i would like to thank the council on aging of buncombe county, carepartners, and the aging coordinating consortium for the dedication and energy they brought to this project. dragan research dragan reflection social determinants and effective drug and alcohol prevention programs halla anderson university of north carolina wilmington abstract there is a relationship between social determinants and effective drug and alcohol prevention programs. through this analysis, the objective will be to examine social determinants and distal, intermediate, and proximal causes of drug abuse in relation to youth drug and alcohol abuse. the research is a mixed-methods approach and includes a content analysis using the social determinants of health framework on existing drug and alcohol prevention programs that focus on youth, employing quantitative research. the most prevalent programs were intermediate or upstream programs. the research yields mixed results on the most effective level of social determinant in reducing drug and alcohol use among youth. it is recommended that further research be conducted to gain a better understanding of the success rates associated with social determinants and effective drug and alcohol prevention programs. keywords: youth, drug/alcohol abuse, social determinants, health literature review this analysis aims to address social determinants of youth engagement in alcohol and drugs. the research will look at the alignment of prevention programs with the etiology of the behaviors. the literature often explains youth drug and alcohol abuse as a result of distal, intermediate, and proximal causes. distal can be defined as upstream in the sense that it is understood to affect health indirectly. in contrast, proximal is considered to be downstream and is thought of as directly affecting health (frakt, 2021). this leaves intermediate determinants, which are often understood as the origin of proximal-level causes (rotenberg, 2016). for the purpose of the analysis, we will look at prevention programs focusing on the relationship between drug and alcohol abuse within distal, intermediate, and proximal ideologies. this analysis will be an attempt to understand the causes of youth engagement in drugs and alcohol and what programming is needed. this will help to understand why we need prevention programs at distal, proximal, or intermediate levels. we are looking at the social determinants of youth crime and the efficacy of prevention programs, and how these programs can impact wilmington, north carolinas, drug and alcohol abuse in youth, given data on youth arrests from the wilmington police department. discussion of significance social determinants and effective drug and alcohol prevention programs 16 sociology is significant as a whole because it aims to understand social life. this can include social change and social issues resulting from human behavior. within sociology, the goal is to look at organizations and societies as well as the ways that people interact and are structured (american sociological association 2021, p. 1). we will be looking at community-based research and social determinants to understand drug and alcohol abuse in youth. youth face many issues, such as racism, violence, education differences, housing, and discrimination. these are all social determinants that may play a part in whether or not a youth is involved in drug and alcohol use. through the research, we will look for patterns to understand drug and alcohol abuse in youth better. background information & statistics drug and alcohol use is a prevalent issue on a national, state, and local level. research shows that “2.08 million or 8.33% of 12to 17-year-olds nationwide report using drugs in the last month” (national center for drug abuse statistics 2019). 50% of teenagers have also been reported to have used some kind of illicit substance at least once (national center for drug abuse statistics 2019). at 50%, drug use in youth is a salient issue america needs to address. alcohol use is significant at “1.19 million 12to 17-year-olds report binge drinking in the last month” (national center for drug abuse statistics 2019). youth binge drinking is significant at national levels. alcohol is the most common substance that is abused by youth in the united states. research on evidence-based prevention programs for alcohol abuse could help make recommendations on how to lessen the amount of alcohol abuse. (national center for drug abuse statistics, 2019) on a state level for north carolina, we know that 65,000, or what would be 8.14% of youth aged 12-17, have reported using drugs within the last month. this is compared to alcohol use in north carolina, where 9.15% of youth aged 12-17 have used alcohol within the last month. youth in north carolina is 2.23% less likely to have used drugs within the last month than the average number of youth in america. alcohol use is more comparable to the average 0.04% less likely (national center for drug abuse statistics 2019). wilmington, north carolina, does not have the same state and national level data on drug and alcohol abuse. through a partnership with the wilmington police department, we have access social determinants and effective drug and alcohol prevention programs 17 to raw arrest data that shows drug and alcohol arrests in wilmington. this data shows that 7.9% of arrests among children, as well as youth arrests, were for drug charges, and 1.3% of youth in wilmington were arrested for alcohol (anderson, 2021). there is more than double the number of arrests for drugs than there is for alcohol. these statistics show that at a local level, it may be beneficial to recommend prevention programs for drug use specifically. social determinants and prevention programs distal to understand distal, we can think of macro issues such as health care, income, and discrimination. havard global health institute defines distal and proximal as “factors that affect health are often described as either “proximal” (downstream or directly affecting health) or “distal” (upstream or indirectly affecting health)” (frakt 2021, pp. 1). for the purpose of this research, we will be looking at prevention programs and where they are in terms of distal, proximal, and intermediate levels. wallace and muroff (2002) highlight a distal issue when attempting to understand drugs and alcohol with youth. in their research, they addressed substance abuse tied to race-specific research. key findings show that “african american and white seniors differed significantly in their exposure to more than half of the 55 risk factors examined. similarly, nearly one-third of the 165 tests for race differences in vulnerability were highly significant” (wallace & muroff, 2002, p. 235). arguably these findings suggest that there are distal level determinants that are influencing the risk factors. this research looks at the risk factors and vulnerabilities that black youth have compared to their white counterparts. discrimination and social determinants play a role in the heightened drug and alcohol abuse among black youth. black youth have experienced delays when they attempt to seek treatment, as well as being less likely to receive outside resources such as medication (volkow, 2021). the research design discusses the fact that the study uses multi-stage sampling in order to obtain samples nationally (wallace & muroff, 2002, p. 246). proximal as discussed above, proximal determinants are what directly affect an individual, so these issues are downstream issues. examples include school policies, community violence, housing segregation, and more. the proximal level research long-term effects of staying connected with your teen on drug use frequency at age 20 is a community-level study that looks at violent behavior, as well as sexual activity, in terms of causes for why youth use drugs and alcohol. the key findings from the research suggest that the program that is family-focused, called staying in touch with your teen, had a direct effect when looking at decreasing drug and alcohol abuse in youth (haggerty et al. 2015, pp. 1). the research design looked at families to understand the impacts of intervention “. families (n=331; black=163, white=168) were randomly assigned to three conditions: parent-adolescent group-administered (pa), self-administered with telephone support (sa), and no-treatment control (haggerty et al. 2015, pp. 1). when understanding the key variable it is important to note that the effect of the invention looking at family stressors as well as the frequency of drug use is essential. there is also a discussion on causal factors relating to poverty, poor schools, and discrimination that can play a role in drug and alcohol use (haggerty et al. 2015, pp. 1). haggarty et al. elaborate that further research and discussion need to be done in order to understand racial differences in the study (2015). the strength of the study is that it shows promising results for family-focused intervention. intermediate social determinants and effective drug and alcohol prevention programs 18 to better understand the intermediate prevention programs, we have found it is important to define intermediate determinants as they differ from proximal and distal. “intermediate determinants of health, ‘downstream’ from the structural determinants. they include material circumstances and psychosocial and behavioral characteristics. they include the living and working conditions of people, such as their pay, access to housing, or medical care” (idph 2021). hawkins, guo, hill, battin-pearson, and abbott discuss the program raising healthy children, which focuses on individual intervention. the program is an intermediate prevention program focusing on substance abuse in schools. the findings show mixed results in the prevention program, where there were significant effects in some aspects, like antisocial behavior and school performance. still, there was not the same conclusion for parent and child data (hawkins et al. 2001, pp. 1). the research looked to understand if the reason or cause youth were using drugs was related to antisocial behavior or behavioral changes. the research design included a longitudinal study that looked at 18 public schools. the sample was an equal amount of boys and girls that were youth. weaknesses of the design could be that late intervention was not as determinately significant. it would be beneficial to have research that looked at earlier ages. the strength of the design was that it did find that bonding was something that could help to predict health in children (hawkins et al. 2001, pp. 233). at an intermediate level, these prevention plans are downstream, and the research shows that while it may help temporarily, it does not mean that these programs could end youth drug and alcohol use. these programs had major limitations in their results, and all argued for further research to be done in order to understand intermediate prevention programs. these programs were connected by their level of intervention and demographics as well. to further analyze intermediate prevention programs, compare other intermediate prevention programs. conclusion & implications through analyzing distal, proximal, and intermediate levels of intervention, it can be seen that prevention plans at these levels still need a lot of research in order to have more recommendations on prevention plans for drugs and alcohol. it is apparent that on a national, state, and local level, we have a serious problem in terms of drug and alcohol abuse in youth. when considering the discussion of problem-solving sociology, we would be looking for a solution to reduce drug and alcohol use in youth. we know that the literature on drug and alcohol prevention programs is extensive. there are studies that look in-depth at proximal and intermediate determinants. whether or not there is a decrease in drug and alcohol use depends on the prevention program. for example, spoth et al. (2002) saw more of a decrease in marijuana use than alcohol. edelen et al. (2010) showed no significant long-term change in community-based prevention programs. this can be compared to hawkins et al. (2001), where there was a decrease in drug and alcohol abuse after one year. these intermediate-level programs still show promising suggestions for future research. we know that at a proximal level, it can be understood that we need more space for understanding racial differences in prevention programs haggerty et al. (2015). and parent-based prevention programs such as petrie et al. (2006) and kuntsche & kuntsche (2016) showed promising results for programs that involved family, which is consistent with the research focusing on individuals and families. community-based participatory research through a partnership with the wilmington police department, we were given youth arrest data. the data shows that youth drug and alcohol arrests are a prevalent issue in wilmington. social determinants and effective drug and alcohol prevention programs 19 through this research, the goal is to be able to identify prevention programs that would be able to lessen the number of arrests of youth for drugs and alcohol. we hope to be able to make recommendations to the wilmington police department and the city of wilmington as to what prevention program might benefit the community. research methodology this section focuses on the data that we have collected on existing prevention programs. these programs focus on the prevention of youth drug and alcohol abuse. through this research, we will be reviewing as well as finding research that pertains to youth drug and alcohol abuse and prevention programs. we will be using the scientific method in order to look at prevention programs that already exist. through these existing prevention programs, we will then code using content analysis and understanding of the social determinants of health framework. through this research, we will use the concept of upstream and downstream theory to frame the project. the information that we present will be used to inform prevention for at-risk youth in wilmington, north carolina. we are looking to understand at what level the prevention programs are: distal, intermediate, or proximal prevention programs, as well as whether they are upstream, midstream, or downstream, and which are most effective in reducing drug and alcohol use in youth. we will be using mixed methods and analyzing prevention programs while using content analysis to create data on these programs. due to the nature of prevention programs, we will be focused on quantitative research, which will have numerical values in which we will be able to make comparisons for different prevention programs. we will use some level of qualitative research when looking at prevention programs that may not have quantitative research. content analysis for the research, we will be codifying and analyzing the prevention programs. through content analysis, we will be looking at qualitative data and quantitative data from our sample and then making quantitative data. this content analysis is meant to show patterns in prevention programs as well as trends. using the data that we create, there will then be a recommendation on prevention programs that may show positive research that might decrease drug and alcohol among youth. unit of analysis for this research, we will focus on youth drug and alcohol abuse prevention programs as the unit of analysis. the prevention programs will not be limited to only wilmington or the united states. for variables, we are looking at prevention programs. the variables are what we will be coding when we are looking at prevention programs. these codes will include the following: ● are they evidence-based? we hope to find patterns in whether or not a prevention program is effective, and whether or not it is evidence-based. ● proximal? ● distal? ● intermediate? ● how long was the study, as well as how long the prevention programs lasted? ● where did this program come from? ● what is the effectiveness? ● type of area? ● level of intervention? ● demographic of those that the prevention program is directed at? ● level of intervention that the program is directed at? social determinants and effective drug and alcohol prevention programs 20 ● what is the program addressing? through these codes, we will then be able to define what variable we will be looking at within the prevention programs. these units of analysis will help us to be able to compare these prevention programs. complications with design and procedures all of the prevention programs may not have the information to code for each variable. there is a difference in some of the research demographics, especially with the ability to select our samples. some of the prevention programs might only look at drugs, and some may only look at alcohol which makes some of the prevention programs not comparable. we found that many times there was research being done on multiple programs but not with a focus on one prevention program. it was difficult to isolate individual studies on only one prevention program. sampling we will be using a structured purposive sampling design and will be using a snowball method as well. for example, within the prevention programs, we may see a citation that will lead us to another prevention program. when this happens, we will essentially follow several different prevention programs and find more examples of prevention programs and research. this often happens throughout, as it is hard to find research on individual programs. we will use content analysis to look for successful prevention programs, especially in the wilmington area. this research is a non-probability sample because we will select the samples. this is opposed to a probability sample where there is random selection. additionally, it is non-probability because not everyone has a chance to be a part of the sample. in a probability sample, people have an equal chance of being a part of the sample. as researchers, we will be using our own knowledge to select a sample for the most relevant prevention programs and research. this is the best choice because it is paired with data from the wilmington police department on youth arrests and gives a comprehensive recommendation for reducing drug and alcohol abuse in youth. this sampling design is also one that is easily accessible to us. through this sampling design, we will also be able to extract an extensive amount of information from these prevention programs. through this sampling design, we are able to be more specific and find relevant evidence that pertains to youth drug and alcohol prevention programs. this will not be a representative sample because we are using a non-random sampling design. as there might be an exclusion of research from other countries that are not published in english, we could see an exclusion of prevention programs based on the limitations of our search terms for bringing prevention programs to the sample. we have ten types of different prevention programs. we ended up eliminating many of the programs we found because there was insufficient research for them. there are strengths and limitations to our design. there is strength in that we will be able to focus on and analyze specific prevention programs that pertain to the research. through snowball sampling, we will also have to do less planning than would have to be done with other forms of sampling. there may also be limitations because the research is going to be chosen by the authors. we can also understand that programs we find might lead to others through snowball sampling and are more similar than some that might be drawn randomly. there might be some level of research bias. there might be limitations in that we have a lower amount of reliability. we social determinants and effective drug and alcohol prevention programs 16 could also see that it could be hard to generalize the findings that are there. the steps that were taken to carry out the sampling technique started with googling prevention programs, using the library as a resource for finding peer-reviewed articles, and searching for local prevention programs. we will be using keywords: ‘addiction,’ ‘risks,’ ‘deviance,’ ‘peer pressure,’ ‘adolescent development,’ ‘youth violence,’ ‘cannabis,’ ‘alcohol use,’ ‘tobacco,’ ‘schools,’ which was expanded as we searched with the phrases “youth substance abuse prevention” and “drug and alcohol prevention” interchangeably with the keywords. based on the prevention programs found we will then make comparisons. this sampling will also allow us to exclude any that might not relate to our program or have enough data to be able to code. this will leave us with a final sample size we can use for data analysis. data analysis the data is in the form of codes. this data is mixed methods depending on which prevention program is being analyzed. we ended up relying heavily on evidence-based prevention programs. we coded our data in google sheets; once the data was coded into google sheets, we were able to compare the prevention programs in order to see patterns and trends within the data. these patterns will revolve around the duration of the programs, whether or not they were evidence-based, and whether or not they were successful. we also looked at whether or not the programs were distal, intermediate, or proximal, as well as whether or not they will be upstream, midstream, or downstream. by looking at these patterns, we aim to address the concerns of what makes a prevention program efficient at decreasing drug and alcohol use in youth. our research instruments or coding scheme helped us to organize our data. the coding scheme being used will be the words and phrases that we have defined above in order to organize the data. these codes will be input into google sheets in order to analyze the data. we will use spss to reference the wilmington police department youth arrest data. we will be using the results from the wilmington police department arrest data in regard to the background information as well. social determinants and effective drug and alcohol prevention programs 17 results 1 https://youth.gov/content/raising-healthy-children 2 https://youth.gov/content/staying-connected-your-teen 3 https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/12079251/ 4 https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/pmc2814882 5 https://pathsprogram.com 6https://www.lions-quest.org/explore-our-sel-curriculum/middle-school-social-and-emotional-learning-program/ 7https://link.springer.com/article/10.1186/1475-9276-12-33?utm_source=getftr&utm_medium=getftr&utm_campaign=getftr_pilot 8https://tnd.usc.edu 9https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.coastalpreventionresources.org/adventure/&sa=d&source=editors&ust=1637187690231000&usg=aovvaw3lix7m0c6md90xmvtp8wyr 10 https://incredibleyears.com https://youth.gov/content/raising-healthy-children https://youth.gov/content/staying-connected-your-teen https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/12079251/ https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/pmc2814882 https://pathsprogram.com/ https://www.lions-quest.org/explore-our-sel-curriculum/middle-school-social-and-emotional-learning-program/ https://link.springer.com/article/10.1186/1475-9276-12-33?utm_source=getftr&utm_medium=getftr&utm_campaign=getftr_pilot https://tnd.usc.edu/ https://www.coastalpreventionresources.org/adventure/ https://incredibleyears.com/ social determinants and effective drug and alcohol prevention programs 18 of the ten prevention programs used, we can see that four of the prevention programs were successful at reducing drug and alcohol abuse in youth. one of the programs did not have data on whether or not the program was successful. one of the programs was successful in helping with emotional regulation but did not have evidence to support that it reduced drug and alcohol use in youth. this leaves four prevention programs that were not successful in reducing drug and alcohol abuse in youth. of the four successful programs, four of these programs involved family. those four successful programs were also all evidence-based programs. the length of these programs varied from 280 minutes to one year. these programs were designed very differently, suggesting that there is a lot of variability in how we can approach preventing drug and alcohol use in youth. of the ten programs, three programs were not successful. these were programs that were evidence-based and admitted to seeing no decrease in drug or alcohol abuse in youth after the program was researched. the three programs that were not successful were all at an intermediate level of intervention. this might suggest that at an intermediate level, drug and alcohol prevention programs for youth may be less successful. furthermore, two additional programs were successful in other areas that were not related to youth drug and alcohol use. more research would need to be done to understand what makes a program successful in areas that are unrelated to drug and alcohol use. graph 1: level of intervention in prevention programs for youth drug and alcohol abuse intermediate programs were the most prevalent at (50%) followed by intermediate and proximal at (30%), and the proximal-only interventions were not as prevalent. the programs that were proximal showed mixed results. in staying connected with your teen, we were able to see that there was a significant reduction in drug and alcohol use in youth (spoth, 2002). this can be compared to the prevention program paths, in which we see that there was no reduction in drug and alcohol abuse in youth. it could be suggested that having some level of intermediate level of intervention is valuable in a prevention program though this would need to be followed with research to be able to back up this statement. social determinants and effective drug and alcohol prevention programs 19 graph 2: upstream, midstream, downstream of the ten prevention programs, 60% of them could be considered upstream programs. the success of upstream programs was mixed, with two inconclusive results and three of the five other programs showing no success, and only two of the upstream prevention programs showing success in limiting drug and alcohol use in youth. both of the midstream programs show a slight reduction in drug and alcohol use in youth. only one prevention program was considered downstream, and this program was not considered to be successful. additionally, one of the prevention programs social determinants and effective drug and alcohol prevention programs 20 did not have conclusive results because there was no data on whether or not the program was successful at lessening drug or alcohol use in youths. these findings suggest that the success of a prevention program may not be tied to its upstream or downstream foundation, and more research would need to be done focusing on this concept. graph 3: ages of youth involved in prevention programs *because a lot of programs addressed multiple ages, they were counted for multiple ranges. many of the prevention programs focused on the ages of 11-13. more research needs to be done in order to understand whether or not programs need to be focusing on a larger range of youth ages or whether or not programs that target youth from ages 11-13 are more successful in lessening drug and alcohol use in youth. social determinants and effective drug and alcohol prevention programs 21 graph 4: evidence of non-evidence-based prevention programs when coding, we wanted to provide sources that were evidence-based. we focused on peerreviewed articles to provide the most science-based data possible. this is not to discount that there may be programs that are successful but have not been reviewed to have evidence to support those programs. discussion theoretical implications in reference to graph 3, we can see that there is a focus on 11-13-year-old youth. given this data, we should consider the age crime curve. delisi (2014) describes the age crime curve as a relationship between the crimes that youth commit and the age they are when they commit a crime. the age crime curve actually shows that crime in youth actually peaks at the ages of sixteen and seventeen. we then do not see a strong decrease until around the age of nineteen (delisi 2014, pp. 1). given this research, it could be suggested that we need to be focusing on a much broader range of ages than we see in graph 3. targeting youth when they are at the peak risk of offending may be a way that we could prevent drug and alcohol use in youth as well as other crimes. using this theory, we could also consider focusing on younger youth in order to make this theory into prevention that is primary and is going to be upstream. in doing this, a prevention program might be able to prevent drug and alcohol abuse before the peak of the age crime curve. social determinants of crime there is no one social determinant that can explain why youth are involved in drug and alcohol use. from a distal, intermediate, and proximal level, there is an argument that each plays a significant role in youth involvement in deviant behavior. the prevention programs that we focused on related to education, family life, peer relations, and equal opportunities to try and understand which social determinants were relevant to the discussion on why youth are involved in drug and alcohol use. according to shedd, we need to be looking at youths’ school environment social determinants and effective drug and alcohol prevention programs 22 and the access that youth have to resources, as well as the negative impact that youth have through social determinants, such as discrimination. many of the prevention programs that we reviewed were implemented midstream or downstream. many of the youth who were involved in the prevention programs were already facing difficulties relating to social determinants of health. for example, phoenix academy focused on youth that had already been involved in the criminal justice system. many of the youth were facing poor access to education, violence, and little access to resources (edelen et al., 2010). social determinants of crime were central to many of the prevention programs. where the programs generally reached out to families who were at risk for negative social determinants such as economic difficulties, education or language barriers, and limited access to healthcare. limitations as there are several limitations to this research, we would advise that further research would be done to look for patterns in prevention programs. we faced a limited time frame in which to conduct this research. this research was conducted in less than four months at an undergraduate level. it would be advisable that the same research be repeated with less of a time constraint. we also had limited resources as this research was unfunded and received little outside intervention. it would be advised that there was more content analysis done on prevention programs regarding the use of drug and alcohol abuse in youth in order to see if our findings can be repeated. implications for wilmington & recommendations a recommendation for wilmington, north carolina, to reduce drug and alcohol use in youth could be to implement one of the successful programs from our study or a similar prevention program. these programs: staying connected with your teen, strengthening families program, lions quest, and project toward no drug abuse, all had some level of success in decreasing drug and alcohol abuse. if wilmington were to fund programs such as these, then we may see a reduction in drug and alcohol abuse in teens, as well as a reduction in youth arrests for drugs and alcohol. it should be acknowledged that the other three successful programs are not based in wilmington and could therefore have different outcomes in the success of the program based on a difference in demographics. coastal horizons in wilmington already has a strengthening families program; it is recommended that this program is funded more heavily. furthermore, expanding this program could help to reduce drug and alcohol abuse in youth in wilmington. the research for strengthening families showed not only a slight reduction but a strong reduction in drug and alcohol abuse. the fact that we have this program already established in wilmington makes it easier than implementing a program from scratch. it is recommended that wilmington should expand this program and implement other successful evidence-based prevention programs discussed in this paper. additionally, coastal horizons is already a community-based outreach program that is recommended for building stronger communities. conclusion prevention programs play a vital role in lessening drug and alcohol abuse in youth. through our research, there is promising data that shows that evidence-based programs can have positive effects on lessening youth drug and alcohol abuse. more research should be done in order to understand the implications of distal, intermediate, and proximal ideologies and their relation to social determinants and effective drug and alcohol prevention programs 23 prevention programs. overall extensive research needs to be done to better understand how the role social determinants of health play in youth drug and alcohol abuse. social determinants and effective drug and 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(n.d.). retrieved december 6, 2021, from https://ojjdp.ojp.gov/. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 addressing environmental externalities: the role of the public utilities commission in rhode island’s transition to renewable energy anna p. messer, ethan l. taswell, harry g.w. august, and lauren b. maunus brown university introduction in 2015, citing the need for more reliable and clean energy, rhode island officials announced plans to build a natural gas power plant in burrillville. the plant, invenergy’s clear river energy center (hereafter crec), would be able to produce up to 1000 megawatts to be distributed throughout new england. however, the plant has sparked significant controversy among local residents, environmental groups, and politicians (kuffner 2015). proponents of crec, including governor gina raimondo, argue that the power plant is essential to supplement supply lost when vermont yankee went off-line and to meet the electricity demands of rhode islanders and new englanders while keeping energy prices affordable (kuffner 2016). opponents of the power plant say that the construction of this power plant will make the state’s environmental goals impossible to meet (roberts 2016). this power plant also comes during a significant movement calling for the rapid transition of our electricity production away from fossil fuels. the intergovernmental panel on climate change (ipcc) published a report in 2014 categorically stating: “cumulative emissions of co2 largely determine global mean surface warming by the late 21st century and beyond [...] increasing the likelihood of severe, pervasive and irreversible impacts for people and ecosystems” (intergovernmental panel on climate change 2014). rhode island and other states set statewide emissions goals well before former president barack obama signed the paris agreement. for instance, rhode island has set statewide emissions goals of 10% reduction in carbon emissions below 1990 levels by 2020 via the resilient rhode island act (rhode island general law § 42-6.2-8). in 2016, the rhode island energy facility siting board (hereafter efsb) directed the rhode island public utilities commission (hereafter commission or puc) to provide an advisory opinion as to whether the crec proposal to build a gas-fired generator in burrillville (i) is needed, (ii) is costjustified to energy consumers, and (iii) is the best solution to our energy issues (desimone 2016, 1-2). the puc is a quasi-judicial state-level regulatory body, established by r.i.g.l. § 391-1 et seq. and comprised of three governor-appointed commissioners. in its organic charter, the puc is tasked with “the exclusive power and authority to supervise, regulate, and make orders governing the conduct of companies offering to the public in intrastate commerce energy,” as well as other utilities, with the primary purposes of increasing the efficiency of utility companies and protecting the public against “improper and unreasonable rates” (r.i.g.l. § 39-1-1). according to these guidelines, the puc commissioners concluded in their september 2016 advisory opinion that the crec meets the three relevant criteria and “is needed in order to meet the electric generation reliability needs” of the region (desimone 2016, 22). in our report, we evaluate the ways in which the puc is currently able to consider positive or negative environmental externalities in its decision-making process and how it could better address these factors to facilitate rhode island’s statutory requirement to transition to a low-carbon economy. we will begin by outlining our community-based research methods and will proceed by using the crec as a case study of the puc’s ability to influence energy decisions. after discussing the current state of energy supply and demand in new england and analyzing the governance structures and processes of energy siting decisions, we will conclude with recommendations for future puc decisions messer, taswell, august, and maunus 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 within its current statutory obligations and provide suggestions for broader changes to the puc legislative charter. methods as students in an environmental law and policy class, we were tasked with researching the puc’s legal authority to consider environmental factors in setting energy rates. due to the high profile, divisive nature of the proposed power plant in burrillville, we capitalized on the opportunity presented to create a report targeted towards politicians in order to influence policy decisions to maximize societal and environmental justice. it is often presented and discussed in economic and political frameworks rather than in terms of environmental justice. although this paper focuses on the role of ri agencies, specifically the puc and efsb, in determining the fate of the crec, we felt it was critical to ground our research with a deeper understanding of the experiences and perspectives of those living in burrillville. in order to glean this insight, we had informal conversations with several residents of burrillville including kathy martley, the woman who started a grassroots activism organization focused on resisting the construction of additional fossil fuel infrastructure in burrillville. in addition to engaging with local residents, we also attended efsb hearings as well as committee meetings at the state house for bills relating to the puc and esfb’s respective authorities and had many meetings with leaders in state agencies and non-governmental organizations. for example, we met with lawyers in the conservation law foundation, the new england-based environmental law firm leading the case relating to crec, as well as a lawyer from pace law school who previously served on a puc in texas and is currently working on docket 4600, an energy reform initiative in rhode island. in the public sector, we spoke with someone from the ri office of energy resources who is leading the power sector transformation initiative to modernize ri’s electricity grid as well as met with the administrator of the ri division of public utility carriers. regional energy supply, demand, and projections specifics of new england energy supply and demand energy supply issues in new england, and especially rhode island, are largely driven by recent and scheduled closings of regional power plants as well as the constrained state of natural gas infrastructure in new england and new york. according to the independent systems operators (hereafter iso) new england 2016 regional electricity outlook, 30% of the region’s generating capacity could go offline by 2020 (iso new england 2016, 3). notably, the 620 megawatt (mwe) vermont yankee nuclear power plant in vernon, vt went offline in late 2014 and the 1530 mwe brayton point power station in somerset, ma will be shutting down in may 2017 (herald news staff 2017). furthermore, the iso indicated that availability of natural gas (which produces 95% of the state’s electricity supply) is limited by inadequate pipeline infrastructure, leading instead to the burning of dirtier and more expensive fuels, including coal, to meet peak demand in july and august (iso new england 2016, 11). adding to the energy mix, however, is the growing renewable energy supply in new england, both in generating facilities like the block island wind farm, and in distributed “behind-the-meter” wind and solar systems. these “behind-the-meter” systems–rooftop solar, for example–were estimated to contribute 908.8 mwe to the new england supply, only 18.21 mwe of which came from rhode island (iso new england 2015, 11). commercial renewable energy plants are also being added to the grid, including the recently built 30 mwe block island wind farm, the first offshore wind farm in the united states, and a proposed 63 mwe wind farm between new england and long island. messer, taswell, august, and maunus 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 on the demand side, projected electricity consumption is driven by the rate of energy efficiency, conservation, and electrification (the conversion of natural gas and oil burning technology, like cars and heating, to grid powered efforts). both efficiency and conservation measures act to reduce the required energy supply, while electrification will increase pressure demanded by the grid. in fact, the full electrification of the national transportation and heating sectors would increase national demand by 3,560 terawatts (for perspective, a terawatt is one million megawatts), equivalent to around 100% of the united states’ 2016 energy use (weiss, hledik, hagerty, and gorman 2017, 6). this mass electrification, however, is not expected to happen at scale for many years. the gross load and summer peak electricity demand are expected to grow by around 1% annually. subtracting the expected increases in distributed solar and energy efficiency, these numbers drop to a 0.2% decrease in annual use and a 0.2% annual increase in peak load (iso new england 2017c). meeting this peak load reliably and affordably is the primary goal of the new england energy grid. peak load generally occurs during the hottest summer days, an occurrence that will only increase with climate change. on these peak days, the grid must use all forms of available power generation to meet demand, which can mean burning the dirtiest and most expensive fossil fuels (i.e. coal). this drastically increases the costs and emissions of getting power. if the normal forms of available power cannot keep the lights on and the air conditioning running, the iso report says they will have to “consider more extreme measures,” such as convincing non-gas, high emissions power plants to postpone retirement, thus dramatically increasing costs and emissions. legislative charter of the rhode island puc the rhode island puc is directed by the state general assembly to address these energy concerns through regulation of the energy market (r.i.g.l § 39.1.1). the commission is broadly tasked with the “supervision and reasonable regulation” of the energy businesses operating within the state to “protect and promote the convenience, health, comfort, safety, accommodation, and welfare of the people” (r.i.g.l § 39-1-1.3c). according to karl rabago, a new york-based lawyer specializing in energy policy, this language gives the puc broad discretion to take actions to reduce emissions in order to mitigate the harm caused to all citizens of rhode island by the effects of climate change (rabago). the puc mandate explicitly states that “preservation of the state’s resources, commerce, and industry” requires “an abundance of energy […] supplied to the people with reliability, at economical cost, and with due regard for the preservation and enhancement of the environment” (italics added for emphasis) (r.i.g.l. § 39-1-1.3). this duty to preserve and enhance the environment draws from the state’s status as trustee of the natural environment, as affirmed in article 1 section 17 of the rhode island constitution. despite this duty to care for the environment, fair and affordable energy prices are generally prioritized throughout the statute. for example, there is a specific mandate that electric and gas distribution companies are required to file affordable energy plans with regards to low-income households specifically (r.i.g.l. § 39-1-27.10). with regards to companies’ restructuring plans, the mandate dismisses environmental concerns to prioritize attracting energy suppliers; rhode island power plants’ “low emissions relative to their [out of state] counterparts” make it “unnecessary” for the plans to address in-state air emission reductions (r.i.g.l. § 39-1-27). furthermore, whereas emissions are rarely addressed specifically in the charter, affordability and reliability are repeatedly affirmed as priorities (r.i.g.l. § 39-1-1). as a result, puc commissioners have broad discretion to interpret their statute. considering the politics of energy use though, the short term political consequences of energy spikes or shut offs in low income communities will likely drive more public concern than the long-term fear of climate messer, taswell, august, and maunus 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 change. as a result, when the puc was asked to consider these many concerns, it was unsurprising that in their advisory opinion, the commission prioritized reliability and affordability over long term emissions with regards to the crec. the resilient rhode island act of 2014, which sets ambitious environmental goals to fight climate change, should similarly influence the puc’s operation. according to this act, all state departments, including the puc, “shall be deemed to have and to exercise among its purposes […] the purposes set forth in this chapter pertaining to climate change mitigation, adaption and resilience” (r.i.g.l. § 42-6.2-8). as a result, the commission clearly has the authority to address the state’s emissions goals, but it is less clear to what extent the commission’s decisions are bound by these responsibilities. governance structures and guiding statutes the crec project in burrillville is a perfect example of the overlapping jurisdictions and governance regimes that jointly manage energy projects through a hodgepodge of dual sovereignty and dual, conjoint, and cooperative federalism. the bureaucracy is a maze of government regulators spread horizontally and vertically in all branches of government and at every level from the national down to regions and localities. furthermore, these government actors interact in a complex web with private entities, corporations, citizens, and stakeholders that all have the ability to influence and be subsequently affected by legislation and corresponding decisions in different ways. at the national level, the federal energy regulatory commission (hereafter ferc), an independent agency housed under the u.s. department of energy (doe), is the body tasked with regulating interstate transfer of electricity, natural gas, and oil (“what ferc does” 2016). the commerce clause grants the federal government wide leeway in regulating any transactions involving money flowing over state boundaries. because ferc is in charge of granting permits for natural gas pipelines that span multiple state boundaries, it is the one principally charged with approving such controversial and newsworthy projects as the keystone xl pipeline. below ferc are the main regional players, which in rhode island’s case is a medley of actors operating on a new england-wide field. iso new england is one of nine independent, quasigovernmental, not-for-profit organizations across north america authorized by ferc to operate the regional grid, run the wholesale electricity markets, and analyze the electricity needs of the region (iso new england 2017a). though iso new england has since been named a regional transmission organization (rto), isos and rtos are similar in their duties, namely to operate the regional grid and manage the wholesale energy market. also operating on a regional level is the regional greenhouse gas initiative (hereafter rggi). rggi is the nation’s first carbon cap-and-trade regime. participating states (connecticut, delaware, maine, maryland, massachusetts, new hampshire, new york, rhode island, and vermont) voluntarily agreed in 2012 to a mandatory market-based approach to limiting and reducing their emissions which has proven to be enormously effective (“regional greenhouse gas initiative” 2017). finally there is the new england electricity market participants, also known as the new england power pool (hereafter nepool). nepool is a non-governmental association of regional market members that deals with the sale of wholesale electricity (iso new england 2017b). from there, each of the new england states takes over with its own organizing, rule-making, and ratesetting. one notable specific of rhode island law is its mixed rule. in a “dillon’s rule” system, municipal governments are creatures of the state, whereas in a “home rule” system, localities can govern themselves. rhode island has a mixed system that combines the two approaches, giving municipal governments a certain amount of leeway, but not free reign. this has important messer, taswell, august, and maunus 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 ramifications for the possible siting of a natural gas power plant in burrillville because despite the town’s opposition, it is in fact the state in this case that holds the power to overrule the municipality and site the plant there. another such example of a power not enumerated to the federal government (article 1 section 8 of the u.s. constitution) and thus reserved to the states (tenth amendment), is the power to uphold the public trust doctrine. article i, sections 16 and 17 of the rhode island constitution assigns the state general assembly the authority and responsibility to protect common natural resources such as “fishery rights” and “shore privileges” (r.i. constitution article 1 section 17). considering that many of the ocean state’s prized natural resources, such as its coastlines, are severely threatened by climate change, the state has a fiduciary responsibility to reduce emissions under its role as trustee of the state’s natural resources. as a creature of the general assembly, the puc carries this responsibility as well. in rhode island, decisions regarding energy projects and their prices are primarily centered on the efsb as well as the puc and division of public utilities and carriers. the efsb is endowed with its powers by r.i.g.l §42-98-1. three members sit on the efsb: the chairman of the puc (who then also becomes the chairperson of the siting board), the director of the department of environmental management, and the associate director of administration for planning (“energy facility siting board” 2017). the efsb is the agency responsible for giving permits and licenses for new or altered “major energy facilit[ies],” anywhere in the state (“energy facility sitting board” 2017). the efsb works in partnership with the puc, which includes both the three-person commission itself and the separate but closely related division, chiefly managed by the administrator of the division, macky mccleary. the division is a permanent party to all commission proceedings, and is charged by its statutory documents to enforce all commission directives. the two both have the authority to write orders that carry the force of law. the puc is a third party federalist, quasigovernmental agency that can levy taxes or fees, and has some amount of legislative, executive, and judicial power. the puc must enforce rhode island general law (§ 39-1-27.6) and hold investigations and public hearings concerning rates, tariffs, tolls, and charges. though puc hearings (which are more formal than meetings and occur prior to decisions) are open to the public to listen in, the public is not invited to comment during hearings. past actions to address environmental externalities in this section, we will review the mechanisms of past actions taken by the state of rhode island to address the environmental externalities of energy production to better understand the current. although the enabling act of the ripuc prioritizes affordability and reliability, the puc appears to have authority to incorporate environmental externalities into its rate-making decisions. given the jurisdiction outlined in title 39 of the ri general laws, the puc, as a quasi-governmental agency created by the general assembly, has the authority to implement programs to modify energy rates to meet renewable energy standards through mechanisms such as decoupling, net metering, and distributed generation. it is imperative that the puc exercises its power to meet these standards to protect public health, safety, and welfare as outlined in § 39-26-1. pursuant to this section, the puc must determine the adequacy of renewable energy projects to meet energy demands and shall file an annual report to the governor, the speaker of the house, and the president of the senate on the status of the implementation of renewable energy standards in rhode island and other rggi participating states (r.i.g.l. § 39-26-6). additionally, the puc must review and approve smart-metering and smartgrid demonstration projects proposed by electric and gas distribution companies in order to evaluate their effects on energy consumption and rates. messer, taswell, august, and maunus 6 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 decoupling decoupling is a policy by which a company’s economic profits are detached from the number of watts sold by that company, thus reducing the incentive for utilities to encourage energy use. according to § 39-1-27.7.1, electricity and gas revenues obtained by an electric or gas distribution company included as a public utility that serves over 100,000 customers shall be entirely decoupled from sales in order to reduce societal, meteorological, and economic risks for its customers, increase investment in end-use energy efficiency, and incentivize energy efficiency programs (§ 39-1-27.7.1). moreover, the puc can implement performance-based incentives to encourage utility companies to provide a shared-savings mechanism in which the company receives a percentage of savings and the remainder is redistributed to customers. this section also requires the puc to review and approve performance-based, energy-savings targets established by the ri energy efficiency and resources management council, a part of the state energy office, on a yearly basis (r.i.g.l. § 39-1-27.7.1). the decoupling act was passed by the rhode island general assembly and signed into law by former governor donald carcieri in 2010. the act requires that the revenues of narragansett electric company, doing business as national grid, are fully decoupled from sales in order to eliminate the disincentive for electric utilities to engage in energy efficiency. additionally, the act requires national grid, as well as other gas and electric distribution companies, to file revenue and rate reports with the puc. net metering in 2011, the general assembly passed a net metering bill to facilitate the implementation of distributed renewable energy sources and reduce the state’s carbon emissions (§ 39-26.4-1). net metering allows utilities and small distributed generation producers to track their energy production and send excess energy back to the utility for use by the company. this undermines the traditional revenue model in which utility companies profit from maximizing sales of energy, as creating a twoway stream of energy and a tracking mechanism causes the utility to purchase and sell less commodity. ultimately, net metering both benefits the ratepayer by allowing customers to save money at times of peak load while also reducing the necessity for the utilities to use the most expensive, and highest carbon-emitting, generators by lessening demand for new energy generation. distributed generation standards contracts in 2011, former governor lincoln chafee signed into law the distributed generation standard contracts act (r.i.g.l. § 39-26.2). similar to net metering, distributed generation encourages the production of renewable energy from small-scale producers. in addition to establishing a standard, fair price for renewable energy, the act created the distributed generation standard contract board. this board, which is tasked with making recommendations to the puc regarding ceiling prices and annual contracting targets, providing publicly accountable statements by representatives of groups impacted by, involved in, and knowledgeable about the development of eligible distributed generation projects, and monitoring the effectiveness of the program regarding purchase of the renewable energy output of distributed generation projects, is composed of seven voting members appointed by the governor with the consent of the senate. each of these members represents different interests and parties including energy regulation and law, large commercial/industrial users, small commercial/industrial users, residential users, low income users, environmental issues pertaining to energy, and construction of renewable generation. additionally, there are three non-voting members comprised of representatives from an electric distribution company, the office of energy resources (hereafter oer), and the commerce corporation (r.i.g.l. § 39-26-7). messer, taswell, august, and maunus 7 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 other market mechanisms section 39-26-7 of the rhode island statutes defines the authority of the puc to assess the cost of renewable energy certificates to obligated entities that benefit from the certificate, verse the renewable energy standard. additionally, this statute explains the formation and management of the renewable energy development fund, a fund housed within the rhode island commerce corporation in coordination with the oer and the rhode island infrastructure bank for the purpose of increasing the supply of regional energy certificates for businesses that comply with the state renewable energy standard requirements (r.i.g.l. § 39-26-7). carbon pricing is another example of a proposed innovative, rate-setting mechanism that could be implemented through the general assembly and overseen by the puc, as proposed by the energize rhode island act. this policy would establish a fee for each generating unit according to an agreed upon per megawatt hour carbon price and would be added to the prices generators bid into the wholesale electricity market. any carbon pricing schemes that crossed state lines, such as one implemented throughout the rggi states, would be subject to review by ferc (gundlach and webb 2017). regional cooperation as stated above, rggi, a cooperative effort among connecticut, delaware, maine, maryland, massachusetts, new hampshire, new york, rhode island, and vermont to cap and reduce carbon dioxide emissions from the power sector, is the first mandatory market-based program in the country implemented to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. according to the rhode island energy resources act (r.i.g.l. § 42-140-9), the commissioner of the oer has the authority to adopt, amend, and implement policies relating to the maintenance of rggi (r.i.g.l. § 42-140-9). currently, the puc interacts with rggi only in terms of assessing utility companies’ compliance with the regional emissions and efficiency standards with regards to allocating certificates or credits and setting rates based on compliance. on a broader scale, the rggi states have committed to coordinate their energy infrastructure and procurement projects, in conjunction with iso new england and nepool, according to a 2014 letter signed by each respective governor (new england governors 2013). in the letter, the governors affirm that “new england ratepayers can benefit if the states collaborate to advance our common goals.” with regards to environmental goals, the governors also affirm that investing in local renewable energy sources will support local job growth and environmental gains. furthermore, “the new england states further believe that these investments must be advanced in a coordinated approach in order to maximize ratepayer savings and system integrity.” going forward, this collaboration will be essential to the states’ harmonization upward in terms of energy procurement, as opposed to interstate competition over local power plant siting. recommendations and alternate solutions in this section, we discuss the practicality and effectiveness of potential ways to better address decarbonizing the new england economy before concluding with recommendations for future actions. as evidenced by this report, there are many issues within the rhode island energy regulatory system, primarily finding the balance between internalizing negative effects of emissions and keeping costs low for residents of rhode island. in this section, we discuss ways in which the puc could act within its current charter to better balance these issues. we also discuss possible legislative changes to the puc enabling act, and more general solutions to governance issues that would address these messer, taswell, august, and maunus 8 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 concerns on a larger level, using the crec as an example for how these solutions can be applied to current events. role of the legislature r.i.g.l. § 39-1-1 states that “preservation of the state’s resources, commerce, and industry requires the assurance of […] an abundance of energy, all supplied to the people with reliability, at economical cost, and with due regard for the preservation and enhancement of the environment (and) the conservation of natural resources” (r.i.g.l. § 39-1-1). under the plain meaning rule and the chevron doctrine, these provisions illuminate the potential for the puc to evaluate short-term and long-term environmental factors when setting rates and when making decisions about permitting new facilities. the puc can interpret the responsibility it has been given to internalize environmental externalities as long as it is not done in a way that is “arbitrary or capricious.” during a phone interview, karl rabago insisted that the puc employ “value-based rates,” rates that accurately reflect social and environmental costs, so that externalities be properly accounted for. with regards to the puc’s role in advising the efsb whether or not to pursue permitting the crec, the proceedings from the decision on deepwater wind can serve as a useful model. initially, the puc opposed the development of the offshore wind facility due to analyses that showed that the plant would not be commercially reasonable (i.e. it would provide electricity higher than standard market prices) nor provide direct economic benefits to rhode island. dissatisfied with the puc’s findings, in june 2010, both chambers of the general assembly passed amendments to r.i.g.l § 3926.1-7 and the amendment was signed into law by the governor. the newly adopted laws changed dates and deadlines for the assessments and negotiations, amended pricing terms, and modified the definition of “commercially reasonable” for purposes of the puc’s review. due to the clarifying nature of the 2010 amendments, the puc decided to advance the project proposal and, ultimately, supported the development of the block island wind farm. as evidenced by this precedent, it is clear that the legislature has the authority to play a more active role in puc decisions. energy demand in its advisory opinion regarding the crec, reliable energy supply to meet increasing demand in rhode island was one of the main points made by the puc. however, accounting for the puc’s responsibility to protect public health, safety, and welfare, it seems relevant that the puc should act to reduce energy demand. the urgent energy demand often discussed in reports arguing for the crec frequently cites the peak demand during the summer, which can be high enough to require high emission fossil fuels to be burned. thus, reducing energy demand is key in protecting possibly unnecessary investments in infrastructure such as the crec. strategies for reducing energy demand can take a few different forms. market actions such as rebates or taxes are one option. these rebates or tax credits can be given to those who use the least amount of energy on peak days. furthermore, there are other market based incentives which reduce demand such as free energy at non-peak hours. this model has proven to work well elsewhere in the country. other non-market ways to reduce demand include such simple solutions as led light bulb trade-ins. this type of program would specifically target and aid low-income populations, the very population the puc makes a point of protecting when deciding energy rates and investments. public participation in accordance with the administrative procedure act, the public shall play a critical role in the decision-making of agencies. for example, with regards to rggi § 23-82-6 of the ri statutes messer, taswell, august, and maunus 9 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 mandates that the overseeing agency, the oer, convenes a public hearing and accept public comment on the annual report (r.i.g.l. § 23-82-6). with regards to the puc specifically, there is great opportunity to strengthen public participation. one such special review commission with public influence is the aforementioned distributed generation standards contract board, which advises the puc on distributed generation and net metering. for interstate issues, these advisory committees, task forces, boards, and commissions are governed by the federal advisory committee act and therefore must hold open public meetings, announce all meetings in the federal register, and maintain all minutes, summaries, and committee documents for public inspection. moreover, in terms of formal rulemaking, pursuant to the administrative procedure act, “any person suffering legal wrong because of an agency action, or adversely affected or aggrieved by agency action” has the right of judicial review and may file a suit against the agency (“summary of the administrative procedure act” 2017). finally, with regards to public participation via initiatives and referenda, rhode island law does not permit the direct initiative and referendum process; therefore, all ballot measures must be referred by the legislature. with regards to rulemaking, public participation is key but often overlooked. the public is a major stakeholder in energy issues, as exemplified by the crec case, but their concerns are not always heard or legally taken into account. for instance, the efsb meetings for the crec are not open to public testimony. most recently, a secret meeting was held in which only lawyers were allowed to attend, which set the next dates for hearings. the public and reporters were banned from the room on the grounds of confidentiality (a potential violation of open meetings law), but it was later reported that nothing confidential was said in the room (ahlquist 2017). moreover, actions by town councils such as that of burrillville adopting the resolution opposing the siting of the clear river energy center in burrillville, ri on september 22, 2006, are mainly symbolic. while this is more of a dillon rule issue, it speaks to a larger issue of not incorporating all stakeholders, mainly those representing the public concerns. there are many ways the public can participate in rulemaking, such as informal rulemaking, including public hearings, negotiated rulemaking, initiatives and/or referenda, education and public opinion surveys, citizen review panels and/or special commissions, and formal rulemaking. it is important to empower the public with these strategies for engaging them in rulemaking so they can express their concerns and work with agencies such as the puc. conclusion as we have discussed in this report, rhode island, not to mention the entire region, country, and world, is at an energy crossroads. how do we effectively transition from aging fossil fuel infrastructure to new renewable technologies without sacrificing reliability and affordability? the puc clearly has an important role to play in that process; however, this report makes clear that due to the complicated governance issues, the statutory obligations of the puc, and the energy supply issues, the puc cannot solve this issue alone. the first action that the government of rhode island, both through the governor’s office and the general assembly, must take is to maximize energy conservation and efficiency in the state. the state has not fully established programs to implore its citizens to conserve energy beyond simple awareness and tips. the state could implement low cost actions, such as improved mass communication, far more easily than other politically difficult legislative and regulatory solutions. the necessity of the crec, among other infrastructure projects, is often predicated on the idea of meeting peak demand, which is often only necessary a few times per year. strong energy reduction communications by relevant government agencies, supplemented by non-governmental organizations, on these select peak days should be explored further as a potential mechanism to limiting the number of days reaching peak demand, and reducing demand more broadly, prior to messer, taswell, august, and maunus 10 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 immediately jumping to regulation and market-based solutions. as examined above, the puc’s charter states that it must consider the environment as well as the provision of reliable and affordable energy in its actions ranging from energy rate decisions to advisory opinions. although the puc has a statutory obligation to consider environmental factors, its governing statute (r.i.g.l § 39-1) still tends to prioritize short term affordability and reliability concerns over sustainability. we suggest that the general assembly amend past legislation and/or pass new legislation to clarify the authority of the puc. the language in the legislation must be more explicit so that the puc will adequately account for the effects of greenhouse gas emissions on the environment as well as on the public health, safety, and welfare of rhode island citizens. under the plain meaning rule and the chevron doctrine, the commissioners have wide discretion to consider as many factors in the statute as they wish. as a result, legislative prescriptions to consider environmental factors will only be effective if they are clear and strong enough to ensure that the attorney general’s office, private firms, and non-governmental organizations such as the conservation law foundation can pursue the puc for noncompliance if necessary. for example, the legislature should amend the puc’s governing charter to prohibit the advisory approval of any infrastructure that threatens the state’s ability to meet the statutory emissions goals in the resilient rhode island act. governor gina raimondo should leverage her authority as chief executive of the state to encourage the legislature to enact such legislation. in addition to clarifying the puc’s jurisdiction by amending its charter, the legislature should increase the ability and role of public participation in the puc’s decision and rulemaking processes. in its current form, the legislative charter guiding the puc’s rulemaking process does not recognize the public as a stakeholder, despite the severe impacts that rhode island citizens will suffer in a warming climate. in general puc proceedings, citizens may attend public hearings and file comments before the puc’s rules and regulations are filed with the rhode island secretary of state, but these objections are not incorporated as evidence in the proceeding nor does the submission of an objection allow for the filer to be a party to the proceedings. the general assembly must find ways to amend title 39 to require the commission to consider public opinion through negotiated rulemaking and/or by establishing citizen review panels to capture stakeholder views. although the puc plays an important role in directing the state’s transition to renewable energy, and can continue to influence emissions reductions through implementing value-based rates, we cannot rely on the puc, a commission governed by three appointees, alone. rather, this transition requires a coordinated action among the public sector, private sector, and the public. for example, one such effort currently in negotiation is puc docket 4600, “investigation into the changing electric distribution system,” which aims to develop a report to influence the puc’s review of national grid’s rate structure to best comply with the rates outlined in the renewable energy growth program. this report also strives to strengthen collaboration and consistency among and across various state agencies, including the puc, to better evaluate the economic, social, and environmental costs and benefits of existing and proposed energy projects. as stated above, none of these solutions in isolation is a silver bullet. given the complicated scope of climate change, an appropriate response will require the government, private sector, and perhaps most importantly, the public to work in unison. negative environmental externalities can no longer be discounted and ignored in our policy making. rhode island has a long and storied history of progressive action on behalf of the environment. it is time for us to seriously consider environmental factors and work proactively to protect present and future generations. messer, taswell, august, and maunus 11 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 ~ we would like to express our utmost appreciation for professor caroline karp, esq. we are beyond grateful for her enthusiasm and excitement to both share her knowledge and to foster a community of students with a passion for environmental law and policy. references ahlquist, steve. 2017. “secret meeting about burrillville power plant excludes press.” ri future, april 26. www.rifuture.org. desimone, herbert jr. 2016. “advisory opinion.” ripuc, 12 september. “energy facility sitting board.” 2017. ripuc. http://www.ripuc.org/efsb/. gundlach, justin, and romany webb. 2017. “carbon pricing in new york iso markets: federal and state issues.” sabin center for climate change law, columbia law school. herald news staff. 2017. “brayton point receives what could be last coal delivery.” the herald news, february 20. intergovernmental panel on climate change. 2014. climate change 2014 synthesis report summary for policymakers. https://www.ipcc.ch. iso new england. 2017a. “industry standards, structure, and relationships.” iso new england. www.iso-ne.com —. 2017b. "nepool." www.iso-ne.com. —. 2017c. "new england’s electricity use." iso new england. www.iso-ne.com. —. 2016. 2016 regional electricity outlook. https://www.iso-ne.com/staticassets/documents/2016/03/2016_reo.pdf. —. 2015. final 2015 solar pv forecast details. https://www.iso-ne.com/staticassets/documents/2015/04/2015_solar_forecast_details_final.pdf. kuffner, alex. 2016. “in burrillville, raimondo offers little comfort to foes of power plant.” the providence journal, july 18. www.providencejournal.com. —. 2015. “r.i. officials to announce $700-million power plant in burrillville.” the providence journal, july 31. www.providencejournal.com. new england governors. 2013. “new england governors’ commitment to regional cooperation on energy infrastructure issues.” december 5. http://nescoe.com/uploads/new_england_governors_statement-energy_12-5-13_final.pdf. rabago, karl. phone interview by authors, april 10, 2017. http://www.rifuture.org/ http://www.providencejournal.com/ messer, taswell, august, and maunus 12 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 6, fall 2017 “regional greenhouse gas initiative.” 2017. regional greenhouse gas initiative (rggi) co2 budget trading program. https://www.rggi.org/. roberts, j. timmons. 2016. “guest blog: a new fossil-fuel power plant in rhode island is the wrong move.” conservation law foundation, march 31. https://www.clf.org/blog/timmonsroberts-new-fossil-fuel-power-plant-in-rhode-island/. “summary of the administrative procedure act.” 2017. environmental protection agency. overviews and factsheets. “what ferc does.” 2016. federal energy regulatory comission, may 24. https://www.ferc.gov/about/ferc-does.asp. weiss, jürgen, ryan hledik, michael hagerty, and will gorman. 2017. “electrification: emerging opportunities for utility growth.” the brattle group. http://files.brattle.com/files/7376 _electrification_whitepaper_final_single_pages.pdf. https://www.rggi.org/ http://files.brattle.com/files/7376%20_electrification_whitepaper_final_single_pages.pdf http://files.brattle.com/files/7376%20_electrification_whitepaper_final_single_pages.pdf undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 11, spring 2021 h.y.p.e. (homewood youth-powered and engaged) media: empower youth to change their community's narrative maia stephenson university of pittsburgh introduction disruption, “the act or process of disrupting something: a break or interruption in the normal course or continuation of some activity, process, etc” (merriam-webster). it is a pause in progression. it has the power to delay change or negate progress. when disruption occurs, it makes certain issues more noticeable because the ability to continue like nothing has happened is altered, perhaps indefinitely. to move forward without looking back. suddenly, there is a spotlight on points of contention that have always existed, but we have remained ignorant of whether that be of our own volition. disruption also requires the need for adjustment, the need for adaption. are you able to respond to this unanticipated change? if so, how well? your ability to adapt determines your means of survival. your capacity for negotiating with yourself-mentally, physically, and emotionally--allows for your continued existence. these facets of disruption and the capacity to adapt heavily factored into how i as well the community organization i worked with for my research study operated during covid-19. through viewing how disruption in the form of the pandemic and persistent social inequality is mediated by black girls on a spatial, societal, and lastly personal level, a group whose continued existence, which has invariably been based on their ability to adapt to disruptive forces, can be observed. this paper is organized into several main sections: background information on the community organization i partnered with as well as the area it is located in, how the various forms of disruption effected the organization and its members on different levels, and lastly how disruption effected my research process on a personal level. by the end, the main takeaway that should be established is how supportive community networks can help mitigate the effects of disruptive external forces. what is h.y.p.e. media? during the summer of 2020, as part of the university of pittsburgh honors college fellowship, i worked with homewood youth-powered and engaged (h.y.p.e.) media. h.y.p.e. media is a critical literacy digital humanities program that through a series of lessons/program meetings works to equip black high school students with new media skills (e.g., video, social media, etc.) to begin to shift the narrative about their neighborhood and tell its story through their own lens. the program is being piloted with connection to homewood children’s village, an organization that works to provide a supportive network for youths within the community. as an university partner, h.y.p.e. is organized by an english professor with support from social work, graduate, and undergraduate (add in students/professors). youth leaders from pittsburgh's westinghouse academy make up the program’s community contributors. due to disruptions, the program lost over 65% of its youth leaders due to issues of access and other constraints. ultimately, the program included the black female students during the summer months. prior to disruptions from the pandemic, h.y.p.e. met each week in-person. during the summer, sessions h.y.p.e. (homewood youth-powered and engaged) media: empower youth to change their community’s narrative 21 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 11, spring 2021 were held virtually via zoom. each session we would check-in with youth leaders and engage in lessons/discussions related to black girlhood and social justice issues. h.y.p.e. media provided a safe environment as well as the tools and resources for these girls to discuss topics related to their identities as black girls. they could learn and grow in an environment that would not stifle them but instead supply comfort and encouragement. but what happens when the ability to provide this safe environment as well resources and comfort are interrupted in some fashion? background on pittsburgh’s homewood community msnbc host rachel maddow, named homewood, a primarily black pittsburgh community, the “most dangerous neighborhood.” in the nation (nuttall). neighborhood stigma is a concept sociologist have found to be largely determined by race, as race is considered a “statistical marker that stigmatizes not only individuals but also places in which they are concentrated” (sampson and raudenbush, 2005:7). neighborhoods that experience stigmatization are found to have a negative influence on their residents' identities, increase the levels of discrimination and exclusion they experience (anderson, 2011; link & phelan, 2001), and lead to economic destitution (besbris, et al., 2015). moreover, in a study conducted by brookings institute, from 2010-2015, “the median wage increased 8.1 percent for whites in the pittsburgh region, but decreased 19.6 percent for black pittsburghers” (ray). additionally, the adverse status of black pittsburghers face is only exacerbated by the lack of comfortable black spaces for individuals of the community to congregate (deto). therefore, while pittsburgh has held the title of, “most livable city”, that sentiment does not pertain to all residents, especially black individuals, and even more specifically black girls (mock). in a study conducted with several other cities that operate on a comparable level, black girls, and women in pittsburgh “suffer from higher poverty rates, birth defect rates, death rates, unemployment rates, and school arrest rates than black girls and women in just about every other city examined” (mock). as a city, pittsburgh fails to provide a supportive environment for black people and even more specifically black girls. they do not supply them with a means to thrive or even at the most basic level, survive. begging the question, who will check in on these girls? who will provide them with the opportunity to voice their thoughts and concerns, and additionally supply a space for them to work through the challenges they face daily in an effort to find solutions? disruption’s effect on h.y.p.e. media due to the nature of this program, how disruption affects black girlhood heavily factors into this conversation. the ability of this program to adapt influences their ability to survive. if the program itself was forced to dismantle because of its inability to adjust, that would mean the continued erasure of black girls’ experience. the continued designation of invisibility in terms of their stories, their thoughts, and their feelings. the way the world is structured has forced black girls to be fluid in the way they existed for their continued survival. disruption affected my research experience on several different levels including community, societal and personal. prior to covid responses by the nation, the university, and the school district, h.y.p.e. media met at the university of pittsburgh’s homewood community engagement center; however, due to covid-19, these meetings had to be conducted virtually via zoom. the inability for meetings to be in a designated physical space led to several challenges -lack of spatial separation, forced integration of homelife and h.y.p.e. life, and inability to form inperson connectionswhich had various negative consequences. h.y.p. e. media operates as an out-school-program. this type of program provides a “... safe environment where youth are h.y.p.e. (homewood youth-powered and engaged) media: empower youth to change their community’s narrative 22 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 11, spring 2021 engaged in essential developmental relationships with fellow peers and adults, including activities ranging from highly structured academic programs to less formal activities…” (strawhun 1) therefore, the program is notably separate from home life. and although learning does occur, it is separate from school as well. however, when the capacity to provide designated spaces for each of these facets, falls apart, which is what occurred due to covid-19, boundaries of separation collapse as well, resulting in even more disruption. because h.y.p.e. media sessions had to be conducted from our own homes, it affected how members were able to participate in the program. due to h.y.p.e. youth leaders not being in a separate designated space, their presence of being at home impacted what they were expected to do by their guardian figures. at home, there were more distractions in terms of having to do chores or taking care of younger siblings, which in turn affected who could attend meetings and for how long as well as how much work could be completed. moreover, program attendees experienced emotional and physical disruption as well. as a result of us not being able to meet in-person, our ability to form community bonds and operate collaboratively was hindered. this process of community-building in relation to groups of black girls is incredibly important because it gives them a space to talk amongst themselves about the intersectionality of being both black and a girl, and by figuring out their own definitions of black girlhood, they, in turn, refuse to accept the claims others have made concerning what it means to be a black girl. within these collaborative environments, they can figure out and establish their own meanings of black girlhood without the gaze of white supremacy observing them with presumptuous beliefs. disruption hindered the ability for this form of interaction to take place, therefore, hampering the capacity for these girls to formulate ideas concerning their identities without intruding forces. every opportunity these girls had to connect directly added to their level of comfort leading to a sense of security in themselves, as well as their place in the world. that is why even the inability to do simple activities such as eating lunch together, which would normally occur during in-person sessions, had such a heavy impact. activities such as eating lunch with each other provided the opportunity for program members to simply spend time in one another's presence. activities like this were all done to cultivate a community connection, however, without that community space our capacity to do so was heavily impacted. we were unable to engage with other members and to uplift one another. in order to preserve their existence and the mission of community-building they set out to complete, h.y.p.e. media had to figure out a way to operate through technological means while still fulfilling their intended purpose. digital kinship as a form of adaption the concept of forming community bonds via technological means is not a foreign concept to black women and girls. they have always existed as knowledge producers but historically their thoughts and opinions have been diminished by the dialogue of a white patriarchal system (muhammad & haddix 2016), therefore, their forms of thinking have been under disruption by a system that chooses to belittle their discourse. in response, they have chosen to enact various forms of community-building. the concept of digital kinship is defined by wade (2019) as “a relational practice through which familial ties—with both origin family and chosen family—are established and/or maintained through digital technologies” (pg. 81). regardless of the various measures white supremacy has taken to leave black families in ruins through, slavery, mass incarceration, and inadequate job opportunities, the family still plays a large role in black american’s lives (wade, 2019). one approach black americans have utilized to cultivate family h.y.p.e. (homewood youth-powered and engaged) media: empower youth to change their community’s narrative 23 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 11, spring 2021 bonds despite state violence is through the broadening of how kinship structures are perceived (wade, 2019). although communities cannot automatically be denoted as kinships, those who participate within digital communities do possess a feeling of shared experiences that determine how they engage with others and how they prepare these digital spaces to be prime environments for the creation of kinship bonds (wade, 2019). in past research conducted by carmen kynard, environments known as sista-ciphers acted as secure digital channels for young black women to engage in collaborative problem-solving and provided them with the opportunity to validate others’ social and cultural literacy processes (price-dennis, 2016; kynard, 2010). additionally, these digital hush harbors gave an environment that allowed these women to develop critical literacy without being situated under the fixed stare of whiteness (price-dennis, 2016; kynard, 2010). these students were given the opportunity to discuss advice concerning the presentation of a political stance in classwork, providing comfort when talking about their interactions with microaggressions, and investigating language systems that validate their identities and culture (price-dennis, 2016; kynard, 2010). in response to the need for adaptive efforts, h.y.p.e. media created spaces based on similar notions of digital kinship. firstly, the program began hosting virtual team meetings that took place each week. this allowed for both conversations centered on black girlhood to still take place albeit virtually and the cultivation of relationships between team members. moreover, “check-ins and checks-outs” were created. these scheduled interactions were the h.y.p.e. media youth leaders’ response to elements of physical as well as social disruption the program was faced with. each week, monday-friday, h.y.p.e. youth leaders were expected to call a h.y.p.e. facilitator, once in the morning and once in the afternoon. the team members would ask questions centered on thoughts, feelings, declaration of affirmations, and goal setting for that day. these sessions allowed for the cultivation of a relationship between team-management members and youth leaders. essentially, “check-ins and checks-outs" were a new venture of digital kinship that operated within our program. the girls were given the opportunity to express personal sentiments ranging from their doubts as well as worries to their triumphs and accomplishments. in these sessions, participants would reveal the struggles they faced with regards to the type of environment they were situated in and how they felt those issues might impede their ability to engage in program content. they spoke about what actions they might take to improve their situation and later on during the day they discussed if those actions were sufficient, and if they were, why and if they weren’t, why not. through these check-ins/outs i was able to obtain a better understanding of the impact of disruption. as the girls spoke about their personal goals, struggles, and triumphs i was able to comprehend how disruption can affect every part of an individual's life which in turn affects how they approached certain situations. when disruption occurs, individuals are forced to stop their routine endeavors. their fixed program of regular series of actions are interrupted. when they are forced to adapt, they must enter new spaces or pathways to get to their regularly scheduled destinations. this divergence leaves them vulnerable to unfamiliar external forces. these unfamiliar factors that the individuals previously did not have to deal with can set them off course or “distract” them. the intruding elements of distraction they now have to face can be distressing due to their encroachment on spaces that were formerly unexposed to outside stimuli. the only person who can designate what is considered an unfamiliar force of distraction and what is not, are those who are on the receiving end of them; those who have to determine a way to remedy the issue and set themselves back on course. h.y.p.e. (homewood youth-powered and engaged) media: empower youth to change their community’s narrative 24 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 11, spring 2021 how disruption reveals structural inequalities on an even greater scale, my research process was heavily affected by the societal disruption in the form of racial injustices. injustices that have always existed but were compounded by the effects of covid-19. as the black community was hit the hardest by the virus, a lens was put-on socioeconomic issues that heavily relate to class structures which are the basis of systematic racism. when disasters occur whether that be in the form of diseases, nature, or economic downturns those at the bottom are always affected the most. it is incredibly important during this time that we pay attention to how black girls, as well as the wider black community, have been affected by major events that occurred in the year 2020 and continued to persist into 2021. it has been evident, even from the earliest stages of the virus, that the black community has been disproportionally affected by it. from the time of april in 2020, “in chicago, blacks represent 70% of people who have died from coronavirus” (ray). this same trend was represented in north carolina, south carolina, and new york, however, with smaller gaps (ray). this evidence of health disparity is due to several structural conditions (ray). in comparison to white individuals, black individuals are more likely to reside in locations that lack nutritional food choices, space for outdoor activities, buildings for recreational purposes, safe environments, and light (ray). these suboptimal living conditions are a result of the historical repercussions of redlining. black people are also less likely to have a fair level of accessibility to healthcare, i.e., hospitals are harder to get to and their pharmacies are lower in quality (ray). furthermore, black individuals are more likely to be a part of the “essential worker” category as they represent around 30% of bus drivers and almost 20% of fast-food employees, janitors, and cashiers (ray). this leads to the black labor force, and as consequence, their families, being overexposed to the virus (ray). in the case of pittsburgh specifically, “according to allegheny county health department data, black people make up 13% of the county population” (kaplan). however, at the time of july 2020, black individuals were representative of a higher amount of major covid-19 demographics based on data provided by the health department: “26% of total cases, 32% of hospitalizations, 31% of icu admissions, 20% of deaths” (kaplan). like other black communities, pittsburgh's was disproportionately affected by the virus from the very beginning and for a similar reason as well: they disproportionately represent a large number of essential workers (kaplan). the disruption of covid-19 revealed systematic abuses concerning levels of accessibility to certain resources not only in terms of healthcare and wealth affordances but education as well. these structural deficiencies affected h.y.p.e. youth leaders’, ability to learn and, therefore, their capacity to fulfill their desired quality of life as well as create change for themselves and those around them. how disruption reveals systematic abuses of power in relation to issues of police brutality, on june 6, 2020, the number of black lives matter protests peaked when around 500,000 people, 600 of those people being from pittsburgh alone, showed up in almost 550 protest locations nationwide (buchanan). it’s important to keep in mind that this was only one day in months of protests. in polls taken from july 2020, civic analyst, "...science firm that works with businesses and democratic campaigns...”, reported that around 15 million to 26 million individuals in the united states took part in protests related to the death of george floyd as well as other police brutality-related deaths during that time (buchanan). following george floyd’s death, there were several weekends of protests and demonstrations taking place throughout the pittsburgh area (wpxi.com). in homewood specifically, there was a pray for peace march that occurred during this time of turmoil (wpxi.com). because h.y.p.e. h.y.p.e. (homewood youth-powered and engaged) media: empower youth to change their community’s narrative 25 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 11, spring 2021 media is based in homewood and h.y.p.e. youth leaders live in either the community or neighboring ones, they faced these issues first-hand as they witnessed members of their own community protesting in the streets of pittsburgh. h.y.p.e. media’s social media campaign as a disruption response as a facilitator, i was able to observe as well as take part in a social media campaign managed by h.y.p.e. that was centered on affirmations. affirmations are defined by h.y.p.e. media as something positive a group member believes about themselves that helps set the tone for their day. the main goal of these affirmations is to establish a community of positivity around black life and black girlhood. each week one of the girls was tasked with creating an affirmation post every day which consisted of a picture of themselves, an affirmation, and a caption that included an explanation for their affirmation along with a call to action urging others to post their affirmations in the comments. their capacity to enact this campaign was integral in preserving as well as improving these girls’ overall well-being. the campaign essentially acted as a means of comfort. due to the disruption that was occurring on a spatial, societal, and emotional level, they were exposed to external forces that led to states of distress. the origins of these stressors being from places such as their life at home or the present state of turmoil society is in. when the h.y.p.e. youth leaders took the initiative to start this campaign, they created a separate space of communal interaction where they could partake in self-comfort in a safe environment. effects of disruption on a personal level on a personal level, covid-19 affected how i engaged in the research i was partaking in through the fellowship. due to me not being able to meet with the girls face to face, i experienced personal disruption in terms of how i initially believed the research would proceed. my initial plans included bonding with the girls and forming a strong personal connection, however, with the group not being able to meet in-person i was unsure if this bond could still be cultivated. this disruption in turn influenced how i engaged with the girls. participating in check-ins and checks-outs became part of a way for me to formulate and strengthen the connections i wanted to bring to fruition. the aspect of relationship-building was already a key factor of my research process, but with the difficulties brought on by disruption, forming that bond became an even more critical part of my exploratory work. i approached my research process by focusing on “understanding how people interpret their experiences, how they construct their worlds, and what meaning they attribute to their experiences” (butina 1). the two subpoints of that general objective were: 1) concentration on grasping participants’ interactions with the goal of fully communicating these experiences 2) the actual researcher is an essential mechanism in collecting data for the purpose of (butin, 2012). therefore, establishing a bond with participants was already an acknowledged necessity, however, a large part of my research process began centering on ensuring that the element of justice was considered when thinking about equitable risks and benefits for the community (ross, 2010). although communityengaged research heavily pays attention to “fairness in distribution” of gathered and analyzed information, a main part of it is centered on non-distributive components of justice often referred to as social justice” (ross, 2010). taking social justice into consideration while conducting research means that the well-being of all socioeconomic communities, vulnerable ones, in particular, are prioritized throughout the process (ross, 2010). through encouraging social institutions and practices that provide communities with means of self-determination, respectful encounters can be guaranteed (ross, 2010). the social practices i planned to utilize during my time as a researcher, to ensure these amicable interactions, were centered on directly operating h.y.p.e. (homewood youth-powered and engaged) media: empower youth to change their community’s narrative 26 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 11, spring 2021 within the community. therefore, my ability to form interpersonal bonds was a key factor in my capacity to ensure the presence of social justice. this experience of adaption also led to me cultivating new skills in a virtual setting in order to set myself on a successful path. in terms of verbal communication, this experience has been key in helping me cultivate my ability to express myself clearly and succinctly. as we were not there in-person to communicate with one another, any input or directions given needed to be comprehensive and concise to avoid confusion. furthermore, i was able to work on my interpersonal skills as i tried to figure out how to effectively communicate my ideas and concerns. additionally, we were not able to complete all the projects we had proposed in the beginning, this led to me changing how i would gather research. instead, i focused on mining for research data in other activities we participated in. additionally, evaluating past interactions to obtain data led to me having to gain more mastery over analytical thinking. as i was conducting qualitative research; i already understood that i would have to reflect on past conversations within this program setting and see how they fit into my exploratory work. however, due to disruptions that accompanied covid-19, i had to adjust what subject material i would be analyzing and how i would be analyzing it. conclusion while operating as a h.y.p.e. facilitator during the program’s pilot year, i’ve gained a great deal of insight concerning the effects of disruption. i was able to witness how disruptive forces can affect every facet of an individuals' life, in part due to a domino effect that occurs. one break in routine can lead to the need for adaption, and whatever shape or form that adaption presents itself as, can lead to another part of a person’s life, that was initially unaffected, being impacted consequently. for some, this form of adaption is not a new concept. black girls in particular have constantly had modified their existence due to their forced position of vulnerability within societal structures. they tend to preserve themselves by forming community bonds and creating spaces of comfort and safety no matter what shape those bonds or spaces have to take. they truly emulate what many individuals attempt to due during times of disorder or interruption: figure out ways to cope with this pause in normalcy, and when coping mechanisms are established, moved forward and if possible, attempt to prosper. references anderson, neil. “perceived job discrimination: toward a model of applicant propensity to case initiation in selection.” international journal of selection and assessment, vol. 19, no. 3, 2011, pp. 229–44. crossref, doi:10.1111/j.1468-2389.2011.00551.x. besbris, max, et al. “effect of neighborhood stigma on economic transactions.” proceedings of the national academy of sciences, vol. 112, no. 16, 2015, pp. 4994–98. crossref, doi:10.1073/pnas.1414139112. buchanan, larry, et al. “black lives matter may be the largest movement in u.s. history.” the new york times, 8 july 2020, www.nytimes.com/interactive/2020/07/03/us/georgefloydprotests-crowd-size.html. h.y.p.e. 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(homewood youth-powered and engaged) media: empower youth to change their communities narrative introduction background on pittsburgh’s homewood community disruption’s effect on h.y.p.e. media digital kinship as a form of adaption how disruption reveals structural inequalities how disruption reveals systematic abuses of power h.y.p.e. media’s social media campaign as a disruption response conclusion undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 our connection to the greater community during a time of global crisis through mutual aid work raissa li*, kiran ahmad*, sophie schoeni*, shalini tendulkar, scd. tufts university, medford, ma introduction “mutual aid is a form of political participation in which people take responsibility for caring for one another and changing political conditions...by actually building new social relations that are more survivable” (spade, 2020, p. 136). mutual aid groups have had a longstanding history in america as noted by alexis de tocqueville, a prominent french diplomat and political philosopher, who observed an american affinity for “associating” during a visit to the united states in 1832. he wrote that this “penchant” for associating could “fix a common goal to the efforts of many men'' (tocqueville, 2000, pg. 489). people have engaged in mutual aid work even before de tocqueville’s visit. early mutual aid groups possessed membership “based primarily on shared social characteristics e.g., race, religion, country of origin” (zola, 1972, pg.180). this membership was made up of communities who were failed by the systems of power already in place and falling through the cracks of american social and economic systems. these groups were formed to build a sense of community in a nation plagued by ethnic division (greenbaum, 1991, pg.96). one of the first mutual aid groups documented in the united states was the free african society (fas), which was established in 1787 in philadelphia with the mission of providing economic, social, and religious support to newly freed slaves (free african society, 2020). a principal motive for the establishment of fas was a need for life insurance— members of the group would support one another with funeral and burial rites and financial and emotional family support following the death of a member (free african society, 2020). this concept of mutual aid network became prominent in the black community during this time, as hundreds more communities formed in philadelphia, boston, baltimore, and detroit. most notably, this included the prince hall masonic lodge in boston, the african union society in rhode island, and the urban band society in new orleans (greenbaum, 1991, pg.100). these societies provided a wide array of vital services such as medical care, training for employment, death benefits, laundry, and holiday excursions (greenbaum, 1991; zola, 1972). another prominent example of mutual aid was the black panther party (bpp), a political party that emerged in 1966 with the explicit goal of achieving equal rights for black americans. though its legacy is controversial, and many decry the group’s violent actions, the bpp’s community work and social programming, including medical care, rides for the elderly, education, and free breakfast programs, countered oppression and are models for modern federal programs (pope & flanigan, 2013). mutual aid networks also became a core part of everyday life for european immigrants, who formed groups that provided financial, social, and cultural benefits similar to those of the black community (greenbaum, 1991, pg.105). examples of these connection through mutual aid undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 18 groups include the swedish brothers, the first hungarian-slovak sickness benefit society, and the polish kostka society (greenbaum, 1991, pg.106). although every mutual aid group is unique, all mutual aid groups embody core principles that separate them from other associations or charity groups (mutual aid network (man) core principles, n.d.). first, they have the mission of “solidarity not charity” which is accomplished by bringing together networks of community members (spade, 2020). mutual aid also embraces a bottom-up approach where community members work to support one another, which differs from a top-down approach that relies on authority figures for aid from large non-profit organizations (kenney, 2019). the key principle of mutual aid groups is not short-term aid, but rather collaborative efforts to sustain long-term change (man core principles, n.d.). the aim of sustainable change promotes equity through accounting for all community members’ voices including those who are providing support to others and those who are being impacted. this approach allows for community needs to be at the forefront and prioritizes diverse perspectives. mutual aid groups also emphasize the importance of education and equipping individuals with the knowledge needed to form lasting habits that promote generational change (man core principles, n.d.). mutual aid draws people to social movements and provides the necessities community members need to be productive in their lives and participate politically (spade, 2020). by shaping problems as collective rather than solitary, people can learn that barriers to accessing basic resources are not due to individual responsibility but are because of unjust institutional problems. although mutual aid groups are not a new concept, many mutual aid networks were formed and served as a critical resource for many communities during the covid-19 pandemic (chevée, 2020). as the need for financial and social support expanded exponentially and common institutions of aid struggled to find their footing, these groups have filled many gaps. newton neighbors newton neighbors (nn; newton neighbors, inc., 2020) is a grassroots mutual aid group started by four women in march 2020 in response to the covid-19 pandemic in the suburban community of newton in eastern massachusetts (ma). newton has a population of 88,414 and a median household income of $151,068. approximately, 4.3% (3,801 residents) of the population lives in poverty and 22.2% of the community are immigrants (u.s. census bureau, 2019). nn was initiated on facebook as a platform to discuss ways to mobilize a suburban community in support of families who would lose access to free or reduced-price school lunches in the face of school closures due to covid-19. sixteen months later, nn is now an incorporated organization with the mission to facilitate community connection, mutual aid, and access to resources for all people who live, work, pray, play and/or learn in newton, ma, and other local communities. it now has over 4,700 members, including neighbors, community leaders, government officials, city organizations, and local businesses who are working to support people who cannot access survival needs. people looking for support come to the organization through various channels, including referral through social workers, the facebook platform, and a google form (an online survey) where community members can request support privately, which has been translated into 10 languages. the group leverages distribution and volunteer systems to facilitate access to delivery services and basic supplies (i.e., food, diapers, school supplies, toys, bikes, and clothing) to newton and neighboring communities. the organization also connects families to local programs and social services. the authors of this reflective essay are undergraduates majoring in community health at tufts university, a liberal arts institution in the greater boston area. tufts has an undergraduate https://www-tandfonline-com.ezproxy.library.tufts.edu/author/chev%c3%a9e%2c+ad%c3%a9lie http://newtonneighbors.org/ connection through mutual aid undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 19 student body of ~6,000 undergraduates, more than half of whom are white (diversity data, 2020). the student authors completed internships with nn, and the last author is their professor and an nn founder. we share our reflections as students on interning with nn. our work with nn in our department at tufts university, we study health and wellness from a multidisciplinary perspective, consider the social determinants of health, and evaluate the systemic challenges that affect individuals, communities, and populations (department of community health). when the covid-19 pandemic first began spreading throughout greater boston, we felt uncertain about the future. as college students majoring in community health, we saw that degrees in public health became especially relevant during the pandemic. however, being in the early stages of our careers, we perceived we could not directly support covid-19 efforts. at the same time, we were eager to make a difference. when nn released a call for interns, we applied and were ultimately accepted for positions starting in june (author: rl) and the other two students beginning in september (authors: ka and ss). this paper represents our collective reflections during this internship over fifteen months (summer 2020-summer 2021). in table 1 we describe the tasks completed throughoutour internship, which included both programmatic and organizational infrastructure activities. activity co-author involved tasks logo and organizational web design ka ● created the design, architecture, and logo for nn content ● solicited content to populate the website and make information accessible to the community. administrative communications ss ● organized and distributed weekly email updates and monthly newsletters about service and community connection opportunities to the nn community which consists of over 4,500 facebook group members and over 1,100 newsletter subscribers. vaccine clinic ss, ka ● worked in-person to support the local housing authority in registering and organizing a vaccination drive for community members living in public housing. dissemination products rl, ss ● created infographics portraying the impact of nn in terms of tasks completed, food deliveries, and drives. ● created informational flyers for community members on issues like vaccination access and eviction moratorium changes. community needs assessment (completed in collaboration with the newton food pantry) rl ● created an interview guide for community partners. ● conducted interviews with community organizations to understand the needs of populations experiencing food insecurity. table 1: description of nn intern tasks and takeaways. table 1 outlines takeaways from the tasks we completed during our internship. connection through mutual aid undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 20 interning with nn has affirmed our interests in public health and taught us how public and community health is translated in a real-world context. these experiences have allowed us to see the gaps in coverage of food, housing, and economic support at the federal and state level that leave hundreds of individuals in need of further assistance. for author ka, the experience of growing up in a primarily pakistani neighborhood in brooklyn, new york meant she was no stranger to the inequitable healthcare system. for her family and neighbors, the language barrier was a significant challenge in accessing resources. this was coupled with the stigma of asking for help or seeming helpless, preventing many people she knew from seeking care. this made her particularly interested in the efforts nn made to mitigate these issues and create a space where shame was removed from the equation. with a focus on both language and economic barriers, nn facilitated a sense of community through their social media platforms that destigmatized the process of asking for help and provided a greater population with access to resources. without judgement, nn organizers and members helped those in need by providing basic supplies and other support. although nn was initiated to facilitate neighbor to neighbor support, it quickly grew into a resource for helping professionals (e.g., social workers) to request support for their families, a community resource sharing page, a community-building page, and a platform for organizations to elevate their causes and resource gathering efforts. from organizing community members to sew masks and asking neighbors for baby monitors to enable connection with family members with covid-19, the nn community came together in remarkable ways. lessons learned in 16 months, we have learned four key lessons: community mobilizing efforts can support public health efforts, it is important to create and distribute accessible public health information, diversity in access and privilege exists even in wealthy communities, and early career female public health professionals can learn important personal and professional lessons from diverse women role models in leadership. lesson 1: community mobilizing efforts can support public health efforts the significance of community mobilization in public health has been one of the largest takeaways from our experience. two primary components of nn’s mission are the facilitation of community engagement and collective action. the women who founded this group engaged the community in helping to improve access to resources and build lasting connections. community collaboration promotes a sense of responsibility, allowing all voices to be heard (spade, 2020). in the first 16 months of its existence, nn organizers worked to build an ever-growing list of collaborators and supporters in the community from individual neighbors to organizations like food pantries and places of religious worship. this approach allowed the creation of a support network greater than just the core leaders of nn. this network has strengthened and transformed the group, allowing its efforts to sustain far beyond the first waves of covid-19. the core nn team is a group of 12 volunteers. however, the breadth of projects accomplished have been made possible by the engagement and enthusiasm of thousands of community members who have stepped up in small and big ways to provide support, receive support, or do both. an example of this is one of nn’s core projects— food pantry delivery. at the beginning of the pandemic, many new and existing food pantry recipients were unable to pick up food due to a variety of issues such as safety, poor health, lack of transportation, and overall fear. in response, nn designed a system where community members could volunteer to deliver groceries to those who could not make their scheduled pick-ups. as a result, nn grew a base of over 130 volunteers dedicated to delivering groceries to address food insecurity. observing communities working towards a common goal emphasized the value of mutual aid groups. connection through mutual aid undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 21 being a part of this organization and its extended network also enabled us to connect to a community beyond the university and our own. this was important to all of us personally because we feel greater appreciation not only for our faculty but also for all the individuals who work together to to make an organization like nn successful. having these connections increased our sentiments of dedication towards projects and their continuation. as individuals impacted by the deaths and illnesses, systemic racism, and isolation during the pandemic, nn gave us a community of social connection and highlighted unconditional compassion and empathy. nn was a reminder of the “good” in the world, a community where neighbors went above and beyond to help each other with no expectation of reciprocity. lesson 2: it is important to create and distribute accessible public health information a barrier to utilizing resources is the accessibility of information. a population that nn strives to support are individuals from various diverse groups and others who are english language learners. many communities of color report lower vaccination intentions due to historic medical distrust, difficulty accessing and understanding health information, or other factors such as lack of insurance (allen, 2021). author ss supported the nn team in creating, translating, and distributing vaccination information in nine different languages to essential workers. these materials were distributed to local restaurant workers to communicate information about vaccine eligibility and the vaccination process. authors ka and ss also supported the newton housing authority in organizing a vaccination drive for community members living in public housing. lesson 3: diversity in access and privilege exists even in wealthy communities. early on during her internship, author rl had an opportunity to participate in data collection for a small food insecurity community needs assessment. through this project, author rl worked with other team members to interview 10 community partners asking them questions ranging from strengths and challenges facing individuals and families in the community to how nn can improve their mutual aid work. through this data collection, it was clear that although newton is a community with a high median income (u.s. census bureau, 2019), there are still community members with inadequate access to resources. through the interviews, rl learned about the unique barriers that individuals in newton and beyond face. some general themes surrounding the issues identified in the data were related to employment, transportation, housing, childcare, and language barriers for immigrant populations. challenges include applying for subsidized housing and accessing pantry services due to lack of transportation. these challenges were exacerbated by language barriers that prevent families from obtaining aid. before interning at nn, author rl saw how language barriers could increase disparities in health care and food security while volunteering at a health care project called sharewood. sharewood offers free health care services and is run by tufts medical school. as many patients were non-english speakers, they experienced significant challenges in accessing federal and state aid. rl was inspired by the mission of nn to bridge these gaps in access. lesson 4: early career female public health professionals can learn important personal and professional lessons from diverse women role models in leadership nn was founded and led by diverse women from different ethnic and career backgrounds which as interns, we valued tremendously. these leaders also made an effort to hire interns from different geographic and ethnic communities. participating and working in a women-led group that successfully collaborated with the community and became a nonprofit organization is a meaningful and significant experience as young women about to begin our careers. having been surrounded by various leaders during the pandemic, many of whom were white and/or male, experiencing leadership first-hand from a group as diverse as the nn team motivated us to work connection through mutual aid undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 22 towards our future goals in leadership in public health and health care. as some of us also identify as people of color, we were encouraged by the diverse leaders of nn to challenge ourselves to become leaders in our own communities. the lived experience of being a woman of color in the united states has often been presented as a barrier to leadership. author ka experienced the impact of predominantly white male leadership pursuing her own career path . due to these experiences, she was unable to envision herself in a leadership role because of the societal limitations she had internalized. nn allowed ka to better understand how her identity is advantageous in leadership roles. she was able to understand that her experiences with inequities in the health care system can help to push for change; through nn she was better able to accept that her own voice mattered. seeing the impact of nn helped solidify ka’s trust in the power of prioritizing every individual's voice, especially those that have been historically ignored. beyond learning about public and community health work, we saw these women balance their professional roles, family lives, and responsibilities as working board members in the organization. we learned about the importance of collaboration. in the same way that the wider nn network came together to support the newton community, the unified effort of the leadership team allowed projects to be successfully executed. having a network of leaders who were able to support each other when personal obligations needed to take priority allowed each team member to feel more secure that people were being helped the way they needed. people were able to prioritize their needs without going beyond their capacity as part of a supportive team. in addition, we appreciated the conscientious team efforts to support each other's successes and initiatives, always sharing accolades and words of encouragement. conclusion we are grateful to have completed this internship during the pandemic and learn about the power of generosity and kindness in a time of need. this experience will have a lasting impact on the way that we engage with communities, personally and professionally. acknowledgements we wish to thank the newton neighbors team: shalini tendulkar, shreeda vyas, ranjani paradise, martha bixby, charlotte dietz, lisa gordon, jenn pucci, julie swersey, bruce wilson, larissa hordynsky, and elizabeth stolar. connection through mutual aid undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 23 references allen, j. d., abuelezam, n. n., rose, r., & fontenot, h. b. (2021). factors associated with the intention to obtain a covid-19 vaccine among a racially/ethnically diverse sample of women in the usa. translational behavioral medicine, 11(3), 785-792. chevée, a. (2021). mutual aid in north london during the covid-19 pandemic. social movement studies, 1-7. department of community health tufts university school of arts and sciences (n.d.). retrieved august 20, 2021, from https://ase.tufts.edu/commhealth/ diversity data tufts undergraduate admissions (2020). retrieved august 20, 2021, from https://admissions.tufts.edu/discover-tufts/life-at-tufts/diversity/diversity-data/ free african society (fas). (2020). in encyclopædia britannica online. encyclopædia britannica inc. greenbaum, s. d. (1991). a comparison of african american and euro-american mutual aid societies in 19th century america. journal of ethnic studies, 19(3), 95–119. kenney, z. (2019). solidarity, not charity: mutual aid in natural disaster relief [master’s thesis, northern arizona university]. proquest dissertations & theses global. man core principles (n.d.). “mutual aid network core principles.” retrieved august 27, 2021, from http://www.mutualaidnetwork.org/man-core-principles/ newton neighbors (n.d.) retrieved august 19, 2021 from newtonneighbors.org pope, r. j., & flanigan, s. t. (2013). revolution for breakfast: intersections of activism, service, and violence in the black panther party’s community service programs. social justice research, 26(4), 445-470. spade, d. (2020). solidarity not charity: mutual aid for mobilization and survival. social text, 38(1), 131-151. tocqueville, a. (2000). democracy in america. the university of chicago press. united states census bureau quickfacts newton city, massachusetts (2019). retrieved august 10, 2021, from https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/newtoncitymassachusetts,ma,us/pop645219. zola, i. k. (1972). the problems and prospects of mutual aid groups. rehabilitation psychology, 19(4), 180–183. https://doi.org/10.1037/h0091061 https://ase.tufts.edu/commhealth/ https://admissions.tufts.edu/discover-tufts/life-at-tufts/diversity/diversity-data/ http://www.mutualaidnetwork.org/man-core-principles/ https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/newtoncitymassachusetts,ma,us/pop645219 being with 1 being with joy liu duke university every year in the few weeks before summer vacation, the question that fills the space between the mad dash of term papers and final exams is “what are you doing this summer?” the standard responses range from “i’ll be in new york doing investment banking” to “i’m spending my summer in dc as an intern on capitol hill” or “i’ll be in vietnam building schools”. when i was asked this question, i also had my stock answer. last summer it was “i’ll be in kenya researching childhood immunizations”. this summer it’s “i’ll be in india working on neonatal mortality”. sometimes i embellish it with more details about the non-governmental organization that i was working with or the amount of interviewing that i will have to do. other times, i don’t. either way, most of the time, my response produces a reaction of vague admiration followed by some enthusiastic words about what a great time i will have or how selfless i am. often this will be complemented with a casual, off-handed, “it’s so great that you’re out to save the world”. on these occasions, i try to work up the courage to say what i really feel, that i don’t have the capacity to save anyone. more than anything else, i am going there to learn. somehow, that answer sounds lazy compared to the prestigious internships or research projects that are described by my peers. as a result, i usually nod and mumble something along the lines of “not really” before turning the topic to what they will be doing without much additional thought about the nature of the conversation that just transpired. on closer examination, how i have answered this question in the past and how many service-learning students today answer this question is a reflection of our performance-based culture, which doesn’t necessarily complement the objectives of service-learning. servicelearning and community-based research are currently framed and advertised to students under a heavily performance-based attitude. although it attracts some of the best and brightest students, it often produces a simplistic view of service that ultimately doesn’t have the community at heart. part of it comes from trying to apply an old framework to a new way of teaching when the values don’t necessarily align. this can be seen in how students define success and failure in a service-learning project. before we apply for grants or select the program that we are interested in, the first steps are background research and answering proposal questions. what tangible product will you give to the community? how will you go about doing this? these questions are intended to make students think about their surroundings and actions, but it also subconsciously defines success and failure in our minds. in preparation, the students in my class and i were told to expect the unexpected and that carrying out the project proposal was sometimes not possible. although everyone would nod, but how many of us actually comprehended the implications of not achieving what was outlined before us in black and white? success and failure should not be defined solely by the enactment of a project. to do so shifts the heart of engagement from the community partner to the student’s own conception of a project and diminishes the potential of learning to be part of a community. another question raised is who we are training to be the future of service-learning. most of my peers are eager overachievers who have never (or very rarely) tackled anything that they couldn’t solve by relying on the combination of diligence and ambition that our colleges rewarded us for with admission. especially when our funding is attached to producing concrete 2 results and our resumes can be bolstered by the products, we rely on the mentality that’s guided us so far because it’s what we know. we plan more, work harder, and force our way to achieving the goal that has been determined before we even set foot in the community in which we’ll be working. we go in with the intention of carrying out a project, of doing “good” for the community. we believe that it’s enough, and we are never told otherwise when we’re rewarded based on fulfillment of the expectations outlined. service-learning becomes another opportunity to perfect the ability to jump through various hoops that our schools or teachers present instead of an alternate way of thinking about our education or a broader worldview. that was my mentality last year when i was selected to participate in a summer servicelearning program run by my university. my parents were nervous at first, but eventually allowed me spend eight weeks in muhuru bay, a rural kenyan district on the shores of lake victoria. i was a guest of a local ngo that was the first all-girls secondary school in the area. its mission of educating and empowering girls resonated with me. i was eager to spend time with the girls as a mentor of sorts, someone with whom they could exchange ideas. additionally, i would be doing community-based research on childhood immunizations with two other students in collaboration with the local health center. our research sought to examine the barriers to childhood immunization and possible ways to overcome those obstacles. we developed a questionnaire and worked with translators to administer it to over fifty mothers across the district. the more mothers we interviewed, the more i realized how deceptively simple the problems initially seemed to be. one commonly cited barrier was that a mother didn’t have transportation to go to the clinic for immunizations. it seems like a straight-forward problem at face value, but the root touched deeper currents of gender roles, economics, and education in the community. a woman couldn’t go to the clinic unless her husband gave her money, and the husband almost never attended prenatal sessions with her. therefore, he usually didn’t place much importance on immunizations. these entrenched gender dynamics often prevented mothers, who had their children’s best interest at heart, from accessing life-saving immunizations that modern medicine has made available. a woman’s economic dependence on the men in her family also, reduces her ability to make decisions. in addition, many women dropped out of school at an early age, often due to a lack of money or pressure to get married since girls’ education isn’t highly valued in the community. consequently, many mothers didn’t receive health education in school. this lack of knowledge further perpetuated the disempowerment and economic dependence of women, resulting in a viscous cycle. the interconnectedness and structural nature of the issues defied categorization and simple recommendations by three largely untrained, foreign student researchers. it was at this point when i truly began examining what i was doing. our original plan had been to conduct a research study with the possibility of implementing an intervention based on the data. as time progressed, the latter portion of the plan was becoming increasingly unlikely due to several factors. most prominent among them was the possibility that our data wouldn’t yield anything substantial and the question of what would happen after we left in a matter of weeks. with the prospect of a beneficial result disappearing before my eyes, the value of my work was called into question, as well as the issue of whether i should really be there at all. in addition to my private doubts, i was directly confronted every time by the mothers that we interviewed, asking, “what will your research do for us?” each time i let one of my peers answer. when forced, i usually stuttered that we wanted to gather information to better inform the clinic and the community, so they can be empowered to act on their own. it seemed more like an excuse than an answer. perhaps the most reasonable answer that i heard from a fellow student 3 researcher was that without the research, nothing could possibly change at all. this was the perspective i adopted in an attempt to reconcile my actions with my nagging doubts, but something about the “if” part of the statement never ceased to bother me. the community deserved a better answer than a hypothetical, and the fact that i couldn’t give it called for a reexamination of my actions. who actually stands to benefit from my activities in the community? i had a sneaking suspicion that under my current framework, i was taking more than i was receiving. it was exploitation, to a degree, and it made me little better than the other foreigners who came for resources, money, and power. the only difference might be my conscience, which shrank a little more every time i walked out of an interview with a teenage mother who already had four or five children demanding her attention and more on the way. after taking her time and asking her to recount an often troubled past, how could i look her in the eye and tell her that i couldn’t really do anything for her? so i stopped thinking about it. i trudged through the drudgery of interviewing like a routine. it became another task, another thing i had to do. i couldn’t question the situation because we had a task to finish, a proposal to achieve. i had made a commitment to my group, and i couldn’t do anything to jeopardize that. i kept on hoping that things would turn out better than i expected. i told myself that i was overreacting, just as my peers told me. at some point, we all questioned our impact and what good, if any, we were doing there, but i didn’t want to think so much that i became paralyzed out of doubt and fear. i was afraid that i would emerge more confused, doubtful, and even disillusioned than before. was that a desired outcome of service learning and community-based research? the uplifting anecdotes and motivational posters that always seem to accompany advertisements to these programs seem to denote otherwise. i wasn’t sure what i would discover about myself if i thought too much, so at some point i stopped. i focused on my work, co-authoring a 36-page report summarizing our data, findings, and recommendations. our group presented key points to the clinic staff as well as a group of community health workers. at the end of the meeting, one elderly community health worker stood up to tell us how much he appreciated our effort to share the information with the community. he explained that many others have done research and the community has seen little of the data and even less in concrete results. as consoling as that was, it was disheartening to return a year later to not even find our report in the clinic and definitely not readily accessible to the public—which was our original intention. although i realize that much of the aftermath was outside my control and needed to be undertaken by the clinic, it highlighted my failure to question during the process. as evident from the community health worker’s comment, i wasn’t the only person to fall short on this account. those before me, some with much more knowledge and experience, had also neglected this point. the fact that it wasn’t just a personal failing, that i was one of many, signaled a fundamental shortcoming with how service-learning is presented. as long as these experiences are framed and sold to students in a way that emphasizes for more than with, the results can never truly be useful or honest to either side. i don’t mean to undermine the benefits of service-learning and community-based research. i currently do grassroots fundraising and advocacy work for face aids, a youthdriven organization that emerged from a summer service-learning experience of several college students. in kenya, i partnered with a community-based organization that has always been a testament to the power of student engagement of what can happen when students do not think that they are too young, too unknowledgeable or too powerless to do something valuable for the community. i, too, am a child of civic engagement. i know the value of educating and training 4 the next generation to be socially conscious, to find something fulfilling beyond the race to success. however, i do think that it’s necessary to critically examine the ethics behind student research projects, such as the one my peers and i undertook, and to acknowledge their limits. it’s essential to recognize the lack of formal disciplinary training that many students, especially undergraduates, have and to set expectations accordingly. otherwise, the underlying value of service-learning falls prey to the performance-based culture and results in something that might be no better than the egotistical approach to “help” that service-learning and community-based research try to avoid. applying this awareness to my own research experience, i realize that there was very little i was actually qualified to do without additional training or supervision. as much as i would have liked to see a concrete intervention at the time, in retrospect i would now view any program that might have been implemented as a result of my community-based research to be presumptuous and reckless. unfortunately, when my funding is determined by the scope of my work and the potential for the project to evolve into an implementable intervention, there is no room to consider the limitations or think through the complexities. the goal is to find a way, any way, to make it all happen. despite all my doubts and the voices in my mind telling me that this chapter of life has already closed, i couldn’t stop thinking about kenya. i had only started to understand the community, and the two words that kept on nagging me were “what if”. what if i had more time? what could i learn? ultimately, what i wanted to do was listen. i wanted listening and learning to be my project, so i went back the following summer with funding to collect stories from the community. in this interaction, i found much more meaning and reciprocity. although i’m entrusted with the daunting task of representing these life stories with all the love, heartache, and emotions that they were told with, i do it with the knowledge that i’m just the messenger here to convey a message others should know. with nearly everyone that i spoke to, i asked one particular question, “what do you think muhuru bay needs the most?” the responses i got ranged from a youth empowerment center to an injection of more capital. all of the responses were intriguing. in thinking about an answer that best encapsulates all the answers i received, i realized that what muhuru bay needs the most are people who care about it. it needs people who have its best interests at heart, who care more than just to do research for two months and fulfill their own goals. this time, whatever doubts i may have about the final product, at least i know that it was done with a core of listening, learning, relationships, and the community. in a few weeks i’ll be back at school, undoubtedly to have more than a few conversations where i’ll be asked that simple but loaded question, “what did you do this summer?” if i don’t pause, i’ll respond that i returned to kenya to collect stories. but if i do pause, if i really stop and think about the most important thing that i did, i’ll respond by saying, “i was being with.” when i wasn’t busy interviewing, i was engaged in a conversation about religion over a cup of steaming hot tea; i was reading a book with a seventh-grader in an empty classroom; i was drawing a picture of the scene before me with a dozen amazed children huddled over my back. i was listening, i was sharing. i believe that my most significant service wasn’t in any report i produced, but rather in my effort to be a part of the community, even if only for two months. the most important aspect of my time there was in my state of being with. by realizing its importance, i better achieve reciprocity. i know that i gave as much as i took. i gave in knowledge, in thought, and in ideas. i gave in school fees and materials when appropriate. i gave in words and laughter, silence and tears. i gave with my heart because my open, slightly naïve face couldn’t possibly hide all the emotions that i felt. most importantly, i 5 gave with my all. the relationships i formed were among the most exhausting ones i’ve ever had because they were fundamentally unequal on a socioeconomic level. i wanted to be a peer and a friend, but that relationship is complicated because my status as a foreigner always comes with the messy questions that relative wealth brings in. it was emotionally exhausting, but through it all, i remained open to forming new relationships. i was willing to take the risks. for one of the first times in my life, i was emotionally available. what resulted was an emotional roller coaster—one that i wasn’t ready for, but one that i needed to ride. my final destination is the state of having been completely immersed in a community, emerging with a love that will serve as an unwavering motivation. so the next time someone asks me what i spent my summer doing, i will say, “i was being with. what were you doing?” i’ll wait as confusion instead of admiration cross their face, and then i’ll smile, because i know that i’ve given the complete answer. undergraduate service learning in uganda: project observations and recommendations undergraduate researcher: chris harlow northwestern university class of 2016 faculty mentor: brian hanson director of programs, research and strategic planning buffett institute for global studies northwestern university community partner: foundation for sustainable development – uganda june 1, 2016 harlow 1 introduction international service learning programs have become more commonplace in higher education and in the workforce, serving as complementary to traditional classroom learning. yet despite the growing trend, very little research has been conducted on the sustainability of international service learning projects in the communities that participants aim to help. in the following paper, i summarize the project design elements and relevant outcomes from eleven undergraduate-led community development projects in south central uganda. ‘sustainability’ of community development is an ambiguous and often debated term. this paper makes the assumption that a project, such as starting a women’s group to discuss family planning, is sustainable if the structure (the group) or outcomes (better family planning knowledge) of that project remain for months or even years after the implementers have left. in other words, this paper discusses the sustainability outcomes of development projects, not the merits of the projects to begin with (i.e., are women’s groups beneficial development initiatives?). further research should be done to determine the causation between projects and positive community outcomes in order to alleviate the need for such assumptions. literature review service learning programs have become an increasingly popular method of enhancing education through experiential learning. from web development programs for high school students to alternative break programs for college students, institutions and organizations have come to understand more and more of the benefits that service learning programs provide its participants (preisder-houy 2006, 3). casile et al. (2011) showed that undergraduate students gained better mastery of course concepts through service learning than through traditional research projects, while stewart et al. (2014) showed that domestic and international service learning programs may also promote moral development and cultural intelligence. published research overwhelming supports the many benefits that students gain from service learning and the process of turning abstract classroom discussions into real life concepts and issues to be grappled with (grusky, 2000; pless and borecka, 2013). while a wealth of literature exists on the structural aspects of service learning programs and how it benefits participants -such as the duration of the service program and the lessons that students take away -little attention has been paid to the sustainability of these programs and its benefits for communities and organizations. as grusky (2000) noted, “much less analysis has been done on the impact on the collaborating communities, programs, and agencies” (860). this lack of research may be rooted in the creation of international service learning by combining traditional community service and study abroad (bringle et al. 2010). in this way, the motivations of university faculty and student affairs staff may have prioritized student learning outcomes more than community outcomes, resulting in a plethora of student-focused educational workshops on topics like culture shock and homesickness (culture shock). it has now become standard place for universities to have an alternative student break or similar program that coordinates domestic and international service trips. compared to the program’s community participants, student in these programs can more easily take preand postsurveys to assess how the experience has impacted them. some universities even have large centers and departments to support students and to create the most effective experiential learning (eyler, 2010). with the best of intentions, however, these programs may not as easily be harlow 2 able to assess the community impact that they have in order determine whether a week painting houses or building a water well is ultimately sustainable or beneficial*. in the course of researching for this paper, it quickly became apparent that authors and program directors often make the assumption that service is helpful to community members and partner organizations. pless and borecka (2013, 540), for example, suggested that organizations involved with one service learning program benefited from “process improvement, knowledge transfer and capacity-building” without studying or measuring the shortand long-term community impact. with further research and a change in the conversation, students engaging in service learning may do more good by focusing on project longevity and community impact than on personal outcomes. organization overview northwestern university founded the global engagement studies institute (“gesi”) in 2007 as an international service learning program for undergraduate students to “advance community-driven change” (gesi overview). gesi students spend eight to ten weeks interning for non-profit organizations in one of eight countries to address issues such as childhood development, economic empowerment, and global health. while interning, students work with their respective organizations to plan and implement a community development project that typically aligns with the mission of the organization. for example, gesi students interning for a savings cooperative in bolivia might work with local community members to teach more sustainable farming techniques or create an afterschool entrepreneurship program for kids. to facilitate the gesi program, northwestern university partners with intermediary organizations that have international staff, such as the foundation for sustainable development (fsd), to coordinate internships, homestays, and ensure student safety and security. fsd is gesi’s primary partner organization, supporting and hosting well over 50% of gesi’s students each year. gesi and fsd both emphasize asset-based community development as a framework for working with communities (gesi history; our mission). abcd promotes utilizing existing community resources to create bottom-up change, in contrast to top-down programs where outsiders often decide and complete a project that they believe the community needs (what is abcd). method to better understand the success of gesi development projects, i conducted qualitative research on gesi’s oldest program site in jinja, uganda. i spent eight weeks in summer 2015 and ten days in march 2016 in uganda conducting 37 qualitative interviews. during summer 2015, i researched eight gesi projects dating from 2009 until 2014 through interviews, site visits, and archival research. i also collected interviews with the gesi 2015 students and real *contrary to many service learning programs, the northwestern university buffett institute and its gesi program are actively working to address the lack of community impact research in international service learning. the buffett institute made the research for this paper possible by creating and financially supporting a community-based research fellowship as an initiative to equalize attention to both student learning and community outcomes. harlow 1 time observations as they planned and implemented five community development projects. eight months later, in march 2016, i returned to uganda to follow up on three of the five summer 2015 projects. throughout my research, i sought to capture a 360-degree view of each of the selected projects. rather than focusing on a specific research agenda, i asked a series of general questions to capture insights on how the project was selected, implemented, and, ultimately, why the interviewee felt certain elements were sustained. in order to create holistic case studies of development projects, i collected qualitative interviews from as many perspectives as possible, including the organization supervisors, community participants, fsd staff, and gesi students. i also took ethnographic notes from fsd team meetings, weekly status reports submitted by the students, organization site visits, and casual conversations with everyone involved. these ad-hoc observations helped to shape future interview questions about student and supervisor perceptions of the program. whenever possible, interviews were done separately to ensure that one member of a group did not speak on behalf of the others. the organization supervisor interviews were done in-person in uganda, typically at a local coffee shop or at an individual’s home. fourteen of the 21 community participant interviews were conducted through an interpreter while walking with participants in the field. i collected student perspectives two ways. for the eight past projects, i distributed an open-ended online survey via email and received responses from eleven of 31 former gesi students. for the 2015 projects, i conducted group exit interviews with all fifteen gesi students at the end of their program and more focused interviews with six of the students in april 2016. limitations gesi students have designed and implemented more than 40 projects in uganda since 2007, however, there was only enough time and resources to focus on eight past projects generally and three projects from 2015 more deeply. as a result, the below observations may not be indicative of the more than 200 gesi and fsd projects that have been implemented in almost a dozen countries over the last decade. additionally, there was a significant amount of qualitative data collected and not everything could be included. the process of categorizing observations and determining relevant program elements to discuss inherently introduced subjectivity. as with all research, these findings should not be considered as rules to follow, but rather as elements for consideration by future students engaging in international service learning. lastly, these observations should be viewed within the context of ugandan community and culture. the outcome of project elements in one community may not be the same outcome experienced elsewhere in uganda, africa, or the world. observations notion of outsiders community members initially had unrealistic expectations when three gesi students arrived in a new community in june 2015. several project participants thought that the students were going to sponsor formal education for the young girls in the community since an ngo from europe had done something similar the year before. as one community member said, “when we see [white people], we have a general expectation that they will bring money.”1 2 another summer 2015 group that worked with a saving cooperative faced a similar challenge. three project participants later said that the community had gotten excited when they learned about the students coming because they “thought [the students] were bringing money.”2,3,4 another participant, after working with the students to create a communal nursery bed and learning how to grow new vegetables that would yield higher profits, remarked: we actually got something better than [cash] because the cash would have been used within a day. we learned how to work together to grow new things, and that will make all of us more money.5 project selection the process of selecting a development project was the most common topic brought up by students, fsd staff, community members, and organization supervisors. during gesi, students spend about the first week of their internship conducting informational interviews with community members. in line with fsd and the abcd model, students are supposed to suggest a project that the community has expressed interest for during the interviews -not what the students believe the community needs -and then work with their supervisor to address feasibility and other organizational concerns. the final project proposal should be a ‘win-win’ for all parties involved, aligning the interests and skills of the students, the mission of the organization, and the self-reported needs of the community. however, when asked about the project ideas that their organization supervisor had suggested, a gesi 2015 student responded, “we just weren’t interested in [those ideas].”6 in reality, this model of communitydriven project selection may not play out as intended. of the 36 gesi projects in uganda since 2009, 32 of them have been new projects across 18 organizations. seven organizations have hosted gesi students at least twice, and only two of these organization have had a gesi group follow up on a previous project. as one three-time gesi supervisor said, “interns don’t feel content to just add something on to a previous project; they want to start their own.”7 two other organization supervisors also said they had observed a resistance from interns to continue or expand upon existing initiatives.8,9 this resistance is important to consider, especially when the longevity of a project may rely on an individual community member or staff person to champion the cause. a community participant that was part of a savings cooperative project in 2009 said that he felt pressured to champion the students’ idea despite knowing that “some board members weren’t interested.”10 likewise, a 2014 project about goat rearing ended shortly after the gesi students left when the community members sold the goats from the project and bought pigs instead. when asked about this change, one participant told me, “we all wanted pigs in the first place but the [students] really wanted goats.”11 3 project complexity organization supervisors are the ones most often tasked with supporting the development project after the gesi program. however, several supervisors complained of projects that attempted to address too many issues or that had several complicated elements that needed maintained. the supervisor of a 2015 hairdressing education project said that it was difficult for her to keep track of a membership fee that increased each week as opposed to a constant fee. eventually, the participants stopped paying the increase and she stopped asking.12 similarly, the supervisor of project about family planning and craft making said that it initially was too complicated for him to explain all of the project elements and to convince the women’s group to meet without providing each of them meals or a stipend. despite the complications, the group of women eventually developed friendships among each other and consistently met twice weekly for many months.13 another example of a project complexity that has experienced mixed success is shared resources, such as a communal vegetable nursery bed. a 2015 agriculture project included a nursery bed for plants that was not used after the first harvest because it was too much effort for community members to transport hundreds of seedlings from the central location to their own homes.14 on the reverse, another community created their own coffee nursery bed after the gesi students left in 2013 and have used it actively ever since.15 project finances each group of gesi students is allocated a small grant to help cover the startup costs of their community development projects. while funding might sometimes be necessary to get a project going, it might also increase financial dependency and impact future project sustainability. the gesi projects in uganda faced two types of financial challenges more than any other difficulty. the first challenge was project participation fees. of the 36 projects researched, more than half of them required some type of membership fee from community participants. for the 2015 hairdressing education project, participants were required to pay a weekly fee to cover the teacher stipend and to replenish the grant money so that another cohort of community members could be taught how to dress hair in the future. the hairdressing teacher felt that it was important to require a fee because “when people contribute it makes them want to learn. they want to get what they’re paying for.”16 the family planning and crafting project also required a similar membership fee to replenish the initial grant and create a reserve fund for future crafting workshops. in both cases, however, participants stopped paying soon after the gesi students had left and used the rest of the grant money to cover the project costs. as a result, the grant money was never replenished and additional community members were not able to participant in the program. the second challenge that projects tended to face was what happened with any grant funds and supplies left behind by the gesi students. in many cases, the remaining grant and supplies were given to the host organization and earmarked for specific purposes, such as startup materials to expand the program or as a low-interest loan fund for project participants. despite agreements between fsd, the gesi students, and the organization supervisors, remaining grant 4 funds and supplies were rarely used for the intended purposes. for the 2015 agriculture project, the gesi students created a low-interest loan fund that would be managed by the host organization. one month after the students left, almost 100% of the fund was given out as loans to about 85% of the project participants. in the six months that followed, only one of the 25 members who took out loans had begun to pay it back. since the funds never belonged to the organization to begin with, the organization supervisor was not proactive in collecting loan payments.17 similarly, leftover vegetable seeds from an agriculture project in 2013 were intended for members of the group to expand their gardens at a later time but were used instead by the organization supervisor in her own garden.18 projects that foster community seven of the eleven projects researched had a community group aspect, where students leveraged an existing network or helped to create a new gathering of community members. of those seven groups, five still meet regularly. while certain aspects of a project might fail, my findings show that community groups are likely to weather these challenges. in the success cases, such as the 2015 women’s group that learned about crafting and family planning, the craft teacher stopped providing lessons for free but the group of fifteen women still gathered to talk about daily challenges and share village gossip. additionally, while a 2009 mushroom project began as a group initiative and is now done independently, community members still meet regularly to catch up with each other and problem solve any mushroom challenges that others might have. the reason that two of the community groups no longer meet may be because the groups were formed for project outcome purposes rather than for personal relationships. for example, the 2015 hairdressing group dissolved after the 3-month program ended and all of the necessary skills were learned. likewise, the 2014 goat rearing group originally met to divide profits and make a rearing schedule, but stopped meeting after the two shared goats were sold and an individual pig was bought for each person. project ownership & follow up after eight weeks of full-time work on a development project, gesi students are undoubtedly invested in the success they hope community members will achieve. yet despite these hopes, gesi 2015 students had almost universally similar feelings about the future of their projects as they boarded a plane back to northwestern: i was optimistic but uncertain about how well the people understood.19 we were also a little nervous about how committed [our organization] was to the project. they sounded excited but logistically it was pretty complicated, so we weren’t sure if they would take ownership of helping [the community members] when they needed support. 20 i felt a little bit apprehensive and a bit guilty. i felt like i didn’t want to look at the project too closely because i would see the cracks. we had seen a few challenges pop up last minute and basically we were just putting band aids on the issues.21 5 according to abcd principles and fsd’s model, community members are responsible for the long-term sustainability of development projects.22 despite students taking great care to convey this process and instill community ownership over the projects, challenges frequently arose as soon as students departed for home. the gesi students for the 2015 hairdressing project suggested at the end of the internship that their project was sustainable because it was “mainly community driven” and they “relied heavily on [community] human resources” (salis et al. 2015). however, the project ended in its entirety when the participants stopped paying the participation fee and the organization supervisor decided to use the remaining grant to fund the rest of the classes. for this project, at least, the organization supervisor’s definition of sustainable differed drastically from the students’ original intentions. likewise, one supervisor from a 2013 project felt it wasn’t her job to ensure the project’s success after gesi students had left, saying: “well, it’s a project between fsd and the community. let fsd be the one to support follow ups if they want more than just [status] reports.”23 it was overwhelming clear from interviews that supervisors wanted a project to be sustainable so that they would not have to spend time and resources on it down the road. if future support was needed, it appeared that at least some supervisors believed that it should fall on the shoulders of fsd or gesi. this mindset was more often expressed by supervisors from smaller, more resource-constrained organizations than by supervisors from more established organizations with larger staff. implications international community development is a highly contextual and risky undertaking. each community and each issue may require a different approach to address community challenges. perhaps one of the biggest detriments to positive change is that sustainable projects are necessary for large-scale change, and yet many projects never make it beyond the first few weeks or months. while university students on international service learning trips are undoubtedly interested in experiencing a new culture and gaining new skills, they should also be cognizant to ensure that their time as a guest in another community is mutually beneficial. projects that fail to gain traction are par for the course in development, but students and community members can take proactive steps to co-design projects that will have the highest chance for sustainable success. project design recommendations keep it simple simple projects may be more sustainable because they are manageable for an organization supervisor to support and for a community group to maintain. for example, the 2015 hairdressing project included hairdressing classes, leadership training, financial skills training, a group for discussing women’s issues, stipends to a teacher and a program coordinator, and an increasing weekly membership fee. the students created a memorandum of understanding with all parties involved, but eight months later only a few of the participants remembered that leadership and finance training were even part of the program. 6 benefit the community and the individual when designing a project, consider that the community group or collective action aspect may fail, and ensure that each person can still benefit from the project as an individual. one three-time gesi supervisor advised: “if a farmer does something in their home, like rearing a goat or farming mushrooms … [as part of] a group effort, the project [will become] an individual project as soon as the students leave.”24 an example of this might be finding several people to teach a group of community members a skill that they can use individually in the future. this will limit the risk of relying on a specific individual or on an entirely communal resource. follow their passion (not yours) students should prioritize the interests of the community and the organization above their own when deciding on a project. without organizational buy-in for a project, a supervisor may be less willing to support the development initiatives after gesi students have left. one supervisor shared how she had let a project fall apart after the students had left because she had never supported the idea in the first place. rather, she approved the project in the beginning because the students seemed excited by the idea and she didn’t want to disappoint them.25 encourage an “open field” policy while the structure of a project may fade over time, as community members stop meeting or group leaders move away, the knowledge and skills developed during that time should continue to impact new people. from the very beginning, students should encourage community members to teach what they’ve learned through the project to anyone in the community who is interested. a gesi group in 2013 called this concept their “open papaya field” policy, and within three years after the project, participants estimated that they had taught at least ten people in the community how to grow papayas by letting them tour their fields.26 resist the need for new money students should consider designing a project that does not require new money to be sustained. in other words, projects that require a membership fee or another funding source from the community may be more likely to face sustainability challenges than projects that promote individual business or increased community connection. the 2015 hairdressing project and the 2015 crafting project both relied on membership fees in order to make the educational aspect sustainable, and neither lasted for more than three months. one might also consider that while a membership fee increases an individual’s desire to learn, it decreases the likelihood of an “open field” policy and the chance that participants will spread their knowledge to others down the road. conclusion international service learning is a growing trend in higher education that has the potential to create sustainable change in the world. while more research needs to be done to assess the actual impact that programs like gesi and its projects make, a positive initial step is to shift the 7 conversation away from student benefits and more toward community outcomes. part of this conversation includes being cognizant to design programs that leave a lasting impact on participants and the community. this paper highlighted aspects of project design and real-world outcomes of eleven undergraduate-led projects in uganda. it is my hope that it will serve as a starting point for students who are about to engage in international service learning. students tend to want to start their own initiative as opposed to following up on existing programs, and, sometimes, egos and personal interest may mean that projects align more with the goals of the student than of the organization or the community. by understanding tendencies like these, students will be more likely to recognize them while in-country and adjust their actions accordingly. acknowledgments i would like to thank my faculty advisor, brian hanson, and the entire global engagement team at the buffett institute for global studies for being a constant source of support (monetary and otherwise) and an always open sounding board. the buffett institute is actively working to change the status quo in international service learning by emphasizing and investing in community outcomes research. i would also like to thank the northwestern office of undergraduate research for providing me an academic research grant to return to uganda. finally, i cannot thank jonan and margaret from fsd’s uganda site team enough. their passion for development made me care about this field, and their mentorship made me a better researcher and person. 8 references bringle, robert g., hatcher, julie a., and jones, steven g., eds. 2010. iupui series on service learning research: international service learning: conceptual frameworks and research. sterling, va, usa: stylus publishing. casile, maureen, kristine f. hoover, and deborah o'neil a. 2011. "both-and, not either-or: knowledge and service-learning." education & training 53 (2): 129-139. culture shock and homesickness. accessed october 4, 2016. http://www.abroad.pitt.edu/cultureshock. eyler, janet. what international service learning research can learn from research on service learning. in iupui series on service learning research : international service learning : conceptual frameworks and research, edited by bringle g. robert. sterling, va: stylus publishing, 2010 gesi history. accessed april 30, 2016. http://gesi.northwestern.edu/about/history/. gesi overview. accessed april 30, 2016. http://gesi.northwestern.edu/about/ program-overview/. grusky, sara. 2000. "international service learning." the american behavioral scientist 43 (5): 858-867. our mission. our mission. accessed april 30, 2016. http://www.fsdinternational.org/about/mission. pless, nicola m. and markéta borecká. 2014. "comparative analysis of international service learning programs." the journal of management development 33 (6): 526-550. preiser-houy, lara and carlos j. navarrete. 2006. "exploring the learning in service-learning: 9 a case of a community-based research project in web-based systems development." journal of information systems education 17 (3): 273-284. salis, carter, ruth rinaolo, and london edwards. wandago hairdressing program. august 2015. gesi student final report. stewart, alice c., charles e. wilson, and angela k. miles. 2014. "developing ethically & culturally-intelligent leaders through international service experiences." journal of leadership, accountability and ethics 11 (2): 115-127. what is asset based community development? report. asset based community development institute, northwestern university. http://www.abcdinstitute.org/docs/ whatisassetbasedcommunitydevelopment(1)(3).pdf. 1 beatrice (2015 community participant), interview by author, march 2016, jinja, uganda. 2 mary (2015 community participant), interview by author, march 2016, jinja, uganda. 3 haawe (2015 community participant), interview by author, march 2016, jinja, uganda. 4 cissy (2015 community participant), interview by author, march 2016, jinja, uganda. 5 beatrice, interview by author, march 2016. 6 joyce (2015 gesi student), interview by author, may 2016, evanston, il. 7 liz (three-time organization supervisor), interview by author, august 2015, jinja, uganda. 8 kintu, michael (2014 organization supervisor), interview by author, august 2015, jinja, uganda. 9 liz, interview by author, august 2015. 10 stephen (organization board member), interview by author, july 2015, jinja, uganda. 11 cissy (2014 community participant), interview by author, july 2015, jinja, uganda. 12 sauda (2015 community participant), interview by author, march 2016, jinja, uganda. 13 phillip (2015 organization supervisor), interview author, march 2016, jinja, uganda. 14 beatrice, interview by author, march 2016. 10 15 nassim (2013 community participant), interview by author, july 2015, jinja, uganda. 16 florence (2015 hairdressing teacher), interview by author, march 2016, jinja, uganda. 17 stephen (organization board member), interview by author, march 2016, jinja, uganda. 18 liz, interview by author, august 2015. 19 jason (2016 gesi student), interview by author, april 2016, evanston, il. 20 ruth (2015 gesi student), interview by author, april 2016, evanston, il. 21 joyce, interview by author, may 2016. 22 margaret (fsd supervisor), interview by author, june 2016, evanston, il. 23 liz, interview by author, august 2015. 24 liz, interview by author, august 2015. 25 liz, interview by author, august 2015. 26 harriet (2013 community participant), interview by author, august 2015, jinja, uganda. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 who’s really winning?: a reflection on international service learning chris harlow northwestern university this reflection has been almost two years in the making, as i’ve grappled with what it means to be a participant, a facilitator, and, most recently, a community-based researcher of service learning. in summer 2014, i participated in an international service-learning trip to south africa’s rural western cape through northwestern university. for eight weeks, i learned about the community where i was staying–its assets and its challenges–and recruited a group of passionate and engaged community members. by working with the group, my team of fellow students and i worked to address poverty by reopening and expanding a community garden. as we were leaving, the community showered us with praise and thanksgiving–we had been the catalyst necessary to organize and jumpstart their existing potential! i left that summer inspired and humbled by the power of international service learning. but just as quick as our sense of accomplishment had come, our tangible effect on the community was gone. the project failed. within months, the group of community members had stopped gardening and returned to fishing for income. farming, they said, required too much effort and took months to see a profit, whereas fishing put money in their pockets the same day. i was confused after my trip to south africa. i wondered if service learning was even beneficial, or if i had been a volunteer tourist who took more from a community than i had left behind. it was from this place of questioning that i traveled to uganda the following summer and immersed myself in the same service-learning program once again, this time as a communitybased research fellow for northwestern’s buffett institute for global studies. as a fellow, i was an extra resource for the local site team in uganda that coordinated homestays, partner organizations, and development projects for the students. half of my time was spent as a member of the site team, facilitating the program, and the other half was spent as a participatoryresearcher. this split-role gave me a unique perspective of the process. some days i would interview community members who had participated in projects years prior, while other days i would vet partner organizations for future students. at times i felt like a hypocrite, the embodiment of everything i believed was wrong with service learning. for example, i had never been to uganda before and did not know the local language. even though i was familiar with the program’s structure from my time in south africa, how was i supposed to record observations and make recommendations for improvement when i was far from being an expert on community development in uganda? my first few weeks as a fellow were a whirlwind immersion of getting to know the community and coming to the realization that one never really figures it all out. rather, i learned to become comfortable being uncomfortable; i relied more on others and less on myself. part of this process was shifting the way i thought about my role as a researcher. instead of seeing myself as an outsider in uganda with more knowledge or a different perspective, i came to see myself as just someone with a platform to tell other people’s stories. in this way, i would approach interviews with organizations and community members as an opportunity to share their voices to a wider audience: “what do you wish you could have said to the students those many years ago?” in no time at all, interviews felt less agenda-driven and more personal. i’ve never laughed more than i did one afternoon in the back of a truck in a sugarcane field when my interviewee felt comfortable enough to give me dating advice! harlow 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, volume 5, fall 2016 in the process of going from a service-learning participant to a community-based researcher, i began to see parallels that i previously had not considered. in south africa, for example, i tried to apply western thought and business principles to rural community farming. i left that project feeling hopeful because i knew that in the united states a similar project would likely succeed. but just as in research, development isn’t one-size-fits-all. i had to learn how i fit into the larger picture of research and service learning. as a researcher and developer, i shared information, asked questions, and shed light on previously unconsidered topics, but my involvement stopped there in both realms. my suggestions for improvement are other people’s ideas that have been collected and published by me, but it’s ultimately up to the organizations and communities to implement change. sustainable development, i’ve come to believe, isn’t quick or easy, but it’s more likely achieved when done from the bottom-up and by those who know the community and environment best. i experienced many disappointments while learning about sustainable development. but for every challenging conversation or piece of conflicting advice, there were moments that restored my faith in service learning. one woman, who insisted i call her “granny,” told me how she had put three of her grandchildren through school from the consistent income she had earned through a 2009 mushroom growing project. and by week four in uganda, i had lost count of all the avocadoes, ears of corn, and sugarcane stalks i had been given as gifts. i gained a sense of humility and an appreciation for life that might only come from the infectious love that i felt from my homestay parents, the local site team, and the communities. it wasn’t an “i’m thankful that i have running water” feeling like i had after returning from south africa, but rather the kind one gets when he meets someone genuinely happy and wonders, “what secret does he know that i don’t?” i went to uganda hoping to learn how service learning could be done more sustainably, and i came away feeling like i had learned more about myself than anything else in the process. the people i met became my friends and my role models, and i only hope that i was able to give them just as much as they gave me. ~ i would like to thank my faculty advisor, brian hanson, and the entire global engagement team at the buffett institute for global studies for being a constant source of support (monetary and otherwise) and an always open sounding board. the buffett institute is actively working to change the status quo in international service learning by emphasizing and investing in community outcomes research. i would also like to thank the northwestern office of undergraduate research for providing me an academic research grant to return to uganda. finally, i cannot thank jonan and margaret from fsd’s uganda site team enough. their passion for development made me care about this field, and their mentorship made me a better researcher and person. chris harlow, northwestern university research chris harlow, northwestern university reflection documenting the 2011 floods for the morgan city archives as the 2011 flood waters slowly made their way down the mississippi river, the state of louisiana was assessing the potential impact to the river’s immediate neighbors. based on projected water quantities, officials decided to open the morganza floodway for the second time in its existence, diverting vast amounts of the river overflow from baton rouge and new orleans into the atchafalaya basin and inevitably the surrounding communities. morgan city entered the national spotlight as the last stop on this diversion into the basin. as the waters rose, morgan city prepared to be flooded and eventually was so. in a series of interviews, tulane school of architecture second year students documented the businesses hardest hit by the flooding. they then compiled their material into this volume presented to the morgan city archives, which does not have the excess labor to gather the information on their own accord, but thrives on the personal stories of its citizens. this project would not have been possible without the support of morgan city’s mayor tim matte and the chief administrative officer lorrie braus. special thanks also go to the interviewees below: ellis braus mike breaux keith daigle greg dillon jerry gauthier jerry hoffpauir wayne lancon george lange calvin leleaux brandon leonard chris lipari bill new mike patterson dale rentrop, jr. charlie solar darby washburn frankie yates contents morgan city and the 2011 floods. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [01] the morgan city floodwall. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [02] historic floods of morgan city. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [03] tracking the flood . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [04] baker hughes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [05] candy fleet corporation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [06] central boat rental company . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [07] coastal tank cleaning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [08] conrad industries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [09] jesse j. fontenot, inc. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [10] johnny’s propeller shop . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [11] lange’s marine towing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [12] new industries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [13] newpark environmental services. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [14] oceaneering international, inc.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [15] the port of morgan city. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [16] charlie solar’s river sand . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [17] subsurface tools. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [18] swiftships . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [19] tiger tugz, llc . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [20] washburn marine, llc . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [21] along the quiet shores of the gulf, rising into the atchafalaya bay, whose estuaries run into the large surging basin that carves into the foot of louisiana, abides the fortification of dwelling and industry that is morgan city. curbing its rim, a massive wall that encloses the interior negotiates the land and river, safeguarding the urban fabric with its formidable envelope. here abides twenty two feet of forcible concrete and steel rising from the city perimeter with its large apertures leading to the other side, lined with docks hugging the water’s morgan city and the flood of may 2011 here abides two resources together in one system of industry, where those ways of life are celebrated annually by the spirit of the whole community... edge. their closure hides the waters and shields the streets; their opening bridges the industries of work and life. here abides the birthplace of offshore oil drilling and the title of jumbo shrimp capital. here is a city of towering oil rigs and trolling shrimp boats, two resources together in one system of industry, where those ways of life are celebrated annually by the spirit of the whole community. at this time, the shrimp and petroleum festival of morgan city has had 76 anniversaries and is still as alive as ever. and here abides a place founded on the very notion of support. andrew liles and support was called upon in early may of the summer of 2011 when the water released from the morganza floodway descended the atchafalaya basin and rushed towards the city. the people had been initially warned of an eight foot water level increase, an inconvenience, but enough to close the large gates of the seawall. as the time approached, within hours the predictions increased to 9.5 feet, a level that was beginning to touch something of a major concern. still more threatening conditions surged inward as word of a 12 to 13ft flood leaked into the backbay, and now the northern lake palourde was swelling so was concern for the stability of its surrounding levees. the water’s crest was now approaching an unsettling level: at 10.3 feet, it hadn’t been this high since the monstrous flood of 1973. the escalating situation had then gained national attention, and some began to see its potential severity. the national guard swooped in, filling three miles worth of hesco baskets with sand in hopes to bolster the levees against the northern lake. in further efforts to divert the flow of water in the backwater area, the local levee district (with the strong endorsement of the local government) spearheaded the sinking of a massive 500’ long 40’ high barge in bayou chene. some citizens chose to escape the impending surge while others remained to tend to their makeshift walls of bagged sand. intense preparations paired with overspeculation paid off as the city’s core was spared from any major flooding. a number of unprotected businesses residing in the more sensitive areas, however, did experience various degrees of water damage. their operations then ceased, not in attempts to prevent the oncoming of water, but in order to speed up their recovery processes. the experiences of such businesses (and other individuals) have been documented by students of the tulane school of architecture with the goal to create an archive of rich historical events. despite its threatening indifference, the river still remains tightly connected to the community and industry of morgan city as an integral part that defines its system of life and dwelling. the people of morgan city acknowledge this by nurturing the connection. waterfront events including concerts and gatherings consistently reconnect the people to the river. as the swirl of the rising river subsided for the second time in may of 2011, the water and its beneficiaries both remained close, unified throughout the ordeal. literally and figuratively, morgan city is once again reopened. here, we find a dynamically woven and responsive community that remains proud, still bending and molding with the land and water from which it so delicately grew. all information in this narrative has been extracted from a speech given by the mayor of morgan city to the second year students. [01] morgan city as it is would not exist without the atchafalaya river. although the river provides for morgan city both the shrimping and petroleum industries depend on the water its constant flux can deliver times of both high prosperity and complete devastation. following years of flooding and attempts at river control, the u.s. government created the mississippi river commission in 1879, which was charged with developing and implementing a comprehensive plan to improve the morgan city floodwall morgan city as it is would not exist without the atchafalaya river. although the river provides for morgan city ... its constant flux can deliver times of both high prosperity and complete devastation. navigation and prevent destructive floods; a tremendous aid to the army corps of engineers. however, their ability to design and construct new structures was severely limited to that of navigational concerns. it was not until the first federal flood control act of 1917 that the government began to appropriate resources solely committed to the task of protecting the public from flooding along the mississippi river, allowing the mrc to begin construction of flood levees that were near www.cityofmc.com completion by 1926. however, the destructive nature of the river was soon displayed. continuous rainstorms that began in august, 1926, caused the mississippi river to swell in volume, eventually inundating approximately 16,570,627 acres of land in the mississippi river basin. morgan city, located in the bottom of this basin, is the last town the water reaches before entering the gulf of mexico. the flooding in the town was devastating, particularly because at the time there was no barrier between the town and the turbulent waters. the flood left 246 fatalities, 600,000 homeless, and $230 million ($5 billion at current value) of damage in its wake. morgan city needed help. with the flood control act of 1928, the beginnings of a comprehensive flood strategy involving military engineers, the government, and the public was put in place. no longer were levees designed to simply withstand the worst previous flood but were constructed to protect against future disasters. as part of the “project design flood,” morgan city serves as one of two outlets where 1.5 million cubic feet of water is meant to flow in a controlled manner. by the next major flood in the spring of 1973, the levee along morgan city’s historic downtown had evolved into a 7-foot high floodwall, 13 feet above the height of the river. this proved to be just enough to prevent major flooding of downtown morgan city the water rose 10.5 feet from its normal height. in 1987, the u.s. army corps of engineers again upgraded the levee protecting downtown morgan city, replacing the existing 7-foot high floodwall from the 1940s with a new 17-foot high floodwall stretching the 11,500 feet along both sides of the river. at the time, the corps developed the largest steel closure gates for its type, as well as the highest and longest floodwall of its type for $24.4 million. a series of walkways and stairs along the top of the wall, in addition to landscaping and cast in place graphics, helped to alleviate the immense verticality of the concrete floodwall. this design won numerous engineering awards, while also serving as the first of its kind for the army corps of engineers. mississippi river commission www.mvd.usace.army.mil/mrc/index.php u.s. army corps of engineers new orleans district www.mvn.usace.army.mil floods on the lower mississippi www.srh.noaa.gov/topics/attach/html/ssd98-9.htm [02] in response to a massively destructive flood of the mississippi in 1927, congress directed the us army corps of engineers to find a way to control the mississippi. the corps began an ambitious control project that included dramatic changes to the atchafalaya basin, an area formed by the atchafalaya river, a tributary of the mississippi also hit hard by the 1927 flooding. major floods of the mississippi river and its tributaries occurred in 1927, 1937, 1945, and 1957. the corps built the morganza spillway to restrict the water historic floods of morgan city the morgan city floodwall is built to withstand a floodwater crest at 21 feet. that’s twice as much as the biggest flood on record, the flood of 1973. flow into the atchafalaya river. the spillway would redirect 30% of the water from the mississippi river and the nearby red river into the atchafalaya, and towards morgan city. the flood of 1927 had an estimated recurrence interval of 50 years, and 46 years later in 1973, another flood threatened the waterways. in 1973, the morganza spillway was opened to relieve water from the mississippi river causing a ten foot crest that flooded the city. at that time morgan city had about a ten-foot floodwall. today it stands twenty-two feet tall. the current flood crest heights found on the national weather service website, diagram by the authors 1997, 7.72’ crest sea level 1973, 10.53’ crest 1957, 8.46’ crest project flood, 21.00’ crest 1975, 7.95’ crest 2011, 8.18’ crest floodwall has twenty seven gates that can be individually opened and closed depending on the water levels. the changes made to the wall height were coupled with the addition of more pumps. this allows more precise control over the water. the water came to the top of the previous floodwall in 1973; it did not flood the city, nor were any of the city’s levees breached. the water came to the brink of the city’s control, but did not overpower the wall. the national weather service lists on their website crest levels according to severity. a rise of 4 feet is a flood stage and requires action. some of the floodwall gates are closed to protect the city. at 7 feet the moderate flood stage starts. since 1957 there have only been 8 floods that have reached this stage, in 1957, then in 1973, 1975, 1976, 1983, 1997, 2009, and 2011. the final flood stage is a major flood stage, and isn’t reached until the maximum water height reaches 12 feet. morgan city has yet to experience a flood of that magnitude; the largest flood was that 1973 flood that prompted the raising of the wall to its current height. the current wall is able to withstand a project flood of 21 feet, far beyond the major flood stage. 37 years after the 1973 flood, which had an estimated 40 year resurgence interval, in 2011 another flood came. the flooding of the mississippi threatened louisiana’s capitol of baton rouge and the major city of new orleans. the morganza spillway was opened for the second time to again relieve the surging water of the mississippi river. more than 125,000 cubic feet of water per second was diverted from the mississippi river to the atchafalaya basin. the spillway was operating at only 21% of its total capacity, but the diversion was deemed necessary to protect the levees and prevent major flooding in baton rouge and new orleans. the price of this diversion was the possibly severe flooding in the atchafalaya basin, which includes morgan city at its base. by may 18th, 2011, a total of 17 gates in the morganza spillway had been opened, surpassing all previous records. this caused water levels to rise up to 13 feet in morgan city. this is the highest the floodwater has ever gotten in morgan city, and would have over-topped the floodwall in 1973. the current 22-foot floodwall was more than adequate to protect the city and the businesses on front st., all because of the 12-foot addition built after the 1973 scare. [03] through interviews, news updates, and statements from the mayor of morgan city, a sense of the scope of the situation can be attained through the lens of those who before, during, and after faced the morgan city flood firsthand. this timeline, or journal, will generate a sequence of the events to recreate the experience that occurred. 5/7/11_ mayor of morgan city issued a statement to his community addressing that part of the morganza spillway system would be opened by the army corps of engineers. “it is great to see how a community comes together and works for the benefit of all...,” notes larry callais, president and ceo of morgan city bank and trust co. larry callais states in his interview with aba banking journal that at this time the water level of morgan city was at 7.55 feet. flood level in morgan city is merely four feet, and the morganza spillway had begun to open, a structure which diverts part of the flow of the mississippi river through the atchafalaya river which in turn goes down to morgan city. the plan was to open 25% of the bays which would bring the water level to 11 feet by may 25th. however if 50% were to open as originally planned, the level would be 13 feet -overtaking the major flood stage of 12 feet. sunken barge in bayou chene taken by team new orleans, us army corps of engineers tracking the flood [04] 5/8/11_morgan city resident benjamin davis builds a 2-foot levee to protect his family. benjamin had been informed that the morganza spillway would open and might potentially flood within morgan city. benjamin noted that his mother-in-law who experienced the 1973 flood had 3 feet of water her house; sandbags were not able to keep the water out, but he added, “...we’ve got to try.” today, the river level in morgan city remains at 7.55 feet. 5/12/11_in st. mary parish and st. landry parish the national guard helps fill more than a half-mile of hesco baskets, huge containers made of cloth and steel mesh that are filled with sand, soil, and rubble to protect morgan city. governor bobby jindal reports that the water is expected to reach the trigger point on saturday, may 14th. 5/17/11_the corps of engineers, which man the morganza spillway, has not opened as many spillway bays as originally planned. residents remain optimistic as long as the forcast remains at 25% of bay openings, shielding them from the 13 foot flood waters.the national guard along with the community work 24/7 and continue to fortify the levee with hesco bags. the community in turn provides meals and water to the national guard. 5/18/11_an email from larry callais: “here is the waterfront in morgan city this morning... the gates are closed; the level is up to about 8 feet and the morganza spillway waters should begin to reach us today.” a total of 17 of the 125 gates have been opened. by may 25th, residents anticipate 11-foot water level. 5/20/11_to protect the territories unguarded by the wall of morgan city, the bayou chene project is initiated. it consists of a dam constructed by means of a large barge sunk into the river perpendicular to both banks. this was later fortified with sheet pile driven into the bed of the river as well as rocks and hesco bags. this project was used to divert the backward flow of water into the surrouding marshlands, down the bayou, and into lake palourde. 5/26/11_one of the 17 bays is closed today. original plans were approximately 60 bays, now revised to a number of 31. “this is good news and gives us a bit of indication that what has been done to this point to alleviate the pressure on the levee in baton rouge and new orleans is working,” says callais. 5/31/11_flood level reaches its peak of only 10.35 feet, 2 inches below historic high in 1973. from this point, the water levels have begun to slowly decrease. when our class visited morgan city, we were able to gain insight regarding the impact of the flooding on the city. with the floodwall looming over the entirety of front street, the surrounding environment felt bleak, yet i constantly reminded myself that what may seem a hindrance to the beauty of the riverfront is a very important aspect to the people and their livelihood. without the protection that the wall provides, the threat of flooding would undoubtedly sweep away all hope of existence on baker hughes here we go again. this historical site. through our investigation of morgan city and our subsequent interview with the members of the community, we were able to discover some interesting and fascinating details about the people, the culture, and the threats of natural disasters. the community depends on this wall for protection, yet in what seems a paradoxical enigma, it is the wall itself which creates a division between the river (the industry of shrimp and petroleum) and the keith daigle people. our particular interviewee, keith daigle, is a plant manager at baker hughes, which is one of the largest companies in the area. baker hughes particular area of expertise is to provide supplies and services for the oil industry. not only is mr. daigle involved with oil but his family has been a part of the industry for about 40 years. he has been living in the morgan city area for 52 years, the entirety of his life. during the course of our interview, mr. daigle expressed his unique love for the city he lives in. being of cajun heritage, his culture and the people are very important to him. when asked if he would ever leave the area because of major flooding issues, he adamantly declared: “no.” the flood of 2011 was expected to be of major concern. when the city first notified the community, daigle’s initial reaction was, “here we go again!” according to him, many people and businesses, including baker hughes, spent a lot of money and time in order to prepare for this disaster. businesses along the floodwall shut down, sacrificing income. although the prediction of extremely high water levels was incorrect, daigle noted city officials handled the situation very well, even better than the corps of engineers did because they were more accurate in their estimate of what might happen. because flood threats happen every few years in the morgan city area, daigle claims that the corps should handle these situations better than they have been since they have more accurate predictions of water levels. he says, “they know that the flooding will happen so why don’t they open the spillway earlier and let water out, rather than to do nothing and wait till it’s about to overflow the gates.” he also considers the floodwall a positive addition to morgan city, as most citizens do, because it protects their beloved city from flooding. overall, no matter the threats of flooding, keith daigle does not plan on moving any time soon. the thought of losing his cultural influences is more frightening to him than flooding and its consequences. [05] candy fleet is a leading provider of technologically advanced offshore supply vessels. the business is a proud family owned company, positioned in morgan city, louisiana. since 1973, candy fleet has been serving the offshore energy business. they manufacture the most efficient equipment available for safe vessel oil companies. an anonymous employee of candy fleet, joe, describes morgan city as his home. joe describes his town by saying, “morgan city is a nice, small town along the river, with a definite sense of community.” raised in ohio, he initially came candy fleet corporation my friends were laughing at how the media was trying to make a big deal out of nothing. the media was worse than the flood. to morgan city for work in 1976. however, two years later, he found his current job at candy fleet (“fleet” for short) where he makes a comfortable living: “i make good money at candy fleet.” since he has been working at fleet, joe has settled in morgan city. he has started and enjoys raising his family in this quiet community. one of joe’s favorite things about morgan city is its illustrious shrimp and petroleum festival, the oldest festival in the state. when asked what he liked most about it he responded, “i really enjoy all the different bands the festival attracts. it brings in around 60,000 – 70,000 people, from outside morgan city candy fleet and has many attractions from the bands, the park, and the fireworks on the barge.” one of the nights the festival sets off fireworks from the barges. everyone at the festival gathers to watch the fireworks from the long allen bridge. this is an event joe always enjoys experiencing with his children. when morgan city is not hosting the festival, it continues on with its usual business routine just like any other city. however, most cities do not have to worry about the threat of flooding. the 2011 spring flood, that was a result of the opening of the morganza spillway, had a direct effect on morgan city. some businesses were damaged and harmed, while others were fine. for example, joe spoke about how candy fleet, a boat company specializing in marine transportation, survived the flood relatively unscathed. joe continued to explain the precautionary steps the company took to prepare for the high waters: “we tied the boats to the dock, closed the seawall so water couldn’t come in, closed commercial traffic, and moved our boats into bayou teche, docking them in the berwick/ bayou vista area. since we work out of different ports, we just sent the boats out to other locations, similar to what we do in hurricane season. we were only out of the office for six weeks.” joe thought the whole flood was blown out of proportion, stating, “nothing was flooded in the downtown area. front street was left dry; there was only one house that was flooded.” the wall along front st. protects the town from any flooding. joe explained that the wall could have taken fourteen more feet of water before the river started to spill over the wall. he went on to describe one house on the riverside of the wall that had experienced major flooding but that was all the damage he recognized. joe said this house became the target for news reporters and a muse for photographers: “my friends were laughing at how the media was trying to make a big deal out of nothing. the media was worse than the flood.” according to joe, nothing positive came from all the media attention. the only thing the media did was create a story that did not exist. luckily, people in morgan city took the necessary precautions in order to successfully prevent long-term damages to the town. they presented a united front and were successful in keeping their city safe. joe emphasized that after the flood morgan city is “still the same.” the only thing joe would like to see improved in morgan city is restoration of the old historic buildings on front street. aside from the preservation efforts on front st, joe is happy with morgan city and “would not change a thing.” [06] in 1973, the first opening of the morganza spillway caused massive flooding all through morgan city, and in the summer of 2011, the same spillway was opened again. after interviewing local businessmen from the central boat rental company, the narrative describes the impact of the most recent flooding on their business. mike patterson, vice president, and greg dillon, controller, discussed their time in morgan city and berwick during the rise of the water. patterson and dillon were notified central boat rental company the wall surrounding morgan city had a tremendous effect on keeping the city safe during the flooding, and in their opinion is a great asset to the city. about a month and a half before the flooding began to start their preparations for keeping the business safe from the oncoming waters. about 15 people contributed to the preparation efforts. the company spent between $40,000 and $50,000 to keep their properties in both morgan city and berwick safe. only about ten percent of what they spent was overkill, but was a nice security to have. central boats ended up having to move everything out of their warehouse building and to higher ground to prevent damgreg dillon age. dirt was ordered to build a levee around the warehouse but ended up being used for a levee around the office building. they also completely gutting the building to prevent future mold damage. this man-made levee kept their company well-protected and the gutting of the building able for a new office facility for central boats. they had based a lot of their calculations off of the flood of 1973 in which patterson’s father had been in the same situation. the flooding lasted for about a month. the height of the floodwaters caused central boats to close their locations in berwick and morgan city during this time. due to their secondary location in franklin they were allowed to continue their business during the flood. the most the company had to deal with after the flooding was cleaning up the sediment left by the receding floodwaters. the wall surrounding morgan city had a tremendous effect on keeping the city safe during the flooding, and in their opinion is a great asset to the city. they laughed when we asked if the wall was an important part of their city. this wall not only protects the city during large floods, but also during storm surges created by hurricanes, such as rita. in preparation for the flood over the summer of 2011, a barge was also sunk in bayou chene in order to keep the city safe from flooding along the east side. the largest inconvenience one of the men described was the annoyance the water created when he wanted to go out fishing. he had to drain the water out of his boat in order to go out. [07] when viewing the site of the floodwall in morgan city, louisiana, the division between the river and public areas of front street is clear: the logical assumption is that this town was very divided and not extremely community oriented, but after speaking to the owner of coastal tank, mr. brandon leonard, our perspectives changed. he grew up in morgan city and lived there his entire life with his extended family. he has now started his own life in morgan city with his wife and children and owns his own business on the wharf. coastal tank cleaning while the decision whether or not to open the gates and expose morgan city to flooding, rather than subject new orleans or baton rouge, is often controversial, mr. leonard believes it is a necessary function, both for the area and for the greater good. having a business so close to the water can be a dangerous risk when levels begin to rise. businesses are typically given at least a week’s notice before a flood, if not longer. once notified, preparations and movement to temporary offices begin immediately, especially in severe floods like the one last summer. ideally, flooding does not shut down operations completely, but sometimes the effects are unavoidable. according to our contact, this summer’s flood did not leave the area of morgan city entirely in chaos. matthew hinton_the times picayune however, at one point the flooding reached nearly two feet in the company’s parking lot, which meant vehicles and equipment had to be relocated. when the company found out about the flooding, they were given one week to clear all of their equipment out of the yard. the army corps of engineers opened the spillway slowly, which eased tension for many of the workers at coastal tank. although the decision on whether or not to open the gates and expose morgan city to flooding, rather than subject new orleans or baton rouge, is often controversial, the owner, mr. leonard, believes that it is a necessary function, both for the area and for the greater good. companies will at first have to shut down, but the necessary initial sacrifice will leave them better off in the long run. companies who are still in their first years of business are usually the most affected by the flooding; as coastal tank has been well established for some time, they now know how to properly handle flood situations. over the course of the last five years, coastal tank has had to shut down only three times, the worst being this past summer. according to mr. leonard, the aspect of flooding has been well controlled and doesn’t end up significantly altering the industry or the way business is conducted. morgan city is well known for its annual shrimp and petroleum festival, but much has changed since the original days when the town revolved around the shrimping business. morgan city today has more shrimp imported than domestic shrimp caught, mostly due to the economics of high-energy costs and annual flooding. although this has hurt the industry, new technology that helps to offset these effects has been invented that reuses water and conserves energy by using natural gas. people may see the flooding in morgan city as a negative effect, but in reality, many good things came of the floods. reporters called daily for updates and interviews, which brought a high amount of traffic to the area. the city gained recognition and outsiders began to learn more about the character and lifestyle of morgan city. the challenge today is to remind people what an amazing place morgan city remains. while they still have their annual shrimp and petroleum festival, a poor economic and industrial environment has drastically affected the city, causing people to shy away from what used to be the lively jumbo shrimp capital of the world. [08] present in morgan city since 1948, conrad industries is a shipbuilding company that specializes in smalland mid-sized ships for both commercial and governmental ventures. in addition to facilities in amelia, la, and orange, tx, the company’s morgan city facility is home to a dry-dock, enclosed building areas, rolling cranes, and slips. their business is not just limited to the oil industry, but also transportation and infrastructural needs. during the 2011 flood, facilities manager frankie yates stayed onsite 24 hours a day for the duration of flood preparations. this proactivity helped the shipbuilding facilities suffer less damage than in the 1973 flood. according to yates, “the flood had a relatively minimum effect on conrad industries events such as the 2011 flood force the community to work closer than normal. however, this particular community is commonly close and ready to help each other however they can. our facility due to planning and preventive measures executed by conrad’s personnel.” prior to 1973, the company owned a number of dry-docks and facilities on the atchafalaya river. however, the general lack of preparedness and the resulting devastation by the flood forced the company to move all but one dry-dock to separate locations. morgan city is home to conrad’s only facility on the atchafalaya, due to the city’s important proximity and presence to the numerous gulf industries. federal measures to prevent a disaster of the same scale have contributed negatively to the river-bound industries, as silt buildup has increased riverbanks due to frankie yates the location of the levees. this forces conrad to dredge the riverbed twice a year to provide enough berth for the newly-constructed vessels. “the flood of 1973 inundated the facility, leaving massive amounts of sediment requiring months of clean up,” yates recalls. the facility was out of operation and underwater for eight months. the lessons learned from the devastation of the 1973 flood helped to better prepare conrad industries in the face of any future floods. the main reason for conrad’s successful recovery after the 2011 flood was the use of a series of strong flood preparation plans and an organized approach to addressing the flood and the safety of the workers, equipment, customers, and property. “conrad’s management team formulated a series of plans in order to prepare for the impending flood that addressed: protection levee system around the facility, obligation to customers, relocating projects and equipment, obligation to workers, safety (emergency evacuation of flood team personnel, emergency rescue of flood team personnel), and restarting operations after the flood,” yates states. the company and its personnel successfully built a barrier around their facilities that managed to hold back the flood waters and leave their property high and dry. in addition to the work done on company property alone, “conrad offered assistance to its neighbors in order to help them prepare and reduce exposure.” in reference to the governmental involvement with flood preparation, “city officials worked to ensure safe access to the facility for large equipment and high capacity trucks by minimizing spectator traffic during the massive equipment and material mobilization that was necessary for the protection/ relocation conrad’s operations, and helped in securing resources and sharing vital information concerning the flood by opening direct channels for all businesses and residents located in the flood prone areas in which information could be shared and questions could be answered.” any project that was in progress in morgan city had to be transferred to either the amelia or the orange facilities. “projects that had been relocated to nearby facilities had to be completed before equipment and personnel could return to the main facility. this lasting effect carried on through october and is now returning to normal.” the flood proved to be a strong litmus test for the city’s sense of community. the general preparations needed and the struggle for survival brought the community closer together, united both in commercial and personal interests. yates mentions that “this particular community is commonly close and ready to help each other however they can.” conrad looked to the surrounding community for help, adding additional work force to help carry out preparation plans. in regards to the future, yates believes that “the community should continue to meet and discuss possible ways to offset the considerable cost to businesses and residents located in flood prone areas. these areas are known as deliberate flood areas designed for flood prevention of the larger cities along the mississippi river and, when needed, save billions of dollars in flood damages.” as conrad industries and morgan city continue to coexist with the constant ebb and flow of the mississippi and atchafalaya rivers and as the company’s current plans uphold their resilience to floodwaters, the company finds itself growing more rooted into the urban fabric, a reflection of the city’s resilience itself. [09] jesse fontenot, incorporated, is a company that was formed in 1962 at the beginning of the oil and gas industry in the gulf of mexico. as a wholesaler of gasoline and oil products, a location with easy access to the gulf oil fields was crucial. for this reason the company located their main facilities in morgan city on the banks of the atchafalaya river. the owners were aware of the potential risks of this waterfront property, but due to the nature of their business and clients, it was a necessary risk jesse j. fontenot inc. the flood that occurred this past summer affected the business significantly more than the last flood. the original reaction of the company was of concern instead of panic. for them. the 1973 flood was one of the largest floods on record for the atchafalaya river. during this flood, jesse fontenot, inc., was forced to relocate from its riverfront location. the recovery effort from this flood took approximately half of a year after the water receded. there were also significant economic losses. the flood that occurred this past summer affected the business significantly more than the last flood. the original reaction of the wayne lancon company was of concern instead of panic because they have experienced many floods in the past and had no major issues. however, this year’s flood was different. in the past, they were able to work in the facilities they had, but due to the projected high water this year, they could not operate in their waterfront location. in an email interview conducted november 7th with mr. wayne lancon, vice president/general manager jesse fontenot, inc., mr. lancon shared the company’s reaction to the 2011 flood: “early on we started to scout for a new location for our warehouse and repackaging facility as well as administration offices. after it was made clear that the coming flood event would exceed 8 feet, what we considered to be the maximum level we can work at, we secured one of the vacant buildings to relocate our facility. we moved all of the warehouse inventory and equipment in our first phase. we then emptied, cleaned, and secured our large bulk tanks to avoid a pollution issue should damage occur. we pumped fresh water into the tanks above what the projected river level was to be to stabilize and avoid any kind of movement.” after preparing for the flood, and after the water level reached a point where they could no longer operate, it was a matter of waiting until the water receded. during this time, the company operated out of its relocated offices. they continued to monitor the flood levels by checking the reports from the army corps of engineers and the mayor’s daily news briefings, and physically monitoring the river levels from the bridges and floodwall. after the water receded, they immediately began the process of recovery. they stipulate that there have been significant economic losses, portions of which are not covered by their flood insurance, and there is still more loss due to the lack of marine traffic on the river, which the business relies on. this makes it impossible to estimate the actual total losses incurred by the flood. they have been working hard to clean up their waterfront property since the flood, but have yet to fully mend the damages to their site. when asked about what they would do differently to minimize damage, mr. lancon stated that they would prepare the same way. he pointed out, however, that the more advanced notice they are given about the opening of the morganza spillway or coming floods, the better. [10] morgan city may not be booming with an influx of new citizens, but those who remain are loyal to their hometown. this is certainly the case with ellis braus, a fifty seven year-old man who has lived in morgan city for his entire life. ellis does not remember a time without the floodwall (initially the shorter ten-foot wall and now this twenty-two foot wall) and believes that it is a necessary part of the continuing existence of his city. this may be in part because he vividly remembers the flood of 1973 ellis expresses his gratitude to the army corps of engineers for their assistance during the flood and to the fact that he lost nothing tangible and has been able to maintain his job in the midst of such chaos. which inspired this newer, taller wall. in that flood he, as a nineteen year-old recent high school graduate, helped to make the sandbags that temporarily raised the height of the pre-existing wall. he feels that this most recent flood of the summer of 2011 seemed much more severe than the flood of 1973; ellis claims it seemed so severe that this twenty-two-foot wall felt exponentially higher because of the shear amount of water which he knew to exist on the riverside: a side, that contains his current place of employheritage media llc johnny’s propeller shop ment. ellis is the vice president and general manager of johnny’s propeller. he has worked there since 1985, when he first started as a sales representative after being laid off from his job as a human resources director at an oil company. ellis says that luckily this flood inflicted no damages on the building because it is protected by a small levee built by the neighboring business. he points out that this is a very worthy investment, as the building of the levee cost approximately $4000, and the damages that would have been inflicted without the levee would have been over $500,000 to repair. although the flood did not destroy any part of the business structurally, it has made it inoperable in its current location and ellis had to remove equipment, renting a storage space within the city limits and moving the actual operating business to forty-five miles outside of morgan city. he is now in the process of searching for a business location on the protected side of the wall; this will be a big change for the company, which has been on the unprotected side of the wall since 1945. ellis says he plans on never leaving morgan city; it is his home, where he raised both his daughters (one who now lives in baton rouge, and the other in new orleans), saw them become queens of the shrimp and petroleum festival, and has his business. he believes the decline in population during the eighties was much more due to the failing oil industry than to the heightening of the wall, and says that in order to regain some of its population, morgan city needs to have more housing development (meaning large land owners need to sell their land in order to allow for smaller plots to be built on, as well as for fema to approve land that is not necessarily a “plus six” or six feet above sea level). more than anything, however, ellis expresses his gratitude to the army corps of engineers for their assistance during the flood and to the fact that he lost nothing tangible and has been able to maintain his job in the midst of such chaos. [11] when we addressed the first component of this service-learning project, calling our interviewee, we prepared a list of comprehensive questions that would allow us to get a better understanding of the events that took place in the spring of 2011. going into the interview, we had expectations. we expected the story to be the same as everyone else’s in morgan city that we had heard. that is the story of some minor property damages but nothing too bad. although we were aware of the fact that lange towing, the company which we were assigned to interview, was located on the “river-side,” we weren’t exactly expecting a riveting story. lange’s marine towing morgan city is home. after speaking with george lange for a few minutes, the story we were getting was quite unexpected. george lange is a third generation businessman who operates a marine towing business with his father and grand-father. he is one of three other full time tug boat captains who are employed under lange towing. george’s days are spent trolling the waters of the atchafalaya pushing barges of goods to as far west as beaumont, texas, to as far east as mobile, alabama. that is essentially the business plan of lange’s marine towing. with all of the chemical processing plants in southern louisiana, several tug companies are needed to transport barges of chemical-based dick’s tugboat gallery-george lange goods to their next destination. our first thoughts on how the flood would affect the tug pushing business was that it must’ve shut down the waterways for a few weeks at the most causing some financial losses to lange’s towing, but george’s story was considerably different from what we anticipated. during high water times like those during the flood, the united states coast guard imposes and enforces safety regulations regarding the movement of barges on the atchafalaya’s waterways. in fact, george explained to us that these regulations can result in a positive effect for the barge pushing industry. he happily shared the logistics of the whole operation with us. “when waters get too high, the coast guard makes us break down our typical barge loads. that means we will have to divide one barge into three and sometimes four separate barges. the reason for this is that moving a smaller barge is much more manageable than a larger one. we will make more money doing this because we get paid on a ‘per-barge’ basis.” this opened a whole new side of the flood story to us. in any situation, good or bad, there is always a beneficiary. in this particular situation, george lange and his family’s business benefitted. however, george was quick to add that this is not something he wishes for. there is never a time that he hopes for a situation that causes harm to the town and the people that he has lived with for his entire life. the flooding is just a fact of life on the atchafalaya. since flooding is such a large part of morgan city, it begs one to question why anyone would decide to live in this town, and that is essentially what we asked george. caught a bit off guard, george quickly retorted: “morgan city is home.” do not underestimate george lange’s statement as one of a “narrow-minded southern man” who is defending his hometown because it is all he knows. george lange travels the expanse of the gulf coast on a daily basis and has seen the best that it has to offer. george’s statement is one of supreme loyalty. he truly believes that morgan city is the best city and he wouldn’t have it any other way. as the interview began to wrap up, we began to comment on some of the recent weather happenings. high waters on the atchafalaya are dependent upon the rain and snow fall that occurs in the mississippi river watershed. recent snowfall in the state of ohio has been rather uncharacteristic and this raises some concern with george. george is rather experienced with watching the weather and predicting how it will affect the waterways because it is essential to his business to be aware of this. even when the army corps of engineers were predicting such high waters in the spring, george knew what was really going to happen: he knew that these estimations were grossly out of proportion. regarding the recent snowfall in ohio, george somewhat giddily explained that more high waters were to come, which is something he and the other marine towers of the atchafalaya cannot ignore. [12] bill new is the founder, owner, and president of new industries, a company that manufactures steel parts for the offshore oil and gas industry as well as parts for marine transportation. he first lived in morgan city for a short time in 1979, then again from 1980 to 1983; he moved back in 1986 and has been living here since then. his business is located on railroad avenue, just east of the morgan city cemetery at an elevation of eight feet on the protected side of the river. knowing the history of flooding new industries his business “was not about to be washed into the gulf of mexico,” and it would be “business as usual” at new industries during the flood. in morgan city, this was a conscious decision on his part. new industries was founded in 1986 and stands to provide “quality, safe, and on time steel fabrication services to the offshore oil and gas and marine industries.” the business focuses on large diameter, shop-manufactured pressure vessels. new industries makes it clear how important it is to provide “on time” steel fabrication services, and with the incoming flood it was important for new industries to remain open to provide their customers with full satisfacnew industries tion of their services. knowledge of the flood this spring in may, 2011, did not alarm mr. new. in fact, he knew both his family and his business would not be disturbed by the flood. his business remained open throughout the course of the flood and lost only one commission. mr. new blames the loss of valuable business on the overly dramatic news reports and their tendencies to exaggerate the truth of the situation. mr. new’s clients, friends, and family outside of morgan city watching coverage of the flood were more worried about the safety of his business and his family than mr. new was himself. he spent a good deal of time explaining to customers that his business “was not about to be washed into the gulf of mexico,” and it would be “business as usual” at new industries during the flood. mr. new felt that news networks, like cnn for example, were playing “fast and loose” with the facts surrounding the flood and did more to increase ratings than portray the flood realistically. mr. new knows that flooding in morgan city is inevitable, albeit very unusual, but feels that its inhabitants are well prepared for such emergency incidents and asserts that residents of morgan city know exactly what kind of flood situations they have had and probably will have in the future. mr. new feels that the presence of the floodwall along front st. is necessary and important to the community’s protection. he does not feel that increasing the height of the wall will be necessary any time in the near future. because of its prominence along the river, the floodwall has, if anything, fostered a sense of community spirit and pride among morgan city’s inhabitants. they look to the wall as their protector, and put their faith in its structural system and integrity. new industries has been in business for twenty-five years and mr. new expects his business to grow. he does not anticipate the prospect of future flooding inhibiting that growth in any way whatsoever. the building of his company on elevated ground is evidence of his preparation for the future. mr. new asserts that his business goes “to work every day with one goal: create a difference that matters,” and they will continues to make this difference in the morgan city community, the oil and natural gas industry, and beyond. [13] mike breaux is the supervisor of the morgan city branch of newpark environmental. located on second street just a block up from the walled area of morgan city, mike’s office was directly impacted by the flooding this past may. newpark environmental works alongside morgan city’s leading industry, the oil drilling industry. their primary responsibility is to remove non-hazardous waste from drilling sites. they are also involved in the cleanup processes that happen during and after drilling. newpark environmental services when asked if the danger of flooding was an incentive to move the branch, mr. breaux was quick to say no. in his business, the profit outweighs that threat by a long shot. mr. breaux works primarily from lafayette, la, where he controls regional operations. he travels to morgan city about 2 to 3 times a month to check on the branch. for the most part, modern technology allows him to supervise operations from a distance. mr. breaux tells us that morgan city is a very strategic location for their business, and they would never consider moving the morgan city branch. mr. breaux says that the professional relationships facilitated by the physical proximity to other businesses involved in the newpark resources drilling industry is extremely important to newpark. when asked if the danger of flooding was an incentive to move the branch, mr. breaux was quick to say no. in his business, the profit outweighs that threat by a long shot. mr. breaux estimates that the morgan city office is responsible for extracting about 30,000 to 40,000 barrels of waste per month, creating a revenue of about $500,000 to $700,000 monthly a very profitable business indeed. however, this revenue was directly impacted by the flooding this past may. the newpark morgan city branch had to close for two months and suffered almost $100,000 in damages. mr. breaux stated that his business was not the only one impacted in his area. there were, however, some that suffered minimal damage. some business owners decided to raise their buildings above the water plain; unfortunately, newpark was not among them. newpark relied on the city and accurate weather predictions to track the flooding down to almost the exact date and time. this allowed the business to be fully functional until right before the flood. they were aware of the possibility of flooding almost two months before it happened, giving newpark ample time to prepare efficiently. according to mike, the city was very helpful with providing information to the businesses and residents of morgan city. he says that the storm was tracked on the morgan city website, and that they received a biweekly water level prognosis. there were also city-wide meetings to determine the best collective approaches to deal with the flooding and cleanup processes. even though the city failed to provide help with the cleanup due to budget restrictions, mr. breaux claims that they were as helpful as possible on the information front and is pleased with the way city officials handled it. the cleanup process for newpark was completely privately funded. morgan city did everything possible to speed up the recovery, fast-tracking cleaning permits and other administrative issues. fortunately, newpark does have flood insurance and they were able to claim most of their losses. since newpark has been in operation in morgan city it has experienced similar flooding three times. for newpark, the benefits of their location make the prospect of moving the branch highly unlikely. mike breaux and newpark environmental will continue to be a part of the fabric of morgan city for years to come. [14] “i’ve lived in morgan city for forty-two years, which means i’ve been around both times they’ve opened the morganza spillway to flood the atchafalaya. i’ve lived through many ‘floods’ of morgan city. “my name is jerry gauthier, and i’m the vice president of oceaneering international, inc. we build and operate rov’s—remotely operated underwater vehicles—in deep waters all around the world. our rov’s are used for underwater oil and mining operations, underoceaneering international, inc. we’re a city of about 12,000. baton rouge is over 200,000; new orleans is over 300,000. that’s more than a half a million people compared to 12,000. i completely understand why we take the water for them. water recovery, and oceanographic research. just a few weeks ago we did some work in the red sea off the coast of saudi arabia. needless to say, some of the equipment is pretty expensive and we have to take a lot of precautions when we transport and operate our machinery in foreign waters, but we seldom have any real issues with damaged goods. our guys are well trained and really enjoy what they do. most of the guys are just happy they get to dive and explore oceans for a living. who wouldn’t like that? oceaneering international, inc. “so when we first heard that they were going to open the spillway, i was a bit concerned, seeing as we just finished construction on a new $25 million facility on the river side of the wall. to ensure our equipment wasn’t in jeopardy, we put it all on barges. our products are designed to be underwater, so it wasn’t necessary that we keep them dry. “during the first flood i didn’t really see all that much damage, so i wasn’t expecting much this time either, especially since the wall has been beefed up since the 70’s and the pump system technology has been improved as well. i didn’t evacuate the first time, and evacuating didn’t even cross my mind this time. “when the water finally did reach us, there was hardly any damage to anyone’s property at all. our business wasn’t affected. i know a few people had some property damage, but overall the town was fine. the national guard was a huge help. they came in with a plan, fortified the wall, and made sure the town stayed dry. after it was over, they came back and cleaned up. i tip my hat to these guys for what they did for us. “some people get bent out of shape about the fact that our city gets flooded so that baton rouge and new orleans can stay dry, but i don’t agree. we’re a city of about 12,000. baton rouge is over 200,000; new orleans is over 300,000. that’s more than a half a million people compared to 12,000. i completely understand why we take the water for them. “in my opinion, the media blew things out of proportion. i remember seeing pictures of devastated houses and ruined buildings, but there were only a few on the river side of the wall. it was just the same house and couple of buildings photographed over and over. not everyone here minded that, though, and, in a way, it was nice for our small town to get some national attention. “i could never see myself living anywhere else. morgan city is where i was born and raised. i got married here and i raised my children here. there’s no way that the possibility of a flood every thirty or forty years is going to keep me from the city. people deal with earthquakes on the west coast and tornadoes in the midwest, and we get hurricanes almost every year. i think i can deal with a little bit of water every now and then.” [15] in may of 2011, when the waters of the mighty mississippi were predicted to inundate the giant wall guarding morgan city, jerry hoffpauir was prepared to face the flood. he and other citizens of morgan city have to take the possibility of a flood into consideration every year. the potential flood of 2011 “just had higher predictions.” mr. hoffpauir would know because his job as executive director of the port of morgan city allowed him to work alongside the citizens and businesses of the town as they prepared for the flood. the port of morgan city once the waters go down, this is when our battle actually begins. in the port of morgan city, there are three employees in all and each of them lives within the port district. mr. hoffpauir believes that the port would benefit rather than suffer from more employees. he is very involved with the rest of the community through his job, and his favorite part happens to be interacting with the public. mr. hoffpauir is a dedicated citizen of morgan city, louisiana. his background is spread across the south: he was born in orange, texas, raised in northern florida, and finally settled in morgan city 55 years ago to date. his marine, morgan city, la_chris rombouts shipyard and political experiences are what brought him to the port, where he has stayed for eleven years, and where he plans to stay until he retires. none of his children join him at the port, although some are still fellow working citizens of morgan city. during his 55 wonderful years in morgan city, another flood did strike, and it was a bad and memorable one the flood of 1973. this flood was enough to warn the citizens for every subsequent year of the possibility of another, which is one reason why this year went so smoothly. according to mr. hoffpauir, the port had “excellent communication” with morgan city’s mayor, tim matte, and they had plenty of time to prepare for the flood. with help from the army corps of engineers, the coast guard, and the noaa, they were able to remove the equipment from the dock and shut the dock down before it was submerged in the flood. in the words of mr. hoffpauir, “kudos to them.” however, finding places to store and protect marine assets was one of the biggest problems for workboat owners and operators. another bad effect of the flood was the fact that the dock was shut down for 30 days, something extremely inconvenient for the port of morgan city. after the flood, the port remains positive and opportunistic. it is currently working on identifying how much sediment was left on the river bottom from the flood, which is a challenge because the dredging budget has been cut and is currently less than $8 million, so they must start lobbying for money. mr. hoffpauir believes that the port’s business would greatly increase if morgan city were able to get more attention for its many resources. throughout preparations for the flood, morgan city got much coverage in the news. mr. hoffpauir was approached by channel 9, daily review, and even workboat magazine to be interviewed about the flood and the port. but, according to mr. hoffpauir, morgan city is always in the news for hurricanes. the people of morgan city hold a fantastic community dynamic and everyone is involved in the community. while the town holds many workers who commute from far away as well as many passersby and a few tourists, the locals of morgan city are born and raised on marine culture. mr. hoffpauir says that on a typical saturday afternoon, locals and tourists alike can be seen walking along the “seawall” and shopping downtown. the seawall he refers to is a 22-foot tall concrete barrier wall that stands between the water and front street of morgan city, protecting the city from floods, and potentially blocking the views of the downtown façade. when asked if its placement affected the port or community dynamic in morgan city, mr. hoffpauir replied that it hasn’t affected it at all. [16] charlie solar is a native of morgan city. he owns businesses in morgan city called charlie’s pawn shop and charlie solar’s river sand. since he was born and has been living there for about 59 years, he remembers the very first flood of hurricane audrey in about 1958: “i remember that water coming up from the storm,” he said, “every year you get a little bit of water, you just clean up and go about your business for the next year.” in 1973 he lived outside of the wall and the water was still higher then. this year, flooding came again as well as the oil spill. fortunately, his business isn’t directly related to the oil industry. the levee wall definitely is important to protect the people from the flood. to charlie, it is not as if they could take the levee down, it was something that had to be built, so the city has made the best out of a necessity. thus, he wasn’t really affected by that disaster. in regards to the flood, he was lucky that his business is selling sand. as a result of the flood, people were buying sand around the city; especially when they had leaks in the barge, he provided the sand to block it up. mr. solar is also the owner of another business, charlie’s pawn shop. since his shop is on high ground and he has moved with his family within the wall in the city, he wasn’t as affected by the flood. actually, he benefited from it. this has given him a different perspective on the events that occurred this summer. charlie solar charlie solar’s river sand when asked his initial reaction to the flood, he said he knew that his business would sell a lot of sand. people usually buy up sand under such circumstances. on the other hand, he prepared himself for 18 inches of water in his pawnshop by moving everything off of the ground and routinely checking to make sure they stayed that way. he even expected to get more than the 18 inches, and was relieved when it didn’t happen. in fact, he said he doesn’t think that anyone was really affected other than a few businesses that had to temporarily move. he stated that everybody has to be prepared (and generally is) for what’s going to happen because flooding is part of the way of life in morgan city. a company, he said, even built a levee around their building to prepare for flooding; even with these precautions, they decided to move their operations during the flood, even though it may not have been necessary. the levee wall definitely is an important component to protecting the people from the flood. to charlie, it is not as if they could take the levee down, it was something that had to be built, and so he thinks the city has made the best out of a necessity. when asked about the whole flood system (such as the morganza and old river control centers), he said they keep saying that they are controlling the river, but that’s pretty much impossible. however, when the gates are opened this benefits mr. solar, “the corps, when they pump out the river, they pump the sand out of the river and into my pit, so it fills her up.” the dredge only comes once a year and he is there at the pit often to make sure everything is operating well. “i’ve got my own little spillway going through my pit,” he stated. the corps of engineers sort of does the same thing as he does when he figures out how to manipulate the sand to go from this side to that. he can understand how a lot of people don’t see what the corps is doing, and thus they get a bad reputation. because of his line of work, however, he understands the difficulties they face. when asked what he would say to the corps about the control system, he said, “if i was to ask them one question it would be, why didn’t they open the gate a little earlier?” apparently, he has asked them and they replied by saying that because of new orleans they can’t open it too soon. he thinks this process needs to be rethought because they didn’t have any water before the flood and then it came rushing in, and it seems to be a flawed system. after the flood, everything went back to normal. the cleanup was done well. there were still some flood protection effects lying around post flooding, but they were left for the hurricane season. the city inside the wall wasn’t really affected so there wasn’t much to fix. when asked, mr. solar said that he never thought about moving; morgan city is where he grew up. he said some young people leave and come back when they can, but his favorite part about the city is knowing everyone and being known. he has accepted flooding as part of life and is proud to call morgan city his home. [17] morgan city, located off of the atchafalaya river in louisiana, was hit by severe rain to such a high degree that morganza spillway had to be opened for only the second time in history. as a result, there was flooding throughout many parts of morgan city in the spring of 1973. recently, during the summer of 2011, morgan city experienced high rising water once again. what began as a small inconvenience for a couple of businesses close to the mississippi’s bank, quickly became a major point of concern for many businesses and residents on the protected side of the city’s flood wall. sub surface tools, inc. even though the flood was a major issue for us, we were able to maintain focus and continue business; we were all prepared for what could and did happen. we were fortunate enough to talk to mr. chris lipari. he is the financial executive of sub surface tools, inc. he explained to us how the flooding did not actually affect the stream of revenue that was coming into his business. the two aspects that were affected the most were time and energy. with the threat of severe water damage looming in the near future, the decision was made to relocate important assets and inventory to another property owned by sub surface tools that was more protected by the city’s floodwall. sub surface tools inc. [18] during and after the relocation process business went on as usual and sales continued to be made because their clientele is made up of a plethora of businesses and companies that are widespread across the country, some even international. mr. chris lipari expounded on the situation when he informed us that the majority of money made comes from the orders that large oil companies make. since sub surface tools only sells machinery parts for underwater endeavors and does not deal with any assembly, they were able to ship their relocated inventory to their customers without interference. chris lipari was quick to let us know how well he believed the army corps of engineers and local authorities handled the severe weather and threat it posed to communities affected by the mississippi river. from his perspective, morgan city made the best of a bad situation and took everything in stride. “even though the flood was a major issue for us, we were able to maintain focus and continue business. we were all prepared for what could and did happen.” when all was said and done, it was still business as usual at sub surface tools. nearing seventy years old, engineer and current president of swiftships in morgan city, louisiana, calvin leleaux has lived the majority of his life among boats and the mississippi river. leleaux was born in new iberia and attended the university of southernwestern louisiana. in 1968, he moved to berwick, louisiana, where he worked in the boating industry until he was drafted into the military and joined the air force. while he was successful in the military, he felt he was a boat builder at heart. in 1972, leleaux moved back to berwick, where he still lives to this day, and became an engineer at swiftships, a boat building swiftships we’ll learn a bit more, we’ll protect ourselves a bit more, and we will overcome the next one. company. leleaux describes himself as someone who takes care in making decisions; he chose not to live in morgan city, as he did not want to live in a “fishbowl.” when looking for a home, he was very aware of the consequences of living in an area with a constant threat of flooding. he came to the conclusion that “it is better to spend money on something that you know will be around for a long time.” unfortunately, leleaux’s business relies on direct access to the water front, and is therefore on the other side of the flood-wall. swiftships was able to petition to the army corps of swiftships_145 foot supply and support vessel of engineers to get a personal protective wall built around their business in an attempt to protect their assets in a flood. the wall that was built was ten feet high; however, the floodwaters from this past flood rose up to twelve feet, and the business was unable to escape unscathed. with the cajun “never say die” attitude, the oncoming threat of the flood caused swiftships to take matters into their own hands and make precautions, especially as morgan city seemed to be more focused on the people rather than the businesses. swiftships put three thousand, two-ton sandbags around their ship yard, moved offices and important administrative spaces to higher levels, and moved valuable assets to other locations. when asked how the flood affected daily business life, leleaux remarked that the flood was not going to deter the company from functioning: “we are going to keep striving and working…not gonna let people go…use clever techniques to survive…and use all of our brain power.” after the waters receded, it took six to eight weeks for swiftships to fully function again and they hope to return to normalcy by the end of this year; however, the two and a half million dollar hit that the company took due to the flood is still a hurdle swiftships will need to overcome. mr. leleaux felt that not enough attention was paid to the businesses in morgan city. he felt that it is important that the people are protected, but that the businesses are just as vital to the city and should therefore get the same opportunities as the citizens. he feels that if the businesses cannot survive, then the workers will lose their jobs. since the army corps of engineers made the decision to open the morganza floodway, the city is no longer considered a disaster area. this means that the businesses get no monetary assistance from the government in order to rebuild. since the government feels that swiftships is part of a “critical industry,” and has strong ties to the u.s. navy, mr. leleaux has taken it upon himself to file a government claim to help cover for some of the losses. mr. leleaux comments that he has learned a lot from the flood and hopes to use his experience to help the company grow and better cope with the next flood. he notes that “we’ll learn a bit more, we’ll protect ourselves a bit more, and we will overcome the next one.” leleaux hopes to advocate more for himself and his company when he feels that his business has been overlooked and has decided to add more employees to his company that deal specifically with flood protection. unfortunately, he feels the one lesson that does not seemed to be acknowledged is how vital and essential the waterfront industries are to morgan city. people think that these are big businesses that can rebuild themselves because they have the money, but that is not true for the majority; the waterfront industries are “mostly mom and pop businesses.” [19] “we had a perfectly ample warning.” said dale rentrop, jr., owner of tiger tuggz, llc, “i was never worried.” he was reflecting on the summer atchafalaya river flood of 2011 during an interview. he went on to explain that morgan city officials had given businesses on the river side of the seawall an exaggerated warning multiple weeks in advance in order to help them prepare for the effects. however, even with an early warning, it still took tiger tugz, llc nature is nature. what can we do but keep moving forward? dale and his employees about 5-6 days of hard labor to prepare for the flood. all computers and electronics had to be moved out of the building. they had to disconnect the air conditioning and sewage. also, the majority of their boats and floating merchandise was moved to the other side of the river with the higher boat dock, because the morgan city side dock was underwater. thanks to the fair warning and heavy preparation, dale managed to avoid his business being completely photo courtesy of tuwboatgallery.com swept away by the flood. however, that is not saying that the preparation and unavoidable damage didn’t cost anything. because insurance did not help cover any damages or preparations, the flood ended up costing tiger tuggz about $20,000, according to dale. nonetheless, the potential damage could have been significantly worse and mr. rentrop noted that, because of the early preparation, the business did not suffer any permanent damage. a surprising effect that floods had all across the atchafalaya basin was not noticed until after the waters had subsided. such a great volume of water also brought with it an exceptional amount of silt deposit. mr. rentrop reported that there was up to about six inches of silt left in the building and other areas that the water had flooded. according to him, clearing the silt was the most difficult part of the entire cleanup process. also, tiger tuggz had to utilize a few of its tugboats to help relieve a few barges that were stuck in mud up in the swamps due to the increase in silt. various people and businesses place blame on the army corps of engineers for the harmful flooding effects of the summer. mr. rentrop had a different opinion, explaining that he and his colleagues were aware of the dangers when they settled on the location. he asserted that “nature is nature,” and all one can do is allow it to run its course and prepare himself by cutting the most losses. although this is the first major flood that the business has experienced since its founding, a few other smaller floods had backed up the city’s storm drains which caused minor flooding on tiger tuggz’s side of the seawall. although this was the worst flood that tiger tuggz has ever seen, the lengthy forewarning that the city gave the business allowed mr. rentrop and his employees to appropriately prepare for the impending flood. the preparation, damage, and cleanup duties were fairly costly, but nothing close to how expensive the flood could have been. so when asked how he might change his business or prepare for the next flood, dale rentrop replied, “nature is nature. what can we do but keep moving forward?” [20] ship repair is an important facet of the economy and continued functionality of a river-based city like morgan city. dozens of companies along the riverfront both upstream and downstream rely on having well-maintained and working boats, thus companies such as washburn marine are essential to keeping the region running at full steam. darby washburn, the proprietor of washburn marine, has been in morgan city for twenty-three years, the last four of which he has been in the ship repair business. though he washburn marine, llc the flooding that so rarely affects the portion of morgan city protected by the seawall actually hits the businesses on the riverside of the wall roughly every other year. did not follow his family into the business of shipyard repair, his family did have a history of working with ships, as they previously worked in gas freeing and cleaning boats. washburn marine is only one of the companies in the area that repairs ships, but it manages to remain competitive due to the quality of its work. washburn marine only has twelve employees, yet despite this they still manage to repair two or three ships in a month. washburn marine typically repairs inland tow-vessels and barges, as these are chris dunn_bing maps the primary types of ships that are used in the area, reflecting the hub-like nature of morgan city. the repairing of each ship entails cutting off any parts which may not be functioning at full capacity and simply putting new pieces and parts into their respective places. for each ship, the average time required for repair is three weeks, although this can fluctuate depending on the severity of the damage. this yields a surprisingly clean-looking final product, of which both owner and repair-maker can be proud. the flooding that so rarely affects the portion of morgan city protected by the seawall actually hits the businesses on the riverside of the wall roughly every other year. sometimes flooding will even occur in subsequent years, depending on the prevailing river conditions. during the may, 2011, flood, washburn marine was forced to close down for about eight weeks. despite the length of the closure due to flooding, less than $50,000 worth of damage was done. however, roughly $300,000 were spent preparing the offices for flooding. the warehouses were the only parts of the business that were significantly damaged, with about eighteen inches of water getting above the eight-foot flood wall and over the floor of the warehouse. washburn marine did not receive much business after the flood; in fact, they lost two jobs which totalled approximately $200,000. despite the inevitability of future flooding, it seems that there is little that washburn marine can do to prepare for future flooding; floods always have been, and seemingly always will be a part of morgan city. [21] student authors kayleigh bruentrup julia sharp charles williams ariel rochwerger meredith jacobs alfia white emma jasinski ian rosefeld kathryn callandar laini watkins rob perez hillary bocash charles weimer chris dunn ryan kilpatrick jake gamberg katherine allen beau braddock aubrey keady-molanphy xiaowen li emily edmiston victoria cohen daniel omuro emily kingston zoe grosshandler zarith pineda saana shaikh india jacobs eric bethany ryan zamarripa kelsey howard rachel boynton sara conner chengxi huang sam tarpav josh veal tatyana moraczewski andrew snedeker erik blankenbaker carly epler lee chance faculty coordinator andrew liles, aia, leed ap 1 a critical eye on the service learning experience aubrey keady-molanphy tulane university the main focus of our studies this semester in the sophomore year at tulane school of architecture was the atchafalaya basin in louisiana, an important part of not only recent events but of the watershed for a third of the country. the recent recognition of its importance is due to the flooding that occurred the summer of 2011. this flooding was caused by both melting snow and rain from areas farther north in the country. for the service learning project in professor andrew liles’ class, our first semester sophomore design studio course, we studied the effect this flooding had on the area and precautions occupants took on both an individual scale and with regard to city planning. within the architecture studio work we studied, diagrammed, and conceptually mapped the watershed area to gain further understanding of its inner workings. we did this by looking at and critically examining the site, context, and infrastructure. this research provided us with the information that we could then use to influence our museum designs in order to make them relevant to the area. the goal of our design studio project was to design a museum that highlighted shrimp and petroleum, the major industries of morgan city. this museum would also include a performance space, shop, and café. the information came into play when we were deciding how to respond to the infrastructure of the area when designing the layout of the building as well as the façade treatments. we were also able to find planning systems within the site and then adapt those systems for the organization of our proposals. continuing with this line of investigation, the service learning added to this exploration by bringing in another level – the human scale, not physically, but emotionally and rationally. the citizens of this area were affected in different ways and we wanted to know how these affects reflected on the area as a whole. the people of morgan city, as the class had been told, love to know and celebrate their history. this service learning project assisted them in being able to document what occurred in the recent flood, a significant event in their history. during the last flood of 1973, morgan city officials attempted to collect the stories of the people in the affected areas. they were successful in gaining some documentation, but the information was never circulated, as demonstrated in a photograph of the records sitting in a box, seemingly untouched for years. for our project, students interviewed many different business owners who live in and around morgan city to gain different perspectives on the effects of the flood. each group wrote an article on their interviewee’s experience and provided a photograph relevant to the individual’s story. these narratives were printed in the book, morgan city 2011: documenting the floods for the morgan city archives. my thoughts about this project are mixed. interviewing charlie solar in morgan city did not influence my studio project because it happened too late in the design phase. from the interviews we learned that many citizens, including solar, raised their furniture on cinder blocks to keep their belongings dry. this was one of the more helpful tips for our design, but by the time we had interviewed the citizens, we had already discovered the benefit of raising our building through our site research of the downtown area of morgan city. while this project didn’t influence my studio design directly, i think it will ultimately influence my strategies as an architect. i say this because it caused me to look more at the affects that the site and context have at the human scale. in this stage of my architectural education, i 2 have often had a hard time understanding the effect that ceiling height, light, and other design elements have on a person’s experience in a space. as a result, my spaces haven’t been as rich as they could be because i do not connect as much with the human scale. however, solar’s and other interviewees’ experiences were not affected by the flood to the extent many of us expected. there wasn’t as strong of an emotional connection to this event to inspire our emotional connection as student designers. this made the idea of the human scale harder to grasp. yet i do feel that in the future, when confronted with a project in an affected area, i could apply similar research methods. this could allow me to connect at the human level, which would add richness to my designs by being sensitive to and understanding the experiences of those in the area. in addition, the service learning did give me information i didn’t previously know about the area before the semester, and it influenced my ideas of how to approach the investigation of a site. i realized that a person’s sense of community and home can be so strong that they will live in a potentially dangerous area rather than move to a safer location. i also learned that that the flood was not negative for everyone. for example, solar makes a living not only through his pawnshop, but also by selling sand. he profits financially when there is flooding because sand is led directly into his pit, and he can sell it back to the citizens and the city. his property was not flooded because he lives within the levee walls of the city, but he knew he had to prepare for the flood and acted accordingly. when asked why he chose to live in an area that is within the flood zone of the atchafalaya basin, solar explained that it is where he grew up and he loves that he knows everyone in the town ,and they know him. morgan city is his home, and he doesn’t want to move anywhere else. as a business owner and resident, solar had a different perspective on the issues relating to the flood and strengthened the idea that each person’s ideas have been shaped by their personal and community experiences and can provide insight that someone had not thought of before. morgan city 2011 research aubrey keady molanphy reflection a critical eye on the service learning experience tomasik manuscript draft undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 30 good intentions aren’t good enough: actionable steps and resources towards ethical and sustainable international service-learning programs christina tomasik lasell university abstract in recent years, the industry of international service learning has become highly commodified, in both the private and corporate sector, with half-hearted attempts by companies to give tourists an “authentic” and “transformative” experience, without really asking what these words mean. most notably, there has been a boom in higher education for students to participate in such projects, and with the rise of short-term and long-term service learning programs, there becomes the need for accountability and consistency to ensure rigor. this article details the action research study i conducted over the course of 2 years that culminated in a curriculum designed to educate faculty as they consider taking on the intercultural, pedagogical, and logistical challenges of building an international service-learning partnership. this curriculum developed as a solution to problems and concerns about faculty approaches at one school, and this essay uses journal excerpts and discussion to follow the timeline of my growing awareness of that problem. included is my involvement in two service learning programs as a student and eventually my role in a committee created to revamp the programs at a small new england university. the findings from this process can support other programs that are looking to review their projects for sustainability and alignment with moral ethics, and examine how they improve learning of social media, intercultural communication, power, and privilege. introduction over the last 30 years, the ‘voluntourism’ industry has expanded rapidly, due to a greater understanding of social responsibility and the increased ease of including volunteering opportunities in typical vacation destinations (vuici, lis, zajdel & toader, 2016). the pro-poor tourism movement of the 1990s had corporations and government stakeholders funneling money into “underserved” countries to stimulate their local economies. however, the actual outcome was an industry of exploitation that operated under the guise of building communities’ economic infrastructure and employing local personnel but really funded the detrimental efforts of global organizations (mcgloin & georgeou, 2015). this trend soon spilled over into higher education, where more and more students found their universities providing short-term, international service-learning opportunities. while this may seem beneficial in that it brings awareness about global issues and encourages people from all backgrounds to engage in meaningful work, research shows the commodifying of the industry results in a severe lack of rigor in these programs and often a counterproductive effect (andreotti, 2014; illich, 1968; mcgloin & georgeou, 2016; mitchell, 2008; ogden, 2008). though all efforts in service-learning are well intended, it has become clear that good intentions mean nothing unless they have researched, calculated, and sustainable efforts behind them. in this way, the education, and materials available to faculty who run these programs and the credit-bearing courses that are often attached must be reviewed for rigor and intent. this article details the research and work done over two years to eventually complete an action research study. as part of this study, i include good intentions aren’t good undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 31 my experience in a service learning program at my home university as well as one abroad, my work as a student representative on the ad hoc committee for our university’s programs, and the curriculum that i developed out of the work on the committee. the goal of this project was to encourage one small university to recognize the importance of evaluating their own knowledge, practice, and goals of their international service learning program, in the hopes of helping others. the curriculum created shares those goals but also now serves as a public product for other universities and programs to hopefully use to create greater benefits for all communities involved in the programs. methods this project used the framework of pragmatic action research (par; levin & greenwood, 2002) to answer the following question: how can the international service learning at one university be improved and supported to better meet the needs of its students who are calling for more ethical and evidence-based practice? the project used a cycle of planning, acting, reflecting, and evaluating over four semesters and led to the development of the good actions for good intentions collaborative curriculum for ethical and sustainable service learning programs. abbreviated as the good actions collaborative curriculum, this project began with preliminary research and development and several international service-learning experiences to test and apply the previous research. reflection and data collected throughout the development of the project helped to develop the backbone of the product and the endorsement of the committee created a place and a reason for its existence. thus, the par framework allowed for the study of international service learning in context and encouraged knowledge generation through the subsequent action. the timeline of the process that led to the creation of the good actions collaborative curriculum is detailed below. setting the setting of this study was a small private university located in new england, with an enrollment of approximately 1400 undergraduate students. one of the pillars of the university’s learning theory is that of “connected learning”; a philosophy that provides students with opportunities to practice the knowledge they learn in the classroom in the field that they’re working in. for many students, this takes the form of internships, clinicals, or practicum experiences (lasell university, 2021). through the collaborative efforts and research of a think tank in 2004, several university personnel came together to begin exploring international service learning opportunities to extend the options for “connected learning”. over the years, through committed faculty who created partnerships globally, numerous short-term service learning projects were created. in the 2018-2019 school year there were five service learning programs that had been running for at least six years, with the longest standing project running for 18 years (athey, lowenstein, alcalá, leroux, bucci, sampson, & lemieux, 2014). the international education office of the university, which is responsible for providing logistical support for the faculty leading the projects collected data on students’ thoughts on their experience before and upon returning. the data over time reflected a largely positive response in reference to the projects, with many students noting it as a pivotal part of their experience at the university. in recent years, however, the data showed that students felt there was a lack of preparation and not enough reflection for the work being done in these projects, as well as a lack of accountability for students and faculty before, during, and after travel (weltzin, 2020). this information was significant to my motivation as a researcher as my goal for this study was always to take the information that i found helpful as a student in multiple settings and offer it to faculty to help strengthen their courses. beyond that, i knew i wasn’t the only student who felt the call to action in revising these programs, as the data included here shows. this sentiment is also reflected in my research question, which directly aims to meet the needs of good intentions aren’t good undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 32 students who are calling for more evidence-based practices. partners in conducting the study the primary participants of the study were myself and a faculty member seeking to improve international service learning at my undergraduate institution. the faculty member i worked with was a co-leader of a short-term international service learning program on campus. this faculty member invited me onto an ad hoc committee as a student representative that was created in the spring of 2019 to take stock of the programs, comparing the courses to best practices in international service learning, and providing findings and actionable steps moving forward for the service learning programs. through the par process, it became apparent that there was a need to create a curriculum for international service learning faculty, which then became the good actions for good intentions collaborative curriculum for ethical and sustainable service learning programs. processes the following table details the timeline of the study conducted. considering the fact that the research was completed in multiple settings with myself taking on multiple roles, this serves to illustrate how the good actions collaborative curriculum came to be. it should be noted that while the good actions collaborative curriculum is very much informed by my own experiences, i made active efforts in each cycle of my research to seek out others to discuss my findings, within the service learning world and outside of it, and continued to collaborate with my professor throughout. much of her role was to push me to apply my findings to my work in service learning as a student but also in my career as a teacher and challenge me to examine my own bias within my findings. in addition, upon completion of the good actions collaborative curriculum, i shared it with fellow students to critique as well as other professors who were familiar with my work and those who knew nothing about it. i also sought out colleagues in the service learning industry outside of my university to evaluate the curriculum for integrity, add in other best practices, and give feedback on their impression. time period location role steps in research outcomes to inform study september december 2018 new england university student participant, researcher -enrolled in prerequisite course accompanying project in antigua and barbuda -began an independent research study on voluntourism after being introduced to topic in course -critically explored blogs, scholarly articles, and documentaries surrounding the topic and documented early findings for best practices -met weekly with collaborating professor to discuss bias, findings, and what the data might lead to -baseline data collection and analysis on the voluntourism industry, potential repercussions of it, and the beginnings of what best practices might look like -an understanding that this was an important topic to me and i wanted to present the information to a larger audience good intentions aren’t good undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 33 january 2019 antigua & barbuda student participant, researcher -traveled to antigua and barbuda with other participants in course during a j-term -collaborated with teachers, specialists, and locals on the island for a week -observed how the practices i researched independently and learned about in class might look on the ground february june 2019 stellenbosch, south africa student participant, researcher -traveled to stellenbosch, south africa for a semester abroad -took part in the local university’s global service learning (gsl) program with other international students where we participated in weekly in class lectures and taught at a local township in their kindergarten classroom once a week -continued research on service learning in higher education by keeping journal entries of my experience and comparing the similarities and differences to my time in antigua -communicated weekly with the same collaborating professor to discuss my experiences and how they informed my research to date -theoretical and philosophical information from gsl course that provided backing for much of the anecdotal and experiential data that had been collected -a new perspective on how to approach service learning and community based research from a new university, program, and cultural lens september december 2019 new england university researcher, student representative on committee -ad hoc committee was called by university to revise and review service learning projects including the antigua project -invited by collaborating professor to be student representative on committee -opportunity to create a curriculum for service learning programs based on recommendations from the committee using data collected -began work on analyzing data collected previously by coding scholarly articles for themes and best practices and determining -compilation of data and analysis into objectives, guides, and resources for the good actions for good intentions collaborative curriculum good intentions aren’t good undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 34 faculty and student objectives for each criteria included in curriculum february 2020 guanajuato, mexico presenter -traveled to guanajuato, mexico to present findings and receive feedback at the association for academic programs in latin america and the caribbean (aaplac) -chance to present good actions collaborative curriculum to international audience to receive feedback and include more perspectives on best practices march 2020 new england university student representative on committee -presented final ad hoc committee recommendations and the good actions collaborative curriculum to university’s program review board to determine next steps -opportunity to present curriculum as part of the final recommendations and begin discussions on finding a permanent location for the good actions curriculum to be accessible to faculty good intentions aren’t good enough undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 35 results: good actions for good intentions collaborative curriculum for ethical and sustainable service learning in the next section, i will outline the goals, structure, and criteria of the curriculum. the intended use of this product is for faculty that will be or are looking into leading a project to understand what the standards for their course are. ideally, they would have access to the curriculum at the conception of their project or the beginning of the design of their syllabus. this way they can read through the given materials and suggestions and determine how they would look as applied to their course, academic area, and community partnerships. it should also be noted that though the community needs criteria are not first in the order for the sake of creating a logical timeline for faculty who are just beginning to design a course, the educational goal and all decisions made regarding the project should involve and revolve around the direct needs of the community partners. goals of curriculum ● to provide consistency in mindset and content of coursework attached to service-learning programs. ● to build off the hawthorne rubric for international service learning and create actionable steps that professors can work towards with their students (detailed below) ● to provide a theoretical basis for service work and applicable activities to use to accomplish themes and objectives in class. ● to guide discussion and reflection for faculty and students before, during, and after the project. ● to make faculty and participants question our practices and our understanding of what service is, why we choose to do this work, and what it is serving in hopes of developing best practices on how to instruct on culture, power, privilege, and service. structure of curriculum figure 1 overview of the good actions collaborative curriculum in google drive criteria are organized into individual folders in a collaborative drive. there is also a folder including all theoretical resources and a document for the goals and guidelines and feedback. being that the curriculum is collaborative, it exists in two public platforms, google drive and dropbox. on each format that the curriculum exists, it is organized into folders that are labeled according to the themes of the hawthorne rubric. the hawthorne rubric is developed by an alumna of the antigua project, included in appendix a. the rubric allows faculty to assess where their projects stand in comparison to the criteria defined, which is a significant part of the review process. the rubric offers a template for professors to document the current goals, actions, and teachings they are using in their project. by providing the criteria good intentions aren’t good undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 36 and best practices to compare their current practices against, faculty can target areas of improvement in their courses. the criteria included in the hawthorne rubric and subsequently the good actions curriculum are as follows: community need, sustainability, collaboration, communication, faculty preparation, student training, educational goal, image, respect, and reflection, though the order of the themes has changed to correlate with the natural progression of a college course. the basic format of the curriculum includes separate folders for each criterion that include a guide as well as folders that include files for the activities and resources mentioned in each guide. as mentioned, the guides provide a roadmap of how professors can use the curriculum and its resources to inform themselves and then design a class to inform their students about the culture they’re visiting, the work they’re doing, and all the implications that come with it. the guides for each criterion are included in appendix b. in addition, there is a feedback form for the audience to leave detailed notes on their thoughts and additions to the curriculum, as well as documents detailing the goals and guidelines. the two formats are designed so that the audience can interact with the curriculum in a way that is collaborative but also controlled in a way. participants can comment on the guides but only the owner can make changes, to encourage a conversation about why a change should be made intentionally, rather than allowing the general public license to significantly alter the material. figure 2 sample guide from criteria #1: educational goal outlined are the objectives, an overview of the suggestions, and the main takeaways from the resources. also included are suggested activities, discussion questions, and the connections to other criteria (not pictured). criteria of the curriculum the suggestions made for each theme vary depending on the material, but usually include a scholarly resource that the material is based on, guiding questions for exploration and discussion, and activities to engage in the theme or accomplish the objective. some themes are good intentions aren’t good undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 37 much more intangible and cannot be addressed in a class period, like respect, reflection, and sustainability. this is noted in the respective guides and it is encouraged to incorporate the activities and discussion questions before, during, and after the projects’ completion. below are the general outlines of how each theme is addressed in the curriculum. 1: educational goal. this theme is the first in the curriculum as it is the starting point for any project or related course. the main focus is ensuring that the goal of the project aligns with the faculty members’ knowledge, area of expertise, and the goals of the community involved. beyond that, it promotes reflection on how the goal of the material of the course and work done on the ground can truly reflect that goal. this is mainly accomplished by using the smart goal template, a tool developed to help people create goals that are specific, measurable, action-oriented, reasonable, and time-sensitive. this helps to set high expectations, as well as making sure the goal aligns with the mission of the university and its programs and that students have a way to show that they’ve met this goal at the end of the semester, through an extension project, reflection, or otherwise. 2: faculty preparation. ensuring that faculty are well informed and ready to lead students in a service project is essential to the longevity of the program. this includes not only equipping them with skills and information for the culture they’ll be traveling to and the problem they’ll be addressing but providing faculty members with access to information on ethical and sustainable service learning and encouraging them to become active participants in the community. in the guides, this looks like structuring critical reflection on the previous accomplishments of the project and the subsequent development of the community and determining how this can be used to inform the goal and structure of that year's goal. 3: sustainability. one of the hallmarks of all service projects should be its sustainability; in that, it is designed to change and develop its goals and efforts as the cohorts and communitythey’re working with change as well. in this way, it’s also important to ensure that the conversations and work done during the project do not simply vanish upon returning. rather, that students are encouraged or required to take action in their own community or stay active in the community they visited. whether it's participating in the same industry on a domestic level, or creating an extension of the work done directly in connection with that project, students must understand that there has to be follow-up. 4: community needs. when designing an educational goal and a focus for a project, instructors must work directly with the community partners to create shared goals that directly respond to the community’s needs. so often groups enter communities with an agenda that they only assume will “help” the people and economy there, but often these half-hearted plans do more harm than good. by aligning the goal of the project with the goal of the community and inviting the project partners to have an active and continuous role, there is a much higher chance of success and progress. the criteria in the curriculum addresses the importance of responding to community need and how that is accomplished. in addition, it asks some of the hard questions like, “who does this goal truly benefit?” and “who defines ‘progress?” to make sure there is critical thinking surrounding the goal of the project. 5: respect. one of the most abstract of the themes addressed in the curriculum, this criterion is mainly concerned with how respect is defined by different people in different contexts, and what it might look like in reference to that specific project. considering that respect and the implications of respect are so intangible, it is noted in the guide that this is a topic that should be brought up often and addressed deeply throughout the course. some of the suggestions made to unpack the theme is having the professor and other faculty leaders speak to their journey of gaining trust with their community partner, or if they are still creating an initial relationship, what they’re doing to build it. good intentions aren’t good undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 38 6: collaboration. this theme is addressed in two different objectives; one targeted towards the cohort themselves and how they collaborate and one examining how the cohort aims to collaborate with the project partners. during the course before the travel, students are encouraged to identify the strengths they bring to the group and participate in critical thinking and group bonding activities. in response to the project goal, students will work to create actionable steps that they can work on before, during, and after their travel. 7: reflection. the topic of reflection is another theme that is specifically incorporated throughout the entirety of the curriculum. numerous scholars on critical service-learning have cited the importance of emphasizing personal reflection at all stages of a project, and emphasize it as a component that sets traditional programs apart from those that work towards social change (mitchell, 2008; ogden, 2008; yost, setner & forlenza-bailey, 2000). reflection can come in dozens of forms but focuses on building community within the group to make uncomfortable conversations more palatable to be able to address how things like privilege and power operate in an international space as people living in the united states. 8: student training. as a counterpart for the intentional time built in for the professor to explore the community, industry, and work that will be part of the project, students need to have a base understanding as well. student training in this criterion involves circumambulating the concept of culture and investigating the culture of the area that’s being collaborated with. furthermore, the criteria also look at the theoretical ideas of reductionism and complex systems to understand how different parts of society work to make the culture as a whole. 9: communication. this theme mostly addresses intercultural communication and dovetails off of the student training subjects of learning to be culturally competent, communication styles, and the role that culture plays in conversation and interaction. more practically students are encouraged to explore the most effective means of communicating with their community partners, and if students are working directly with personnel in teams or partners, writing introduction statements for themselves. 10: image. the topic of image is mostly centered around social media’s role in the project. one of the first questions asked is simply, “does social media have a role in this project?”. hopefully, this opens a large conversation about how to avoid creating media surrounding the work being done that isn’t self-serving, or if that’s even possible. other groups that have implemented these protocols have created expectations for social media use for the duration of the project and discuss how to address inappropriate use of social media during the project. students must also consider how they’re portraying the university, community, and themselves to the outside world with their vernacular, photos, and the narrative they create around the collaborations they’re taking part in. discussion though this action research study and the curriculum created were carried out by and for one university’s program, this should not limit its generalization. the programs targeted in this article have been built up by the faculty that has run them and their relationships with those community partners are individual, as well as the courses they’ve designed to go along with them. however, in essence, they are short-term international service programs, and very similar programs exist all over the country. in the same way, the principles and essential elements that the projects stand upon are— or should be— consistent with what is expected at other universities. if this is not the case, then the hope is that the curriculum would be of use to those programs. with the ability to generalize this work established, the question is then how to go about making the information open and available to others. as mentioned, the product is, in essence, designed for sharing and collaboration, and therefore anyone with the link to the google drive good intentions aren’t good undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 39 folder or dropbox link can view and use the materials, and the link is also included at the end of this article. through conferences, individual presentations, and the publication of this piece, the hope is to increase accessibility as much as possible. within the university, there has also been discussion of putting the curriculum on a canvas page that is open to all faculty, regardless of if they currently run a program, to give them an idea of what it takes and how they might go about doing it. over the last two and a half years, this project has developed from a small idea into something that will be hopefully long-lasting. it is the hope that other students will be empowered to take advantage of the opportunities around them or create them for themselves and question the structures in place. through these actions, service-learning programs will become filled with student voices and passionate participants that will push universities and faculty to seek out resources to strengthen their programs and maximize the benefits for all parties involved. the good actions collaborative curriculum is accessible through the links below, or by contacting the author directly at tini10210@gmail.com google drive: good actions for good intentions collaborative curriculum for ethical and sustainable service learning programs in google drive dropbox: good actions for good intentions collaborative curriculum for ethical and sustainable service learning programs in dropbox feedback document: good actions collaborative curriculum feedback document mailto:tini10210@gmail.com https://drive.google.com/drive/folders/1hdnwcbs2gr5p56co5blf4z8kp1w1wm4c?usp=sharing https://drive.google.com/drive/folders/1hdnwcbs2gr5p56co5blf4z8kp1w1wm4c?usp=sharing https://www.dropbox.com/sh/v9rkjdtsf10k0ke/aadeqatk2un041hsvum8zb5oa?dl=0 https://www.dropbox.com/sh/v9rkjdtsf10k0ke/aadeqatk2un041hsvum8zb5oa?dl=0 https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/0e7kue96khp1ykzk0trxo/good-actions-collaborative-curriculum-feedback.docx?dl=0&rlkey=88e0jfcmfhdxf94sdjtx2y55y good intentions aren’t good undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 40 references de andreotti, v. o. (2014). soft versus critical global citizenship education. in development education in policy and practice (pp. 21-31). palgrave macmillan, london. athey, s., lowenstein, s., alcalá, h., leroux, t., bucci, l., sampson, l., . . . lemieux, m. (2014, september). international partnerships at lasell:think tank history, partnership-building protocols, and compensations [pdf]. hawthorne, m. (2017, december). hawthorne rubric for international service learning [scholarly project]. retrieved from https://drive.google.com/drive/u/0/folders/0b0owqdxybmpvzvzonf9kthnmuxm illich, i. (1968). to hell with good intentions. combining service and learning: a resource book for community and public service, 1, 314-320. lasell university. (2021). connected learning. retrieved april 4, 2021, from https://www.lasell.edu/academics/connected-learning.html levin, m., & greenwood, d. (2001). pragmatic action research and the struggle to transform universities. handbook of action research: participative inquiry and practice, 103. mcgloin, c., & georgeou, n. (2016). ‘looks good on your cv’: the sociology of voluntourism recruitment in higher education. journal of sociology, 52(2), 403-417. mitchell, t. d. (2008). traditional vs. critical service-learning: engaging the literature to differentiate two models. michigan journal of community service learning, 14(2), 50-65. ogden, a. (2007). the view from the veranda: understanding today’s colonial student. frontiers: the interdisciplinary journal of study abroad, 15(1), 35-56. weltzin, s. (2020, march 27). quotes & data for final report [pdf]. vuici, a., lis, a., zajdel, m., & toader, c. s. (2016). a comparative study concerning the young people's attitudes towards voluntourism. agricultural management/lucrari stiintifice seria i, management agricol, 18(3). yost, d. s., sentner, s. m., & forlenza-bailey, a. (2000). an examination of the construct of critical reflection: implications for teacher education programming in the 21st century. journal of teacher education, 51(1), 39-49. http://www.lasell.edu/academics/connected-learning.html good intentions aren’t good undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 41 appendices appendix a: hawthorne rubric for international service learning service learning project rubric purpose: use this rubric to assess current and future service-learning projects. how to use: the middle column addresses the criteria that must be met to meet the ethical standards of service learning. the ‘concerns’ column is used to list critical feedback and areas of improvement. the ‘advanced’ column is used to list areas in which the project has exceeded the standards and gone beyond what is expected. for more information please look at the sources listed on the last page. concerns areas that need improvement criteria standards for this performance advanced evidence of exceeding standards criteria #1: community need ● the project will be community-driven ● the project will support the local economy and/or local organizations ● community need has been attached to an academic learning goal before the project will begin criteria #2: collaboration ● learners and community members will share a common long term goal ● an agreement between the two participants will be created ● shared tasks will be created and used as a means to promote good intentions aren’t good undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 42 personal interactions ● small ngos or local groups will be used to connect more meaningfully, facilitate relationships, and provide perspective ● sustaining and nurturing relationships will be the centerpiece of the project criteria #3: communication ● each party will have an understanding of their role and consistent communication will be upheld between both parties ● faculty will remain in contact and involved with the local community and will be responsive to the needs and changing circumstances of the community criteria #4 professor training: ● faculty involved will be educated and engage in ongoing development to ensure that they understand the diverse needs of local partners good intentions aren’t good undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 43 ● administrators will provide clear guidelines to faculty along with training that involves learning about effective cross cultural communication to develop meaningful relationships and ethical servicelearning practices ● faculty will also be skilled at facilitating learning inside and outside of the classroom, promoting skill development, and encouraging reflection for both students and the professor criteria #5 student training: ● students will be properly educated to ensure that they understand the diverse needs of local partners ● students will learn about monitoring progress, collecting feedback, maintaining positive relationships ● students will be prepared to conduct an assessment and good intentions aren’t good undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 44 reflection of the project by the end ● students will be exposed to information about the community’s history, culture, language, and government ● students will participate in discussions on responsible engagement that include selfreflection on the project as well as learning effective cross-cultural communication skills criteria #6 educational: ● faculty will connect local goals with academic goals by creating projects that benefit multiple participants such as the local communities, the students, and the college ● goals will include a clear connection to the learning outcomes of the course while also benefiting the community partner in an ethical and sustainable manner good intentions aren’t good undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 45 criteria #7 sustainability: ● administration will provide a commitment and a willingness to work with local communities and representatives and ensure sustainability ● faculty and administration will ensure that the duration and intensity are enough so that students can make a positive and ethical impact ● administration and faculty will create structures to ensure that work and collaboration continues after travel criteria #8 image: ● photos/media will preserve the dignity of people in host communities and demonstrate the partnership between themselves and members learning together ● photos/media that is publicly posted emphasizes the focus and goals of the project good intentions aren’t good undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 46 ● photos/media show an emphasis on respecting and working with the community first and foremost before tourism ● members will be actively and critically conscious of their actions and motivations throughout the project criteria #9 respect: ● students and faculty will respect the people of the areas that they are visiting and value their dignity and human rights ● unlicensed people will not do jobs they are not equipped for ● the primary focus of the project will not be about material support but rather on bringing global awareness and providing an opportunity to develop mutual understandings and shared goals good intentions aren’t good undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 47 criteria #10 reflection: ● careful and deliberate reflection will take place by students and faculty before, during, and after travel takes place ● students will assess the project throughout its entirety ● results of the assessment will be shared and utilized to improve work ● local partners will be engaged in reflection and assessment activities whenever possible good intentions aren’t good undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 48 appendix b: curriculum guides hawthorne rubric for international service learning theme: criteria #1: educational goal ● faculty will connect local goals with academic goals by creating projects that benefit multiple participants such as the local communities, the students, and the college ● goals will include a clear connection to the learning outcomes of the course while also benefiting the community partner in an ethical and sustainable manner good actions objective and actionable steps: ● objective: faculty will create a course and purpose that directly relates to their area of expertise and create educational goals that support the academic area being targeted in the course and the work on the ground and keep track of progress towards the educational goal. all of this is done while determining and prioritizing the needs of the community involved. ● how will this be accomplished in class? ○ determining what the professor’s area of expertise and interest is and how they can create a purpose for the project and a course that targets educational goals. ● what theoretical resources do i have to use? ○ smart goals online https://www.mindtools.com/pages/article/smart-goals.htm ■ investigate what smart goals are, why they’re important, how the criteria can be used to formulate the educational goal for the course. ○ ogden (2008) the view from the veranda: understanding today’s colonial student ■ aligning the goal of the project with the preparation ○ mitchell (2008) critical vs. traditional service learning ■ creating an educational goal that works towards progress and development within the community ○ the updated shoulder to shoulder definition and components ■ make sure that the educational goal and structure of the class align with the guidelines ● what questions can i use to guide discussion and reflection? ○ what is my area of expertise? ○ how can i incorporate that into the goal of this project? ○ how does the course discipline align with my focus and the focus of the project? if there is dissonancehow can i solve it? ○ how does my educational goal reflect the mission of s2s? ○ how will i measure and track student reflection and feedback on the program? ○ how will i track qualitative and quantitative progress towards the educational goal of the project? ● what can i do to obtain this objective? ○ use these resources and the smart goal template to create an educational goal that benefits multiple partners and ties into the professors’ area of expertise and the purpose of the project. ○ determine how students will be assessed at the end of the course to determine if they’ve achieved the educational goal created ● what other themes does this relate to? ○ community needs, collaboration, respect, faculty training, reflection, sustainability hawthorne rubric for international service learning theme: https://www.mindtools.com/pages/article/smart-goals.htm https://docs.google.com/document/d/1vovxkgpvuwez4eriencbhdnjfmbebefrueuymixqpke good intentions aren’t good undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 49 criteria #2: faculty training ● faculty involved will be educated and engage in ongoing development to ensure that they understand the diverse needs of local partners ● administrators will provide clear guidelines to faculty along with training that involves learning about effective cross-cultural communication to develop meaningful relationships and ethical service-learning practices ● faculty will also be skilled at facilitating learning inside and outside of the classroom, promoting skill development, and encouraging reflection for both students and the professor good actions objective and actionable steps: ● objective: faculty will be able to articulate the relevant history of the community they’re working with and how their project actively works towards sustainability and social justice. ● important note: this criterion is one of the few to be considered and acted upon before and during the creation of the course attached to the shoulder-to-shoulder project. the objectives are meant for the professor to consider in regard to their own learning as they write their syllabus, select materials, and structure their course. ● how will this be accomplished? ○ independent research on the community, cause, and community partner they’re collaborating with, critical reflection on the goal and progress of their program ● what theoretical resources do i have to use? ○ globalsl.org ■ a conglomerate resource with dozens of theoretical articles on global community development, reflection, power and privilege, health and safety, etc. ○ ashoka ■ community focused on higher-education and global citizenship, filled with resources, trainings and programs for faculty ○ breakaway ■ greater organization providing resources and training on service-based projects ○ international association for research on service-learning and community engagement newsletter ■ newsletter to stay up to date on research in the isl community ○ seeking out local, reputable organizations and news outlets run by locals that serve in the relevant community to stay up to date on community ○ yost, sentner, forlenza-bailey (2000) critical reflection ■ why reflection is important for service learning participants ○ consider going through all the resources included in the curriculum to verse yourself on all the readings students will encounter in the course ● what questions can i use to guide discussion and reflection? ○ what parts of the culture’s history are relevant to the project? ○ how can i stay up to date, in contact, and active within the community we’re collaborating with? ○ how does the project work towards social change? ○ what was accomplished previously in the project? ○ how can that be built off to co-create new goals and work towards progress? ○ what is defined as “progress” in this context? who defines progress? what does https://compact.org/global-sl/ https://ashokau.org/ https://alternativebreaks.org/ http://www.researchslce.org/our-newsletter/ http://www.researchslce.org/our-newsletter/ good intentions aren’t good undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 50 that mean for the people it’s affecting? ○ how does this information contribute to the course and its structure and content? ● what activities can i do to help obtain this objective? ○ doing a critical review of the project in the previous year and determine strengths and areas of improvement ■ develop an action plan to work towards progress in weaker areas ○ *tentative* attendance of the bi-annual meetings of all s2s program leaders to review programs and give updates on the progress, this would include creating a plan with actionable steps to make the following year ● what other themes does this relate to? ○ community need, collaboration, communication, student training, sustainability, reflection hawthorne rubric for international service learning theme: criteria #3: sustainability ● administration will provide a commitment and a willingness to work with local communities and representatives and ensure sustainability ● faculty and administration will ensure that the duration and intensity are enough so that students can make a positive and ethical impact ● administration and faculty will create structures to ensure that work and collaboration continues after travel good actions objective and actionable steps: ● objective: faculty and administration will empower their colleagues to educate each other on service-learning programs and encourage their presence on campus to maintain and build the relationships the projects have developed. ● how will this be accomplished in class? ○ facilitating conversations on the importance of the programs, the positive impact on faculty, students, and the university, and proving the progress and development being made within the projects. ● what resources do i have to use? ○ the updated shoulder to shoulder definition and components ■ based on the work of the s2s committee, the mission, definition, and essential components of a successful shoulder-to-shoulder project are outlined and the vernacular and goals outlined should be used to promote the programs and educate others ○ shoulder-to-shoulder committee ■ the members of the committee themselves should be treated as an invaluable resource to faculty running programs as they all have to experience either running projects or being heavily involved in the coordination and review of the programs as part of their work on the committee and its subcommittees. ● what questions can i use to guide discussion and reflection? ○ how can faculty and administration work to sustain the relationships and community partnerships made with the current standing programs and work to develop new ones? ○ why are s2s programs important? ○ how do they benefit students? faculty? the university? ○ how can the people involved in shoulder-to-shoulder programs leverage their knowledge and experiences to benefactors and potential participants? https://docs.google.com/document/d/1vovxkgpvuwez4eriencbhdnjfmbebefrueuymixqpke good intentions aren’t good undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 51 ○ why is it important to promote the programs to other people at the university? ○ how can participants prove the value of these programs to the community? ● what can i do to obtain this objective? ○ engage in conversations with participants of the trip to see what made their experience valuable, with committee members and personnel heavily involved in the programs ○ advocate for and educate others on the work the university does to enrich students’ experience and opportunities for affordable service learning projects. ○ offer to be a part of the s2s committee to help strengthen and prolong the programs ● what other themes does this relate to? ○ communication, collaboration, faculty preparation, image good actions objective and actionable steps: ● objective: students will be able to articulate, plan, and execute a project or activity that showcases the knowledge and experience they’ve gained from the program. ● how will this be accomplished in class? ○ creating a project, presentation, or implementing a program that uses the information and skills used and gained through the project to make a long-lasting impact on the campus and within the community served. ● what theoretical resources do i have to use? ● what questions can i use to guide discussion and reflection? ○ what have you gained from this experience and course? what knowledge? what skills? ○ are there any organizations, populations, or needs locally that connect or correlate with the work done in the program? ○ how can you take the information and skills you’ve gained and apply them locally? how can you help to educate or empower others? ○ how can you make sure that the work done during your time will continue to benefit the community? ○ how can you connect with the past and following cohort of the project? ● what activities can i do in class to help students obtain this objective? ○ help students brainstorm group or individual projects to prolong their work; examples include ■ digital stories: have students collect pictures and footage throughout their time in the course and on the project to bring together in the form of a video that tells the narrative of their experience and shows critical thinking and reflection on their experience. ■ wrap up event: have individuals or pairs create a presentation of their experience and takeaways and present in a science-fair style event shortly after their return, invite stakeholders and community members to the events to engage with students’ reflections and ask questions ■ symposium presentation: enlist small group(s) or the entire group to put together a presentation or activity for a symposium to educate the lasell community on their cause, community partner, the work they did, and their takeaways from the project, including how they will continue the work. ■ local service-learning project: connect with a local organization working in the same field or with the same population as the community partner of the program and organize time or resources to be dedicated to good intentions aren’t good undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 52 the group ● emphasize the same principles of responding to community need, enforcing sustainable protocols, and critical reflection ● what other themes does this relate to? ○ communication, collaboration, respect, community need, image hawthorne rubric for international service learning theme: criteria #4 community need: ● the project will be community-driven ● the project will support the local economy and/or local organizations ● community need has been attached to an academic learning goal before the project will begin good actions objective and actionable steps: ● objective: students will be able to articulate what the goal for the project is, and how it responds to the community’s needs. ● how will this be accomplished in class? ○ examining what it means to respond to community need and why it's an essential component of esisl, what the goal is, and if it’s academic and responsive, examining how the professor/class agreed on that goal ● what theoretical resources do i have to use? ○ mitchell (2008) traditional vs. critical service learning ■ the focus of the projectis it on the students or the community? a goal to work towards social change and equal exchange ○ andreotti (2014) soft versus critical global citizenship education ■ the danger of the colonial mindset going into projects internationally, looking at who you’re serving through your project and goal ● what questions can i use to guide discussion and reflection? ○ what is the goal of this project? ○ why is that the goal? ○ is it an appropriate goal? why? ○ how did i/we come up with that goal? ○ what is it based on? ○ how can we create actionable steps to work towards it? ○ is this goal working toward social change? how? ○ who is this goal serving? ○ how does this build off of the work from the last cohort? ○ how does it contribute to the overall goal of the project? ● what activities can i do in class to help students obtain this objective? ○ circumambulate the goal created and facilitate discussion surrounding if and how it serves the community’s needs ● what other themes does this relate to? ○ collaboration, communication, education, sustainability, reflection hawthorne rubric for international service learning theme: criteria #5: respect ● students and faculty will respect the people of the areas that they are visiting and value their dignity and human rights ● unlicensed people will not do jobs they are not equipped for ● the primary focus of the project will not be about material support but rather on bringing good intentions aren’t good undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 53 global awareness and providing an opportunity to develop mutual understandings and shared goals good actions objective and actionable steps: ● objective: students and faculty will be able to articulate and explain the process and importance of gaining trust in a community partner relationship and how this helps to avoid exploitation of the resources and people. ● this is a very abstract concept that is hard to explicitly address but is rather something that is understood by the students through their authentic experiences. however, the idea and its importance can also be demonstrated by detailing the journey to gaining trust and empathy with the community partner over time. ● how will this be accomplished in class? ○ discussion and modeling by the faculty member as to how they gained the trust of their community partner and how they express respect for them and how it’s reciprocated by the community partner. ● what theoretical resources do i have to use? ○ mitchell (2008) critical vs traditional service learning ■ developing relationships that are truly reciprocal, not focused on materials or resources but implementation and longevity ○ bennett (1998) intercultural communication ■ avoiding exploitation during intercultural interactions by developing context and empathy ○ illich (1968) to hell with good intentions ● what questions can i use to guide discussion and reflection? ○ what is respect? ○ how does one earn respect? ■ how do you feel respected? ○ how could culture and experience affect people’s definition of respect? ○ how can respect be built within community partner relationships? ○ why is respect important to consider in the context of service-learning? ○ how can we avoid exploitation in our work on this project? ■ discuss logistics of the projectare we supporting local businesses? are we including local partners in our non-service activities if possible? ● what activities can i do in class to help students obtain this objective? ○ as a leader, share the story of how you developed a relationship with your community partner, how your gained trust, and how they earned trust from you ■ encourage other leaders to come in and share their stories ● what other themes does this relate to? ○ communication, collaboration, community need, sustainability hawthorne rubric for international service learning theme: criteria #6: collaboration ● learners and community members will share a common long term goal ● an agreement between the two participants will be created ● shared tasks will be created and used as a means to promote personal interactions ● small ngos or local groups will be used to connect more meaningfully, facilitate relationships, and provide perspective ● sustaining and nurturing relationships will be the centerpiece of the project good actions objective and actionable steps: good intentions aren’t good undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 54 ● objective: students will be able to collaborate with their classmates and professor before the project to form a cohesive and trusting group ● how will this be accomplished in class? ○ establishing trust, confidentiality, and safety within the project ● what theoretical resources do i have to use? ● what questions can i use to guide discussion and reflection? ○ why is it important to have trust and confidentiality in group projects? ○ what strengths and areas of improvement does each member of the project bring? ○ what similarities and differences do the group members share? ○ why is it important to acknowledge differences within the group? ○ how can acknowledging differences help us become a more cohesive group? ○ what are the important facets of an effective, trusting group? ○ how can we obtain those facets? ● what activities can i do in class to help students obtain this objective? ○ cross the line ■ students acknowledge and discuss their similarities and differences in a productive way ○ team building activities that get students comfortable with each other and promote teamwork ■ scavenger hunt ● can be simply for fun/collaboration or can have students looking for important facts around campus, doing good deeds, etc ■ two truths and a lie ● what other themes does this relate to? ○ communication, respect, sustainability, reflection good actions objective and actionable steps: ● objective: students will be able to understand the value of the relationship with their community partner(s) and use shared tasks to form transformational relationships. ● how will this be accomplished in class? ○ examine what it means to have a transformational relationship and why it’s important, determine shared tasks that are productive, relevant, and work effectively towards the goal of the project. ● what theoretical resources do i have to use? ○ ogden (2008) the view from the veranda ■ the importance of authentic collaboration with community partners and equipping students with the skills to form these relationships ○ theron (2008) the developmental change agent ■ the difference between transactional and transformational relationships, intervening vs. collaborating, questioning your collaboration approach ● what questions can i use to guide discussion and reflection? ○ what does it mean to have a transformational relationship with a community partner? who says it’s transformational? for who? ○ why/is it important to form transformational relationships? ○ how can we form and continue these relationships? ○ how is trust formed within a community partnership? ● what activities can i do in class to help students obtain this objective? ○ after establishing communication with the community partner, work to determine smaller, collaborative goals to work towards before traveling good intentions aren’t good undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 55 ● what other themes does this relate to? ○ communication, sustainability, community need, reflection hawthorne rubric for international service learning theme: criteria #7 reflection: ● careful and deliberate reflection will take place by students and faculty before, during, and after travel takes place ● students will assess the project throughout its entirety ● results of the assessment will be shared and utilized to improve work ● local partners will be engaged in reflection and assessment activities whenever possible good actions objective and actionable steps: ● objective: students will reflect on the different parts of themselves and determine how those might affect their experience and develop skills and base knowledge to understand and work through conflicts that might occur during the project. ● important note: this topic is an essential understanding of international service-learning and being a conscious and self-aware citizen. discussions and reflection on privilege, power, and identity should be integrated throughout the course and after returning from the project; suggestions for different activities are provided but encouraged to be broken up. ● how will this be accomplished in class? ○ allowing students a space to be reflective on what makes up them as a person and how those factors might affect their experience in the program, discussing privilege and power and how they play into service-learning internationally ● what theoretical resources do i have to use? ○ zemach-bersin (2008) american citizens can’t be global citizens ■ implications of power and privilege for american students abroad ○ yost, sentner, forlenza-bailey (2000) critical reflection ■ importance and need for reflection, circumambulating a subject through reflection ■ reflection for change ● what questions can i use to guide discussion and reflection? ○ how do we identify? ○ why do we identify that way? ○ what is the difference between personality traits and identity? ○ what kind of privilege do we hold as individuals? ○ what is privilege? ○ how will our privilege affect our experience? ○ how can we critically reflect on these aspects and prepare ourselves for potential conflicts? ● what activities can i do in class to help students obtain this objective? ○ activities that ask students to examine their own privilege while not creating divides or polarizing the group ■ privilege for sale activity ○ identity lesson ■ have students examine their own identities and begin to think about what kinds of identities they might encounter during their experience and how it will affect their perceptions, observations, conflicts, and reflection ● consider using platforms like gosoapbox.com or other anonymous online forums that allow students to submit their thoughts without http://www.socialjusticetoolbox.com/activity/privilege-for-sale/ good intentions aren’t good undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 56 fear of targeting from the class ○ in discussions on power & privilege, but also during any in-class discussion, consider implementing the “rule of 3’s” in conversation, where you ask students that normally speak a lot in class to wait for 3 other people to talk before saying something, and for students that don't normally speak up in class, they must make an effort to speak at least 3 times during the conversation. ● what other themes does this relate to? ○ sustainability, collaboration hawthorne rubric for international service learning theme: criteria #8 student training: ● students will be properly educated to ensure that they understand the diverse needs of local partners ● students will learn about monitoring progress, collecting feedback, maintaining positive relationships ● students will be exposed to information about the community’s history, culture, language, and government ● students will participate in discussions on responsible engagement that include selfreflection on the project as well as learning effective cross-cultural communication skills good actions objective and actionable steps: ● objective: students will be able to articulate the definition and nuances of culture, what it means to be culturally competent, and how it makes the complex system of society. ● how will this be accomplished in class? ○ discussion and research on what culture is, why it’s important, what the different aspects are, what cultural competence is, what complex systems are and how they behave ● what theoretical resources do i have to use? ○ swilling and annecke (2010) just transitions ■ complex systems and reductionism ○ hanley (1999) beyond the tip of the iceberg ■ objective and subjective culture, cultural competence ○ bennett (1998) intercultural communication: a current perspective ■ cultural sensitivity, culture vs. culture ● what questions can i use to guide discussion and reflection? ○ what is culture? ○ what are the relevant aspects of the culture of the community we’re working with? ○ what does it mean to be culturally competent? ○ what is a complex system and how does your community partner operate within the complex system of the greater society? ○ how can we properly acknowledge the complexities of our issue and not reduce it? ○ how does the culture and problem being addressed fit into the global world? ○ does america have a role or influence on this culture? what is it and why is it so? ● what activities can i do in class to help students obtain this objective? ○ what is culture? presentation ■ conduct a comparison of our culture and the host community's culture using the hofstede cultural analysis https://www.hofstede-insights.com/product/compare-countries/ ■ create a group definition of culture https://www.hofstede-insights.com/product/compare-countries/ good intentions aren’t good undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 57 ■ start to look at what aspects of culture are relevant to look at in reference to the project goal ○ do a jigsaw of the different parts of the culture and have students present in a science fair-style ○ use the analogy of the university as a part of the complex system of america and then examine the community partner and how it operates in the complex system of the immediate society. ● what other themes does this relate to? ○ respect, collaboration, community need, reflection hawthorne rubric for international service learning theme: criteria #9: communication: ● each party will have an understanding of their role and consistent communication will be upheld between both parties ● faculty will remain in contact and involved with the local community and will be responsive to the needs and changing circumstances of the community good actions objective and actionable steps: ● objective: objective: students will be able to describe the importance of and how to practice proper intercultural communication with peers and project collaborators. ● how will this be accomplished in class? ○ by discussing the implications and considerations for intercultural communication, working to communicate effectively with their community partners ● what theoretical resources do i have to use? ○ bennett (1998) intercultural communication ■ understanding the nuances of different ways that cultures communicate, how to be sensitive and aware of these factors, implications of intercultural interactions ● what questions can i use to guide discussion and reflection? ○ what kinds of things need to be considered when communicating with our community partners or people from other cultures in general? ○ what are some of the underlying factors that might contribute to our interactions with our community partners? historically? socially/culturally? ● what activities can i do in class to help students obtain this objective? ○ create a biography page for each of the participants to share with the community partners ○ make an introduction letter from the group or from each set of partners or individual with their goal and intentions going into the project to establish a line of communication ■ determine the most effective means of communicationemail, whatsapp, etc ● what other themes does this relate to? ○ collaboration, respect, reflection, community need ○good action objective and actionable steps: ● objective: students will be able to use their knowledge of intercultural communication to reflect on and further understand their interactions, conflicts, and observations during the project. ● how will this be accomplished in class? ○ holding serious discussions about the meaning of service-learning, the vernacular good intentions aren’t good undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 58 sounding it, and how our communication regarding the project feeds into our mindset going into the experience ● what theoretical resources do i have to use? ○ mitchell (2008) traditional vs. critical service learning ■ beginning of the discussion of helping vs. serving ○ theron (2008) the developmental change agent ■ intervening vs. being a change agent ○ remen (1999) helping, fixing, or serving? ■ anecdotal essay on the differences in these terms ● what questions can i use to guide discussion and reflection? ○ how do we talk about what we are doing? ○ what kind of vernacular do we use? (trip, project, service-learning, community development, etc) ○ what are the pros and cons of using these terms? ○ what is the correct way to describe what we’re doing? ○ what kinds of things do we have to consider when facing miscommunications or conflicts with our counterparts? ● what activities can i do in class to help students obtain this objective? ○ have students create scenarios (or the professor creates scenarios) centered around potential conflicts or possible interactions that could happen throughout the project ■ consider some of the themes from the isl rubric and how they can be incorporated or addressed in the scenarios ■ consider having students act out some of the scenarios and address how to approach the situation or attempt to solve the problem ■ focus on being self-aware in the situation being sensitive to the ways different cultures communicate ● what other themes does this relate to? ○ reflection, respect hawthorne rubric for international service learning theme: criteria #10: image ● photos/media will preserve the dignity of people in host communities and demonstrate the partnership between themselves and members learning together ● photos/media that is publicly posted emphasizes the focus and goals of the project ● photos/media show an emphasis on respecting and working with the community first and foremost before tourism ● members will be actively and critically conscious of their actions and motivations throughout the project good actions objective and actionable steps: ● objective: students will explore how media works within the context of service-learning programs and determine the most effective way to use it within their project. ○ how will this be accomplished in class?facilitating discussions surrounding proper use of social media, marketing of the programs, and determining guidelines for how/if the cohort wants to portray the project on social media ● what theoretical resources do i have to use? ○ ogden (2008) the view from the veranda ■ how social media skews students’ experiences abroad good intentions aren’t good undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2022 59 ○ blog posts on voluntourism and the negative potential effects of social media ■ does voluntourism do more harm than good? ■ #instagrammingisl ■ voluntourism: what could go wrong when trying to do right? ■ staton (2015) 7 reasons why your two week trip to haiti doesn’t matter ○ tedtalk, the danger of a single narrative ● what questions can i use to guide discussion and reflection? ○ does social media have a place in service-learning? ○ should social media be used during projects? if so, how can it be best used? ○ what kind of guidelines should social media posts follow? ○ how does social media influence the marketing and image of s2s? ● what activities can i do in class to help students obtain this objective? ○ co-create community guidelines for social media usage throughout the project ○ use scenarios to illustrate inappropriate use of social media ■ make or find examples of exploitative social media use and ask critical questions: ● how could you change these posts to make them more appropriate? ● what do these posts say about the participants and the community partners? ● who are these posts serving/emphasizing? ■ illustrate examples of students using social media at inappropriate times or other ethical dilemmas surrounding social media and ask students to come up with potential solutions to the problem ● what other themes does this relate to? ○ respect, communication, reflection https://www.travelmole.com/news_feature.php?c=setreg&region=1&m_id=s%7es%7e%7ea_ry!_r&w_id=8686&news_id=2005028 https://psmag.com/economics/instagrammingafrica-narcissism-global-voluntourism-83838#.qlb4h6nwt https://www.huffpost.com/entry/voluntourism_b_1525532 https://www.ted.com/talks/chimamanda_ngozi_adichie_the_danger_of_a_single_story?language=en abstract introduction methods setting partners in conducting the study processes results: good actions for good intentions collaborative curriculum for ethical and sustainable service learning goals of curriculum structure of curriculum figure 1 figure 2 appendices appendix b: curriculum guides good actions objective and actionable steps: hawthorne rubric for international service learning theme: good actions objective and actionable steps: hawthorne rubric for international service learning theme: good actions objective and actionable steps: good actions objective and actionable steps: hawthorne rubric for international service learning theme: good actions objective and actionable steps: hawthorne rubric for international service learning theme: good actions objective and actionable steps: hawthorne rubric for international service learning theme: good actions objective and actionable steps: good actions objective and actionable steps: hawthorne rubric for international service learning theme: good actions objective and actionable steps: hawthorne rubric for international service learning theme: good actions objective and actionable steps: hawthorne rubric for international service learning theme: good actions objective and actionable steps: hawthorne rubric for international service learning theme: good actions objective and actionable steps: is wilderness therapy effective in treating troubled 1 is wilderness therapy effective in treating troubled adolescent girls? taryn yudaken university of southern maine abstract in the spring of 2012, i did an internship and service learning project in southern maine with the fort williams arboretum project, a group whose main goal is bettering the community by preserving the natural space of fort williams. in conjunction with this project, i did research on wilderness therapy programs for adolescent girls. this paper asks whether these programs are effective and, if so, in what ways. my interest in this topic stems from my personal history as a troubled adolescent and my belief that there is something inherently healing in nature.  growing up in south africa in a white, middle-class, outdoorsy family, i had the privilege not only to be surrounded by nature but to be brought to it regularly on wilderness outings. before i was old enough to walk, my dad would strap me on his back, and we’d go hiking together through cape town’s mountains and forests. sometimes we didn’t go far—we lived next to a small meadow, a prime place for picking up caterpillars and bringing them home to watch their metamorphosis. then there was my grandmother’s garden. for the first few years of my life i spent every day at my grandmother’s while my parents both worked. she was an avid gardener and had an enormous magical garden surrounding her entire house; elaborate and japanese-style, it was featured in many magazines. it was truly a beautiful place where i could wander through miniature trails and stumble upon little ponds, feeling like i was in a world of my own. it was as if the gentle goldfish and swirling lilies were carefully left there for me. the garden was so big that one could really feel disconnected and at peace in the middle of it. my grandmother would find me lying on patches of moss, and she would tell me stories about the fairies who lived there. the softest white roses would fall around me; the scent of flowers was always in the air. i couldn’t imagine anything better. at night, i would go back to my parent’s house, and there would be waiting my dad’s collection of screen-topped glass boxes that i would dreamily stare into, watching as life slowly unfolded in front of me. i loved the idea of a whole other world happening so near to me, a world so small that it usually isn’t noticed but so large that it permeated my childhood.  in my pre-adolescent years i was known for being one of the class nerds. i wasn’t popular; the few friends i had were social outcasts as well. i was relatively content devouring every book i could find. if life could be divided neatly, my next phase was the polar opposite of that; i went from being an awkward geek to being the exotic girl from africa. i began the 21st century by moving to the u.s. on december 31st, 1999. at age 13, as a young immigrant with pre-occupied parents and no identity to speak of, my new existence became focused on bodies, 2 specifically my own. i found what seemed to be the feminine ideal and fell into it, a little too hard. after a rude culture shock, several abusive boyfriends, and a long-term eating disorder, my only connection to my childhood was the time i would spend in the woods of maine getting high when i should have been in class. even at what felt like the most chaotic moments, something outside kept me sane. the wilderness was my home, no matter what country i was in.  “if i had influence with the good fairy i should ask that her gift to each child in the world be a sense of wonder so indestructible that it would last throughout life, as an unfailing antidote against the boredom and disenchantment of later years, the sterile preoccupation with things that are artificial, the alienation from the sources of our strengths.” –rachel carson (carson and kelsh 1998).  it is with these nostalgic feelings for nature that i found myself interning for the fort williams arboretum project. it was also with these feelings that i found myself researching troubled adolescent girls and how they respond to wilderness therapy. most researchers agree that troubled adolescent girls are prone to certain self-destructive behaviors and conditions: losing interest in school, drinking, drug use, unsafe sex, low self-esteem, anxiety, depression, self-mutilation, eating disorders like anorexia and bulimia nervosa, and suicidal behaviors. at one point or another i had experienced all of the behavioral problems mentioned in the numerous studies i had read on adolescent girls in wilderness therapy (caulkins, white, and russell 2006; autry 2001; levitt 1994). in the following pages i will discuss my research findings on the role of so-called “wilderness therapy” on the lives of adolescent girls, drawing on both my service learning project and published research. three articles proved to be especially significant. “adventure therapy with girls at-risk” by cari autry offers a thorough investigation of adolescent girls in a wilderness therapy program. “what is the therapeutic value of camping for emotionally disturbed girls?” by lynn levitt discusses the limitations of research on wilderness programs, particularly in regard to adolescent girls. and “wilderness therapy: what makes it empowering for women?” by irene powch delves into the spiritual and healing side of wilderness therapy, specifically for women. one prominent theme in the above-mentioned research is how wilderness therapy affects girls’ confidence and sense of self-accomplishment. these studies show again and again that after going on hiking trips and working through outdoor therapy, such as ropes courses, girls felt much better about themselves (autry 2001, 297, 300; levitt 1994, 129; powch 1994, 18). cari autry researched nine adolescent girls who stayed at an outdoor psychiatric facility where they went on hiking trips and did ropes courses. her subjects showed improvement in several areas, including self-esteem (autry 2001). low self-esteem seems to be one of the most pervasive issues confronting adolescent girls. as one of autry’s research subjects reported: the ropes course helped me learn that i can do certain things and that there’s always hope for me… it helped me to learn who i am and what i can do, and made me feel like well, right now, i can do this. and i’ve done it. i’m on top of things right now… it makes me feel like i can instead of i can’t. (298) 3 other participants also indicated that they had clearly gained a sense of confidence, which likely came from their sense of self-accomplishment. according to autry, “the empowerment the girls gained as a result of participating in the adventure activities was significant for them… [it] brought out feelings and attitudes the girls usually did not experience in their everyday lives” (298). autry claims that after hiking trips and ropes courses, the girls’ “initial inhibitions and negative self-concepts” were overcome with “a sense of accomplishment, control, and feeling better about themselves” (298). autry’s participants explained, i felt totally awesome after the hiking trip. i knew that i accomplished it. at first i didn’t really want to go… afterwards i was like, wow! i wanted to go back and do it again. (298) at the ropes course you all learn how to work together to accomplish something… there’s something big and you know it’s like, standing in your way, and you all have to work together. you gotta pull each other and help each other over or you won’t be able to move on… it just kinda helps you realize what you had and what you need, you know. (299) i just think, how can like a hiking trip… make me feel so good about myself? i mean why doesn’t everybody just go on a hiking trip! ... i feel like that’s, like, an instant remedy… it’s like, if you’re having bad thoughts of yourself or somethin’, try that out! (298) “there is something infinitely healing in the repeated refrains of nature—the assurance that dawn comes after night, and spring after the winter.” –rachel carson (carson and kelsh 1998). no matter how shining these anecdotal examples, the question remains: are therapy programs successful on their own or is there something inherently healing about nature? researchers have not been able to come up with a definite answer, but many suggest that wilderness is indeed beneficial in itself. in “what is the therapeutic value of camping for emotionally disturbed girls?”, lynn levitt contemplates this question and suggests that “perhaps, the therapeutic changes occur because wilderness evokes coping behaviors rather than defensive behaviors; it is a different, natural or healthful environment; it provides restorative experiences; or it affords the opportunity to interact with and/or observe animals and plants which in itself has been found to be therapeutic” (1994, 129). levitt concludes by suggesting that if systematic research can really prove that there are healing powers in nature, those aspects could be drawn on for later therapy. “if it is discovered that there is something inherent about wilderness that is therapeutic, such as the floral or fauna, then community support services might arrange to take emotionally disturbed girls to city parks, zoos, or botanical gardens” (129). my internship work with the arboretum project reinforced the importance of natural spaces and of how people use the wilderness in their own therapeutic ways. in making a promotional video for the project, i had the opportunity to interview london, a 13-year-old girl. she’s not as “troubled” as the adolescents in my research, but she is a still female developing in a patriarchal world. london came to fort williams because she loves nature; she actually hopes to be a landscape architect someday. her sentiments reveal themselves when she talks about being outdoors: 4 when you’re in school all day it’s just not fun to be inside. i like coming outdoors… the fresh air is just cool and i like the quietness and everything. nowadays i’m in 8th grade and all the boys and most of the girls are always on facebook or playing video games, and i always say i go outside and they’re like ‘oh, that’s weird.’ and it’s kind of crazy that they don’t go outside or do anything like that. london’s computer-bound generation will not experience nature in the same way as generations before, but she shows by example that there are still exceptional kids that love being outdoors. i watched from a distance as she trailed off by herself, and as she walked and walked it seemed like a peace came over her body. even on the coldest of maine winter days, london happily drudged through the trails of fort williams, surrounded only by ocean and the crisp sound of leaves crunching beneath her boots.  in her research on wilderness therapy, psychologist irene powch (1994) asks, what makes it empowering for women. powch focuses on abuse survivors and makes a point to discuss marginalized women. she acknowledges that women of color and other marginalized groups (lesbians, older women, women with disabilities, etc) have typically been excluded (or excluded themselves) from wilderness experiences. an important point she makes is that women may experience wilderness differently depending on how safe they feel outside—conditioned to fear rape, many of us see the wilderness as an isolated and dangerous place. in order for wilderness therapy to succeed, participants must feel safe. once safety is secured, powch claims that “the wilderness is inherently empowering for women and other marginalized groups in the evenhandedness of consequences” (1994, 18). ki, an african american recreational therapist, illustrates powch’s point: “in dealing with mother nature there’s no favoritism… if it’s going to rain, it’s not just going to rain on me. i’m not going to run into ‘isms’… and i have a sense of me trying to take care of myself. in cities i feel more subjected to racism and sexism… i feel the wilderness is a place that i can not expect curve balls or run up against macho-ism” (18). sixteen-year-old naomi, co-leader of the group inner city outings, agrees: “there’s just more acceptance in the wilderness, you have to depend on people and it’s no time to be prejudiced for any reason (racism, sexism, homophobia)… nature’s blind to everything” (18). not only is nature blind to human identities, it is adamant that each person survives on their own. the wilderness gives women confidence by forcing them to prove that they are just as capable of survival as anyone. even women with the most painful bodily experiences can heal themselves through nature. a young incest survivor in powch’s study admits that after her first wilderness therapy program, “i learned to like my body again… it’s not just for abuse, it’s for other things, good things… i’m learning that it could be strong and that i can go hiking with it and do things that i love doing” (1994, 20). the body is a site of many identity struggles, but through wilderness experiences it can become a site of resistance as well—and not just for adolescents who are only newly acquainted with the meaning of their bodies, but for women of all ages. 5  while i did not find any research that explicitly discusses wilderness as the primary mechanism for healing in these programs, i have come to the conclusion that the programs would not be as successful without it. being in nature is a key component in the healing process, not only within these programs but in itself. the vastness and depth of the outdoors encourages adolescent girls, so tied to their bodily experiences, to let go and becomes one with the beauty around them. the wilderness connects us all to our earthly existence; it has the ability to ignite in us the carefree spirit of children, as it implicitly reminds us where we come from. i suspect that if adventure-based therapy programs occurred only indoors (such as ropes courses), they would not be as effective. i also suspect that if adolescent girls had significant wilderness experiences even without all the structures of a therapeutic program, they would still emerge healed. their level of success would depend on such factors as: how long does the outdoor experience last? what activities are done in the wilderness? how much supervision is there? how much pressure exists to be part of a team? the programs offer leaders, activities, and rules, but even without those elements it is rewarding enough in itself to be in the wilderness. the success of these programs may largely be attributed to something that anyone could find during a silent hike through miles of forest: peace and quiet and a fundamental reminder that we are part of everything, and that our problems are human-made and manageable. another critical aspect of these programs’ success likely has to do with girls feeling a sense of belonging within them. stranded between childhood and adulthood, many teenagers feel like outcasts; while there is a huge array of problems that any particular adolescent girl could experience, the feeling of being alone and misunderstood is quite universal. with the combination of therapy groups and the wilderness, girls have a chance to feel a sense of belonging in two very powerful ways. they are part of a group that spends a significant amount of time together, practicing trust exercises and overcoming obstacles collectively. the bonds that can be formed in these atypical life experiences are complemented in these programs by the bond each girl can form with the wilderness. during the long hikes there are surely moments of peace (and exhaustion) in which the girls are in the perfect condition for open-mindedness to nature, and i believe it is in these moments that the most profound healing can occur. it is perhaps impossible to determine whether being in the wilderness is as effective by itself as it is in combination with therapy programs. for some adolescent girls the wilderness might be more effective in helping them to overcome problems, while for others it may be the sense of belonging and solidarity in the group. in any case, nature is indeed healing in itself, but this realization (and its usefulness) may be hard for some to come by without the guidance of therapy programs.  i think a large part of the reason that adolescent girls are vulnerable to so many problems is because they feel disempowered. throughout childhood most of us are free to be ourselves and show our personalities—too young to guess what others think and too fascinated by everything to care. going through adolescence and puberty can make even the most confident kids uncomfortable, and adolescent girls have a unique set of problems. they go from being wild and basically gender-free to being confined, silenced, objectified, and judged. young, toned bodies are flaunted and idealized across an ever-imposing media machine, and many girls don’t know how to respond. there is so much pressure to emulate photo-shopped “feminine” bodies, to 6 exhibit sexuality that is intimidating; it’s foreign territory, territory for which they are often not ready. they are expected to transform from curious children into hot adults and have the wisdom to do so gracefully. that teenage predicament made me feel pretty helpless, and i don’t think i’m alone. at some point in adolescence many girls realize that as women they don’t have much power to resist cultural programming, and to lose that sense of control, that sense of okay-ness, leads many of us down troubled paths. but there is hope, and it’s often found in nature or even in realizing what is not natural but socially constructed. even though the research is not conclusive, i believe that wilderness therapy is effective in treating adolescent girls. the wilderness has the strength and beauty to help them feel powerful. it can remind all of us, regardless of identity, that we are made from the same matter and that we are as strong and as weak as the earth. if adolescent girls feel confused and alone, nature reminds them that that their pain—and joy—is unconditionally shared, that they are stronger than they know, and that their place of belonging, their home, is everywhere.  “as i go into earth, she pierces my heart. as i penetrate further, she unveils me. when i have reached her center, i am weeping openly. i have known her all my life, yet she reveals stories to me, and these stories are revelations, and i am transformed… her renewal washes over me endlessly… i become aware of all that has come between us… now my body reaches out to her. they speak effortlessly, and i learn at no instant does she fail me in her presence. she is as delicate as i am. i feel her pain and my own pain comes into me, and my own pain grows large and i grasp it with my hands, and i know why she goes on under great weight, in every act does she survive disaster. i love how we admire this strength in each other, all that we have lost, all that we have suffered, all that we know. and i do not forget what she is to me, what i am to her.” –susan griffin (powch 1994).  i would like to thank dr. wendy chapkis at the university of southern maine for inspiring me in endless ways and encouraging me to publish this essay. references autry, cari. 2001. “adventure therapy with girls at-risk: responses to outdoor experiential activities.” therapeutic recreation journal 35 (4): 289-306. carson, rachel and nick kelsh. 1998. the sense of wonder. new york, ny: harpercollins. caulkins, michael, dave white, and keith russell. 2006. “the role of physical exercise in wilderness therapy for troubled adolescent women.” journal of experiential education 29 (1): 18-37. levitt, lynn. 1994. “what is the therapeutic value of camping for emotionally disturbed girls?” women & therapy 15 (3-4): 129-37. powch, irene. 1994. “wilderness therapy: what makes it empowering for women?” women & 7 therapy 15 (3-4): 11-27. is wilderness therapy effective in treating troubled adolescent girls? abstract references a study of student perceptions on the rights of nature by jessica rose scudella university of north carolina wilmington abstract this research article explores the concept of the rights of nature by reviewing survey results from undergraduate students at the university of north carolina wilmington (uncw) on their perception of the rights of nature. the rights of nature are defined as nature having the same right to exist as humans (harden-davis et al., 2020). this study found how receptive undergraduate students are to the term rights of nature by analyzing their answers to a list of questions, both multiple choice and short answers. the research findings concluded that students at uncw agree with the theoretical conceptualization of the rights of nature. however, they think it is politically infeasible as a solution to environmental problems. acknowledgments first, i would like to express gratitude toward my faculty advisor, dr. jennifer biddle, for being a constant resource, trouble-shooter and for remaining supportive throughout the past year. next, i would like to thank my honors thesis committee members, dr. jessica weinkle and dr. christopher dumas, who have provided another outlet to pass ideas through and help revise my thesis with their continual support. i want to acknowledge the uncw institutional review board (irb) for approving my study and providing quick answers to any questions regarding the process. i would also like to acknowledge the uncw institutional research and planning office (irp) for providing the 3,500 student emails to which this survey was sent out. introduction this article examines the concept of the rights of nature by focusing on the university of north carolina wilmington (uncw) students to learn about their views on the environment and the rights of nature. the term rights of nature was invented in the later twentieth century. a law professor from southern california law review, christopher stone, wrote an article about the lack of rights given to nature (1972). the popularity of the construct began in the 1970s when major environmental laws and policies were enacted (kotzé & calzadilla, 2017). for this paper, the rights of nature is defined as awarding nature the same right to exist as humans (harden-davis et al., 2020). although nature and humans are incomparable to many people, giving natural resource systems the right to exist helps ensure humans have a healthy environment (kotzé & calzadilla, 2017). the rights of nature extends existing rights to the environment already provided by the endangered species act and the clean water act that treat natural resource systems as protected entities. recently in the united states, environmental a study of student perceptions on the rights of nature undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 34 policies have become very political and polarized (karakas & mitra, 2020). socioeconomic ideologies have been found to categorize those with similar climate change and environmental beliefs (karakas & mitra, 2020). most people think of nature as something a person can own (community environmental legal defense fund [celdf], 2016). by owning a part of nature, that person can do what they wish with that area; therefore, it is that person's right to do as they please (celdf, 2016). creating laws and ordinances for the rights of nature ensures the area is recognized as needing to be protected (celdf, 2016). normal environmental laws regulate what happens, whereas the rights of nature can prevent environmental disruption (celdf, 2016). the rights of nature approach is precautionary and preemptive. by giving rights to nature, the designated area has "the right to exist and flourish" and "people, communities, and governments have the authority to defend those rights" (celdf, 2016). part of the necessity for having the rights of nature is to ensure that the environment stays healthy for humans; therefore, it can also be a human right, as humans should have the right "to a healthy environment" (celdf, 2016). one of the viewpoints in this study is the anthropocentric perspective: that humans are the most important entity on earth (burdon, 2020). this viewpoint has been strong in americans until recently and has been linked to the rise of the rights of nature construct (burdon, 2020). this viewpoint shifted in the 1960s as protection of the environment became widespread (kotzé & calzadilla, 2017). the rights of nature remain a hot topic in international and united states politics as cities, states, and countries decide whether to implement the concept (kotzé & calzadilla, 2017). unfortunately, in the united states and other countries such as ecuador, there is a polarized society in how citizens view the environment, and it can even be based on indigenous philosophies (tănăsescu, 2020). the rights of nature can be more effective than normal environmental laws and policies because giving "rights" to a subject can provide more protection (kotzé & calzadilla, 2017). the rights of nature are not meant to draw away rights from humans. instead, it is meant to emphasize and strengthen human rights to privileges such as a healthy environment. public buy-in may be necessary for the rights of nature to be viable. therefore i am collecting students' opinions to learn if it is even something students would approve of. citizens may also need a clearer understanding of the term. public participation and buy-in are important for the success of most laws and policies. if people are involved initially, they may even be more likely to support the rights of nature in their area. since nature is a common pool resource, it is open to anyone. most common pool resources have a limit and can be susceptible to the tragedy of the commons, wherein people will use the resource without thinking that others have access to it too. this can mean that the resource ends up being depleted or polluted without consideration of what this could mean to others. the rights of nature are important for this reason. it could help combat the tragedy of the commons for common-pool resources, especially since we are in an age where corporations have human rights through the citizens united v. federal election commission (fec) case (2010). since rights have been given to non-humans before, why would they not be able to be given to nature? this leads to the research question that this article will answer: what are the uncw students' perceptions of the rights of nature? literature review rights of nature was first conceived in the article “should trees have standing? toward legal rights for natural objects” by christopher d. stone (1972). this article explains that no rights for nature have been recognized but that corporations and non-person entities have a study of student perceptions on the rights of nature undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 35 recognized rights (stone, 1972). stone points out that even the thought of giving corporations humanlike rights used to be taboo: “throughout legal history, each successive extension of rights to some new entity has been, theretofore, a bit unthinkable” (1972, p. 453). this changed the thought process that nature could have humanlike rights. we have already given corporations and other entities extended rights, so in theory, nature should be able to have extended rights too. corporations were given extended rights in the citizens united v. fec case in 2010. in this case that started in 2008, the supreme court ruled in favor of citizens united, granting corporations extended rights, such as the right to donate to political campaigns (2010). this ensured that corporations could influence policy decisions as citizens do through political campaign donations. therefore, it is important to decide how the rights of corporations and nature will be balanced, especially when only one has confirmed rights in the united states. usually, in order for change to occur, a possibly taboo subject has to become a forefront issue. this can be applied to the rights of nature, especially since non-human entities are already entitled to humanlike rights in some places. another stepping stone for the environmental protection construct is the book the rights of nature: a history of environmental ethics by roderick frazier nash (1989). he explains how many legal battles have been fought to ensure rights were gained and how this applies to nature (nash, 1989). at the beginning of american environmentalism, the privileges of nature were given to white men (nash, 1989, p. 33). the ethics of the environment and how it was treated were not given much thought until the twentieth century (nash, 1989, p. 34). the concerns with nature in american history were not abundant until then because there was still a struggle for the rights of people (nash, 1989, p. 35). the rights of humans and nature can conflict. when this happens, the decision is given to the court to determine how to balance the situation (celdf, 2016). in 2006, the first mention of a violation of the rights of nature was made in tamaqua borough, pennsylvania, where “the army for a clean environment” was formed and aimed to stop the dumping of chemicals in the area (celdf, n.d.; community environmental legal defense fund [celdf], 2015). the dumping was toxic, and residents stated that the rights of nature were being violated by the action of corporations (celdf, 2015). an ordinance was passed to protect nature and the residents around the area of the incident (celdf, 2015). below is the opening line of the ordinance (tamaqua borough sewage sludge ordinance, 2006): “an ordinance to protect the health safety and general welfare of the citizens and environment of tamaqua borough by banning corporations from engaging in the land application of sewage sludge, by banning persons from using corporations to engage in land application of sewage sludge, by providing for the testing of sewage sludge prior to land application in the borough, by removing constitutional powers of corporations within the borough, by recognizing and enforcing the rights of residents to defend natural communities ecosystems.” ecuador was the first country to add the rights of nature to its constitution in 2008 (celdf, n.d.). as the first country to add the rights of nature to its constitution, ecuador became an experiment to see how well it could be followed and enforced (kotzé & calzadilla, 2017). the goddess pacha mama, considered “mother earth,” helped ecuadorians accept the concept (knauß, 2018, p. 707). as the concept was part of indigenous belief, pacha mama already strongly influenced everyday life (knauß, 2018, pp. 707-708). listed below are some excerpts from the 2008 ecuadorian constitution that include mentions of the rights of nature (comparative constitutions project, 2021): a study of student perceptions on the rights of nature undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 36 table 1: ecuadorian constitution implications of rights of nature location of text wording implications preamble “celebrating nature, the pacha mama (mother earth), of which we are a part and which is vital to our existence,” this section recognizes the importance of the earth. chapter 1, article 10 “nature shall be the subject of those rights that the constitution recognizes for it.” this section recognizes that nature has rights. chapter 6, article 66, section 27 “the right to live in a healthy environment that is ecologically balanced, pollution-free and in harmony with nature.” this section recognizes that humans have the right to a healthy environment, and therefore the environment needs to be protected. chapter 7, article 71 “nature, or pacha mama, where life is reproduced and occurs, has the right to integral respect for its existence and for the maintenance and regeneration of its life cycles, structure, functions and evolutionary processes. god or other deities all persons, communities, peoples and nations can call upon public authorities to enforce the rights of nature. to enforce and interpret these rights, the principles set forth in the constitution shall be observed, as appropriate. the state shall give incentives to natural persons and legal entities and to communities to protect nature and to promote respect for all the elements comprising an ecosystem.” this section recognizes the rights of nature comes from pacha mama, or “mother earth.” in order for these rights to be met, they must be implemented in the constitution. the implications are the opinion of the researcher. chapter 7 is specifically about the rights of nature. four articles address the concept and how citizens are expected to proceed (comparative constitutions project, 2021). these quotes were included to showcase the wording used to describe the rights of nature in a constitutional setting. specifically in the ecuadorian constitution, the rights of nature was included because of the prominent feature that pacha mama plays. methodology this study utilized a survey to collect responses from students at uncw regarding their perspectives on the rights of nature construct and its applicability to the cape fear river (see copy of the questionnaire in the appendix). data were collected to find how receptive undergraduate students were to giving nature humanlike qualities to ensure nature has the same rights as humans. uncw institutional review board (irb) approval was gained in the fall of 2021. after irb approval, the uncw institutional research and planning office (irp) released 3,500 students' emails, about 30% of the student population, to complete the survey. the uncw a study of student perceptions on the rights of nature undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 37 emails consisted of undergraduate students over 18 years old and were not in distance education. these emails are only accessible to the surveyor to keep results anonymous. the email that the irb approved was sent out to these students through qualtrics, an online survey software. this survey was voluntary, and no questions were required. this can cause a difference in the amount of data received for each question. for students to remain anonymous, questions about majors, minors, or the specific department of the student were not taken. this information could have provided a new perspective to this study that cannot be examined at this time. no emails or ip addresses were recorded for anonymity. the minimum consent language was embedded at the top of the electronic survey so that students could give their consent for their results to be used (see appendix). students had two weeks in november 2021 to complete the survey. data both quantitative and qualitative data were recorded during this study. the survey consisted of 21 questions, starting with inquiries to develop an understanding of the background of the research subjects and the demographics questions (see appendix, demographics questions block). then, a section asking about students' opinions on nature, the nature questions (see appendix, nature questions block). finally, an overview of the term rights of nature with follow-up questions, the rights of nature questions (see appendix, rights of nature questions block). there were a variety of question types used, including multiple-choice and open-ended. in the end, there were 217 responses. of these, only 211 could be used in the study. this was about a 6% response rate from the sample population provided by the irp. the six responses taken out were responses with no data collected. for question 19, the qualitative question of the survey, only 113 responses were recorded. these responses were taken out and numbered in no specific order. these answers will provide themes within the data, described in more detail in the results section. the research hypothesis for this study is that uncw students are receptive to the rights of nature concept if they believe it is politically feasible. analysis after the qualtrics survey closed and the completely blank responses were taken out, data was looked at using the qualtrics reports. these reports show the distribution of data for each question. of the 211 respondents for question 1, 51.66% are 18-20, 36.49% are 21-24, and 11.85% are 25 years or older (see chart 1). of the 210 respondents for question 2, 81.43% are white/caucasian, 6.19% are from multiple races, 5.24% are hispanic/latino, 4.29% are black/african american, 2.38% are asian/pacific islander, and 0.48% prefer not to state their ethnicity (see chart 2). in 2021, the uncw student population of full-time undergraduates was 78.4% white (college factual, 2021). the high correlation of white students shows that the research paper's subset population is similar to the entire population. of the 210 respondents for question 3, 28.10% are male, 68.57% are female, 2.86% are non-binary/third gender, and 0.48% are genderqueer (see chart 3). this data is similar to that of the overall percentage of undergraduates at uncw in 2021, which was 61.1% female and 38.9% male (college factual, 2021). this data does differ as there are no other gender options other than women and men in the college factual data. the data gathered for this research paper is still a good representation of the student population. chart 1 a study of student perceptions on the rights of nature undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 38 chart 2 52%36% 12% q1 which category below includes your age? 18-20 21-24 25 or older 82% 5% 4% 0% 2% 6% 1% q2 what is your ethnicity? white/caucasian hispanic/latino black/african american native american/american indian asian/pacific islander from multiple races other (please specify) a study of student perceptions on the rights of nature undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 39 chart 3 of the 211 respondents for question 5, 14.69 % 70.62% have lived or gone to school in new hanover county for less than one year, 70.62% for 1 to 4 years, 5.21% for 5 to 9 years, 6.16% for 10 to 19 years, and 3.32% for 20 to 29 years. for question 6 of the 211 respondents, 34.60% are seniors, 31.75% are juniors, 22.75% are sophomores, 6.64% are freshmen, and 4.27% are super seniors. this is not as distributive as the normal population of undergraduates at uncw. the total enrollment for undergraduates in the fall of 2021 was 14,488 students, and of this, 2,435 were part of the freshman class (university of north carolina wilmington [uncw], 2021). this means that closer to 16.81% of the study should have been freshmen. the distribution of classes is hard to control when answers are to remain anonymous. the majority of the sample population was 18-20 years old, white/caucasian, female, seniors, and had lived or gone to school in new hanover county. chart 4 chart 5 28% 69% 3% 0% q3 what is your gender? male female non-binary/third gender other (please specify) 15% 71% 5% 6% 3% 0% q5 how long have you lived or gone to school in new hanover county? less than 1 year 1 to 4 years 5 to 9 years 10 to 19 years 20 to 29 years 30 years or more 7% 23% 32% 34% 4% q6 what year are you at uncw? freshman sophomore junior senior super senior a study of student perceptions on the rights of nature undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 40 results the second and third blocks were analyzed to gain insight into uncw student perceptions. this section of the research is broken down into the nature and rights of nature questions, as done in the survey. this breakdown was deemed necessary as the second block helps to gain perspective on how students feel about nature and the third block on the construct specifically. block 2: nature questions the second block, nature questions, provides an overview of students' perceptions of nature and their views on public affairs and news. questions 9 through 12, table 2, gather responses on how aware students are of news and how they acquire information. it is important to learn how aware students are of public affairs to see if this could influence their decisions on how they view nature. the definition of public affairs is given to students as follows: a term used to describe an organization's relationship with stakeholders (see appendix). for the students that know more about public affairs, it can be assumed they may know about the citizens united v. fec case. if they knew about the citizens united case, they would know that non-humans have received rights. if they have this knowledge, it could influence how they answered the rights of nature questions in block three. even though a majority of students are either “not aware” or “slightly aware” of public affairs, many believe it is either “slightly important,” “moderately important,” or “very important” to be up to date on the news (table 2). these data points are contradictory to each other as it could be assumed that those aware of public affairs would find it important to be updated on the news. it would also be assumed that students would be checking the news more often than weekly, even though table 2 shows that 44.85% of students only check the news “weekly.” respondents are also primarily receiving their news from social media, with 40.22% of students marking this option as one of the possible ways they source their news. table 2: questions on students awareness of news q9 – how aware are you of public affairs? field percentage count not aware 30.57% 59 slightly aware 46.11% 89 aware 20.21% 39 very aware 3.11% 6 100% 193 q10 – how important is it for you to be up to date on the news? field percentage count not at all important 4.12% 8 slightly important 25.77% 50 moderately important 43.30% 84 very important 20.10% 39 extremely important 6.70% 13 100% 194 q11 – how often do you check the news? field percentage count never 10.31% 20 monthly 14.95% 29 a study of student perceptions on the rights of nature undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 41 weekly 44.85% 87 daily 28.35% 55 hourly 1.55% 3 100% 194 q12 – what are the sources of your news? field percentage count network news outlets 29.48% 107 print news outlets (newspapers, magazines, etc.) 8.54% 31 social media 40.22% 146 cable news 9.92% 36 news related podcasts 11.85% 43 100% 363 the above data was collected from the qualtrics survey of undergraduate students at uncw. the questions specific to nature in the second block are 8, 13, 14, and 15 and help create a better idea of how students at uncw feel about the environment without mentioning the rights of nature. the data from question 8 can be found in table 3. over 50% of respondents stated that the natural environment was in bad condition and there would need to be a lot of effort put in to save it. this is a high percentage of respondents, and only 20 believe the natural environment is in good condition. question 13 explains the respondents' view on what new hanover county, north carolina, is doing to protect its environment. table 3 shows that the largest group of students “neither agree nor disagree” that new hanover county does a good job of protecting natural resources. the next largest group of respondents somewhat disagrees and believes that new hanover county does not do a good job of protecting natural resources. question 15 provides data on respondent beliefs that the environment has changed, for example, by increased flooding, stronger storms, higher temperatures, etc. these examples were provided to students. table 3 shows that most students believe that there have probably or definitely been changes to their environment. table 3: questions on students’ view on the environment q8 – in your opinion, how would you describe the condition of our natural environment? field percentage count in good condition 10.36% 20 in some trouble and could be saved with a little effort 36.27% 70 in bad condition and will take a lot of effort to save it 52.85% 102 in such bad condition, that not much can be done 0.52% 1 100% 193 q13 – do you think new hanover county does a good job protecting natural resources? field percentage count strong disagree 16.06% 31 somewhat disagree 29.53% 57 neither agree nor disagree 37.31% 72 a study of student perceptions on the rights of nature undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 42 somewhat agree 15.03% 29 strong agree 2.07% 4 100% 193 q15 – have you noticed changes in your environment? field percentage count definitely not 0.52% 1 probably not 6.70% 13 might or might not 9.79% 19 probably yes 43.81% 85 definitely yes 39.18% 76 100% 194 the above data was collected from the qualtrics survey of undergraduate students at uncw. table 4 shows the data collected on question 14. this information was collected to learn respondents' values and how they view the environment. each viewpoint represents a popular viewpoint in both past and present american environmentalism. the book, the rights of nature: a history of environmental ethics, discussed in the literature review of this paper, focuses on changing attitudes toward nature, which number 14 touches on (nash, 1989; see appendix). a large majority of uncw students consider themselves “conservationist” at 65.10%, with the following largest category considering themselves “ecocentric” at 26.04%. the definitions provided in the survey are given for each answer in table 4. these definitions were listed for the students so that respondents would not pick based on their assumptions of each value option. table 4: question and definitions on the students’ viewpoint of earth q14 – which viewpoint do you find aligns best with your values? field definitions percentage count anthropocentric humans are the most important entity on earth 2.08% 4 ecocentric value and importance are on nature as a whole 26.04% 50 cornucopian population-growth projections do not affect the earth and that there are infinite resources 0.00% 0 conservationist extracting natural resources from the earth while still keeping a sustainable relationship with the environment 65.10% 125 preservationist humans should not consume lands and natural resources and should be maintained in their pristine form 6.77% 13 100% 192 the above data was collected from the qualtrics survey of undergraduate students at uncw. a study of student perceptions on the rights of nature undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 43 block 3: rights of nature questions the third block in the survey, the rights of nature questions, starts with an overview and a brief definition of the concept to give the respondents some knowledge before answering the last six questions. table 5 questions were regarding the execution of the rights of nature (see appendix for survey questions 16, 17, 20, and 21). these questions are all about how it could be feasibly implemented. for question 16, there was an example given for respondents to understand better what it was asking. the example was: “new hanover county decides to give the cape fear river humanlike rights. this would make it illegal to pollute the cape fear river within new hanover county.” the example for question 17, for better respondents' understanding, was “the cape fear river.” the cape fear river is an example for questions 16, 17, 20, and 21 because it is a local river running through new hanover county and is where most residents get their water. in 2017, information was released that genx, a chemical compound, was dumped into the river in fayetteville, north carolina, a town upstream (cape fear river watch, n.d.). this quickly spread around new hanover county, and now residents are told to filter their water with either a reverse osmosis filter or using activated charcoal or carbon filters (north carolina government, n.d.). this local pollution was an example because most students learn about the problem at orientation. therefore, it was pleasantly surprising to learn that the answers to 16, 17, 20, and 21 favor the rights of nature and increasing water quality protections. table 5: questions regarding the implementation of the rights of nature q16 – if new hanover county were to try to implement a rights of nature statute would your gut reaction to be for or against it? field percentage count strongly disagree 5.17% 9 somewhat disagree 5.75% 10 neither agree nor disagree 10.34% 18 somewhat agree 32.18% 56 strongly agree 46.55% 81 100% 174 q17 – do you think the concept of rights of nature could be a good protection strategy for natural resources? field percentage count definitely not 3.43% 6 probably not 7.43% 13 might or might not 13.71% 24 probably yes 47.43% 83 definitely yes 28.00% 49 100% 175 q20 – if the government were to put more emphasis on water quality protection, would you as an individual be more likely to pay high drinking water rates? field percentage count strongly disagree 7.43% 13 somewhat disagree 10.86% 19 neither agree nor disagree 16.00% 28 a study of student perceptions on the rights of nature undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 44 somewhat agree 44.57% 78 strongly agree 21.14% 37 100% 175 q21 – would you be willing to pay more for tap water if you knew it was higher quality? field percentage count strongly disagree 5.71% 10 somewhat disagree 10.86% 19 neither agree nor disagree 12.00% 21 somewhat agree 36.57% 64 strongly agree 34.86% 61 100% 175 the above data was collected from the qualtrics survey of undergraduate students at uncw. uncw student perceptions of the rights of nature can be determined by combining questions 18 and 19. question 18 states, “do you think giving the cape fear river the same rights as a person is possible?” question 19 states, “regarding the previous question, why or why not?” using the quantitative data from 18 and the qualitative data from 19, each question can be put into distinguishable value groups. six groups were created from the given answers to number 19: economic, miscellaneous, ecological, doubt, non-human, and political. these values were decided by finding common themes throughout the 113 responses. each response was read thoroughly before deciding on common themes. these themes could be broken down more, but for this survey, only choosing six groups kept response values concise. these groups could help future research when comparing answers between values. below, in table 6, are the value groups with a definition and example from the survey respondents. table 6: delineating question 19 data value definition example economical respondent answers are based on how the rights of nature could affect the economy. survey respondent #18: “we are heavily dependent on the cape fear river, like many other natural resources in the world and in north carolina. it would be hard for us to completely change our habits without having an impact on the economy.” survey respondent #21: “the heavy resistance that it would face by those who use the resources of or gain economic advantage by their relationship with the river that would likely have to be stoped due to implementing this.” miscellaneous respondent answers could not fit into one of the other five categories. survey respondent #11: “it is a river.” survey respondent #88: “i do not understand the concept.” ecological respondent answers are based on wanting to maintain and survey respondent #24: “aside from it maintaing intrinsic value for existing, the rights of nature must be maintained in a study of student perceptions on the rights of nature undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 45 preserve the natural environment. order for humans and nature to have a balanced existence with one another.” survey respondent #40: “because the natural environment needs protecting just as much as individual people.” doubt respondent answers are based on people not believing or being apprehensive of the rights of nature. survey respondent #3: “i think there are a lot of people in this area that won't ‘get’ it and will successfully spin it negatively.” survey respondent #33: “people are selfish and entitled. if you can't get someone to respect another person especially if they have the same beliefs they won't respect nature. if they can respect a body of water as a person, but not another person as a person, they are a liar and a hypocrite.” non-human respondent answers are based on believing that nature can not be compared to a human. survey respondent #1: “in my opinion a body of water cannot have the same rights as a human.” survey respondent #16: “public perception will not view it as a human right.” political respondent answers are based on how politics will affect the rights of nature. survey respondent #13: “because i seriously doubt that all the counties that border the cape fear are gonna approve such a bill, nor is the state government likely to step in.” survey respondent #15: “government is influenced by people who aren’t concerned about the environment.” the above table has definitions based on the opinion of the researcher. table 7 creates a spectrum from the various answers to question 19. by combining the distinguishable values with 18, answers align with if respondents were for or against the rights of nature and their perceptions of it. of the responses to question 19, 37.17% of them are “political,” and most of those responses believe that it is probably not possible to give the cape fear river the same rights as a person. one of these responses stated that they believe human rights are still a concern; therefore, the rights of nature can not be focused on until humans are equal. the largest overall categories were people who believe that since the cape fear river is not human, it is “definitely not” or “probably not” possible to implement in new hanover county. table 7: distinguishable values condensed economic al miscellaneo us ecologic al doubt nonhuma n politic al total (percentag e) a study of student perceptions on the rights of nature undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 46 definitely not 0 1 0 2 13 4 17.70% probably not 1 3 0 7 13 12 31.86% might or might not 1 2 1 5 5 12 23.01% probably yes 1 0 6 2 1 9 16.81% definitely yes 1 0 5 0 1 5 10.62% total (percentag e) 3.54% 5.31% 10.62% 14.16 % 29.20 % 37.17% 113 table 7 shows groupings of the distinguishable values found in questions 18 and 19 of the survey. conclusion the research question asked: what are the uncw students' perceptions of the rights of nature? the bigger picture of this research question is the perceptions of the rights of nature. the knowledge gained from this study can be used to further the rights of nature from the distinguishable values discovered on the perspectives of the rights of nature. this topic is important to research as the construct did pose some concerns to students on the feasibility. to further the possibility of enacting laws, ordinances, or policies using the rights of nature, the feasibility of the concept needs to be demonstrated. overall, table 7 shows that most respondents believe it is probably impossible to give the cape fear river the same rights as a person. of these respondents, the theme that many of their answers to question 19 fell into was either political or non-human. many of the respondents who fell into the political value category had answers based on the government not supporting the concept of the rights of nature. this can be seen in survey respondents 4, 13, 15, and many more (table 8). studying uncw student perceptions helped to discover how future decision-makers and voters currently feel about the environment and if it is possible to extend the rights of nature. table 8: examples of political responses respondent number respondent answer to question 19 4 “because for some reason taking care of the earth is a political issue. it should not be but it is. you would have to jump through so many hoops to make this happen and then somehow get the public on board.” 13 “because i seriously doubt that all the counties that border the cape fear are gonna approve such a bill, nor is the state government likely to step in.” 15 “government is influenced by people who aren’t concerned about the environment.” table 8 shows examples of respondents who answered in a political fashion. the numbers given to each answer have no specific meaning. no edits were made to the answers. a study of student perceptions on the rights of nature undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 47 the significance of the results is that although uncw students are receptive to the concept of the rights of nature, they do not believe it is politically feasible. many respondents thought it would be a good addition to protect the environment but lacked feasibility. the research hypothesis that uncw students are receptive to the concept of the rights of nature if they believe it is politically feasible was found more false than true. this is because more students believe it is “definitely not” possible and “probably not” possible to give the cape fear river the same rights as a person for political reasons. this combined data would be 49.56% of respondents, whereas students who believe it is “definitely” and “probably” possible to give the cape fear river the same rights as a person for political reasons account for only 27.43% of the data collected. the other respondents fall in the middle, believing that it "might or might not" be possible to give the cape fear river the same rights as a person for political reasons, at 23.01% of respondents. this concern must be addressed each time the rights of nature are implemented. future research could focus on how to make this happen. research limitations there has not been a study done on a college campus before to learn about student perception of the rights of nature. one limitation is that there was a disproportionate number of students per grade level. there were fewer freshmen and more juniors and seniors. there was also limited racial diversity in participants as this college is predominantly white. therefore, future studies, including a more ethnically diverse set of students, would be of interest. as this study was conducted on a college campus, it limits the information gathered on demographics outside of considered normality inside a college. this would be a limitation in age, location, and employment status. another limitation was based on question 21, “would you be willing to pay more for tap water if you knew it was higher quality?” as it lacked a specific number, which could have led to variability when being answered. if the sample population was divided into different groups and these students were asked the same question with a specific number, we could find out the students' willingness to pay. there is a difference in perceptions between the value groups decided in this study. in future research, the six groups can be used to compare their values with other factors from the survey. the importance of this study was to flush out the data received. in the future, the variables and categorized groups can be studied to discover if there are any relationship patterns. an anova and t-test can be used to compare the relationships. an anova test can be used to compare the demographic questions and theoretical construct questions, question 19, and answers. the smaller value groups, economical, miscellaneous, and ecological, would have to be combined to use an anova test. poststratification can also adjust the survey results to be more proportional and in line with the entire population results at uncw for undergraduate students over 18 who are not in distance education. an additional limitation would be that the students at this college are possibly more aware of environmental issues because of the water quality issues within this community. even so, the students did not strongly advocate for the rights of nature. thus, a study on students with no linkage to an environmental issue may show a different level of support for the rights of nature and even the future of the concept. a study of student perceptions on the rights of nature undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 48 references boyd, d. r. 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(2018). conceptualizing human stewardship in the anthropocene: the rights of nature in ecuador, new zealand and india. journal of agriculture and environmental ethics 31, 703–722. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10806-018-9731-x kotzé, l. j., & calzadilla, p. v. 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(1989). the rights of nature: a history of environmental ethics. the university of wisconsin press. north carolina government. (n.d.). genx frequently asked questions. https://files.nc.gov/ncdeq/genx/sab/faq_updated_021518.pdf stone, c. d. (1972). should trees have standing? – toward legal rights for national objects. southern california law review, 45(2), 450–501. tamaqua borough sewage sludge ordinance, ordinance no. 612. (2006). http://files.harmonywithnatureun.org/uploads/upload666.pdf tănăsescu, m. (2020). rights of nature, legal personality, and indigenous philosophies. transnational environmental law, 9, 429–453. https://doiorg.liblink.uncw.edu/10.1017/s2047102520000217 university of north carolina wilmington [uncw]. (2021). uncw at a glance. https://uncw.edu/aboutuncw/facts.html https://heinonline-org.liblink.uncw.edu/hol/page?collection=journals&handle=hein.journals/tevl6&id=424&men_tab=srchresults https://heinonline-org.liblink.uncw.edu/hol/page?collection=journals&handle=hein.journals/tevl6&id=424&men_tab=srchresults https://files.nc.gov/ncdeq/genx/sab/faq_updated_021518.pdf http://files.harmonywithnatureun.org/uploads/upload666.pdf https://doi-org.liblink.uncw.edu/10.1017/s2047102520000217 https://doi-org.liblink.uncw.edu/10.1017/s2047102520000217 https://uncw.edu/aboutuncw/facts.html a study of student perceptions on the rights of nature undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 50 appendix rights of nature qualtrics survey start of block: participation is voluntary your participation is voluntary. you may refuse to participate or refuse to answer any question. you may stop at any time without penalty. the data you provide will be kept secure once it is in the researcher's possession. however, the researcher cannot guarantee security during transmission of the data due to keylogging or other spyware that may exist on the computer you are using. if you are under 18 or not an undergraduate student at the university of north carolina wilmington, please do not continue. all responses will be kept anonymous and there will be no identifiers reported. end of block: participation is voluntary start of block: demographic questions 1. which category below includes your age? (if you are under 18, please do not continue) o 18-20 o 21-24 o 25 or older 2. what is your ethnicity? o white/caucasian o hispanic/latino o black/african american o native american/american indian o asian/pacific islander o from multiple races o other (please specify) ___________________________ 3. what is your gender? o male o female o non-binary / third gender o other (please specify) ___________________________ 4. which of the following categories best describes your employment status? (you may select more than one answer.) ▢ employed, working full-time (40+ hours a week) ▢ employed, working part-time (less than 40 hours a week) ▢ unemployed (currently looking for work) ▢ unemployed (not currently looking for work) ▢ student ▢ retired ▢ self-employed ▢ disabled, not able to work ▢ other (please specify) ___________________________ 5. how long have you lived or gone to school in new hanover county? o less than 1 year o 1 to 4 years o 5 to 9 years o 10 to 19 years o 20 to 29 years o 30 years or more 6. what year are you at uncw? (if you are not an undergraduate student at uncw, please do not continue.) o freshman o sophomore o junior o senior o super senior 7. do you identify as an in-state or outof-state student? o in-state o out-of-state end of block: demographic questions undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 51 start of block: nature questions 8. in your opinion, how would you describe the condition of our natural environment? o in good condition o in some trouble and could be saved with a little effort o in bad condition and will take a lot of effort to save it o in such bad condition, that not much can be done 9. how aware are you of public affairs? (public affairs: a term used to describe an organization's relationship with stakeholders.) o not aware o slightly aware o aware o very aware 10. how important is it for you to be up to date on the news? o not at all important o slightly important o moderately important o very important o extremely important 11. how often do you check the news? o never o monthly o weekly o daily o hourly 12. what are the sources of your news? ▢ network news outlets ▢ print news outlets (newspapers, magazines, etc.) ▢ social media ▢ cable news ▢ news related podcasts 13. do you think new hanover county does a good job protecting natural resources? (for example, river water quality) o strongly disagree o somewhat disagree o neither agree nor disagree o somewhat agree o strongly agree 14. which viewpoint do you find aligns best with your values? o anthropocentric (humans are the most important entity on earth) o ecocentric (value and importance is on nature as a whole) o cornucopian (populationgrowth projections do not affect the earth and that there are infinite resources) o conservationist (extracting natural resources from the earth while still keeping a sustainable relationship with the environment) o preservationist (humans should not consume lands and natural resources and should instead be maintained in their pristine form) 15. have you noticed changes in your environment? (for example, increased flooding, stronger storms, higher temperatures, etc.) o definitely not o probably not o might or might not o probably yes o definitely yes end of block: nature questions start of block: rights of nature questions block 3 the following set of questions talks about the concept of rights of nature. rights of nature is the concept that nature has the right to exist the same way as humans (harden-davies, et. al., 2020). this concept is based on giving nature the ability to have personhood, which in turn gives the specific part of nature rights that a human would have undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 52 (kinkaid, 2019). this ability for nature to have personhood means that there are certain aspects of respect that nature then receives. 16. if new hanover county were to try to implement a rights of nature statute would your gut reaction to be for or against it? (for instance, new hanover county decides to give the cape fear river human-like rights. this would make it illegal to pollute the cape fear river within new hanover county.) o strongly disagree o somewhat disagree o neither agree nor disagree o somewhat agree o strongly agree 17. do you think the concept of rights of nature could be a good protection strategy for natural resources? (for example: the cape fear river) o definitely not o probably not o might or might not o probably yes o definitely yes 18. do you think giving the cape fear river the same rights as a person is possible? o definitely not o probably not o might or might not o probably yes o definitely yes 19. regarding the previous question, why or why not? ___________________________ 20. if the government were to put more emphasis on water quality protection, would you as an individual be more likely to pay high drinking water rates? o strongly disagree o somewhat disagree o neither agree nor disagree o somewhat agree o strongly agree 21. would you be willing to pay more for tap water if you knew it was higher quality? o strongly disagree o somewhat disagree o neither agree nor disagree o somewhat agree o strongly agree end of block: rights of nature questions freesia mckee 1 waking up: virginia woolf’s “moments of being” and the warren wilson college service program freesia mckee warren wilson college in an essay published after her death, virginia woolf discusses the state a person enters when she is completely present in the potential and profundity of a single, transcendent moment. woolf calls such alerting instances “moments of being” (woolf 1985, 18-19). in these rare times, we awaken more than usual. woolf’s articulation of moments of being is one way i have been able to grasp some of the experiences of social injustice i have encountered the four years i’ve attended warren wilson, a small liberal arts college in the mountains of western north carolina. as one of seven "work colleges" in the country, warren wilson requires that every student work fifteen hours a week as part of an on-campus work crew. in addition to on-campus work, each student completes a service commitment with off-campus direct service, policy, and advocacy agencies. this academic year, the college is shifting the service commitment to an experientially based model measured by learning outcomes (smith 2012), but during my undergraduate years (2008-2012), students met the commitment by completing 100 hours of service over the course of the four years. twenty-five of these 100 hours were to be completed within a particular "issue area." during my time at warren wilson, i struggled to wrap my mind around the idea of separate justice issues. i view separate social justice issues as a school of fish rather than as individual islands. and the hours logged on my service transcript don’t necessarily communicate which experiences taught me the most. as i reflect upon the last four years, i collect armfuls of the moments of being that did. i remember realizing on many occasions that successful social justice work necessitates an awareness of connectivity and layeredness. i also remember the ways i’ve chosen and been forced to ignore such interdependent relationships. the more i reflect, the more difficult it becomes to isolate a single social justice issue to write about. what issue would it even be? i could write about colonialism. the summer of my sophomore year, i travel to nicaragua for a week to build a house. i try not to build pity, imbalanced power dynamics, more blind privilege, or an imperialist mentality. as we erect a cinder block house, more hurricane-proof than the tin structure before, i take a break in los lopez’s equatorial heat. i could write about finally seeing my blonde, white, us american citizen self, how that day i walk to the store with my sister to buy a coke like it is nothing, pocket change, and how i don’t realize the impact of my privilege, thrown about, until i leave the store and make eye contact with children sitting outside. how i want to crawl back into the noisy refrigerator with the cokes i hadn’t purchased. i feel guilty and want to disappear. on the walk back to the work site, i realize that this is privilege i have every day; today is merely the first day i have held an awareness of it. my father is on this trip, too. back in wisconsin, in order to pay for the trip’s costs, my dad took another job in the mornings washing boats at the marina. here in nicaragua, we know my father is a “wealthy” man. in the afternoon, he buys ice cream for every person at our work site. what does “power” mean? people back home often 2 think my father is a college professor instead of a factory worker because of his white man skin, his height, the way he talks. but i don’t think he or i knew much about nicaraguan history before we arrived in the country, how the us disputed its democratically-elected government in 1909 and then again in 1984. now, we buy ice cream for kids in this country where we don’t even speak the language. i wear a shirt made in nicaragua. or, i could write about pine ridge reservation in south dakota, what it was like to take a break trip with other warren wilson students trying to figure out the same issues of power and privilege as i was. we unload the truck we came with and organize the cans in a garage-big food bank. we clear out moldy papers from grandfather johnson’s living room and clean the kitchen. katrina happened three years ago and the fema trailers that weren’t fit for louisiana were dropped off in south dakota. grandfather johnson’s wall displays a photo of him shaking hands with jfk. i start wondering about promises. the group learned in a north carolina classroom that the rates of diabetes and other health hazards here are astronomical. we have read that the life expectancy for men in pine ridge is 48 years old. for women, it’s 52. once in south dakota, we travel in a white van the whole week, seeing the sites. i don’t know how to convey what wounded knee looks like in the new millennium, beer cans scattered underneath a 40-year old sunblistered sign marking the massacre. there’s a christian cemetery here, its stone crosses designating the only marked graves. some women in the cemetery try to sell us beads. my privilege and whiteness stand at wounded knee, exchanging too few dollars for bracelets. i didn’t learn about andrew jackson’s role in the trail of tears until an appalachian studies class i took when i was 19. my first year at warren wilson college, a school where every students works 15 hours a week on-campus in addition to completing a service commitment, i started on the service-learning crew, knowing that this was one of the ways i could work with the college to give students the opportunity to wake up as i had started to in high school. i spent two years there. i believe that the same thing happened to others on that crew that happened to me: the more i worked with issues of social injustice and the more i studied issues outside of the classroom, the more work i realized needed to get done. but there’s no way to do all of it singlehandedly. the summer after my first year, i felt a deep split in me. i didn’t know how to take care of myself. that summer, i stopped reading the news for a while. i started to write seriously for the first time. when i returned to school in august, i spent another amazing year on the servicelearning crew, conducting the children and food issue workshop, learning how to garden, and trying to plan service-learning programming with lgbtq organizations in asheville. in my classes, i was falling in love with creative writing and discovered writers like naomi shihab nye, lucille clifton, joy harjo, and a. van jordan who addressed social inequality and identity issues in their work. that spring, based on an instinct, i applied to the writing center crew. the two threads of my interests fused as moments of being kept coming: at room in the inn, a travelling women’s shelter, it’s just warm enough to sit outside with a fire we’ve built. one woman shows me wounds on her legs. the 3 marks are from an abusive partner who hit her with a crowbar at their campsite. but they’re healing, she says. we’re cooking at the welcome table meal program and encounter some homophobic comments. i say nothing, and neither does anyone else. it is painful to know that we each are granted our own delineations of personal privilege and power. i have tutored an adult student for four semesters through the buncombe county literacy council. one week, she gets into a car accident. i pray she isn’t undocumented. i spend the summer interning at the lord’s acre, a hunger garden in fairview, north carolina. i ride in the back of a pickup truck with a dog and two other women on the way to work. i’ve already forgotten the name of the woman who walks several miles everyday on that road to buy a case of beer. my boss has known her to do that for years. sometimes we give her a ride to the store, but this morning, as we often do, we drive the car past her, to the garden where we grow food for others at the food bank. at a gay bar in downtown asheville with my friends, i see a man i met the month before at loving food resources, a food pantry for people who are hiv-positive or in hospice. i remember he forgot his hat in the shopping cart and i ran outside to give it to him. here, he laughs with his friends as i play pool with mine. a man at the bus stop downtown shows us the scar on his chest from a recent pacemaker surgery. he’s 70, he says, and is carrying a sleeping bag and several packages to his campsite off of the highway. social security should be coming soon. i hand the man five dollars before getting on the bus, where i remember that i just spent more than twice that much on a dinner for myself. with a skinny, long beard, the man looks a lot like my mother’s brother. i don’t know what to do with these moments. i want to catalogue them for delivery somewhere where they will resonate. i want to tell their whole stories. i appreciate the act of writing because it circumvents the coldness of statistics, because unlike data, writing sits with its nuances. sandra cisneros says that as a writer, she spends her whole life looking backwards. i think that some of us have to take that stance. many have written it: “poetry is not a luxury” (lorde 1984, 36-39). “the writer must be of use” (piercy 1982, 49). “what is poetry which does not save nations or people?” (milosz 2001, 139). maybe this essay can be the footnote to my service transcript, a citation for the bigger picture of what my years with the warren wilson service program have allowed me to experience. through service, i’ve been able to unearth connections our society wanted me to ignore. the intersectional feminism i’ve developed in my gender and women’s studies classrooms and the activist sentiment i attempt to imbue into the poetry in my creative writing courses are founded upon powerful service learning experiences. 4 graduation approaches and i have secured a job at the civic education project for the second summer in a row. i will work as a teaching assistant in a small classroom of 14-year-olds. in addition to covering a curriculum about power and privilege and the history of social justice movements in the united states, we will work on a number of service learning projects in baltimore. the program encourages students to figure out how to consciously engage with their communities. i have applied to two creative writing mfa programs with a focus on the writeras-activist. in my entrance essays, i found myself writing about service-learning experiences derived from the warren wilson service program. during the writing process, i became increasingly excited about the future as i articulated something profoundly important to me: i am committed to doing justice work no matter where i land. social justice is a process, not a product. i have found that for the poet to truly “be of use,” she must maintain an openness to moments of being, from building a house in nicaragua to wiping tables at a meal program to riding the bus home late on a cold friday night. service learning serves the poet, enabling her to view life as a series of moments of being. i would like to express deep gratitude to professor kathryn burleson, the warren wilson college service program office, and the service learning advisory committee. references lorde, audre. 1984. sister outsider. berkeley, ca: ten speed press. milosz, czeslaw. 2001. “dedication.” in another republic: 17 european and south american writers, edited by charles simic and mark strand, 139. new york, ny: harper collins. piercy, marge. 1982. “to be of use.” circles on the water. new york, ny: alfred a. knopf. smith, mitch. 2012. “a deeper kind of service: warren wilson gives service learning program a makeover.” inside higher ed. http://www.insidehighered.com/news /2012/04/18/warren-wilson-gives-service-learning-program-makeover. woolf, virginia. 1976. (1985.) moments of being. new york, ny: harcourt brace & company. waking up: virginia woolf’s “moments of being” and the warren wilson college service program undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 black births matter: addressing the injustices of african american mothers and infants marilyn schonhard baker college of jackson black births matter: addressing the injustices of african american mothers and infants at the age of 36, a woman i know became pregnant. pregnancies that occur in women over the age of 35 are considered high-risk for complications such as pregnancy-induced hypertension, gestational diabetes, and eclampsia and therefore warrant individualized, meticulous care and observation. she came from a stable family, was married, and had a wellpaying job with benefits, yet none of that mattered because of her race and skin color. when going to her scheduled appointments, she realized that her doctor was assuming she had certain conditions, such as hypertension and heart conditions, and was basing her treatment on these assumptions, despite her telling her health care provider that she did not have them. this type of care continued throughout her pregnancy and heightened when she was in labor. to her, it appeared that her healthcare team was “scared” to treat her when they saw that she was bleeding during labor and started to treat her without her consent assuming she had some sort of a clotting disorder. i could not believe what she was telling me. as a nursing student, i realize how dangerous making any assumptions can be, so i was shocked to hear how commonly this occurs. this woman not only was able to identify that she was being discriminated against but took matters into her own hands and “fired” her healthcare team in hopes of attaining unbiased care. while this woman and her child are healthy today, this is not the case for many other african american women and children who have faced the same disparities in healthcare and suffered life-threatening consequences. i had the pleasure of meeting this woman through a college event called the black history exposition. this event occurs every year during black history month and is used to raise awareness on issues surrounding the african american community and celebrate the accomplishments of african americans throughout history. focusing on maternal and infant mortality, i participated in this event with a few classmates and we were able to create a booth and presentation on this pressing topic. within the community of owosso, michigan, approximately only 1% of its citizens are of african american origin, while over 96% of its citizens are caucasian (united states census bureau, 2019a). while the demographics may show a predominately white community, this community is surrounded by several predominately african american communities, such as flint, michigan, meaning that healthcare providers are regularly treating a variety of races. this opportunity allowed for light to be shed on how prevalent discrimination and racism still are in the healthcare community and how much change is needed. throughout history, minority groups have faced an overabundance of inequities and disparities surrounding topics such as education and employment opportunities and healthcare access. the united states census bureau (2020b) estimated that as of july 1, 2019, african americans comprised about 13 percent of the nation’s population making it the third-largest 10 black births matter: addressing the injustices of african american mothers and infants undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 ethnic group in america behind caucasians (76.3%) and hispanics (18.5%). unfortunately, even though african american, and hispanic individuals account for a large percentage of the population, they still experience the same racial and social injustices that have been present for centuries. african american women face a particularly difficult inequity surrounding their healthcare, especially when pregnant. for decades, the united states has used infant mortality rates as an indicator of health in pregnant populations. efforts have been made to decrease these rates by expanding health coverage and implementing the national healthy start initiative. the healthy start initiative was created with the intent of reducing infant mortality rates by 50% over a 5 year through the provision of proper prenatal care, ensuring basic health needs are met, and reducing barriers to healthcare access (national healthy start association, 2015). however, only minuscule changes in the death rate gaps between races have been seen since the program was enacted. (kirby, 2017). while rates are dependent upon location, michigan had a rate of about 15.1 black infant deaths for every 4.5 white infant death in 2018 (michigan department of health & human services, 2020). these rates have decreased within the past few decades, but black infants continue to die at a much higher rate than white infants. as a white woman, i have the privilege of not having to worry about the countless risks and stressors that come with pregnancy for an african american woman. as a nursing student, i believe that healthcare is a basic human right. unfortunately, right now, black women do not receive the same healthcare, and this has contributed to the high rates of maternal and infant deaths in this population. in 2018, there were 21,643 recorded black births in the united states accounting for around 22% of the births that year (michigan department of health & human services, 2020). if all the births were single, over 43,000 black individuals were directly ad negatively affected by the inherent bias in healthcare. this number does not include other family members such as spouses, siblings, and extended family. with the current education and resources available, there is no reason that the basic right to safe, evidence-based healthcare should not be readily available for all ethnic groups. prior to partaking in a black history exposition through my nursing program, i did not realize the extent of disparities faced by african american women negatively affected their care and health and that of future generations. african american women are faced with many factors that impact their healthcare including racism, income inequality, and lack of access to proper, individualized care. healthcare workers must make it a priority to educate themselves to improve care and service to this community and thus decrease maternal complications and infant mortality rates in the african american community. the problem when going to a scheduled doctor’s appointment or the hospital for an emergency, many caucasian patients do not realize how fortunate and privileged they are to receive care without being stereotyped or put into a specific category based on their external appearance. the term “implicit bias” occurs when healthcare providers unconsciously make assumptions about patients based on their ethnicity, race, or culture and then make decisions using these assumptions. by doing so, patients do not receive the individualized care they need. even more so for african american women, holistic, individualized care is crucial as black women are twice as likely as white women to experience life-threatening pregnancy complications (taylor, novoa, hamm, & phadke, 2019). not only do these women have an increased risk of complications, but they receive poorer quality care than white women receive, and must cope with additional stressors like racism (national partnership for women & families, 2018). the racism experienced by 11 black births matter: addressing the injustices of african american mothers and infants undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 african american women is not always obvious in the healthcare setting. commonly, racism occurs in ways such as providers underestimating pain, spending less time with these women, ignoring symptoms, and dismissing complaints leading to inequities in the care provided to black women (davies, 2018). maternal and infant death in african americans can be attributed to several system factors as well as challenges african americans face in their everyday lives. in 2017, african american women made only 63 cents for every dollar that a white, non-hispanic man-made (national partnership for women & families, 2018). this economic difference coupled with a lack of health insurance and a lack of access to proper prenatal care compounds her risk factors for complications. additionally, black women are predisposed to many conditions such as cardiovascular disease, stroke, diabetes, obesity, and stress (american heart association, 2015). risks associated with pregnancy and birth in african american women include fibroids, early preeclampsia, low infant birthweights, congenital malformations, and sudden infant death syndrome (ely & driscoll, 2019). because of these added risks, black women require specialized, individualized care to monitor for and avoid complications with the worst being death. during the exposition, i was able to hear many stories from black women who had experienced complications and racism during their pregnancies and birthing of their children. i was shocked at how prevalent racism and discrimination still are in healthcare and how little is being done to address it. according to the national partnership for women & families (2018), about 22% of black women reported discrimination when going to a healthcare facility in 2017. any amount of discrimination is too much. while i will never be able to personally experience or understand the racism and inequities present in healthcare as a white woman, i empathize with these women and can see how beneficial change would be in improving their healthcare. creating justice creating change in healthcare for african american women needs to begin with us as healthcare professionals exploring our attitudes and stereotypes to eliminate them in practice. realizing that there are social determinants of health present, but not automatically assuming they apply to every patient is a crucial step in providing safer, holistic, and more individualized care. issues such as access to health coverage and paid medical leave are important, but the disparities leading to the high maternal and infant death rates are rooted in racism and implicit bias (taylor, novoa, hamm, phadke, 2019). racism will not be eliminated overnight, but by acknowledging its presence, we will be able to make the change by looking within ourselves, reflecting, and identifying our unconscious assumptions present in and outside of the healthcare setting. alternative options have been tried in the past, but these attempts have made little to no progress in reducing the maternal and infant death rate differences between black and white individuals and improving overall care for african american women. these attempts include expanding access to health coverage, expanding paid family and medical leave, and programs such as temporary assistance for needy families and nutrition assistance (national partnership for women & families, 2018). unfortunately, none of these options address the root of the problem at hand. by looking inwards, we can identify the root of any racism and discrimination that is causing many disparities for black women seeking and receiving healthcare. conclusion more than ever before, we, as both healthcare providers and patients, need to work together as a team to eliminate the inequities present in our current healthcare system. while there are risks that come with any pregnancy, black infants and their mothers have an overall 12 black births matter: addressing the injustices of african american mothers and infants undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 much higher death rate and risk of serious complications when compared to other races. by working to eliminate the attitudes and stereotypes that are attributed to certain races, we as a community of healthcare providers will be able to provide safer, individualized care that is not based on assumptions. safe healthcare should not be a privilege but needs to be prioritized as a human right. looking forward to the future, creating justice for all is possible and realistic through reflection and correction of our judgments and assumptions. 13 black births matter: addressing the injustices of african american mothers and infants undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 references american heart association. (2015). african americans and heart disease, stroke. retrieved from https://www.heart.org/en/health-topics/consumer-healthcare/what-is-cardiovasculardisease/african-americans-and-heart-disease-stroke davies, m. (2018). racism in health carefor black women who become pregnant, it’s a matter of life and death. retrieved from https://nwlc.org/blog/racism-in-health-care-for-blackwomen-who-become-pregnant-its-a-matter-of-life-and-death/ ely, d., & driscoll, a. (2019). infant mortality in the united states, 2017: data from the period linked birth/infant death file. national vital statistics reports, 68,(10). retrieved from https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/nvsr/nvsr68/nvsr68_10-508.pdf kirby r. s. (2017). the us black-white infant mortality gap: marker of deep inequities. american journal of public health, 107(5), 644–645. https://doi.org/10.2105/ajph.2017.303735 michigan department of health & human services. (2020). michigan infant death statistics. retrieved from https://www.mdch.state.mi.us/pha/osr/annuals/infant%20deaths%202018.pdf national healthy start association. (2015). healthy start initiative. retrieved from http://www.nationalhealthystart.org/healthy_start_initiative#:~:text=the%20program%2 0began%20with%20a,infants%2c%20children%20and%20their%20families. national partnership for women & families. (2018). black women’s maternal health: a multifaceted approach to addressing persistent and dire health disparities. retrieved from https://www.nationalpartnership.org/our-work/health/reports/black-womensmaternal-health.html taylor, j., novoa, c., hamm, k., & phadke, s. (2019). eliminating racial disparities in maternal and infant mortality. retrieved from https://www.americanprogress.org/issues/women/reports/2019/05/02/469186/eliminating -racial-disparities-maternal-infant-mortality/ united states census bureau. (2019a). quickfacts: owosso city, michigan. retrieved from https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/owossocitymichigan united states census bureau. (2020b). quickfacts: united states. retrieved from https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/us/pst045219 14 shapingnj in the classroom: 1 shapingnj in the classroom: a reflection on community engagement for social change jeannine donnelly rutgers university community engagement is formally defined at the university of north carolina greensboro as “the collaboration among institutions of higher education and their larger communities for the mutually beneficial exchange of knowledge and resources in a context of partnership and reciprocity.” it encompasses research, creative activities, teaching and service performed by organizations, students, faculty and community members for a public purpose and social change. prior to this past spring 2012 semester, i had associated specific service activities with community engagement: volunteering in a food kitchen, renovating houses, cleaning up a park, and any type of physical work to improve the living conditions of impoverished communities. moreover, growing up only ten miles outside of camden, new jersey, i had been involved in an ample amount of community service in impoverished communities throughout my grade school and high school years, and felt as though community engagement would be no different. little did i know, the experience i was about to embark upon would forever expand my perceptions of community engagement, social change, communication, and public health. i realized that not only did university students have a genuine interest to improve the lifestyles of those around us, but they also could effectively work with community organizations in new jersey to change improve health policies. i had been working as a research project manager to dr. jennifer warren, assistant professor of health communication, at rutgers university for about six months when she invited me to participate in an independent study for one of her classes, “communication and social change: community engagement”. the syllabus outlined the course would provide students with an understanding of community engagement through an ecological communication approach. students would explore the various barriers that may affect their ability to involve community or collaborators around health issues and learn effective health communication strategies for social change while working with communities. however, dr. warren desired to create an experience for students that would give them a peek into real world health policy issues. shapingnj, a statewide partnership funded by the centers for disease control to develop policies to mobilize the state against the harms of obesity through the promotion of healthy eating and physical activity, provided this opportunity. shapingnj utilized various strategies to prevent obesity in five different settings: health care, childcare, schools, communities, and the workplace. our collaboration with shapingnj began when one of their members contacted dr. warren hoping to draw upon her health communication expertise to improve their obesity prevention plan and healthy lifestyle messages across the state of new jersey. what happened was rather unique and timely. it seemed dr. warren was interested in having her students in her community engagement course take on social change through the issue of mobilization around obesity. this idea was ripe for shapingnj as well. the next thing we knew, we were asked to meet with a shapingnj advisory board serving the state of new jersey to figure out how to best coordinate this unique opportunity – an opportunity to engage college students at the state school in a state-initiated, community-based project where they had the ability to contribute intellectually and pragmatically to the health and well-being of new jersey residents through 2 exploration and initiation of policy change. i was intrigued to begin the project because, as a communication major and public health minor, it was the first time i had the experience to work closely with a professor on real health issues, a topic that i cared greatly about. it was also a fantastic opportunity to observe how a community-based partnership operates at the state and organizational levels. already, this service learning class was quite different from my service learning experience of the past. instead of working toward a short term change such as feeding the poor or cleaning up a city, this type of service learning was working at a different level: policy change. by changing the environment and health choices of these urban communities, it is possible to make a lasting change for the health of the entire population. the goal of the class was to communicate the need for social change to community organizations by transforming students into citizens with the power to make differences outside of the classroom. for our first meeting, dr. warren and i traveled to the city of trenton in january 2012 to meet the shapingnj team for the first time. we were warmly welcomed into the state conference office to discuss exactly how this collaboration was going to work. prior to the meeting, i was under the impression that state workers would be old and unenthused. to my surprise, these eight women were exactly the opposite. ideas were bouncing off the walls as everyone voiced what they felt would work best for the class and shapingnj. shapingnj was looking to dr. warren’s students to provide fresh ideas of how to most efficiently communicate their health messages to organizations of urban communities, while dr. warren and i were looking to shapingnj for some guidance as to how we could present their work and community engagement mission to our students in one semester. through this interaction i realized collaboration is not as easy as i had previously thought. each member of shapingnj specializes in a different setting (i.e. healthcare, work, school, childcare, breastfeeding) for obesity prevention, and although they showed an exuberant amount of enthusiasm toward their ideas for their particular context, it was difficult for us to come to an overall consensus of the focus of the class as it related to shapingnj. the minutes i accumulated came out to be rather jumbled, full of excellent ideas and enthusiasm--but no concrete plan. however, in the midst of this lack of clarity from our first meeting, i managed to leave the meeting energized with hope. if nothing else, one thing was very clear: we all had an enormous amount of genuine enthusiasm to engage the students in this collaboration and work together towards a healthier new jersey. the meeting also opened my eyes to the horrific situation that the state of new jersey is currently facing: extreme obesity. prior to our meeting, i had no idea there was an obesity epidemic in new jersey, and the statistics i learned impacted me deeply. shapingnj shared with us that for children ages two to five of low-income families, new jersey has the highest obesity rate in the nation (18.4%). among adults, one in four (38%) are overweight (department of health and senior services 2009-2012). individuals who live in a low-income urban area do not have much exposure to healthy fruits and vegetables in their communities compared with more resource-rich communities. therefore, many individuals in lower-income areas tend to consume cheaper, more fattening fast foods for their everyday meals. the consequences of obesity include diabetes, high blood pressure, high cholesterol, depression, respiratory problems, heart disease and stroke. additionally, i learned that media advertisements make unhealthy foods look the most appetizing, and messages regarding how to live a healthy lifestyle are skewed. moreover for our more vulnerable citizens, new technology such as video games and computers play a role in children’s lack of physical activity and poor eating habits. children are maximizing television 3 viewing and minimizing time for physical activity outside. as shapingnj states in their report (department 2009-2012), if we do not change the poor health behaviors of this generation of children, they may be the first to live shorter lives than their parents and suffer from the fatal consequences of obesity. these statistics were shocking to hear, and i was truly appalled. this was the first time i realized the direct connection between low-income citizens and obesity. this realization triggered anger as well, because i cannot fathom an ethical reason that the underserved of our communities should be subject to the risk of obesity strictly because healthy foods are not readily available at an affordable price in their area. the obesity epidemic is a grave one, and should not be taken lightly. at this point i recognized the great potential of our community engagement class. dr. warren’s students were about to be presented with the opportunity to have a direct impact on these underserved communities by creating new ideas to solve this obesity crisis and encourage policy change in new jersey. the weeks to follow were compiled of many meetings and hours of brainstorming with shapingnj, as well as discussions between dr. warren and me on how to teach the class and how the final project should be formatted. we decided it would be most effective for the students to break into groups of five, and each group should take on a different setting to understand the barriers and assets to their adoption of promising healthy practices and to share these investigations and findings with shapingnj. we asked the students to pick an establishment in new jersey as it related to their setting, meet with owner and/or employees, explain shapingnj’s promising practices, and then get an idea of the barriers they face in adopting those practices. the overall goal was to ensure a healthier new jersey. we created a task force to give each of the five group members a specific role: a researcher to perform a literature review compiling ecological evidence and statistical background facts on their setting of choice, a data analyzer to outline effective programs and practices, an outreach liaison to develop interview questions and conduct an interview with the group’s chosen organization(s), a creative designer to create the powerpoint presentation, and a spokesperson to act as the representative for the group and present their project to the class. for their final grade each group would put together a written executive report, stating what setting they focused on, target audiences, some epidemiological evidence regarding obesity as it related to their setting and audience, interview questions, the outcome of their outreach, and policy recommendation. the findings concluded in the executive report were also to be explained in their final powerpoint presentations, which groups would present to the class and members of shapingnj during our final class period. at the start of the semester, dr. warren focused on teaching introductory methods of community engagement. we also invited several guest lecturers to come into class to provide the students with a more personal outlook on real-world service learning and community engagement. the representatives from shapingnj came in the beginning of the semester to give students an overview of how shapingnj and policy decision-making actually works. describing each setting in detail helped the students grasp the basic idea of what shapingnj is about and allowed the students to attain a more focused view of what their projects should contain. our first guest to the class was a representative from the nj partnership for healthy kids, a two-year initiative led by new brunswick tomorrow and the raritan valley ymca. this presenter was extremely engaging, and he provided our class with valuable community engagement practices that contribute to effective community engagement. one aspect of this lecture that i found most helpful was the idea that it is important to first understand the 4 community with which you are working before you begin to implement any sort of change. by notifying the community of the project or program you are implementing, asking for their advice in the planning, development and execution, and in return obtaining their consent of approval, the community engagement project will be as effective as possible. by directly involving the community members in the planning process, it allows for more opportunity for growth and sustainability of health practices. if the community does not know what is happening, there may be hostility. when working with a community in need it is essential that they feel they are working to change the community as much as you are; because without their consent and effort, the project will not be nearly as successful. another representative from the nj partnership for healthy kids shared insight into how policy is integrated into day-to-day activities for children. her goal was to increase opportunities for physical activity; partner with schools to create comprehensive wellness policies; advocate for an equitable, sustainable food system; and to increase community access to fresh food at emergency food providers. she helped us to understand the importance of partnerships and that every business and organization plays a role in policy change. as the semester progressed, i watched the gradual change in students’ attitudes toward both the issue of obesity and their interest in the final project. at first, it seemed each student felt obligated to share with the class his or her views on obesity, such as their personal fitness regime (or lack of) throughout their childhood, or their parent’s neglect in packing them a healthy lunch. the more we learned each week from class lectures and as the students began to contact their various organizations to arrange interviews, it became visible to me that the opinions of these young people were changing and the importance of a need for change was setting in. for example, there was a group of students who chose to focus on the childcare setting. as they conducted their interviews and interfaced with various childcare centers, they learned many centers are not feeding children the appropriate amount of healthy foods per day nor are they allowing them the necessary amount of physical activity. the students in this group were extremely alarmed. so alarmed, in fact, that they conducted several interviews instead of just one to get a better idea of whether these practices are occurring at at-home day cares as well. their research and extended interviews proved these at-home childcare centers provide even worse care, and several of these sites were hosting more children than the state of new jersey deems legal. even worse, it appeared there is little regulation in a majority of at-home childcare centers throughout the state. this was especially alarming to me as well because considering the current amount of families in which both spouses have full time jobs, there are more children in childcare than ever before. it saddens me to think that such poor eating habits and extreme lack of physical activity is being instilled in our young generations. the teaching style and environment of this class were making a large impact on the students as well. instead of simply listening to lectures, reading articles and viewing powerpoints like a typical college course, group members were meeting face-to-face with the owners and managers of their settings (i.e. childcare centers, hospitals, schools) and the seriousness of the obesity epidemic was becoming very real. how is our society allowing this to happen? it was clear that the obesity epidemic had finally hit home for them as it did for me. as the weeks progressed and groups’ interviews were conducted, our class discussions became more fired up. students who had been quiet early on in the semester were now speaking up to voice their confusion, distress and alarm at the fact that so many organizations were failing to recognize the importance of a healthy lifestyle. 5 after our midterm presentations, it seemed to dr. warren and me that the students needed some help bringing their level of analysis up to the policy level. dr. warren explained that this is in opposition to focusing on the individual as the deficient and looking towards a broader change for sustainability. therefore, to help with development, a community engagement consultant who works for the nutrition, physical activity, & obesity program of shapingnj, joined dr. warren and i in meeting with each group’s spokesperson individually to review the groups’ drafts for the final project. this was the last opportunity students were given to ask questions and revise their final executive report. each group gave a summary of their setting and contact, as well as the barriers faced during the process. the consultant, regina, seemed thoroughly impressed with each group, as they all focused on shapingnj settings and honed in on interesting strategies to address obesity. her presence that day brought the idea of community engagement full circle for not only me but also the students. up until that point, each group had been able to summarize the problems that their setting was faced with and how they should be operating differently, yet students were unable to realize the big picture – policy change. she explained that although suggestions to individuals and businesses of these healthy practices are indeed helpful, it is policy change that truly makes a difference. each school district in new jersey, for example, is required to have a wellness council, and their policies are the ones that should change when revisions are made to health regulations in the school. the consultant encouraged students to ask their contacts for a copy of their wellness policy and/or contact information for the wellness council and to find out more about their rules and regulations. i was surprised to learn that in addition to schools, workplaces in the state of new jersey offered discounts on insurance rates if they have a wellness council. regina encouraged students to have a follow up discussion with their contact organization and ask if they were aware of this discount. for the group who chose the childcare setting, she suggested asking the at-home childcare owner what it would take (e.g., money) to change the unhealthy qualities of her business. one group who chose health care, particularly breastfeeding, focused on teen moms and how to change their opinion on breastfeeding/breastfeeding behavior. regina enlightened us to the idea that it is not necessarily the teen moms that must change their behavior. it is the hospital administration, primary care practitioners, and the doctors and nurses that meet with the mother to be during her maternity that is going to make a significant difference and change in her breastfeeding behavior. this brought the idea of policy change full circle for me. by changing the rules at a higher level, it is that much easier to change what happens on a day-to-day basis. the result of the students’ hard work was truly commendable. they took in what regina, dr. warren, and i had suggested and pulled together their resources to come up with smart, efficient strategies to assist shapingnj. one group who focused on breastfeeding in the healthcare setting of large hospital, hoped to encourage the administration to make their hospital baby-friendly, or in other words, follow the united nations children’s fund (unicef)’s babyfriendly hospital initiative (bfhi). by becoming a baby-friendly hospital, the hospital would receive recognition as a hospital that provides exceptional care for infant feeding, and would not accept free or low cost breast milk substitutes. through breastfeeding, there is a reduced chance of health issues for both the mother and child. the group concluded that the primary barriers keeping most mothers from breastfeeding is the inconvenience breastfeeding causes in public places. workplaces, schools, and public settings have not yet designated areas for new mothers to breastfeed their children comfortably. their goal for policy change is an increase in 6 breastfeeding education by primary care practitioners, and for hospitals to provide an environment that cherishes optimal infant health. another group focused on the workplace setting, specifically a well-known family workout facility. they were discouraged to find that the majority of workout facility employees were extremely unhealthy and overweight. during a meeting with the head of the workout facility, students asked why their vending machine was filled with fatty foods and sugary drinks. additionally, at the last workout facility staff meeting, employees were given pizza and pasta. students’ recommendations for policy change included having staff members, such as yoga or pilates teachers, provide their fellow employees with weekly health tips and have the workout facility pay for fitness classes for staff members. after the interview, the manager replied that he had never thought much of the severe effects of unhealthy foods in the office vending machines or at staff meetings. he agreed would like to put his best effort forward to changing the workout facility’s work environment to become a healthy one by putting up posters about healthy lifestyles and eliminating high-carb foods and sugary drinks from the vending machines. this immediate policy change was especially rewarding for the students, as they could see implementation of their work just from some research and helpful suggestions. the third group focused on the community setting for undergraduate students. students met with the head of the large university’s dining services on to discuss how their dining team encourages (if at all) students to have healthy eating habits on campus. for me, this was an especially relevant problem because not only have i experienced eating on a meal plan at the college dining hall for four years, but i also feel strongly that one of the primary reasons college students gain weight is due to the poor food selection that is offered. the students suggested promoting a mobile application for smart-phones, so that students can calculate the amount of calories they consume in a meal, as well as having a trial run of the healthy foods available in dining halls. a dining services employee replied that although health is a large factor, money is an even bigger one. the dining hall makes foods they know the students will enjoy, which is for some, all of the unhealthy choices. therefore to continue selling meal plans, they have to continue to provide students with their servings of cheese fries and pizza. it was another sad realization to find that money is one important factor in what college students have available to eat. this class turned out to be one unlike any other i had experienced in my four years at rutgers. could we change healthy practices in new jersey over the course of one semester? the answer is unfortunately, no, but we can definitely say that we made some headway. the introduction to the idea of the use of community engagement helped students understand the lifethreatening consequences of obesity. the students were able to voice their personal experiences, prejudices, and feelings toward unhealthy lifestyles and grew to exhibit great concern over the rates of obesity in nj. over the course of the semester, our class became an open environment for participation, learning, and genuine commitment to effectively address this epidemic. the guest lecturers helped to speed up the process by encouraging students that their efforts and final projects to assist shapingnj were truly significant in a real world effort to create a healthier new jersey, as well as stressing the importance of spreading the message of healthy lifestyles to save children of future generations. the community organization leaders strongly considered the students’ policy recommendations. several organizations decided to implement the suggested policies to improve their platform of promising healthy practices. dr. warren, her students, shapingnj, the community organization personnel interviewed, and i all had different expectations as to what we each hoped to achieve from the collaboration. i 7 learned this semester that it is pertinent to find out what is driving each person or organization in the collaboration and to work with them closely to be sure that expectations are being met along every step of the way. more importantly, i realize from this experience that community engagement requires a great amount of patience and hard work. successful collaboration does not come easily, and at times, it may seem that goals cannot be reached. however with the right resources and preparation, along with constant communication with the people or organization you are collaborating with, social change through university-community partnerships is possible. i would like to express my gratitude to dr. jennifer warren of rutgers university for her great enthusiasm, invaluable guidance and constant encouragement. references department of health and senior services: state of new jersey. 2009-2012. shapingnj public draft. http://www.state.nj.us/health/fhs/shapingnj. shapingnj in the classroom: a reflection on community engagement for social change references applying ethical theory to the evaluation of a community organization 1 applying ethical theory to the evaluation of a community organization rebecca wulforst, giulia molisani, ryan barney, colleen crawford, alexandra kwiek, daylinis lugo, cody niver, jonathon stowell, and ashley villone nazareth college of rochester executive summary this report will take an in-depth look at a community organization’s programs through the analysis of the data collected from activity observations using the out of school time (ost) observation instrument. the out-of-school time observation tool was developed by policy studies associates, inc. with the support of the charles stewart mott foundation (pechman et al. 2008). this report summarizes the research process, presents the main findings, and suggests how the community organization can improve their programs. furthermore, we explain how this service learning experience is explicitly connected to the norms of caring and utilitarianism. lastly, there is a learning reflection which discusses our collective learning based on team processes, ethical content, and organizational practices at the community organization. research showed that staff was rated low in the categories of asking youth to expand upon their ideas and thoughts and employing varied teaching strategies. based on these findings, we suggest that if staff make the necessary changes to their teaching methods, youth will become more engaged and have a more positive learning experience within their activities. nevertheless, staff was rated high in the categories related to relationship building. the strong relationships formed between the staff and youth were apparent throughout our observations. research questions our group was given the task to reflect on what we took away from our observations, connect these reflections to ethical theories, and to make suggestions for future process improvements. we formulated research questions to coincide with this task. we questioned what aspects of the community organization’s programs could be improved and how does the evaluation of these community programs relate to ethical theory. methodology this research was conducted in the spring of 2012 by a group of nine individuals. the community organization we partnered with offers programs and other forms of assistance to community members. specifically, we observed after school programs offered to youth. pre-work in order to learn more about the organization, we visited the community based organization in order to introduce ourselves to the environment and diverse programs that are offered. once we were exposed to the culture and operations, select group members met with the manager of data, research, and program evaluation to establish the foundation of the service learning project. during this meeting, group members discussed the different programs that the organization offers youth and how our observations will be of assistance to their programs. we also discussed possible training times and exchanged e-mails to better improve communication. 2 training a two hour training session was conducted by the organization’s staff in which all team members received instructions on how to utilize the observation instrument. in order to provide reliability to our research, a video was shown that provided an example of what we would be observing. while watching the video, each team member rated the specific categories exemplified on the observation tool. the out of school time (ost) indicator rating guide consists of a variety of different categories. these categories include relationship building and participation for youth as well as relationship building and instructional strategies for staff. also included in the guide are categories for the content and the structure of each individual activity, their environmental context, and the observer’s synthesis and rating. below is the rating scale used to score the different categories. five (5.0) is the standard rating for grading criteria, as stated by the ost guidelines (pechman et al. 2008). -----1---- -----2---- -----3---- -----4---- -----5---- -----6---- -----7---- exemplar is exemplar is exemplar is exemplar is highly not evident rarely evident evident/implicit evident and consistent observations in order to collect and compile the data necessary to complete the project, the group was divided up into teams for each specific after school program: program one and program two. these programs invite youth to play games and participate in educational activities. the ost guidelines stated that each team must observe their assigned activities for a maximum of 15 minutes and fill out the observation instrument based on what they observed. once all observations were completed, the group met as a whole and compiled all data into an excel spreadsheet. this sheet calculated the average ratings for each program and also for the individual categories for youth and staff. data analysis program one what the staff does well when observing the staff interacting with the youth, it was clear that they showed positive affect towards youth and communicated goals, purposes, and expectations clearly. on average, each of these categories received an ost indicator rating of six (6.0). overall, in all the activities observed, staff seemed to be friendly and positive when interacting with the youth. furthermore, in regard to communicating goals, in the gym class the staff explained the purpose of the game capture the flag to the youth before beginning to play. the youth understood that they needed to reach the other side of the gym without being tagged by the opposite team and retrieve the flag. 3 areas that need more attention overall, observations demonstrated that the youth did not meet the standards in the categories of: listen actively and attentively to peers and staff (3.8 average), contribute opinions, ideas, and/or concerns to discussions (3.5 average), and take leadership responsibility/roles (3.0 average). it was observed that the youth were most interested in their personal conversations than with group discussions about the activity occurring. for example, in the promoting alternative thinking strategies (paths) activity, some youth did not actively listen to the book that was read by the staff member. instead, they were designing easter eggs and were not concerned with the current discussion. in the observation, only one youth was actively engaged and shared his ideas about the book. observations demonstrated that staff members can improve mainly in their instructional strategies. the categories that were rated the lowest were: ask youth to expand upon their answers and ideas (2.5 average), challenge youth to move beyond their current level of competency (3.0 average), and plan for/ask youth to work together (3.5 average). for the science, technology, engineering, & math (stem) activity, the youth were asked to create a silly putty material with water and baking soda. the youth completed this task, but staff members never asked them to evaluate “why” or “how” this material was made. furthermore, in the gym activity staff did not give students the opportunity to discuss strategy, rather they told them the best way to capture the flag. in both examples, there is a lack of questioning in youth’s ideas. program two what the staff does well during our observation there were many areas in which the staff met or exceeded program expectations. the staff was very personable and engaged in conversation with the kids on subjects that were not directly related to the actual program. the ost indicator for engaging personally with youth had an average of 5.0, and the ost for showing positive affect toward youth had an average of 5.5. overall there were never any signs of favoritism by the staff and they were consistently positive, patient, and tolerant towards the youth. the staff helped the groups or individuals, but they were never controlling of the situation. our observations showed that activities were geared towards communication, team building, and encouraging positive relationships/interactions in teaching interpersonal skills. areas that need more attention overall, observations showed that the youth did not meet the standards in the categories of: listen actively and attentively to peers and staff (3.5 average), contribute opinions, ideas, and/or concerns to discussions (4.0 average), and respect one another (4.0 average). during the stem activity, although the staff initially tried to provide instruction and guidance, the youth disregarded their instruction. rather than paying attention, they were engaged in conversations that were unrelated to the subject at hand. furthermore, there were several instances of disrespect between youth. for example, one specific youth consistently acted inappropriately towards other youth by saying, “i will punch you in the face,” in a joking manner. 4 overall, observations demonstrated that the staff did not meet the standards in the categories of: encourage the participation of all (3.5 average), ask youth to expand upon their answers and ideas (2.5 average), and challenge youth to move beyond their current level of competency (3.0 average). there was one youth who never participated in any of the activities and was generally quiet around the other children. this specific youth remained isolated during the indoor basketball game. not once was she encouraged to participate. in relation to this example, the usage of cell phones in the classroom distracted from learning and made it difficult for staff to challenge the youth and ask them to expand their ideas. ethical analysis the analysis of data collected at the organization’s various after-school programs provided a connection with ethical theories studied through management ethics offered at nazareth college. specifically, we chose to analyze the norms of caring and utilitarianism that were introduced in gerard cavanagh’s (2010) american business values a global perspective. norm of caring according to cavanagh, the norm of caring can be defined as, “responsibility to a person because of relationship” (2010, 88). the relationship of care is evident in the connections established between the youth and staff and the organization and community. the responsibility of the youth and staff was apparent in our observations. in an activity involving reading chapters from a book, a staff member engaged youth to think about what means the most to them in their lives. it was clear that the staff member’s goal was to provide guidance to the youth. likewise, it was the responsibility of the youth to participate in the class activity. furthermore, the relationship between the organization and community was observed through their numerous services. the organization offers social, developmental, and educational programs aimed at building trust, communication, and responsibility with a strong emphasis on care. cavanagh also maintains that, “caring engages our emotions. in order to incorporate the interests of others into one’s decision-making processes, one must be able to feel and to empathize with those that are affected by one’s decisions” (2010, 94). given our various examples, it was obvious that staff, youth, and the organization as a whole exemplified high levels of empathy and genuineness. alternatively, it can be argued that the staff and the youth are not following the norm of caring. by scoring low in the areas of listen actively and attentively to peers and staff and respect one another, it is apparent that youth are not valuing their relationships appropriately. similarly, staff scored low in the areas of encourage the participation of all, ask youth to expand upon their answers and ideas, and challenge youth to move beyond their current level of competency. as mentors, the staff at the community organization should help the youth expand their intellectual capacity. 5 norm of utilitarianism the utilitarian norm says that, “the ethical action is that which produces the greatest good for the greatest number of people” (cavanagh 2010, 92). the staff of the organization demonstrates utilitarianism through their efforts to decrease the number of youths on the streets between the hours of 3:00 p.m. and 6:00 p.m. discussion with organization staff informed us that this is when crime is at its highest (january 2012). by providing a structured and educational environment, youth have a safe place to go after school and crime can potentially be reduced, benefiting the community. these programs are geared towards improving youths’ communication, interpersonal, and relationship building skills that empower them to behave respectfully towards others and be more aware of the consequences of their actions. these skills will prove beneficial in the future when youth are advancing to adulthood and entering the working world. thus, these skills can be applied to all aspects of life. the findings show that the organization is effectively teaching the skills necessary to build a strong community. these skills are transferred from the individual, to the family, and finally to the community. suggestions for improvement our data analysis indicated that some improvement is needed. overall, we found that youth scored low in the category of contributing opinions, ideas and/or concerns to discussion. furthermore, the staff did not challenge youth to move beyond their current competency level because they did not ask questions such as “why”, “who” and “if”. this may be a solution to the issue regarding youth’s low level of contribution of their opinions and ideas because they need to be prompted by the staff to share openly. in addition, staff could implement teamwork within the gym activity by asking youth to develop strategies together. if the youth were given this opportunity, they could work cooperatively to capture the flag. seeing as it can be argued that the youth and staff were not respecting the norm of caring, the community organization needs to create a culture that promotes ethical behavior. there are a variety of ways in which they can do this. according to cavanagh, “difficulties in arriving at an ethical judgment often stem from our lack of knowledge of ethical norms” (2010, 112). therefore, the community organization needs to educate both the youth and the staff. staff could undertake the challenge of learning about ethical norms and concepts, and could transfer their learning directly to the youth through various activities. another important aspect in creating a culture that promotes ethical behavior is in promoting the values of the firm. the community organization has to maintain a strong commitment to ethical behavior, which is important considering work climates have a strong influence on the actions of members within an organization (cavanagh 2010, 220-221). all of the staff and departments at the organization should aspire to be good models for the youth. therefore, the values that the organization introduces in their mission statement should be publicly communicated and practiced. 6 learning reflection completing our service learning project provided us with skills and knowledge that we will use throughout our future careers. we discovered that data collection can be a confusing process, considering there are a number of steps to reach the final objective. predetermined goals and expectations, with regard to data collection, were key to being successful. having the ost tool made the observation process more efficient because it showed clear guidelines as to what criteria the organization would like their programs to meet. after completing our observations, we consider the ost indicator to be both reliable and valid because there was a consistency in the results found and the instrument ultimately measured what it was supposed to measure. overall, our assessments were very similar when measuring one program at the same time. this shows that the different personalities of the raters will not have a large effect on the findings, and therefore the information will remain reliable. furthermore, we were able to collect data about the quality of the programs the organization offers by rating certain components of the activities such as relationships and youth participation. this is precisely what the ost indicator is intended to measure (yohalme et al. 2009). the ost observation tool is a necessary ingredient in the plea for government assistance and private donations that will provide assistance to help the organization continue to offer the numerous outreach programs aimed at strengthening families and building a community. these tools are used to constitute the benefits, modifications, and opportunities being achieved by the organization, proving that the programs are making substantial changes within the community and are worthy of funding assistance. obtaining government and private funding poses a tension for the organization and constitutes a direct rival of ethical norms and values. the tension is present between the staff members’ desire to help those in the community and the struggle to continue to obtain government and private funding year after year (personal communication, organization staff, january 2012). the project presented us with both positive and negative learning. for example, we can take away the optimistic values, such as community involvement and building relationships, which are represented at the community organization, and use them in our future managerial positions. this is especially important because managers have the potential to influence every individual or stakeholder in a corporation. furthermore, it prepared us for active civic participation in a diverse, democratic society because, while observing, we were in the vicinity of people of many diverse backgrounds. in addition, it gave us the opportunity to gain practical experience in a potential career field. finally, we have learned the best practices of collecting and analyzing data, which will be useful in our organizations to understand the impact of our managerial decisions. there were many successes and obstacles that we experienced through this service learning project. first and foremost, we succeeded when we used email and google docs to communicate digitally, allowing group members to work on the paper at any point in time. also, training gave us an example of what exactly we would be experiencing when completing the observations. furthermore, dividing the observations into programs was extremely helpful especially when carpooling to the organization. there were a variety of different obstacles faced when completing this service learning project. one of these obstacles was synthesizing the information. with such a variety of data, it made it challenging to distinguish what was most relevant to our research. secondly, we felt that 7 observing for 15 minutes was an inadequate amount of time to thoroughly analyze the activities within the programs. conclusion this service learning project with the community organization has increased our knowledge of the assistance offered to the community, and its youth allowed us to apply our knowledge of ethical theory to the community organization’s efforts. our observations and suggestions were shared with the community organization leaders through a formal presentation and a paper, which gave them suggestions for improvement and general feedback. as stated previously, proof that the organization is continually looking to improve its programs is how it continues to receive funding through government grants. the community organization leaders appreciated our feedback and took into consideration our suggestion for more training to help staff learn different teaching strategies and engage youth at their highest level of competency. this service learning project was a prime opportunity to build relationships with community members and apply our ethical knowledge to a real-world situation. our experience working with the community organization and the chance to use the different theories we’ve learned has engrained fundamental analysis, collaboration, and problem-solving skills that we will use in our future careers when faced with an ethical dilemma. the theories that we applied in the community organization have a broad range of use. for example, in the field of business, management may need to analyze the effects of a layoff within the company. when applying utilitarianism, management may ask if it is the best choice for the entire group. using the norm of caring, management can think about whether their decision enhances or maintains their relationship with the person affected by that decision. we believe that the education and use of these theories can help promote a more ethical and just workplace. we would like to express our sincerest appreciation to dr. jennifer leigh of nazareth college for her willingness to assist us in our efforts and her constant words of advice and encouragement. references cavanagh, gerard f. 2010. american business values a global perspective. 6th edition. upper saddle river, nj: prentice hall. yohalem, nicole, alicia wilson-ahlstrom, sean fischer, and marybeth shinn. 2009. measuring youth program quality: a guide to assessment tools. 2nd edition. washington, d.c.: the forum for youth investment. http://www.forumfyi.org/files/measuringyouth programquality_2nded.pdf. pechman, ellen m,, monica mielke, christina russell, richard white, and north cooc. 2008. “ost observation instrument and report on its reliability and validity.” policy studies associates. http://www.policystudies.com/studies/?id=30. 8 9 category activity: paths stem gym art club average: minute stem scavengerbasketballaverage: relationship building: youth are friendly and relaxed with one another. 3 5 6 7 5.3 5 3 5 6 4.8 respect one another. 5 7 4 7 5.8 4 3 6 3 4.0 show positive affect to staff. 5 7 5 7 6.0 5 4 5 6 5.0 assist one another. 5 5 4 5 4.8 5 3 4 6 4.5 are collaborative. 5 5 3 5 4.5 4 4 4 4 4.0 participation: youth are on-task. 3 7 5 7 5.5 4 4 5 5 4.5 listen actively and attentively to peers and staff. 2 3 5 5 3.8 4 3 3 4 3.5 contribute idea, opinions, and/or concerns to discussions. 3 3 3 5 3.5 4 4 5 3 4.0 have opportunities to make meaningful choices. 5 1 5 5 4.0 3 3 5 5 4.0 take leadership responsibibility/roles. 3 1 3 5 3.0 4 4 5 5 4.5 relationship building: staff use positive behavior management techniques. 5 5 5 5 5.0 6 2 5 5 4.5 encourage the participation of all. 5 5 3 7 5.0 4 3 4 3 3.5 show positive affect toward youth. 7 7 5 5 6.0 7 4 5 6 5.5 attentively listen to and/or observe youth. 5 5 5 4 4.8 4 2 5 5 4.0 encourage youth to share their ideas, opinions, and concerns about the content of the activity. 7 5 3 5 5.0 3 3 6 4 4.0 engage personally with youth. 3 7 6 3 4.8 5 4 5 6 5.0 guide positive peer interactions. 5 5 3 5 4.5 4 2 6 5 4.3 instructional strategies: staff communicate goals, purpose, expectations. 5 7 5 7 6.0 6 2 5 3 4.0 verbally recognize youth’s efforts and accomplishments. 3 6 3 4 4.0 3 1 4 5 3.3 assist youth without taking control. 5 6 5 5 5.3 5 2 5 5 4.3 ask youth to expand upon their answers and ideas. 5 1 1 3 2.5 3 1 2 4 2.5 challenge youth to move beyond their current level of competency. 5 3 1 3 3.0 3 1 5 3 3.0 employ varied teaching strategies. 5 7 3 1 4.0 5 3 6 6 5.0 plan for/ask youth to work together. 1 5 3 5 3.5 3 3 5 5 4.0 program 1 program 2 executive summary research questions methodology pre-work training observations data analysis program one what the staff does well areas that need more attention program two what the staff does well ethical analysis norm of caring norm of utilitarianism suggestions for improvement learning reflection conclusion references undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2021 communication: the key to successful community garden initiatives kayla-anne lenferna de la motte auckland university of technology abstract community gardens (cgs) are collectively cultivated plots of land which have gained traction in both the public health and education sectors. previous research indicates involvement in such initiatives can holistically improve the health of communities and encourage experiential learning. however, to date, little is known about strategies and tools to improve communication amongst organizers and with potential volunteers. this action-learning project aimed to identify and evaluate a communication plan and accompanying tools relevant to the aut community garden initiative (aut cgi). to do this, a user-centered strategy and accompanying tools were developed, then evaluated through expert interviews. the conceptual framework was “action learning” with a mixture of methods across six distinct phases, including an examination of the current literature, preliminary expert interviews, thematic analysis of data, development of the strategy and accompanying tools, evaluative interviews, and final thematic analysis. common themes from the literature, community observation, and preliminary interviews informed the development of the strategy and tools. three key themes identified with cgs were communication, collaboration, and utility of tools. these findings are in accordance with existing health promotion (hp), health communication (hc), and cg literature, highlighting the importance of, and challenges to, communication, collaboration, and implementation of user-friendly tools, relevant to cg initiatives. communication: the key to successful community garden initiatives 2 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2021 introduction co-operative education (a form of work-integrated learning or wil) aims to seamlessly integrate theory and practice, through the implementation of action-learning, a sub-set of action research (ferkins & fleming, 2007). the following project was undertaken for the auckland university of technology (aut) human potential centre (hpc) during a year-long part-time wil placement to address the lack of effective communication related to the aut cgi. this issue was identified, during an organizational analysis assessment, as a barrier to its success. this is common with cgs, regardless of their classification, who rely predominantly on volunteers for upkeep (litt et al., 2011). poor communication can be detrimental, hindering effective collaboration; subsequently, the achievement of the communal space’s aims as communication is the basis of successful collaboration and partnerships (kemm, 2014; nolan & march 2016; schneider, 2013). a growing interest in holistic community health promotion (hp) initiatives like cgs in new zealand (nz) and globally can be attributed to their unique ability to address the multifaceted nature of health, multiple health risk factors, and common environmental barriers with a single user-centered intervention (armstrong, 2000; bice et al., 2018; noy, patrick, henderson-wilson, nuttman, & ryan, 2019). several potential benefits are associated with participation in cgs, including improved physical activity, diet, physiological indicators, wellbeing, and mental health, cognitive function (elderly), and food security (al-delaimy & webb, 2017; bice et al., 2018). furthermore, cgs provide opportunities for health-related education, social cohesion, collective efficacy, integration of new immigrants, empowerment, and additional income for volunteers (al-delaimy & webb, 2017; bice et al., 2018). the aut cgi is both an hp initiative and an educational tool used for experiential learning opportunities for students and staff thus allowing them to gain practical insights into nutrition and food, wellbeing, and sustainability (rogers, livstrom, roiger, & smith, 2020). therefore, it can be classified as a lifestyle approach to community hp focusing on behavioral modification and education through active participation in an “open-air classroom”. the lifestyle approach makes it a popular way to manage hp in schools for combating the global obesity epidemic and related risk of non-communicable disease (bice et al., 2018; laverack, 2014; siewell, aguirre, & thomas, 2015; world health organisation, n.d.). to date, effective communication tools and strategies for cgs are unknown. this action-learning project aimed to address the role of communication-related to cgs in a tertiary institution in nz by developing and evaluating a communication plan and accompanying tools based on literature, observation, and expert interviews. hopefully, by highlighting effective communication tools, this project will lead to improved collaboration within the university and the local community to improve the health and educational outcomes of students, staff, and the local community. literature review globalization, rapid urbanization, disconnection from nature, and poor health outcomes related to nutrition and physical activity have a global effect on health and wellbeing (dubová & macháč, 2019; rogers et al., 2020). the literature surrounding cgs, and their benefits are extensive, highlighting their robust applicability and efficacy in a range of settings (al-delaimy & webb, 2017; bice et al., 2018; egli, oliver, & tautolo, 2016). this review was used to inform the development of the communication tools developed as part of the action learning project and examines the benefits and coordination of cgs, as well as the importance of communication and collaboration with the surrounding community. communication: the key to successful community garden initiatives 3 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2021 benefits of community gardens community gardens provide an environment for experiential learning, holistic community-led hp initiatives, and improvements to health. this communal, holistic, and inclusive approach empowers volunteers and participants (armstrong, 2000; nnakwe, 2012). (armstrong, 2000; nnakwe, 2012). cgs can encourage behavioral change (related to nutrition and physical activity), promote self-empowerment (through learning new skills and knowledge), and promote collective action. experiential learning is an approach fostering the development of skills, knowledge, and attitudes based on reflection of experiences then is linked to the promotion of environmental awareness, enhancement of academic learning, and the encouragement of personal and social development (rogers et al., 2020). school gardens in early childhood centers and primary and secondary schools in nz are commonplace and motivations for their establishment include: aligning with the ‘enviroschools’ movement, forging partnerships with the local community, and promoting school values (dawson, richards, collins, reeder, & gray, 2013). although common, school gardens are often cumbersome to maintain and need a champion (or group) to take charge of the space (collins, richards, reeder, & gray, 2015; dawson et al., 2013). in tertiary education, they can be used to extend teaching beyond the classroom and allow students (particularly in the health sciences) practical opportunities to engage with the public and practice vital vocational skills (siewell et al., 2015). they offer a space to promote personal and social development and could be a viable tool to teach undergraduates ‘soft-skills’ including communication, leadership, collaboration, and critical thinking, all valuable aspects of employability (clarke, 2018; rowe & zegwaard, 2017). participation in cgs may yield benefits to physical, psychological, social, and cultural or spiritual health. physical benefits include improved management of type 2 diabetes in marshallese immigrants (weltin & lavin, 2012). and lowered body mass index in children and adults (castro, samuels, & harman, 2013; zick, smith, kowaleski-jones, uno, & merrill, 2013). in the us, australia, and portugal several observational studies have shown individuals (both children and adults) involved in cgs reporting an increase in fruit and vegetable intake (alaimo, packnett, miles, & kruger, 2008; barnidge et al., 2013; castro et al., 2013; hanbazaza et al., 2015; heim, bauer, stang, & ireland, 2011; litt et al., 2011; palar et al., 2019; paulo, elisabete, benedita, & margarida, 2020; wakefield, yeudall, taron, reynolds, & skinner, 2007). psychological benefits including improved wellbeing (people’s subjective evaluation of their lives), self-esteem, and mood have been linked with volunteering in cgs and can be attributed to the ‘calming’ and ‘restorative’ effect of time in nature (baur, 2020; genter, roberts, richardson, & sheaff, 2015). while social benefits include community cohesion, collective efficacy, and collective resilience (teig et al., 2009). these phenomena describe the mutual trust and willingness to intervene for the common good and are linked to positive outcomes in public health (lanier, schumacher, & calvert, 2015; shimpo, wesener, & mcwilliam, 2019; teig et al., 2009). cgs can be “non-commercial third places” which transcend gender, culture, and age to establish social networks and develop social capital in a collaborative, communal manner (genter et al., 2015; kingsley, bailey, et al., 2019; kingsley, foenander, & bailey, 2019). as ‘non-commercial third places’ they can foster cultural identity (hartwig & mason, 2016; hond, ratima, & edwards, 2019) and spiritual health (hond et al., 2019). although the benefits of cgs are well documented, little is known of the most effective tools and strategies to manage and coordinate such spaces and support robust communication amongst organizers and volunteers. communication: the key to successful community garden initiatives 4 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2021 management and coordination of community gardens adequate management of cgs and achievement of related benefits requires collaboration between diverse stakeholders, accomplished with effective communication (clendon & munns, 2018; jackson, 2010; kemm, 2014; provan, fish, & sydow, 2007; schneider, 2013). table 1 outlines common barriers and enablers to successful cgs. the development of a communication strategy and accompanying tools could help mitigate some of the barriers highlighted, including skills (through knowledge sharing), organizational structure, and scheduling and coordination. the dissemination of information and knowledge is the most frequently mentioned enabler to successful cgs (wesener, fox-kämper, sondermann, & münderlein, 2020). therefore, the establishment of strategies and tools to allow for this is important. a communication strategy and tools would also provide the opportunity to enhance public relations and marketing to encourage external parties to participate and contribute to sustaining the initiative (wesener et al., 2020). table 1 barriers and enablers to successful cgs communication and collaboration with the community health communication (hc) is, “the study and use of communication strategies to inform and influence individual decisions that enhance health” and includes spoken, written, and gestured communication and the accompanying tools (allen et al., 2017, p.2). various channels exist to communicate with volunteers, including mass media, print material, and electronic communication (e.g., email, phone, websites) (mckenzie, neiger, & thackeray, 2013). hc experts emphasize the importance of considering user-centered communication to target their audience, along with their digital and health literacies, when selecting tools and channels to communication: the key to successful community garden initiatives 5 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2021 ensure meaningful engagement can occur (allen, auld, logan, montes, & rosen, 2017; mckenzie et al., 2013; stellefson, paige, chaney, & chaney, 2020). the four traditional channels include interpersonal (i.e., small group), intrapersonal (i.e., one-on-one), organization and community (i.e., a bulletin board), and mass media (mckenzie et al., 2013). there is mounting interest in the applicability of social media to hp due to the fact it is cost-effective and can be used to reinforce relationships between stakeholders and promote inclusivity (stellefson et al., 2020; zhu, xu, zhang, chen, & evans, 2020). the use of tiktok (a videobased social media application) by district health boards in china was found to be an appropriate channel to communicate with the public (zhu et al., 2020). this can be attributed to social media and digital technology (e.g., websites) encouraging a multidirectional communication model whereby participants receive and actively seek, develop, and share information through social media posts (mckenzie et al., 2013). studies examining communication between hp collaborators report internal communication issues are a barrier to cg success, however, it is unknown which tools and channels are most effective for communication between collaborators in this unique environment (wesener et al., 2020). a lack of effective communication can result in unsuccessful collaboration or partnerships; thus, failing to deliver on key outcomes (fertman & allensworth, 2017; kemm, 2014; laverack, 2014). a study examining the reasons a cg failed in urban australia highlighted the need for maintaining good communication (nolan & march 2016). a lack of communication has hindered the success of cgs because, without it, partnerships and opportunities for collaboration cannot be identified or established (diaz, webb, warner, & monaghan, 2018; drake & lawson, 2015). despite this knowledge, to date, there are no studies examining effective communication plans and tools for cgs, particularly in a tertiary education setting. methods the conceptual framework applied to this project was “action learning”; a subset of action research that promotes learning through action and reflection (ferkins & fleming, 2007). this approach facilitates collaboration between industry and tertiary education institutions to promote the education and employability of the graduate (ferkins & fleming, 2007). the purpose of such a framework is to allow students to undertake and understand the requirements of undertaking a research project. this framework was followed by adhering to the research, action, and reflection stages to develop and evaluate a communication strategy and accompanying tools for the aut cgi. to undertake this multi-phase, qualitative action-learning project, a mix of methods incorporating observation and interviews was utilized, figure 1 depicts this. pre-development stages informed the design of the communication plan and accompanying tools, whilst postdevelopment interviews were used to determine the potential efficacy of the proposed strategy and tools based on expert opinions. unfortunately, due to the impact of covid-19 implementation (launching the website and erecting the communication board) and quantitative evaluation (surveys administered to students, experts, and volunteers) was not possible. therefore, this action learning project resulted in the creation of three resources (a communication plan, and website and communication board plans) and the identification of three broad themes related to communication and cgs. the plans are to be used by subsequent students undertaking action-learning projects to launch the website and erect the communication board and assess efficacy and engagement with relevant groups (staff, students, volunteers). communication: the key to successful community garden initiatives 6 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2021 figure 1 flow diagram to illustrate methods used in project findings following the literature review, community observation, and collation of both thematic analyses (pre and post design of the communication tools), three key themes were identified: communication, collaboration, and utility of tools. these interconnected themes are displayed in figure 2. findings indicate how successful communication is reliant on collaboration and user-friendly tools. relevant themes and subthemes are presented with quotes from interviews to substantiate findings. figure 2 the interconnected key themes identified during the project challenges to communication the lack of a systematic approach to communication and time constraints were cited as the two main challenges to communication. preliminary interviews highlighted a need for, “…getting a systematic approach. getting a streamlined, systematic, step of you want to be involved this is what you need to do (i1).” when questioned about the current approach to communication regarding the aut cgi, one interviewee replied, “…there is no planned communication strategy” (i2). whilst another commented; “…people are interested it’s just that they often don’t know where to go and who to talk to” (i3). there was an acknowledgement of the tools for communication existing, “ah yeah, they currently exist” (i2); however, they were not currently being used effectively or systematically and as a result were unsuccessful “i just don’t think we use them effectively (i1)”. following the development of the tools, a website, and a communication board, post-development interviews revealed all (3/3) interviewees felt the proposed strategy and tools would help mitigate communication challenges and streamline communication. interviewees agreed a centralized email address, where all inquiries could be directed, would be useful. one interviewee commented, “… [a] communication: the key to successful community garden initiatives 7 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2021 centralized email address for steering committee members is really good (i1).” interviewees believed digital tools (e.g., website and social media) were an effective way to communicate with students, one interviewee highlighted, “…students… [are] tech-savvy (i3).” whilst the communication board was viewed as a valuable tool to “draw” (i3) people to the space; there was concern, “… [it] only captures people walking by (i2)”. these findings highlight the need for a systematic approach to communication-related to the aut cgi was adequately addressed through the communication tools. the second challenge highlighted during preliminary interviews was time constraints and logistical barriers to communication amongst the steering committee. one interviewee’s comments encapsulated this challenge when they stated, “…communicating takes a lot of work (i4)” and, “meeting would be the preference but its logistically not practical (i4)”. these comments highlight the fact people are “busy (i2)” and “regular communication is difficult (i2)”. despite strong views from interviewees regarding meetings, they were deemed timeconsuming and logistically difficult to plan for. meetings were mentioned 11 times across the four interviews, with one interviewee mentioning it 7 times. therefore, scheduled quarterly meetings were incorporated into the communication strategy as it allows opportunities for committee members to “bounce ideas around (i3)”. the format of these meetings was not established; however, with the impact of covid-19 and movement toward remote working, these could likely take place via online platforms. interviewees were concerned with the logistics of implementing the quarterly meetings, highlighting the need for “action points (i1)” and “process around confirming agenda items and stuff like that (i2)”. this once more highlights the need for a driver, champion, or coordinator. a regular email was mentioned 21 times across four interviews with one interviewee mentioning it 10 times and was encouraging daily communication between committee members. key information to communicate key information needs to be communicated amongst the steering committee and with potential volunteers; for this project, this information was referred to as internal (vital for the steering committee) and external (vital for potential volunteers). community observation and interviews highlighted the need to adequately communicate key information with potential volunteers to create an “understanding (i2)” amongst volunteers and encourage “everyone to respect each other (i2)” when engaging with the space. three key areas identified by interviewees included what is going on or events (mentioned 9 times), getting involved (mentioned 5 times), and contact details (mentioned 5 times). interviewees noted potential volunteers need to know, “what it is, what’s going on, what are the events, and what they can do if they want to help. and who to contact (i1)” and the “technical details, correct way of carrying out the projects… (i3)”. technical details and educational resources were viewed as less important, only being mentioned 3 times. finally, the creation of a narrative for the space was highlighted by one interviewee when they stated, “…tell them about the kaupapa [plan or purpose] and what we are trying to do (i4)”. the sentiments shared by interviewees aligned with information shared with potential volunteers on local nz cg websites. following the development of the communication tools for the aut cgi, thematic analysis of the evaluative interviews revealed all (3/3) interviewees felt the communication tools communicated all key information with potential volunteers. one interviewee highlighted the need and opportunity to incorporate other communication tools stating they would be inclined to; “qr code some of those things” and have “online videos” because “how people learn” varies (i2). during preliminary interviews, the need to communicate key information within the steering committee was highlighted. interviewees felt a need to identify and illustrate “opportunities for staff engagement (i2)” and “what projects are on at particular year time, and communication: the key to successful community garden initiatives 8 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2021 how they fit into the grand plan (i3)”. one interviewee believed this approach would mitigate “conflicts between different groups wanting to do different things (i3)”. following the development of the communication tools for the aut cgi, thematic analysis of the evaluative interviews revealed all (3/3) interviewees felt the communication tools would streamline communication within the committee and communicate relevant information. however, there was concern the benefits of the space were not adequately communicated; interviewees stated, “mental health benefits (i2)” and how the space contributes to the “sdg’s [sustainable development goals] (i2)” and “what is currently being done [in the cg] to make it [aut] carbon-free (i1)” would validate the expansion of the initiative from an organizational perspective. collaboration: challenges and creating a sense of purpose, belonging, and community co-ordinating interests of diverse groups were identified, and interviewees highlighted how the absence of “processes (i2)” created “conflicts (i3)” between “different groups, on different campuses, [with] different agendas (i3)” and hindered effective collaboration in the past. furthermore, one interviewee commented; “… all have their own idea of what they want to do (i3)”, whilst another highlighted the reach of the initiative as it grows and expands, “…how we manage those relationships [with diverse groups] is going to be a hurdle (i2)”. all (3/3) interviewees felt the communication tools would enhance collaboration and engagement with the initiative and are a “good start (i1)”. the ‘creation of a sense of purpose, belonging, and community’ related to the space and pertains to volunteers was mentioned during preliminary interviews, interviewees highlighted this by commenting; “… it’s for everyone to enjoy (i2)” and volunteers should “have a sense of involvement (i3)” and be able to feel “pride (i3)” in what they have contributed to the space. this was further articulated by two interviewees who commented; “… the garden is not just a garden. it’s a place to try and connect (i4)” and “this is an ideal project to support both the environmental and social aspects of sustainability (i2)”. this highlights the importance of the creation of a culture for the space through communicating the aims and values and developing it as a ‘third non-commercial space’ to foster community. following the development of the communication tools, the thematic analysis revealed that all (3/3) interviewees felt the aims and values of the space were adequately communicated with potential volunteers. however, there was concern the aut value of ‘acknowledging achievement’ was not included from two of the three interviewees. they commented ‘achievement’ could be classified as people “actually doing things in the garden (i1)” and this could be recognized through “a big photoshoot of all the volunteers” (i1) which could then be shared through relevant communication channels or incorporation of aut cgi volunteering into the “aut edge awards (i2)”. the key aims and values of the space are adequately communicated with volunteers, however; whether the aut cg is considered a ‘third noncommercial space’ to foster community is unknown. utility of tools the ‘utility of internal tools’ pertains to whether the selected tools are appropriate for communicating within the committee. digital forms of communication were favored and mentioned 31 times; comparatively, interpersonal communication was mentioned 11 times. one interviewee stated “[it is] something that nobody has to pick up straight away (i3)” as the reason digital tools (e.g., email) are beneficial. therefore, emails and use of an online platform were incorporated as the main form of communication amongst the committee. all (3/3) interviewees believed the proposed communication tools for internal use were user-friendly. however, there was concern a “driver (i1)” needed to be appointed who would be responsible communication: the key to successful community garden initiatives 9 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2021 for replying to emails through the centralized email system, chairing meetings, and approving projects. this was beyond the scope of the current action-learning project. the ‘utility of external tools’ was identified during post-development evaluative interviews. during evaluative interviews, only two-thirds of the interviewees felt the website was user-friendly. interviewees highlighted it was “… hard to tell from the pdf (i2)” whether the website would be easy to use but “it’s got all the right data (i2)”. all (3/3) interviewees felt the communication board was user-friendly and highlighted how the board should be a “fluid (i1)” and a “living board (i3)” and certain information communicated should be “permanent (i3)”. this is because members of the public can access the board and we do not want key information to be erased or the board to be vandalized; therefore, a system or process to back up information on the board is crucial. discussion the findings from this action-learning project indicate interviewees felt the communication plan and tools were relevant, user-friendly, and would improve communication and encourage collaboration once introduced. therefore, the aim to develop and evaluate a communication plan and tools were met. however, it is worth noting that due to the limited interviews conducted, to ascertain whether this plan and accompanying tools will enhance engagement with volunteers, students, and staff outside of the cgi committee, requires further research. the major findings related to each of the three themes (communication, collaboration, and utility of tools) are discussed below with reference to relevant literature. communication: importance, challenges, and key information the importance of effective communication was highlighted by interviewees is in accordance with hp (fertman & allensworth, 2017; kemm, 2014; laverack, 2014) and hc literature (ngigi & busolo, 2018; ruben, 2016) and studies examining cg success (nolan & march 2016; wesener et al., 2020). cgs require strategies to allow meaningful engagement with, and support from the community, this can be linked to the notion of a ‘systematic approach’ identified during the present action learning project which highlights the interconnectivity of knowledge sharing and collaboration (collins et al., 2015; dawson et al., 2013; diaz et al., 2018; drake & lawson, 2015; fox-kämper et al., 2018; nolan & march 2016; wesener et al., 2020). communication is discussed below in relation to importance, challenges, and key information. interviewees identified communication as the key to establishing understanding amongst collaborators or organizers and engaging participants or volunteers; a notion supported by widespread consensus in hp literature (kreps, 2009; ngigi & busolo, 2018; nkanunye & obiechina, 2017; ruben, 2016). hamlin, yule, elliot, stoner, and kathiravel (2016) found the nz-based green prescription initiative, providing activity prescriptions to atrisk patients, had limited success due to ineffective communication and collaboration. participants in this retrospective study reported health care workers (general practitioners, specialists, and green prescription community health workers) did not communicate effectively with one another (hamlin et al., 2016). this indicates the importance of internal communication to deliver effective and engaging hp initiatives for encouraging behavioral change. despite this knowledge supported by findings of qualitative studies indicating communication can be a significant barrier or enabler to the success of cgs (nolan & march 2016; wesener et al., 2020); to date, there are no studies examining effective strategies or tools for this hp setting. an understanding of communication strategies for cgs to engage with local communities, create a ‘shared vision’ amongst organizers, and encourage knowledge-sharing communication: the key to successful community garden initiatives 10 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2021 does not exist. the findings of this project re-iterate the importance of communication for successful cgs. communication is a complex process with several factors potentially interfering and hindering effective dissemination of information and knowledge sharing in hp contexts (ruben, 2016). effective communication requires a conscious effort from all parties, with three main challenges to this being, the lack of a systematic approach and time constraints, and logistics. a systematic, planned approach and the establishment of processes for effective communication is a theme consistent with hp literature (fertman & allensworth, 2017; kemm, 2014; laverack, 2014), hc literature (kreps, 2009; ngigi & busolo, 2018; nkanunye & obiechina, 2017; ruben, 2016), and studies examining cgs (drake & lawson, 2015; wesener et al., 2020). strategies and tools to share information, knowledge, and engage with the public are significant enablers to the success of cgs in nz and germany (wesener et al., 2020). moreover, inadequate communication is directly related to the failure of cgs; however, communicative planning theory is a viable model to promote good communication in cgs (nolan & march 2016). these findings reinforce the comments made by interviewees regarding the proposed communication strategy and its potential to mitigate challenges related to internal and external communication. interviewees highlighted being busy; their involvement being outside the scope of their job description and making time to communicate and connect with other committee members as logistically difficult due to conflicting schedules and commitments. this finding was not unexpected; cg’s are inherently community-based, relying on the ongoing support and commitment of volunteers (wesener et al., 2020). they can be organized and managed in two distinct ways: top-down or bottom-up (fox-kämper et al., 2018). the first relates to cgs established, organized, and managed by the health board and local authorities for community volunteers to engage in. the second relates to communities coming together to establish, organize, and manage cgs (fox-kämper et al., 2018). the aut cg is technically bottom-up established by staff members, that have acted in a voluntary capacity, and gained approval from the university to create a cg on campus (fox-kämper et al., 2018). therefore, the aut cgi and its steering committee are not dissimilar to a local community group who have established and manage a cg; subsequently face similar challenges. the evaluation of the strategy and tools did not consider whether it would be feasible to use them given the above time constraints. a garden coordinator may be a worthwhile addition to the team; however, this would require interest and funding from an organizational perspective. considering the potential benefits of incorporating cgs into tertiary education institutions, there is a need to communicate the potential benefits, to health, education, and sustainability, with the organization (baur, 2020; egli et al., 2016; siewell et al., 2015; twiss et al., 2003). egli et al. (2016) developed a model to communicate the benefits of cgs; however, it focuses primarily on health benefits and does not consider the educational or sustainability benefits. a model communicating the health, educational, and sustainability benefits, in line with the united nations sustainable development goals, may enhance understanding, acceptability, and funding of such initiatives in tertiary education institutions. key information was identified as; what is the initiative, how to get involved, and who to contact. this is in accordance with findings from qualitative studies of cgs indicating the creation of a ‘shared understanding’ or ‘vision’ is key to the success of such initiatives and is based on purposeful information sharing (hond et al., 2019; kingsley, bailey, et al., 2019; nolan & march 2016; teig et al., 2009; wesener et al., 2020). communication: the key to successful community garden initiatives 11 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2021 collaboration: challenges and the sense of community collaboration defined as the creative and collective approach to tasks involving two or more people is a key determinant of successful hp, as initiatives are conceptualized and implemented by multiple collaborative stakeholders (jackson, 2010; kemm, 2014; laverack, 2014). the importance of collaboration for the success and sustainability of the aut cg was highlighted during this project; this is concurrent with recent studies pertaining to the importance of early and robust collaboration (nolan & march 2016; wesener et al., 2020). two main subthemes were identified concerning collaboration (challenges, and sense of community), these are discussed below with reference to relevant literature. the coordination of diverse groups and potential conflicts is a barrier to collaboration. this is in accordance with findings from nolan and march (2016) and wesener et al. (2020) whose studies found; due to the communal nature of cgs, co-ordination of diverse groups was to be expected; however, if not appropriately managed, could be a barrier to the success of the initiative. although the committee believed the centralized email address for queries and a process for garden project approval is a viable starting point, there is a need for health and safety and garden related processes to be communicated with potential volunteers. therefore, to extend the reach of this initiative relevant processes to ensure successful coordination between diverse groups to mitigate conflicts must be established. interviewees identified the social importance of the aut cgi by referring to it as “a place to connect (i4)” therefore addressing the “social aspects of sustainability (i2)”. interviewees believed the aut cgi could be a ‘third non-commercial space” to foster community spirit; a notion supported by studies indicating they have the power to transcend age, culture, gender, and race, and connect people through a common goal and a shared vision (hond et al., 2019; kingsley, foenander, et al., 2019; nolan & march 2016; teig et al., 2009; wesener et al., 2020). hond et al. (2019) explored the use of cgs for the development of cultural identity in māori communities. this inaugural nz study explored motivations for the establishment of māori māra (gardens or cultivations) with themes of community development and cultural identity cited as significant motivators (hond et al., 2019). this finding is similar to hartwig and mason (2016), a study of immigrants and refugees in america, who found refugees enhanced their cultural identity and sense of belonging in their new country through participation in cgs. these studies indicate the social aspect of cgs is an important means of giving volunteers a sense of purpose and belonging and aiding in the development of a diverse social network (teig et al., 2009). these findings indicate the immense power of cgs to develop the social aspect of communities. however, interviewees in the present action-learning project felt without incentivization and acknowledgement of involvement, volunteers may not interact with the aut cgi; therefore, it would not become a ‘third non-commercial space” and would not have the power to foster community and cultural identity. utility of tools the utility of tools pertains to how user-friendly the interviewees felt the proposed communication tools were. overall, a preference for digital communication amongst the committee and with potential volunteers arose. therefore, the inclusion of a website, and convergence with social media platforms, is in line with user preferences indicating the development was ‘user-centered’, a key aspect of successful communication in hp (allen et al., 2017; kreps, 2009; stellefson et al., 2020). in recent years, there has been a shift toward digital platforms to communicate health messages as they allow for greater information sharing, community building, and engagement with stakeholders in a cost-effective manner (stellefson et al., 2020; zhu et al., 2020). indicating these types of tools and channels are viable communication: the key to successful community garden initiatives 12 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2021 alternatives to traditional communication tools and channels. recently, the applicability of twitter (park, reber, & chon, 2016) and tiktok (zhu et al., 2020) have been examined in different health settings and found to be favorable with consumers due to the brevity and interactive nature of these messages and tools. this indicates the inclusion of online platforms (i.e., the website and social media pages) is in accordance with current practices in hp and hc. interviewees highlighted further work is required to identify relevant tools to interact with staff and community volunteers. identification of alternative tools was beyond the scope of the current project and future work could explore whether notice boards, fliers, emails, text messages, websites, social interactive media, or cell phone applications are effective tools to communicate with older populations. unlike students, staff and community volunteers may be older and less comfortable with digital forms of communication (such as a website, social interactive media platforms, or cell phone applications). these comments are in line with hp and hc literature highlighting the importance of identifying whether your target audience uses or is ready to use a given digital or social media platform (mckenzie et al., 2013). overall, the comments related to the utility of the tools were positive and indicated they were user centered. conclusion this action-learning project aimed to develop and evaluate a communication plan and tools to address the current lack of successful communication related to the aut cgi. the plan and accompanying tools were user-centered and developed in accordance with relevant literature, expert interviews, and community observation. the findings highlight the importance of, and challenges related to communication, collaboration, and implementing user-friendly tools relevant to cg initiatives and align with previous hc literature. communication: the key to successful community garden initiatives 13 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 12, spring 2021 references al-delaimy, w. k., & webb, m. 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(2020). placemaking in action: factors that support or obstruct the development of urban community gardens. sustainability (switzerland), 12(2). doi:https://doi.org/10.3390/su12020657 world health organisation. (n.d.). obesity and overweight fact sheet. retrieved from http://www.who.int/en/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/obesity-and-overweight zhu, c., xu, x., zhang, w., chen, j., & evans, r. (2020). how health communication via tik tok makes a difference: a content analysis of tik tok accounts run by chinese provincial health committees. international journal of environmental research and public health, 17(1), 192. doi:https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17010192 zick, c. d., smith, k. r., kowaleski-jones, l., uno, c., & merrill, b. j. (2013). harvesting more than vegetables: the potential weight control benefits of community gardening. american journal of public health, 103(6), 1110-1115. doi:https://doi.org/10.2105/ajph.2012.301009 https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17041153 https://doi.org/10.1016/j.healthplace.2009.06.003 https://doi.org/10.2105/ajph.93.9.1435 https://doi.org/10.1093/heapro/dam001 https://doi.org/10.1080/07370016.2012.645724 https://doi.org/10.3390/su12020657 http://www.who.int/en/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/obesity-and-overweight https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17010192 https://doi.org/10.2105/ajph.2012.301009 communication: the key to successful community garden initiatives kayla-anne lenferna de la motte auckland university of technology introduction literature review benefits of community gardens management and coordination of community gardens methods findings challenges to communication key information to communicate collaboration: challenges and creating a sense of purpose, belonging, and community utility of tools discussion communication: importance, challenges, and key information collaboration: challenges and the sense of community utility of tools conclusion references 1 producing tomorrow’s producers: audio engineering as a tool for facilitation benjamin barron and emi nakamura princeton university “ideal teachers are those who use themselves as bridges over which they invite their students to cross, then having facilitated their crossing, joyfully collapse, encouraging them to create bridges of their own.” – nikos kazantzakis in a makeshift rehearsal space and sound studio, tucked away in a brooklyn apartment that might have seemed dingy were it not for the brightly colored artwork on the walls and the assortment of instruments scattered around, thirty adults stood in a circle playing a name game. each person took a turn saying his or her name in a sonically unique way, pairing the utterance with an exaggerated action. some raised their arms and sang their name in an operatic falsetto, others experimented with syncopated rhythms and animated dances, and still others simply stepped forward and declared their name in a stern monotone. after each miniature performance, the rest of the group would imitate the sound and action. these men and women were not preparing for a middle school orientation: they were a new team of facilitators, celebrating the successful completion of their one-week training workshop with the group modern improvisational music appreciation (mima). the premise of mima is to empower communities by collectively writing an original song and recording a music video via a fourfold method: inspire, transform, create, and celebrate. the group was founded in 2004, and has done work in argentina, brazil, china, germany and several other countries, in addition to their relatively new brooklyncentered project. however, while mima does effectively bring communities together during the course of its workshops and facilitations, we believe that the participants are left without tangible means of documenting their newfound creativity. an end product is always created, but it is experienced mima engineers who undertake the brunt of the production work (i.e. video and sound editing). therefore, while the experience is undoubtedly beneficial for those involved, and provides insight into the ease of, for example, the filming portion of a music video, at the end of the day participants wouldn’t be able to replicate the experience or the final product without the help of mima facilitators. as two undergraduate students at princeton university taking a course on community-based performance with professor erica nagel, we were impressed by mima’s mission. we identified the program’s lack of focus on technical production training as an opportunity for progress. as our final project for the course, we decided to design a pilot workshop as an extension of the mima method, focusing specifically on putting the creative power of media into the hands of the participants. by teaching individuals how to create, record, and edit digital music, we hoped to open doors to a larger musical world, enabling them to create long after we as instructors had left the room. our intentions for this workshop were twofold. our ultimate goal was to equip the kids with the skills needed to produce and record their own music on garageband, a 2 computer program that allows users to create their own music. in the process we hoped to stimulate their desire to play and create musically, catalyzing their development into empowered, capable musicians. on a larger scale, we hope to turn this pilot project into a model for a full-length workshop series. this paper will discuss our experience running the workshop with the intention of using what we learned to design a more effective lesson plan in the future. expectations and reality as facilitators, our hope was to do exactly that: to facilitate, to make something easy despite how complicated it may initially seem. both of us had benefitted and grown as aspiring musicians when, at a young age, we discovered garageband’s accessibility and ease of use. our goal with this pilot workshop was to do the same for a small group of kids from undetermined social, economic, and musical backgrounds in a condensed period. in order to achieve this goal, we needed to distill the complex world of music production into a few key concepts, the framework of essentials without which one could not produce. in some ways, our experience was similar to augusto boal’s implementation of techniques addressing the “theatre of the oppressed.” he notes, “i was able only to explain the mechanics of the different techniques, without ever being in a position to carry out an in-depth analysis” (1992, 18). although on a smaller scale and with more established variables, the success of our workshop also depended on boiling down and effectively communicating the mechanics of a few essential techniques, such as live audio recording and rearranging loops, each linked to a greater facet of music production. this process was made substantially easier by garageband’s user-friendly interface. in the initial design of our project, we decided to lead the kids through several incremental steps of learning. our intention was to first catch their attention with a project that we had put together ourselves, then to transition them slowly from being observers to being creators: first by experimenting with and altering our piece, then by starting their own pieces from scratch, and gradually incorporating more advanced techniques, such as applying audio compressors and creating original midi loops on the digital keyboard. we believed that by progressing in small steps, we would cover more ground without overwhelming the kids. once they saw their own progress after the twohour workshop, we hoped they would feel empowered. since we would only have one chance to work with the kids, an essential aspect of our initial design was a focus on the future: how to make our two-hour facilitation not a one-time gimmick but the planting of a seed, a starting point for the development of real sound engineering expertise should the kids wish to pursue it. of course, as often occurs with facilitation, things rarely go as planned. in his training manual for effective facilitation, michael rohd remarks that to be a good facilitator, you must be “confident in your role as tone-setter and guide, not in having everything all figured out ahead of time” (1998, 113-4). adaptability is essential to success – a good facilitator must take cues from his or her collaborators. we were forced to do so almost immediately, since the initial project we had prepared wouldn’t open, and the boys had no interest in engaging with our warm-up activities. instead of giving us their names as we asked, they told us the names of the girls each of them had a crush on. one of the games we tried to play with the kids was “human dj,” a mima exercise 3 where each participant is allowed to conduct the others in a collaborative a cappella improvisation, similar to augusto boal’s “rhythm machine” (1992, 94). although one of the boys participated fully in the game, creating a complex beat with his voice, the others quickly resorted to banging on chairs and tables. they were unfocused, rowdy, and in the case of one boy, totally disengaged. in order to counteract the devolution of our planned curriculum, we moved quickly to what interested the students: the computers. instead of transitioning from working with our project to designing their own, we helped them start their own projects from scratch, then began a rotation system, where every student would switch computers and work on his neighbor’s project. each time a rotation occurred, we set them a definitive goal – the first time, it was to build off the predecessor’s work. since this resulted in two distinct approaches appearing in nearly every project, we made our goal the second time to achieve continuity between the two voices, making one coherent piece. forced adaptation of this manner actually strengthened our workshop process, and allowed us to discuss concepts that weren’t in our initial curriculum, such as collaboration and musicality. while there are other specific examples of our attempts to adapt to the unexpected, the bottom line is that our facilitation was ameliorated by the fact that we were forced to stay on our toes. instead of pedagogic monologue, we had to maintain a dialogue with the students, responding to what captured their interest and addressing issues that only became apparent once we were off and running. successes and lessons learned upon reflection of our approaches after the workshop ended, we found that much of the adaptation made on our original schedule ultimately helped achieve our initial goals and even opened doors for further collaboration. each time we let the kids break off on their own to build their recordings, we would reconvene after 10 to 15 minutes to allow them to showcase their work. we found sharing creations in this manner was essential in giving kids a sense of ownership of their work; to let them know that no matter what stage their product was in, it deserved to be heard by the rest of the group. an issue we hit early on during the workshop was an attitude of competitiveness among the kids, with sentiments such as one’s recording being “better” than another’s. to combat this, everyone applauded each other’s work during each showcase, giving equal recognition to each participant’s recording. rotating computers after each showcasing also counteracted competitiveness while enforcing a spirit of collaboration. during the first rotation, the kids were given a chance to contribute their own creativity to what was already made. in order to maintain a positive energy among the kids, we required that the ideal of the “cosmic yes,” a catchphrase coined by acting teacher and scholar anna pilleggi meaning “to assume each others’ brilliance,” be upheld among the kids. we advised the kids not to delete anything, but they were allowed to move loops around, making them deal with any musical “issues” that may has arisen instead of simply getting rid of them. this latter approach is akin to rohd’s concept of magic, or solving “a problem by getting rid of a problem rather than dealing with it” (121). in addition, there were five kids in the computer lab using four computers, so at any given moment there were two kids sharing a computer, putting 4 a twist on the collaborating process. initially the computer-to-participant ratio was 1:1, but one of the computers could not log in at the start of the workshop, thus forcing us to adapt to the situation. in hindsight, this change in plan gave the kids an opportunity to simultaneously collaborate, something that wouldn’t have happened had all of the computers been available. one of our approaches that didn’t work as well as we’d hoped was our collaborative movement and sound-based exercise. the entire workshop took place in the computer lab, and playing “human dj” at the beginning of the workshop caused the kids to become distracted by the computers, making it difficult for them to become engaged in the activity. we speculate that perhaps such a facilitation game would be more effective if we placed it in the middle of the workshop instead, after the kids had had a chance to work on the computers. playing “human dj” after having the kids create their own recordings would help them make the connection between computerized loops and their own bodies and voices – both are equally musical and are manipulated just as easily. in addition, the pilot workshop itself ran for two hours, which was difficult for kids in their particular age group to sit through. in future workshops, we would plan to cut down the amount of time spent in front of the computer and intersperse a few breaks throughout, either to play aforementioned facilitation games or recharge with snacks. there were a few demographically confounding variables that we would take into consideration when planning a future workshop. to begin, all five of the participants in the pilot workshop were boys. we did not know whether they specifically signed up to attend the workshop or came because they were the only people in attendance at community house that afternoon. either way, we found that it had an impact on the facilitation process, as they seemed to engage more with ben than with emi. some of the participants had more prior experience with garageband than others, but those who were complete beginners were able to learn quickly. however, the quality of the end product is greatly influenced by the level of musical sensibility on the individual’s part: while everyone could move loops around, they didn’t quite grasp fundamental concepts like the difference between starting a loop at the beginning of a bar and starting it in the middle. to make the workshopping process as equally beneficial to everyone as possible, the full-scale workshop should target participants with similar musical abilities. moving forward our hope for this pilot was that the kids would continue to cultivate the skills they had picked up beyond the workshop. to our delight, they asked if garageband was accessible on all macs and if they would be able to work on their projects post-workshop. at the end of the workshop we informed the kids about logging onto youtube for additional tutorials on garageband. in developing a full-scale workshop series, we would focus more attention on developing a sense of community among the participants, allowing our workshops to become a familiar, supportive creative space to which the students could return each week. this is something that we simply didn’t have enough time to foster organically. 5 recommended lesson plan below is a distilled version of what we learned from our workshop in the form of a lesson plan, which we would implement if we were to run a similar workshop in the future. part 1: getting started • dive right in! get the kids excited about what we’re doing right away. o remember that children have short attention spans. capitalize on what interests the kids. use the computers to earn their attention, instead of immediately working to pull attention away from the computers. • from the start, foster an interactive, self-reflective, non-competitive environment for the creation of projects. o start by having each participant begin his or her own project, then rotate stations after a set period of time.  we recommend a longer initial period for the development of a base project: i.e., a 20 minute period followed by two or three ten minute periods. that way the participants have more to work with. o decide on a straightforward goal for every time period, so that the students have something towards which to work.  e.g. try to make the piece your working with flow continuously, instead of being a combination of distinct musical ideas. part 2: the change-up • break the participants out of the comfort zone that they have begun to develop with the program. we recommend physically leaving the room where the computers are located, to minimize distraction. o use this time to engage in a more interpersonal activity. for example, we might have had more success with “human dj” had we attempted it at this point in the workshop, instead of using it as a warm-up.  whatever the activity, be sure to tie it back to what has already been learned. in the case of “human dj,” discuss how similar pulling together loops on garageband and getting a group of people to make individual, repeated, rhythmic noises really are.  raise questions with the activity. how does the activity make the participants think differently about their productions? part 3: the culmination • return to the lab with the intention of linking the skills learned in part 1 with the questions raised in part 2. o one way to do this is to add a more advanced component, such as recording live audio input, and then coordinating the entire class to work together to create a project. nothing gets someone excited about sound engineering like hearing their own voice played back to them.  be sure to let the students control the production as much as possible. at this point might be easy to resort to leading instead 6 of guiding, especially when there is a shortage of time. to avoid this, have the students sit in front of the computer and choose and place the loops into the garageband project themselves. • our workshop ran out of time and so we had to commandeer the creation of a final product just so it could be completed. this is the mima model, and something we’d like to work past. part 4: takeaways • help the participants understand how what they’ve learned applies to their future. the workshop is worthless if it’s not approached as the first step of many. • we’ve given them tools, we’ve opened the door. now it’s their time to take what they’ve learned and run with it! conclusions this project helped clarify several elements of facilitation practice. in this final section, we’d like to consider a few final elements of the project, its scope, and its implications for our future: how can the lesson plan outlined here be extrapolated to create a semester-long course? what elements of our course were community-based? how could we focus on those elements in a longer course? in terms of extending the lesson plan as a framework for a longer-term course, we once again encounter the question of distilling out the essentials. our pilot project affirmed the importance of our initial goals: inspiring the kids to create music and equipping them with the necessary skills, building their self-confidence as empowered, capable producers. however, we also discovered that other elements were equally important. for example, collaboration – in the form of showcasing one’s own work and appreciating the work of others, as well as actually working on a project with a partner – was key to our workshop’s success, since it promoted an atmosphere of equality and supportiveness. we also learned to nurture the kids’ musicality, encouraging them to produce sounds they would enjoy listening to. we believe that our course structure could serve as a skeleton for courses with other topics on the agenda: for example, introduction to media software of any kind and even the beginning stages of musical or theatrical performance training. the basic principles of engaging the kids, holding their attention, adapting, and using the tools at hand (such as a computer, which could potentially pose a major distraction but also enables the success of the workshop) apply regardless of the topic at hand. this basic framework allows us to pursue accomplishments that require more than a two hour workshop: for example, how to gear sound engineering skills toward a community-based performance. perhaps the most coherent explanation of what makes a performance communitybased comes from richard geer who posits his theory of “of, by, and for.” according to geer, for a performance to be community-based, it must be of the people (performance about the community), by the people (created by community members), and for the people (performed in the presence of and in support of a previously constituted 7 community) (1998). a performance can embody only one or two of these elements – for example, a group of middle school students performing shakespeare would be by but not of, and potentially not for, depending on the scope of the performance and how closely it related to the particulars of the community in which it was performed. our workshop wasn’t a performance (beyond us performing the roles of facilitator for the boys), so analyzing whether it was of, by, or for a community is unproductive. however, the tools we gave the participants enable them to create work by them. this is where the potential of a longer-term course comes in. once the participants are capable of creating work by them, then they are able to choose the of and for of their performance. this is consistent with geer’s concept of community performance: “true community performance is not an event but a continuous cycle. through it the community is able to see itself and respond” (1998, xxxii). our goal was to provide the kids with the tools to create this type of performance – not one that will culminate in a single instance of exposure, but instead the beginning of a constant dynamic interchange rooted in performance. we did not create a community-based performance, but we were able to facilitate an experience where the kids scratched the surface of what it would be like to have that creative ability. this empowerment could complement the mima mission. mima workshops are about creating original performance. if the kids are also able to capture and manipulate that performance (as opposed to, say, pre-recorded garageband loops) without external guidance, they then control the entire value chain of creation: they can make their own community-based performance. of course this is a lofty idea for a ten-year-old to grasp. perhaps the most effective way to guide them down this path of community performance would be to gear future classes toward exploration of themselves, their communities, what is important to them, what upsets them, etc. then the next leap would be addressing and communicating these feelings through music. the performance would then be of and by the participants. finally comes the for, which is the fun part: taking the tools of artistic creation and the ideals of the participants and bringing them into the venue where they matter most: the community. this might be their parents, their schoolmates, anyone they interact with on a daily basis and identify with on a community level. the addition of this audience creates the potential for a positive feedback loop – response to their performance will engender discussion and more performance. in this way, our course could have a sweeping impact far beyond simply teaching a few kids how to play with garageband. references boal, augusto. 1992. games for actors and non-actors. translated by adrian jackson. new york, ny: routledge. geer, richard. 1998. the citizen artist: 20 years of art in the public arena. gardiner, ny: critical press. rohd, michael. 1998. theatre for community, conflict, and dialogue. portsmouth, nh: heinemann. producing tomorrow’s producers: audio engineering as a tool for facilitation princeton university expectations and reality in some ways, our experience was similar to augusto boal’s implementation of techniques addressing the “theatre of the oppressed.” he notes, “i was able only to explain the mechanics of the different techniques, without ever being in a position to ca... successes and lessons learned in addition, the pilot workshop itself ran for two hours, which was difficult for kids in their particular age group to sit through. in future workshops, we would plan to cut down the amount of time spent in front of the computer and intersperse a few... there were a few demographically confounding variables that we would take into consideration when planning a future workshop. to begin, all five of the participants in the pilot workshop were boys. we did not know whether they specifically signed up t... some of the participants had more prior experience with garageband than others, but those who were complete beginners were able to learn quickly. however, the quality of the end product is greatly influenced by the level of musical sensibility on the ... moving forward recommended lesson plan part 2: the change-up part 3: the culmination part 4: takeaways conclusions references running head: reflections on community-engaged research 1 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 8, fall 2019 reflections on community-engaged research: learning to practice what we preach samuel j. bullard university of minnesota reflections on community-engaged research 2 during a science class in a midwestern middle-school, a group of students gathered around a computer monitor. they watched a video recorded by a somali-speaking woman who identified herself as the mother of one of the students in the class. in order to discuss the video, the teacher asked this student to translate her mother's story into english. excitedly, the student explained the various processes of making medicinal teas from various herbs and spices. in situations like this, students find themselves in unique but infrequent engagements with science curriculum, which allows the free expression of cultural and personal values. a pedagogy of reciprocity is often composed in these fleeting moments brief, subtle transfers of knowledge from parents, to students, to teachers, and so on. such strategies help students rewrite their schema of what 'knowledge' really is. rather than a static unit of a formal structure gatekept by the academically credentialed, learning about science could be a fluid, dynamic product of people's interactions. during this exchange, i sat in the back of the classroom with a pen and paper. i wrote some observations while another research assistant operated a video camera to record supplemental footage. we were students from the university of minnesota who participated in a study of how the teachers at a local middle school integrated cultural knowledge into their science classes. after the class ended, we stayed to speak with the teacher. we shared some thoughts about the class and addressed any issues the teacher may have regarding their participation in our study, my first experience with community-engaged research. community-engaged research "centers around fostering collaborations with and among groups of people affiliated by geographic proximity, special interest, or similar situations with the goal of addressing issues that affect the wellbeing of the people within the group." (catalyst.harvard.edu, 2019). these definitions may vary depending on the specific needs, reflections on community-engaged research 3 values, and expectations of a community. some methods taught in introductory courses make research impersonal, with controllable variables for data to be useful. while these values may align with experiments using strictly quantitative measures or non-human subjects, it may prevent us from being able to explore complex systems. compared to a refined and impartial methodology, the type of research i became involved with was broad, dynamic, and empathetic to the various risks involved when communities are at stake. within the educational sciences, community-engaged research dictates that the interdependent relationship between the teacher and student should not exist only within classroom contexts. this part is crucial: that all the stakeholders involved feel that they have a unique role as a collaborator to the base of knowledge on the subject being studied. the theory of positivism understands science to be a neutral, objective aggregation of facts, detached from any personal or cultural values. conversely, prominent theories in educational psychology view scientific knowledge as a process of interaction between individuals, where cultural values negotiate the meaning of this knowledge (kuhn, 1962). if educational researchers intend to influence educators' pedagogical techniques to align with this theory, then we must also use a methodology that builds relationships and emphasizes collaboration between stakeholders. in doing so, we begin to practice what we preach. i became involved in the esprit project ("equitable science through parental involvement and technology") by accident. while looking for one more class to fit in my schedule for next spring, a course title in the university catalog caught my eye: "epsy 5200 – special topics". the description identified the class as an introduction to community-based research designs with an opportunity to participate in a current faculty project. i took a chance and decided to enroll. reflections on community-engaged research 4 the course was taught by the two professors who direct the esprit project and assisted by one of their graduate students. on the first day of class, they explained the overall course and their research goals. they aspired to reduce the science 'achievement gap' between white and racial minority students in minnesota, which remains one of the largest in the united states. (mdoe, 2015). they outlined two strategies to achieve this goal: first, to increase parental involvement through educational technology, and second, to assist teachers in utilizing culturally relevant pedagogy. i previously saw my home state as a model of progress and opportunity, so i was surprised when i learned about the academic disparities in minnesota. during my time with the project, i have realized that my understanding of the problem reflected my public school experience coming from a place of privilege, and it is not universal. before becoming involved in the esprit project, my perceptions of parental involvement in schools assumed that it consisted of volunteering at the school, assisting on field trips, coaching or assisting sports teams, and attendance at parent-teacher conferences. i grew up with these experiences as a middle-class student living in the suburbs. however, while engaging with the parents of our study, it appeared that two main barriers were preventing them from participating in their child's education. first, socioeconomic factors often make traditional modes of involvement (e.g., volunteering at the school) unfeasible. many of the parents in this study are non-english speaking and work long hours, often having more than one job. when lessons and assignments are in a language different than their native tongue, the student cannot utilize the intellectual resources of their family members. a second barrier seemed to be the parents' perceived role in their child's education. instead of being a source of knowledge, many parents thought of themselves as logistical supports, ensuring that their children get to school or turn in assignments on time. reflections on community-engaged research 5 inquiries into these perceptions revealed two separate spheres of influence – wherein the parent ensures success in home-based school tasks, and the teacher does so while the child is in the classroom. this finding showed that the factors which influence parental involvement are not always tangible, observable behaviors. instead, they are mediated by the family's socioeconomic/cultural context and the perception of what roles the various stakeholders have in a child's learning. in researching the unique qualities of working-class, culturally diverse education, it became clear that attempts to increase parental involvement through one's preconceived understanding of the term may ultimately fail. my professor noted that these barriers to involvement might disappear if we can create new environments where the parent, student, and teacher can engage in social learning together. using a social learning environment, "flipgrid" (flipgrid.com), teachers could post video prompts that inquire about both science and cultural content. students and their families would reply to them by recording responses in their homes. from using this tool, parents may begin to feel that their funds of knowledge and lived experiences have value in the science education of their children. the adage, “it takes a village to raise a child” has been extensively elaborated upon in bronfenbrenner's ecological model of development (bronfenbrenner, 1979). the model contends that children's lives are surrounded by multiple areas of influence, the first being a microsystem, composed of both the school and the home. developing strong ties between these two may be an especially worthwhile endeavor, as parental involvement is widely regarded as a mediator of student outcomes within the literature of education sciences (mcwayne et al., 2004; hayakawa et al., 2013). reflections on community-engaged research 6 one of the major criticisms in education research and policy development is a lack of understanding about what kind of interventions are feasible or not for teachers. i find that this neglect, while often unintentional, arises from a lack of experience. researchers have been and often are students, many of them may also be parents, but frequently, those developing new educational programming have spent little to no time working as a k-12 teacher the precise occupation for which curriculum and instruction interventions depend. for a research team to ensure that their teachers are both enthusiastic and engaged, their perspectives must be appreciated, and their feedback must be integrated in the projects iterative process. esprit utilizes a design-based implementation research paradigm, which attempts to bridge the gap between a program’s design and its ultimate implementation through a continuous partnership with the schools. with community-based participatory research as its antecedent, the crucial need for our institutions is to invite the lived experiences of all those who are impacted by school programming. rather than total reliance on ‘what works’ we focus on what works for who, in what context, and how those benefits can be sustained. in addition to annual teacher interviews, the esprit team holds a week-long professional development conference during the summer. during this conference, teachers are updated on the current analysis of the data collected in the school year, as well as general developments that have occurred regarding our methodology. another portion of the conference is hearing teacher experiences from the project their thoughts, motivations, and concerns for their future involvement. finally, parents were invited to an afternoon meal where the essential elements of our research are explained and discussed, followed by breakout groups where teachers, researchers, parents, and some students collaborate and share ideas of how we can strengthen these relationships. this particular week is perhaps one of the most salient examples reflections on community-engaged research 7 of community-engaged research in action; the various stakeholders have not only knowledge about how and why we collect this data, but they are integral actors in the process as a whole. these types of experiences have had a profound impact on my perception of education research. within the ivory tower, without concern for developing community ties, it becomes easy to study the issues and ignore the discursive implications of our rhetoric. this is especially relevant in discussions surrounding the underserved populations in our society. how do we name the varying levels of test scores among different racial or ethnic groups? is it useful or strategic to call it an “achievement gap”? what does “high parental involvement” really consist of? asking these questions forces us to confront a truth we cannot avoid that the ways in which we talk about our population of study implicate us in our attitudes toward them. ultimately, a bond forms between these collective perceptions and our research questions, methodology, and interpretation of findings, resulting in a series of confirmation biases and feedback loops. in my time with this project, i have realized that all this rhetoric underlies a premise that if the kids only tried harder, or if their parents volunteered at the school more often, then the problems associated with educational outcomes would be resolved. it seems that in academia, there are at least two forms of ignorance: first, not understanding an issue, and secondly, acting with a sense of detachment. detachment creates a dichotomy thus establishing an ideological bridge between the experimenters and the subjects. this separation of actors and stakeholders mitigates the potential for experimenter bias, yet the very act of doing so is ideological. broadfoot and munshi (2007) contend that the traditional orientation of "reason, rationality and rigid structures that colonizes the world of lived experience” can also overestimate our ability to establish nuance and frame the narrative around education goals in a beneficial way. as attitudes shift from this deficit model towards something greater, research reflections on community-engaged research 8 bodies have struggled to develop a consistent methodological response. if the purpose of psychological or educational research is to find normative behavior among populations, then community-engaged research is a direct confrontation of that idea because it acknowledges that there is more diversity of experience and opinion within a given social group than there would be between it and another. for our findings to be truly transformative, we must approach their projects in the same way that an effective teacher would approach a classroom through a dialogical process of reflection and action with a strong community foundation. researchers can only meaningfully promote social cohesion when they actively explore and value these differences rather than conceptualizing them as a deficit to be filled. instead of imposing the reason for poor grades onto parents or students, we have a duty to ask what they struggle with. instead of telling teachers what they are doing wrong, we must listen to what they believe needs to improve. if it takes a village to raise a child, then it takes a community to raise a research question. reflections on community-engaged research 9 references broadfoot, k. j., and munshi, d. (2007). diverse voices and alternative rationalities: imagining forms of postcolonial organizational communication. management communication quarterly 21 (2), 249-267. doi:10.1177/0893318907306037. bronfenbrenner, u. (1979). the ecology of human development. 1st ed. cambridge, mass.: harvard university press. community-engaged research (cenr) | regulatory foundations, ethics, and law program | harvard catalyst. (2019). catalyst.harvard.edu. accessed april 14. https://catalyst.harvard.edu/programs/regulatory/cenr.html. hayakawa, m., englund, m. m., warner-richter, m. n., and reynolds, a. j. (2013). the longitudinal process of early parent involvement on student achievement: a path analysis. nhsa dialog 16 (1), 103-126. kuhn, t. (1962) structure of scientific revolutions. chicago university press. mcwayne, c., hampton, v., fantuzzo, j., cohen, h.l., and sekino, y. (2004). a multivariate examination of parent involvement and the social and academic competencies of urban kindergarten children. psychology in the schools 41 (3), 363-377. doi:10.1002/pits.10163. "minnesota report card". (2019). minnesota report card. https://rc.education.state.mn.us/#myschool/p--3. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/structure_of_scientific_revolutions the fruit for folks project: an urban farming response to local hunger 1 the fruit for folks project: an urban farming response to local hunger background: obesity, food insecurity, and the rise of urban farming aleenah mehta saint mary’s college of california just as the global feast and famine induced by the industrial food model have been redefined as conjoined problems stemming from a singular source, obesity and food insecurity in the united states are increasingly understood as phenomena that are no longer mutually exclusive. counter intuitively, the industrial model’s emphasis on producing ever greater quantities of food actually threatens food security, which refers to a person’s or community’s ability to “have access at all times to enough food for an active, healthy life” (mcclintock 2011). the acceleration of food production in the name of efficiency degrades the quality of our food to the extent that it now deteriorates our health, rather than serving as the source of it. and though we may single out high fructose corn syrup and hydrogenated oils, even fruits and vegetables produced by the industrial model no longer match their organic, seasonally produced, and locally consumed counterparts in terms of health (ehrenreich and lyon 2011). on an even grander level, the industrial model fails to capture the dynamism of food as a complex sociocultural phenomenon by reducing a sustainer of life to a mere economic token, a factor input and output for the amassing of profit. but how then did the global north, and america in particular, become so obese? with the transition from one to two household wage earners and the subsequent shift to a reliance on credit to finance a middle class lifestyle during the 1970s and 80s, americans began to feel the pressures of a lack of time (rasmus 2006). our national culture became predicated on the need for convenience. as paul roberts argues, “time not money was now the scare resource” (2008, 35). the availability of cheap foodstuffs (not entirely deserving of the word food) helped to ease the effects of a stagnating wage, thereby making time the most precious commodity for the modern american consumer. transnationals capitalized on this realization by no longer providing raw foods, but instead the finished product. roberts notes, “this lucrative transformation of raw commodities [typically grown in the global south] into finished goods is known as adding value, and it’s so ubiquitous today in all consumer product industries that it’s easy to miss just how central the phenomenon is to the success, and character, of the foodprocessing industry” (36). but it is crucial to realize that this food is cheapadded value in the industrial food model refers, not to an enhanced quality of the final product, but to the addition of sugars, oils, and additives which will preserve shelf life. lower prices thus serve as a reflection of industrial efficiency and compromised quality. as we realize that obesity hardly requires food security, we find that consumers purchasing these ‘value added’ foods are often the most food insecure. the most vulnerable consumers reside in food deserts where liquor stores have replaced supermarkets and lower income households are increasingly finding consistent, adequate nutrition out of their financial grasp (patel 2010). in my own contra costa county, california, one in six people are food insecure, accounting for a 46% increase in the years between 2006 and 2010 (sherrill 2011). the latest financial recession has forced one in three food bank aid recipients to choose between paying their mortgage or paying for groceries, necessitating an increase in assistance (beals and johnson 2012). further reaffirming the link between food insecurity, income, and obesity, the contra costa county food bank, a partner of the urban farmers, initiated a partnership with 2 local after school programs to launch the farm 2 kids program, which aims to combat the onset of childhood obesity by providing three pounds of seasonal produce to each participating child on a weekly basis (3). they state that their program is “an excellent way to get more produce out into a community that could really use it, since over 50% of the students in these schools receive free or reduced lunches” (3). as a contributor to the contra costa county food bank, the urban farmers provide fresh fruits and vegetables to help support such programs. thus, in establishing the relationship between obesity, food insecurity, and income, we achieve a more nuanced understanding of the hunger-related problems in america, allowing us to look forward to more sustainable solutions. urban farming has emerged as one solution to the abuses of the industrial model and inherently adheres to michael pollan’s (2006) call for more organic, local, seasonal, and sustainable agriculture. in contrast to traditional rural farming, urban farming refers to the cultivation of crops and livestock in urban spaces and grapples with concerns ranging from the securing of permits to space constraints to soil toxicity. more particularly, in contrast to large scale industrial farming, most urban farms, taking the form of community gardens, eschew any practice which might degrade either the land or those who cultivate it (mcclintock 2011). standing in direct defiance of the environmental, food related, and racial injustices perpetuated by the industrial model, the community gardens i have visited, from oakland to the south bronx, share a common goal of not only securing greater food access and security but achieving food sovereignty, defined as “a community’s right to define their own food and agricultural systems” (alkon and agyeman 2011). this emphasis on food sovereignty is crucial, as these gardens, more often than not, support marginalized communities living in food deserts where the inhabitants exercise no determination in the quality or quantity of food surrounding them (mcclintock 2011). thus each garden, equipped with its own unique rhetoric of overcoming inequality, represents an empowered commitment to food justice. partner agency description and project goal statement representing another side of urban farming, the urban farmers are a grassroots, allvolunteer, non-profit organization based in lafayette, california with a passion for increasing access to fresh fruits and vegetables for those with limited means. founded just a few years ago, they support a variety of programs but are best known for their fruit gleaning program. gleaning, which finds its roots in the bible, “refers to the act of collecting leftover crops either from farmers’ fields after they have been commercially harvested or from fields where it is no longer economically profitable to harvest”(fruit gleaning program). to give an urban, or rather suburban twist, to the traditional definition, the urban farmers harvest the fruit from trees in the yards of those who have registered to become members. the fruit, which would have otherwise burdened the homeowners, is donated to the recipient partner organizations, the contra costa county food bank, the concord monument crisis center, loaves and fishes, and lindsey wildlife museum. this last partnership with lindsey speaks to the urban farmers’ commitment to sustainability, as any fruit with minor damage which has fallen from the tree may be consumed by animals at the shelter, thereby minimizing the amount of waste. in order to truly understand the urban farmers, it is necessary to understand their commitment not just to sustainability or social justice, but to human dignity. the executive director’s son initiated their current gleaning program in the summer following his freshman year at college, after witnessing the desperate situation endured by those in his community struggling with food security. rather than seeking more canned and processed foods for donation, he sought 3 out a means to provide people with fresh fruits and vegetables that were organic, local, seasonal, and sustainably farmed, foods that they are so often denied access to. the success of this initial idea must be attributed to their commitment to a highly democratized work environment which fosters a sense of inclusivity and collaboration, allowing for the free flow of information and ideas. the urban farmers graciously welcomed me for a yearlong partnership to work on their gleaning program. i worked in conjunction with the urban farmers for the 2011-2012 academic year to help design and implement a low cost gleaning program to provide fresh, nutritious, and pesticide free fruit and vegetables to partner organizations (concord’s monument crisis center, loaves and fishes in concord, and the contra costa county food bank) for distribution to those in need in contra costa county. i then recorded this design and implementation process in order to share this information with other individuals and communities across the nation for program replication. with these two distinct goal statements guiding my work for the year, i created the fruit for folks project. the fruit for folks project the fruit for folks project serves as a replicable program model for the urban farmers’ ongoing fruit gleaning project. drawing from the lessons learned, this initiative packages the organizational schema to provide a framework for non-profits, schools, and motivated individuals wishing to begin a gleaning project in their own communities anywhere across the nation. in doing so, the aim was to inspire change on a grassroots level by empowering individuals with a passion for food justice. the initiative consists of a pdf gleaning guide that provides in-depth explanations for each of the steps from committee development and partnership creation to the logistical coordination involved in organizing a gleaning day at multiple sites. it takes into consideration the various capacities that organizations may have to dedicate to gleaning and provides customized explanations for how they might best pursue that venture. samples and templates for all necessary spreadsheets, flyers, and outreach materials accompany the guide in order to minimize the administrative burden which might otherwise deter people. we are adding to the collection of instructional videos, which range in topic from creating soil blocks and leaf mold to meeting with homeowners, in order to provide a more interactive experience for model users. if any additional questions still linger, they may be addressed directly to my forthcoming blog. the urban farmers are currently developing a software program which, once launched, will eliminate a majority of the manual logistical arrangements, resulting in minimal administrative oversight and maximized harvest plans. to further aid the project, it will be open sourced upon its projected completion in january of 2013. the commitment to open sourcing speaks to a greater purpose for the project, beyond perfunctory explanations of the tangible resources it provides. this model intends to better equip those addressing hunger in their communities. it must inherently possess space to grow and adapt in order to respond to the unique assets and needs of each community, and as it changes to better suit them, it will truly become theirs. from the borrowed ancient idea of fruit gleaning, to the lessons learned from the urban farmers, to all of the help given by the volunteers, this model’s creation and dissemination truly represents collaboration and collective ownership. we must now have faith in the collective responsibility that accompanies collective ownership. the open sourcing of ideas and resources, regardless of their form, will serve as the foundation from which mine and future generations will be able to collaboratively address some of the most pressing 4 issues our world has ever faced, such as food insecurity, rapid environmental degradation, and climate change. narrative summary of action plan in order to create the fruit for folks project, i began by participating in the urban farmers’ fruit gleaning program to observe the inner logistical workings involved in organizing each harvest. in its simplest form, fruit gleaning may be reduced to the idea of taking fruit from a point of excess (point a) and bringing to a point that could make use of the excess (point b). but despite the simplicity in articulation, there are several greater component pieces involved in actualizing that process. these pieces include publicity, communication and outreach, harvest coordination, website management, and impact assessment and correspond to a number of questions, such as: where is this excess fruit located? once we find it, who will harvest it and when will they do so? who will organize the harvest day, so that the homeowners know that volunteers are coming and the volunteers will know when and where to arrive? do we have the necessary tools to properly and safely harvest a tree? after we have collected the fruit, where will we take it? who will have the capacity to transport 1,000 lbs. of fruit? what were the costs incurred during this process? are there potential partner organizations who might be interested in collaborating with us? how will we publicize this program? what kind of impact did we make on our community, and how will we keep record of it? these questions provide an initial reference point for those interested in beginning a gleaning program. while the gleaning guide and the general process are laid out in a fairly linear pattern, maintaining flexibility, patience, and open communication channels proved to be key to accomplishing any part of the process. the inevitable snags will be resolved that much more efficiently if the entire team understands the situation and is committed to proceeding. when the process seems to grow too overwhelming – and it might for a fleeting moment – it is important to recall the larger goals of your gleaning program. i can think of no better motivator than knowing that perseverance in times of ease and difficulty ultimately serves those grappling with food insecurity. it is not difficult to harvest hundreds of pounds of fruit in a single afternoon and even have fun while you do it. after successfully completing a harvest, it is essential to conduct an impact assessment. while measuring the impact of the urban farmers’ gleaning program, i used quantitative and qualitative approaches and must emphasize that all data collected refers to the urban farmers’ gleaning program, as the recently developed and ever expanding project has not yet been piloted in communities outside of california’s east bay. if, however, the existing data serves as any indication of the potential of the fruit for folk project, the results appear promising. in terms of quantitative measurements, records must be kept for the weight of the fruit from each harvest. an additional measurement, which might indeed prove more compelling, approximates the number of people who consume the gleaned fruit. to calculate this figure, divide the quantity for the amount of pounds of fruit harvested by five. in order for food production to meet consumption needs, five pounds of food must be grown per person, though not all of that five pounds will be consumed. some will inevitably fall to waste, i.e. apple cores, orange rinds, and wheat husks. thus accounting for waste, dividing the resultant figure by five provides an estimate for the number of people fed an entire day’s worth of food. for example, looking at the quantitative data for the urban farmers in the month of august (2012), a total of 2,360 pounds of fruit were harvested in three days worth of harvests spread out over the course of three weekends. groups of twelve to fifteen volunteers worked for 5 just four hours per day. taking the total (2,360) and dividing by five, we find that 472 people who visited the contra costa county food bank (the recipient of the month) were fed for an entire day. to date, the urban farmers have completed seventeen harvests this year. operating costs, consisting primarily of the cost of transporting the fruit and depreciation of the equipment, have amounted to approximately twelve cents per pound. the urban farmers are working to bring costs down to nine cents per pound. this goal can first be achieved by increasing the density of tree registration in a particular neighborhood, as it will cut down on the gas and transportation costs. to further cut this cost, they are raising funds to replace their rusting, yet reliable, 1975 chevy truck which averages about seven miles to the gallon as it hauls fruit across the east bay. it is particularly important to realize not only that all of this fruit comes from residential areas, not orchards or large fields, but also that the vast majority of it would have otherwise rotted in the yards of homeowners overburdened by more fruit than they could possibly consume. the work of the urban farmers and the fruit for folks project thus represents a redistribution of surpluses to the locations where it is most urgently required. considering that only six locations were visited over the course of the three harvests, the enormity of the untapped potential is truly astonishing. the qualitative approach included a variety of mediums, i.e.: interviews, photos, and videos of the volunteers who have participated in the harvests. at a community round table discussion organized by the urban farmers in march, the executive directors of each of the partner organizations highlighted the significance and necessity of the fruit gleaning program, which helps to offset the effects of the budget cuts they have endured. david gerson, executive director of loaves and fishes in contra costa county, described a scene in his soup kitchen where the parents were thankful to have fresh fruit salads included in their children’s lunches, rather than canned fruits drenched in preservatives and syrups. but even beyond testimonies that speak to the program’s explicit goal, additional interviews and surveys of the volunteers have proven the program’s ability to foster a sense of community that had previously not existed. one anonymous response thanked the urban farmers for providing her and her neighbors with a reason to reach out to one another and establish a relationship beyond perfunctory exchanges. though no explicit plan exists to create a sense of camaraderie, the fruit for folks project hopes that a heightened sense of inclusivity and community will necessarily follow from the nature of the work. conclusion: the transition to widespread urban farming in their most reduced form, urban farming in general and fruit gleaning in particular serve as alternatives to the global industrial food system that promote sustainability through the reduction of food miles and elimination of pesticides. this alternative food system allows for a democratization of the food production process, an impossibility for the industrial, monoculturebased system that monopolizes the status quo. where the existence of the latter is indebted to costly government subsidies, the urban farmers’ fruit gleaning program is expanding throughout california’s east bay through the efforts of volunteers alone. with the creation and dissemination of the fruit for folks project, communities across the nation now have additional resources to tangibly address food insecurity and contribute to programs that seek to combat the spread of obesity. to understand the potential of the urban farming movement, greater structural questions must still be addressed: what degree of capital investment would be required to rebuild a city’s infrastructure so that it may function as a food economy (as in the case of detroit or oakland)? 6 what existing resources are available for use? what are the most effective biointensive gardening practices? how can a community sustainably transition to widespread urban farming? are there other, comparable solutions? how can citizens and other entities reform political systems to remove the influence of corporate food lobbies? community-based research and service learning opportunities will provide some of the most meaningful answers to these questions, because the nature of the approach will require that theoretical observations in food systems studies are joined to community based efforts to advance food justice. this linkage of academy and community, based reciprocity, is so essential to food studies as a growing discipline, since its very subject – food – sustains the lives of academics and community organizers alike. their collaboration in the effort to increase food access and security, both locally and globally, thus represents an inclusive approach to addressing one of the most salient contemporary issues. i would like to express my gratitude to my mentors, patrizia longo, kristen sbrogna, beth hampson, marshall welch, and, of course, mr. siamack sioshansi, for introducing me to the world of food justice and bringing their wisdom, enthusiasm, patience, and support to this project. references alkon, alison h., and julian agyeman. 2011. cultivating food justice: race, class, and sustainability. cambridge, ma: massachusetts institute of technology. beals, yvonne and lindsay johnson. 2012. hunger in america: 2010. rep. food bank of contra costa and solano. ehrenreich, nancy and beth lyon. 2011. “the global politics of food: sustainability and subordination: a critical review.” university of miami inter-american law review 43 (1): 8-9. lexis nexis. “fruit gleaning program.” the urban famers. http://www.theurbanfarmers.org/the_urban_farmers/glean_fruit.html. mcclintock, nathan. 2011. “from industrial garden to food desert: demarcated devaluation in the flatlands of oakland, california.” in cultivating food justice: race, class, and sustainability, edited by alison h. alkon and julian agyeman, 89-120. cambridge, ma: massachusetts institute of technology. patel, raj. 2010. stuffed and starved: the hidden battle for the world food system. new york, ny: melville house publishing. pollan, michael. 2006. the omnivore’s dilemma. new york, ny: penguin. rasmus, jack. 2006. the war at home: the corporate offensive from ronald reagan to george w. bush. kyklos productions. roberts, paul. 2008. the end of food. new york, ny: houghton mifflin company. 7 sherrill, lisa. 2011. “about.” food bank of contra costa and solano. partner agency description and project goal statement the fruit for folks project narrative summary of action plan conclusion: the transition to widespread urban farming references “these people, do they care?” facilitating connections to post-incarceration reentry supports emma block bates college abstract the maine prisoner reentry network (mprn) is a statewide organization with the mission of supporting maine’s reentry community. in april 2020, mprn began conducting remote meetings with incarcerated individuals prior to release, a practice that allowed for advance reentry planning and the opportunity to introduce returning citizens, people returning to the community after incarceration, to reentry supports. i was introduced to mprn through the bates harward center for community partnerships. mprn strives to be equitable and sought a research partnership with a thesis student in hopes of expanding their reach and impact. my research is thus motivated by two questions: what are structural barriers that impact reentry experiences or curb access to reentry supports? how is mprn able to meet the needs of returning citizens, and what role has conducting remote meetings prior to release played in the supports provided by mprn? i conducted 28 interviews with returning citizens and reentryrelated service providers across maine. findings suggest that given the challenges faced by returning citizens, these remote meetings should continue because they have positively impacted the process of reentry planning. findings also document that most participants found the full range of material, instrumental, and emotional support provided by mprn to be highly valuable. suggestions for improvement include broader advertisement of mprn, increased support for people with serious mental health challenges, more transparency around whether or not resources can be guaranteed, and prioritizing racial representation among leadership. introduction “in june of 2017, 5 people gathered together at the catholic charities office in auburn, maine to discuss how they might support citizens returning to the community after incarceration. word that this discussion was happening spread, and within months, dozens of people from all over the state—people from nonprofits, the corrections system, these people, do they care? undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 2 social service agencies, faith-based organizations, law enforcement, recovery services, formerly incarcerated, and more—began attending and contributing to these monthly meetings.” this quote from the website of my community partner, the maine prisoner reentry network (mprn), describes how the organization began five years ago. visible in several places on their website is mprn’s logo, which depicts two silhouettes walking side-by-side, representing the idea that the organization accompanies returning citizens throughout their transition back to society. this logo demonstrates part of the organization’s mission statement, also found on the website: “mprn creates and facilitates connections.” these connections are meant to combat the isolation, stigma, and limited resources often confronted by returning citizens as they transition from incarceration to the community. most of mprn’s board members also have lived experience of incarceration; this type of representation is seen as vital to their mission. my research is motivated by two questions: what are structural barriers that impact reentry experiences or curb access to reentry supports? how is mprn able to meet the needs of returning citizens, and what role has conducting remote meetings prior to release played in the supports provided by mprn? this project arose in the spirit of community-engaged research, from a question introduced by my community partner. beginning in april 2020, as much of the world began relying on remote platforms to interact, mprn has conducted hundreds of virtual meetings with incarcerated individuals whose release is upcoming, wherein they discuss the needs of the individual and introduce them to various reentry services. this practice of meeting remotely with incarcerated people had previously not been permitted by the department of corrections but was adopted due to circumstances surrounding the covid-19 pandemic. when i first connected with their executive director in december 2020, mprn leadership hoped to examine how these remote meetings impacted reentry outcomes and how more returning citizens could connect with these supports. while these meetings were held remotely, the frequency and content of the meetings are the focus of this research, rather than the impact of remote versus inperson meetings. having done a great deal of research about this topic and worked previously with similar populations, i approached this project with some knowledge of the subject matter but not with the expertise others gain through lived experience. throughout the year i worked on this project, i attended weekly meetings hosted by mprn and spent hours listening to conversations about the challenges faced by this community. because i do not have lived experience of incarceration and because many other parts of my identity do not reflect the population this organization serves, i was cognizant of the spaces and conversations it may not have been appropriate for me to be a part of. throughout the process of conducting my research and building relationships with my community partners, i sought to find the spaces where i could be helpful while recognizing where i would not. i offer additional thoughts about this throughout the paper in my discussion of the principles of community-engaged research, my consideration of ethics in the research design, and my gratitude toward participants. literature review the u.s. incarceration rate is the highest of any country in the world, at approximately 600 incarcerated people per 100,000 residents (miller & khey, 2016; bares & mowen, 2020; kjellstrand et al., 2021). from the 1970s until the end of 2000, the u.s. incarceration rate these people, do they care? undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 3 increased from 90 to nearly 500 americans in prison for every 100,000 free residents (simon, 2007). this increase in incarceration rates coincided with the beginning of the war on drugs, which dramatically increased the population incarcerated for drug offenses (the sentencing project, 2020) and changed prison demographics, which shifted from over 70% white in 1950 to almost 70% black and latinx by the end of the 1980s (ortiz & jackey, 2019). many scholars place race at the center of their analyses of the prison system, arguing that the carceral state was established as an extension of slavery and segregation and that the evolution of the u.s. prison system cannot be separated from this country’s history of systemic racism (wacquant, 2005; simon, 2007; alexander, 2010; brayne, 2013). research shows that marginalized populations are significantly overrepresented in u.s. prisons. in their literature review “incarceration and stratification,” wakefield and uggen (2010) discuss the ways that the prison population reflects existing disparities in the u.s. and how incarceration both exacerbates and generates new disparities. they write that prisons “house the jobless, the poor, the racial minority, and the uneducated, not the merely criminal” (p. 393). most incarcerated people enter the prison system with low levels of educational attainment and few job skills (morenoff & harding, 2014), and at the time of their arrest, the majority of incarcerated people were working low-quality, low-paying jobs (wakefield & uggen, 2010). given the extremely high incarceration rate in the u.s., millions of people have at some point had contact with the prison system, although most do not spend the rest of their lives incarcerated. ninety-five percent of all incarcerated people are eventually released back into the community, with over 600,000 individuals released each year (lacourse et al., 2019; ortiz & jackey, 2019; bares & mowen, 2020). the reentry process is plagued by a variety of challenges, including navigating the prisoner reentry industry, securing housing, employment, and other services, and limited social support. nationwide, about one-third of people released from prison will become reincarcerated within the first year of release and over one-half will return to prison within a few years (miller & khey, 2016; wallace et al., 2016; bares & mowen, 2020). many scholars have documented the rise of the prisoner reentry industry (pri) (clear, 2010; ross, 2011; thompkins, 2010; link, 2019; ortiz & jackey, 2019). this industry includes federal, state, county, and city agencies, as well as the department of corrections and parole and probation. rather than a mechanism of rehabilitation, scholars argue that the pri is an extension of the prison industrial complex and, motivated by profit margins, is used to surveil, fine, and ultimately reincarcerate people. ross (2011) discusses ways businesses have benefitted from mass incarceration: “the whole panoply of nonprofit organizations and for-profit businesses is able to capitalize on this insatiable need to incarcerate individuals and build prisons, ultimately to make money from the pain and suffering of others behind bars” (p. 176). the pri is also linked to surveillance—essentially, if people are surveilled more intensely, they are more likely to be reincarcerated, meaning that there is “a ready flow of people entering into the web of the reentry industry” (clear, 2010, p. 586). this cycle of incarceration, reentry, and reincarceration means that the pri essentially creates its own demand. the current literature also documents the fees associated with reentry, including court, restitution, community supervision, and reentry programming fees, which some scholars argue are used as supplementary sanctions (thompkins, 2010; link, 2019; ortiz & jackey, 2019). this system often puts returning citizens into debt soon after release from prison, and the threat of reincarceration looms over this punitive, fees-based system. the pri’s presence is felt most acutely among poorer communities and black, indigenous, and people of color (bipoc) communities in particular (olusanya & cancino, 2011; ortiz & jackey, 2019). these people, do they care? undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 4 obtaining safe and affordable housing is widely regarded as the biggest challenge faced by returning citizens and the most significant predictor of reincarceration (helfgott, 1997; wacquant, 2005; bender et al., 2016; kjellstrand, 2021). research shows that landlords are more likely to reject applicants with criminal records (evans & porter, 2015; zannella et al., 2020). employment, health, and sobriety outcomes are all affected by a returning citizen’s housing situation (hamlin, 2020). existing literature also highlights the challenges of securing employment post-incarceration (miller & khey, 2016; moore et al., 2018; sliva & samimi, 2018). employment post-release significantly reduces the likelihood of rearrest and is associated with more successful reentry outcomes (miller & miller, 2016; lacourse et al., 2019; ortiz & jackey, 2019). several studies have documented labor market discrimination against formerly incarcerated people, finding that people with criminal records are significantly less likely to receive callbacks from employers; again, these statistics are even more drastic for black and brown people (pager, 2003; wakefield & uggen, 2010; nakamura & bucklen, 2014). accessing substance use disorder or mental health treatment is another documented reentry challenge. although a large proportion of incarcerated individuals face substance use disorder problems, relatively few people receive treatment while incarcerated, and drug use often continues during incarceration (olson et al., 2009; rowell-cunsolo et al., 2016; bares & mowen, 2020). returning citizens with substance use disorders are at a high risk of returning to drug use in the time immediately following release, and the risk of drug-related death is highest soon after release (merrall et al., 2010). people who end up in prison tend to have more mental health issues than the general public, and time in prison usually exacerbates these health problems; mental health issues are also linked to an increased likelihood of reincarceration (davis, 2003; wallace et al., 2016; lacourse et al., 2019). having mental health symptoms is associated with less successful community integration, including a decrease in one’s odds of becoming employed or married post-release (moore et al., 2018). much of the incarcerated population also has substantial physical health problems, which may be exacerbated by spending time in prison. incarcerated people have very high rates of infectious diseases, including tuberculosis, hepatitis c, and hiv/aids, and some studies have also shown that incarceration is linked strongly to health problems later in life (wakefield & uggen, 2010). another reentry challenge relates to social support, which can have a profound impact on experiences and outcomes post-release (bohmert et al., 2018; lacourse et al., 2019; bares & mowen, 2020). though peer support is linked to improved reentry outcomes, incarcerated people tend to have low rates of familial and social support compared to the general population (wakefield & uggen, 2010). one factor that often limits social support and community integration for returning citizens is perceived stigma (kiczkowski, 2011; bender et al., 2016; kjellstrand et al., 2021). perceived stigma—an individual’s perceptions of the public’s stigmatizing attitudes toward their group—is linked to negative reentry outcomes, including unemployment, income loss, depression, poor social functioning, low self-esteem, negative coping styles, and a decreased likelihood of seeking treatment (moore et al., 2013). given these challenges associated with reentry, this study examines an organization in maine that seeks to improve reentry outcomes by connecting returning citizens with various resources across the state. methods these people, do they care? undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 5 my qualitative methodology is framed by community-engaged research (cer). strand et al. (2003) define this type of research as “a partnership of students, faculty, and community members who collaboratively engage in research with the purpose of solving a pressing community problem or effecting social change” (p. 3). this analysis legitimizes the knowledge of formerly incarcerated people, a marginalized population, and validates their expertise as a valuable form of data. with these principles of cer in mind, my community partner and i chose the following research questions: what are structural barriers that impact reentry experiences or curb access to reentry supports? how is mprn able to meet the needs of returning citizens, and what role has conducting remote meetings prior to release played in the supports provided by mprn? a qualitative methodology was identified as an effective way to document participants’ powerful stories about their reentry experiences. i conducted twenty-eight loosely-structured, qualitative interviews: fourteen with returning citizens and fourteen with service providers. interviews were roughly thirty minutes in length. each participant received a $20 grocery store gift card after the interview, funded by small grants from three bates college sources: the sociology department, the student research fund, and the harward center for community partnerships. my community partner provided me with contact information for individuals who met the criteria for the study and were willing to be interviewed. i also regularly attended a weekly virtual meeting hosted by mprn, where i became acquainted with several members of maine’s reentry community and many people working at reentry-related organizations. i recruited several participants, primarily service providers, through these meetings. this population represents both purposive and convenience sampling because participants were recruited due to their unique position as returning citizens or reentry-related service providers, but interviews were conducted only with people within this purposive framework who agreed to participate and who were able to be contacted. in interviews with returning citizens, i collected demographic information, then asked participants to describe how they found out about mprn and their experiences with the remote meetings prior to release. given the existing literature regarding employment, housing, and social support as challenges to reentry post-incarceration, i then asked about participants’ experiences securing or not securing these resources. in interviews with service providers, i asked about referral processes, accessibility of services, and challenges related to supporting returning citizens. after conducting and transcribing interviews, i used nvivo to code all transcripts and identify themes that emerged during interviews. i obtained approval from the institutional review board (irb) at bates college for this study. throughout the recruitment, consent, and interview processes, emphasis was placed on the voluntary nature of this research. various measures were taken to protect the identities of participants; while i refer to quotes from interviews, all participants are identified via pseudonyms. analysis all participants identified themselves as male. participants had been released from all three state prisons in maine. almost all participants (twelve) had been incarcerated at least once prior to their most recent sentence. the length of each participant's most recent sentence ranged from just under one year to over ten years. almost all participants (thirteen) were white, and only one participant self-identified as black. the fourteen service providers interviewed represented a wide variety of reentry-related services and organizations, including housing, education and employment, advocacy groups, and department of corrections staff. ten service providers were these people, do they care? undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 6 men and four were women. twelve identified as white, one identified as black, and one identified as indigenous. four service providers were formerly incarcerated and five were in long-term recovery from substance use disorder. in the following analysis, findings are centered around the interviews with returning citizens. where appropriate, information from service provider interviews is included to supplement and reinforce data from the returning citizen interviews. the analysis is organized chronologically, beginning with pre-release reentry planning, followed by post-release experiences, and ending with participants’ reflections about how mprn supported them throughout their release and reentry. planning reentry only three participants recalled feeling “good” or “excited” about their upcoming reentry. one of these participants attributed his positive feelings about reentry to the support he was receiving from the maine prisoner reentry network: “i felt good because i felt like i was being helped.” the other two participants reported having relatively strong support networks and having secured housing and other basic needs prior to their release. knowing these safety nets were available to them, which was not the case for every returning citizen, likely had a positive impact on these participants’ feelings about their release. almost all participants recalled feeling high stress as their release date neared. one notable source of fear described by several participants was the feeling of not knowing what was going to happen upon release. participants frequently used phrases such as “i didn’t know what i was doing” or “i had no idea where i was going to end up.” these statements reveal the low levels of social and material support that incarcerated and formerly incarcerated people tend to have (wakefield & uggen, 2010). reentry anxiety was also particularly acute for those who had many previous incarcerations or who had served longer sentences. steven, a participant who said he had too many previous incarcerations to count, recalled, “i’m always stressed out when i get to that point… i’m institutionalized to the letter… i’m more comfortable in jail than i am out here, so i have a hard time.” kevin, who had spent just over ten years in prison, said, “i had anxiety so bad it was crazy. being in for ten years and then being released, the technology had changed so much.” here, kevin explains the stress associated with having to quickly adapt to technological advances in a society he had been absent from for over a decade. given the high stress levels associated with reentry, it is worth examining supports, such as mprn’s remote meetings with returning citizens, that have the potential to ease some of these fears. as they began to contemplate reentry, participants learned about the maine prisoner reentry network through a patchwork of referral processes, although many referral methods required participants to have some type of resource or social network. the most common way people heard about mprn was through word of mouth from other incarcerated individuals, with six participants being referred this way. family members and other networks were also instrumental in connecting returning citizens with mprn—three were personally familiar with mprn’s executive director, two had family members who found mprn’s website and contacted the organization, and one was referred to mprn through another advocacy group. only one participant discovered mprn through their caseworker at the prison. this variation in the ways that participants discovered mprn reflects inconsistencies in who is able to receive support from the organization and who is not, which raises concerns about equity of access. these people, do they care? undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 7 when asked about their meetings with the maine prisoner reentry network prior to release, many participants described a trend of low expectations followed by positive experiences. going into the remote meetings, over half of the participants described feeling doubtful that they would be particularly beneficial. some participants credited this lack of optimism to feeling accustomed to being disappointed by the department of corrections or having previously heard false promises. aidan, for example, explained that "my expectations were really low. only because in my experience, nobody's just there to help you. they're not going to just give you things and not expect something in return." this sentiment, echoed by other participants, connects to some returning citizens' experiences with department of corrections staff. while some participants described positive or neutral interactions with their caseworkers, others recounted negative experiences, including being given false information about probation conditions, being told to "figure it out" when it came to obtaining housing for release, and being judged based on their type of offense. multiple participants also expressed some discomfort at the idea of asking for or accepting help. alex, for example, noted that “initially i was pretty weirded out… i don’t like telling people my vulnerabilities or my problems and i don’t like asking people for help.” comments like this one reflect narratives of personal responsibility and individual blame; this type of rhetoric has historically helped to increase public support for tough-on-crime policies that essentially criminalized poverty, addiction, and blackness, while simultaneously decreasing public support for the funding of social welfare services (martensen, 2020). although expectations were generally low, participants recalled that after they did meet with mprn, their perceptions of the meetings were overwhelmingly positive, and every participant had some positive comments about these interactions. all participants described connections they made with various reentry resources and service providers through the remote meetings. several people said they were given numbers to call or were connected directly with people associated with various services they needed, and that these connections improved how they felt about their upcoming release. participants also mentioned becoming aware of several resources through these meetings that they had not previously known about. richard, for example, spoke very positively about his interactions with representatives from mprn: "it was great, it was just so helpful… he answered all the questions that i was looking for and had a lot more things to show me that maine had to offer for us… i didn't think all that stuff was available." through these interactions with mprn, returning citizens learned about available resources not previously advertised to them. participants also described the reassurance they felt just knowing that mprn was a resource and support network that they could draw from, with one participant referring to mprn as a "huge mental support." especially due to the uncertainty most individuals felt surrounding their upcoming reentry, having a network of people available to answer questions proved invaluable. one notable reason participants gave for trusting the people from mprn is that many of the service providers were themselves formerly incarcerated or in long-term recovery. for example, jeff explained, “i feel like a lot of them have been in the same position as me. and they have a little more experience with the recovery aspect of it, and they have a lot of good advice.” having this lived experience gives service providers a measure of credibility, which may encourage returning citizens to take their advice more seriously or to be less reluctant to accept the help they were offered. while comments about the remote meetings with mprn were overwhelmingly positive, it is worth noting certain suggestions for improvement made by some participants. one returning these people, do they care? undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 8 citizen, steven, expressed the opinion that mprn had inadequate support for people with extreme mental health needs, saying, "i don't think they realized the magnitude of my mental illness going into it." another participant, andrew, raised a concern about an empty promise that was made during the remote meetings. andrew was assured he would have a bed at a recovery residence upon release, but later discovered that these residences do not reserve beds; he described this realization as "devastating." andrew's experience highlights the importance of transparency regarding which services can be guaranteed and which cannot. a final suggestion for improvement concerns racial representation. jordan, a returning citizen who identifies as black, discussed why he feels racial representation is important in the prison system and the reentry system: returning citizens of color "need somebody that they can look up to and say, 'oh, you're doing well. that makes me want to do well.' but there has to be more diversity.” mprn’s leadership overwhelmingly identifies as white; given the significant racial disparities in the prison system and the importance of representation highlighted by jordan, working to diversify leadership is another way in which mprn’s services could be improved. experiencing reentry while reentry planning can start prior to an individual’s release date, reentry begins in earnest after release. interviews revealed that returning citizens faced several challenges associated with their reentry. interviews also revealed ways that the maine prisoner reentry network provided valuable support throughout participants’ reentries. reentry barriers included recovering from the trauma and institutionalization associated with incarceration, challenges securing employment and housing, and limited social support. a notable theme that emerged from interviews is how jarring it is to transition from the prison environment to the community. richard confessed that since his release, “it’s definitely been hard for me to even want to leave my house. it’s like i’m stuck here.” alex, who had only been released for a couple of weeks at the time of his interview, admitted that he avoids most social interactions, especially crowds, saying, “i don’t go much of anywhere.” these impulses to avoid crowds and not leave the house are telling about the psychological effects of incarceration, which have major implications for reentry outcomes. one service provider who works in advocacy said that he believes one of the biggest challenges to reentry is the trauma, and that this trauma has significant effects on returning citizens’ ability to reacclimate to society. when people are released, this service provider continued, they are usually expected to find employment and start working full-time immediately, either because they were released with no money or because employment is a condition of their probation: “there is a tremendous amount of stress placed on a person once they walk out the door, and not really enough time for that person to take stock… they’ve been through a lot. and they just don’t know how to process it. and yeah, they’re trying to hit the ground running but they’re really suffering.” the expectation that returning citizens start working immediately upon release means that they lack the time or space to process the trauma they have just endured, which can have adverse effects on their mental health and reentry success. obtaining employment was another significant reentry challenge reported by participants. about half of the participants were employed full-time; most of these jobs were at restaurants or shopping centers, with the exception of one participant who had been hired by the maine prisoner reentry network and one participant who resumed operating his business that he had run prior to incarceration. most returning citizens who were not employed had been released more recently and were in the process of applying for jobs. some participants were working partthese people, do they care? undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 9 time, mostly doing physical labor such as roofing. the majority of participants recounted the challenge of securing a job as someone with a criminal conviction. jeff, who had been released about three weeks prior to his interview, admitted, “i've applied to probably 15 jobs and i've been clean for two years now. and on the right track. i've got my associate’s degree… i'm continuing for my bachelor's… and out of the 15 jobs that i've applied for, i've been turned down because of my background check on every single one so far.” jeff’s and others’ experiences reflect studies documenting that people with criminal records are significantly less likely to receive callbacks from employers (pager, 2003; wakefield & uggen, 2010; nakamura & bucklen, 2014). service providers described how stigma and job discrimination limit the types of jobs returning citizens end up taking. a service provider who works in advocacy explained, “because you have to check a box or, you know, maybe your record comes up, you have to accept the lower-end jobs. so, you can’t even really access a job that’s really going to pay your bills.” poor working conditions and low wages that returning citizens often have to accept have major implications for quality of life. participants also reported significant challenges related to securing housing upon release. only three participants did not report struggling to find housing; of these three, one owned his own home, one had resumed living with previous roommates, and one was living with his parent. eleven participants expressed that they struggled to find a place to live due to the lack of available housing, including recovery residences, in the state of maine; participants frequently used phrases such as “there’s not enough places around.” most service providers also emphasized the lack of available housing in maine as a major barrier to successful reentry. financial constraints were another housing-related barrier faced by returning citizens. john summarized the sentiments of many other participants: “i had no money. you can’t really get an apartment with no money.” furthermore, for several reasons, landlords tend to view returning citizens as less favorable housing applicants. a service provider who operates various housing-, employment-, and recovery-related programs noted that when people are incarcerated, it is impossible to build good credit or establish a rental history, which exacerbates the challenge of being accepted by a landlord upon release: “maine already has a housing shortage as it is… it’s a challenge even as a normal person to find an apartment… so when you have no rental history, your credit’s not that great, you don’t have any references, it’s almost impossible to find housing.” given that employment, health, and sobriety outcomes are all affected by a returning citizen’s housing situation (hamlin, 2020), an inability to secure quality housing can have profound implications for reentry outcomes. these profound challenges to reentry highlight the need for supports as returning citizens attempt to overcome these hurdles. mprn as a support participants reported receiving material, instrumental, emotional, and social support from the maine prisoner reentry network. almost all participants had received some type of material resource from mprn, including clothing, food, hygiene items, cell phones, and transportation. one participant, roger, recalled that one of mprn’s board members had picked him up from prison on the day of his release, after collecting roger’s belongings from where they had been stored. he then drove roger to his new apartment, which mprn had connected him to, drove him to the bank to open an account, took him shopping to get food and other necessities, and helped carry roger’s belongings into the new apartment. roger said that without the support of this board member, “i would have walked out the door with no idea where i was going, or even these people, do they care? undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 10 how to get there.” in terms of instrumental support, eleven participants said that mprn had connected them to grants or programs related to education or employment. these grants covered equipment for jobs or college courses, including laptops, transportation, and clothing. four participants were connected to their current housing through mprn; two of these participants lived in apartments and two lived in recovery residences. all four of these participants spoke positively about their housing situations. participants also described mprn as a source of emotional support. most participants expressed that it was reassuring to have mprn there to answer questions and provide support as issues or questions arose. aidan spoke about the reassurance he felt knowing that he could draw on mprn as a support network if he needed to: “if you’re confused, you just call them up… it’s nice to know that they’re there, if i need them." jordan recalled his surprise and appreciation upon realizing the sincerity of mprn's support: "it was like, wow, man. these people, do they care? is this what they're trying to tell me?" these quotes illustrate the valuable services, both tangible and intangible, that mprn provided for many returning citizens. about half of the participants also described mprn as a social support. most returning citizens had met with mprn board members at least once since their release from prison, and many said this had been a helpful support during the transition from prison to the community. a few participants said they sometimes contact someone from mprn when they need advice or emotional support, and that this resource has been very helpful. these positive experiences described by participants illustrate the benefits of being part of a supportive group that can provide a broader community. given the limited social networks and resources that returning citizens tend to have (kiczkowski, 2011; bohmert et al., 2018), the existence of the maine prisoner reentry network as a resource appeared to have a significant impact on the reentry experiences of many participants. a few participants directly attributed their reentry success to the maine prisoner reentry network. richard said, “you know, the only reason that it was successful for me was because i got to meet with people like [mprn board member] and people from that corporation.” similarly, david recommended in no uncertain terms that every returning citizen meet with mprn prior to their release: “if i hadn’t used them, i wouldn’t have, you know, i felt, been successful or set up in the right, you know, path to be successful… i believe that if inmates have an opportunity to meet with mprn and they have goals and, you know, and they want to be successful, to get out, i think that mprn would definitely help anybody that is in need and wants to be successful when they get out.” richard and david each attest that the support they received from mprn impacted their reentry in profoundly positive ways. given the barriers returning citizens face and the extremely high recidivism rate in the united states, testimonies like these deserve thoughtful consideration. conclusion this project was made possible by the ability to conduct remote meetings with returning citizens prior to release, a practice that was adopted due to circumstances surrounding the covid-19 pandemic. findings from interviews with returning citizens and service providers suggest that these remote meetings should continue because they have positively impacted the process of reentry planning. interviews revealed that as returning citizens neared their release dates, many felt high levels of stress about their upcoming reentry and had little success securing these people, do they care? undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 11 housing, employment, and other necessary resources. thus, most participants found the material and emotional support provided by the maine prisoner reentry network to be highly valuable. however, social capital and support networks often contributed to participants learning about the maine prisoner reentry network as an available resource, suggesting that broader advertisement could enhance mprn’s operations. once participants met with mprn, their experiences were overwhelmingly positive, with many participants connecting to housing, employment, grants, a supportive community, and other resources. several participants directly attributed their reentry success to mprn, expressing that this type of support had made a profound impact on their lives post-incarceration. despite the support of mprn, most participants encountered many challenges throughout their reentry, including stigma and limited social support, securing housing and employment, and the emotional toll of transitioning from prison to the community. at the end of one particular interview, one of the returning citizens, alex, said something that i immediately felt compelled to write down. he stated that mprn had been encouraging him to do things he would not normally do: “like talking to you, doing this interview is not something i would have normally done, right. it’s very outside my comfort zone, but to do it is to progress, and to progress is the point, right?” when alex told me this, i thought about how brave he was, and how honored i felt that he was willing to share this part of himself with me, a stranger to whom he owed nothing. i have a great deal of gratitude for alex's and the other participants' openness and candor. participants' willingness to share their vulnerabilities with me shaped the ways i wrote this analysis, as i felt accountable to them to produce a product that could honor their stories and hopefully improve the experiences of others like them. as i conclude this analysis of prison reentry, a note on perspective feels necessary. in the very first interview i conducted, a service provider cautioned against letting the examination of reentry services become a distraction to the broader issue of mass incarceration in the united states: “we can’t let the conversation around reentry and diversionary programs supersede the conversation around rolling back and reducing mass incarceration, whether or not we have the programs. we can’t be arresting and incarcerating so many people for so long.” while vitally important given the staggering number of people released from prison each year in this country, reentry supports are reactionary, and they do not undo the damage caused by the carceral state. given the existing literature about the prisoner reentry industry and how it serves as an extension of the prison industrial complex, there is danger in viewing reentry services as the solution to the harmful effects of mass incarceration. to truly recover from the impacts of incarceration, the best path forward involves comprehensively redesigning the way punishment is conceptualized and enforced in our society. in the meantime, however, i argue that services such as the maine prisoner reentry network, which are not linked financially to the prison industrial complex and which are operated primarily by people with lived experiences of incarceration, are the best option for supporting people returning to the community after incarceration. while ideally people would not have to rely on these services in the first place, having an organization that will help provide this type of material, instrumental, and emotional support is necessary given the current realities of incarceration and reentry. these people, do they care? 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(2020). the effects of face and criminal history on landlords' (un)willingness to rent to exonerees. law and human behavior, 44(4), 300-310. doi:10.1037/lhb0000419 youth pride, inc: serving a visible community 1 youth pride, inc: serving a visible community devlin healy university of rhode island how do feminism and service learning intersect in a transformative way for both student and community? the university of rhode island’s gender and women’s studies course, feminist thought into action, challenges its students to answer this question through a synthesis of the pedagogical aims of feminism and service learning carried out in a course project. the semester-long service project asks students to employ a practical application of their knowledge of feminist theory through activism and service in the community. more specifically, the students in the class are asked to choose an organization and, through observation and interaction, evaluate its status as feminist over the course of the semester in order to better gauge the effectiveness of feminist methodologies. i chose to focus my project on youth pride, inc, a lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, and questioning youth center in providence, rhode island. before choosing an organization and beginning my investigation, i first had to define my key concepts. it was important to understand how i would define feminism, feminist organizations, and service learning in order to proceed with the project. only after defining these terms would i have the ability to contextualize their intersection and evaluate my results in order to illuminate the effectiveness of feminist praxis. i began by defining feminism. with many working definitions, feminism is a fluid concept. bell hooks (2000) states, “simply put, feminism is a movement to end sexism, sexual exploitation, and oppression” (34). from this simple definition, many others have blossomed. the feminist thought into action course challenged me as a student and thinker to explore these many different definitions and ideas regarding feminism. for example, in her essay, “challenge of success: stages of growth in feminist organizations,” stephanie riger (1994) argues, “feminism is not a unitary set of beliefs but instead encompasses a range of ideologies” (275). in addition, patricia yancey martin (1990), in her article, “rethinking feminist organizations,” states, “feminism is a broad, multifaceted, political orientation rather than a single ideology” (184). in this sense, feminism is a broad system of beliefs. arguably its main tenet, however, is to eliminate “system[s] of dominance of superiors over subordinates” (riger 1994, 275). while this goal is classically associated with women, feminism seeks to eliminate oppression and oppressive systems for all persons othered by patriarchal society. patriarchal society privileges white, wealthy, heterosexual males. people who fall outside of this matrix are deemed the “other.” in terms of my project, i chose to investigate a specific group oppressed by patriarchy: the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, and questioning (lgbtqq) community. more specifically, i chose to target the lgbtqq youth community. with teen suicides heavily publicized in the media and “it gets better” campaigns broadcast throughout the country, the presence of lgbtqq youth is undeniably felt throughout the united states and around the world. in particular, adolescence is a critical time in the life of any member of the lgbtqq community. it is the time when one is discovering his or her sexuality and questioning his or her orientation. this is an extremely confusing and difficult time for any young person. added to this deeply personal struggle, are the judgments and attitudes of the community and larger society. lgbtqq youth are bombarded with conflicting messages. on one hand, a 2 growing number of tolerant, open-minded people offer words of support and acceptance, while on the other hand many still debase the lgbtqq community as immoral and inherently wrong. i wished to focus my investigation and service on an organization that, like me, is dedicated to advocating for lgbtqq youth. with a working definition of feminism, as well as a specific group targeted for investigation, i next defined the concept of a feminist organization. martin states, “i suggest that an organization is feminist if it meets any one of the following criteria: (a) has feminist ideology; (b) has feminist guiding values; (c) has feminist goals; (d) produces feminist outcomes; (e) was founded during the women's movement as part of the women's movement” (martin 1990, 185). breaking this definition down further, i wanted to focus on an organization that would meet the first four criteria of martin’s definition. i believed these criteria to be the most essential to a truly feminist organization as feminism is a continuous movement rather than a point fixed in time. i needed to find an organization whose guiding ideology, or “rationale for [its] existence, mission, and range of activities and concerns” (martin 1990, 191), is primarily feminist. martin defines a feminist ideology as one that “acknowledges that women are oppressed and disadvantaged as a group” and their oppression is “rooted in social arrangements” (191). although this definition specifically addresses women, it does not fail to account for othered populations in addition to women. in fact, martin states that feminist ideology is “strongly allied with other social movements,” citing the creation of “a just and fair society for all people regardless of sex, race, class, sexual politics, or any other social characteristic” as its primary goal (191-192). this inclusion speaks to my assertion that feminism is far beyond consideration solely for women and has embraced the movement for equality for all. in addition to this guiding ideology, the organization would focus on feminist values. as defined by martin, feminist values “focus on the primacy of interpersonal relationships; empowerment and personal development of members; building of self-esteem; the promotion of enhanced knowledge, skills, and political awareness; personal autonomy; and the politics of gender” (192). in essence, feminist values and feminist ideology work together so that valuing interpersonal relationships informs the ideological aims of feminism. in addition, feminist goals are “action agendas” (martin 1990, 193) that focus on change in the individual organization member, general service through education or community involvement, and/or societal change. feminist outcomes are the “consequences” of the organization’s actions on its members, the larger community, and society as a whole. with these definitions in mind, i chose to research the nonprofit organization youth pride, inc (ypi) for my project. ypi is a nonprofit organization in providence, ri, that offers support, education, and service to lgbtqq youth in the community. the organization seeks to educate and bolster lgbtqq youth, teaching them that all people deserve respect, dignity, and equality regardless of who they are or whom they love, while advocating for change in a discriminatory world. the mission of youth pride, inc is “to meet the social, emotional and educational needs of lgbtqq youth and their allies through empowering programs of support, education, organizing and advocacy, while working to change the homophobic, biphobic and transphobic environments in which they live” (ypi 2012). with these long-term goals in mind, youth pride, inc has been empowering youth, creating a strong and vocal community, fighting against prejudice and discrimination, and changing the lives of countless young people for the past twenty years. the history of this organization is as rich and vivid as its current strong and forceful presence. similar to many institutions dedicated to change, youth pride, inc was born out of necessity. in 1992, the idea that would blossom into youth pride, inc came out of a meeting 3 between the executive directors of the samaritans and the young women’s christian association (ywca). samaritan director tony maione remarked on the organization’s inability to aid the lgbtqq youth who called into the samaritan’s suicide prevention hotline in crisis. ywca director maggie smith suggested the ywca had the means and motivation to find a solution for the as yet unmet needs of the lgbtqq teens in crisis. she discussed options for supporting the needs of the lgbtqq youth with ywca staff member wendy becker who was immediately on board with the idea of forming a separate organization that would deal solely with the needs of the lgbtqq youth community. becker, with the encouragement and support of the community, formed a weekly support group for lgbtqq youth called “the way out,” later renamed ypi as its scope increased, which was founded in 1993 at brown university’s sarah doyle women’s center. over the next twenty years, youth pride, inc has continued to grow and flourish, fighting for change and supporting an underrepresented community. before formally investigating ypi for my project, i had to define the final component of the project: service learning. like feminism, the concept of service learning is one that has been highly contested and widely defined. in his article, “service learning: a balanced approach to experiential education,” andrew furco (1996) attests to this conflicted definition, stating that service learning is used to classify “a wide array of experiential endeavors, from volunteer and community service projects to field studies and internship programs” (71). he goes on to say that service learning is viewed as “a new term that reveals a rich, innovative, pedagogical approach for more effective teaching” as well as “another term for well-established experiential education programs” (furco 1996, 71). as was the case with feminism, it is up to me to restrict the parameters of service learning’s definition in order to best suit the purpose of my project. while furco exposes the dichotomy of service learning’s definition, the corporation for national and community service provides a clear definition of its core principles. despite the disputes over the origins of service learning, this definition is used across the board. in his article “servicelearning: a balanced approach to experiential education”, andrew furco shares the corporation for national and community service’s definition of service learning: a method under which students learn and develop through active participation in thoughtfully organized service experiences that meet actual community needs, that [are] integrated into the students’ academic curriculum or provide structured time for [reflection, and] that enhance what is taught in school by extending student learning beyond the classroom and into the community. (1996) my feminist thought into action course operated using this definition in the sense that our learning went beyond the classroom. we were expected to actively participate in our education through outreach in the community. one method of ensuring this high level of engagement was the course project. evaluating an organization’s status as feminist would involve not only research and observation but also participation. we were asked to spend at least eight hours with our chosen organization volunteering alongside its participants. our involvement with the organization would enhance our understanding of its ideology, values, goals, and outcomes. it would, in turn, lend further credibility to our conclusions regarding its feminist status. with my concepts defined and an organization chosen, i began my service-learning project with ypi in order to evaluate its status as feminist. i would spend time observing and participating in the daily activities of youth pride, inc’s headquarters in providence, ri. through this observation and participation, i’d be able to complete my evaluation. moreover, i’d be able to apply my working definitions of the aforementioned concepts and evaluate their intersection at ypi. i began by visiting ypi on a thursday to interview a ypi member about his 4 experience with the organization as well as to observe and participate in the scheduled activities of the day, including a support group session. thursdays are notoriously busy days for ypi. after school lets out, teens from around the state gather there to unwind and connect with friends. for many of them, it is the only time of the day that they are allowed to be themselves. as a result, the energy in the building is electric. no fewer than ten kids welcomed me warmly as a newcomer to their sacred space as soon as i walked in. when they learned that i was not, in fact, a new ypi member, but a student conducting a project, they were more than willing to sing the praises of an organization that for many has been life saving and for all has been a wholly positive transformative experience. as thursday nights contain the weekly “way out” support group meetings, their time was limited. a twenty-one-year-old male volunteer, however, graciously agreed to talk with me and then invited me to join their support group so i could get a better feeling for what youth pride, inc is all about. the volunteer, john1, has been a member of youth pride, inc since he was 15 years old. after such a long commitment, it goes without saying that ypi “means lot to [him].” for john, youth pride, inc came into his life at a time when he felt the most hopeless. john elaborates on this serendipitous timing, stating, “before [ypi], i was going through a rough time in high school. i didn’t know that many lgbtqq people. once i came here i was like ‘oh, this is cool.’” youth pride, inc offered john a “cool” place where he was understood, supported, and loved; at a time in his life when he was feeling none of those things, that offer was, and remains, precious. for john, youth pride, inc is an environment so rare in our society: one free of discrimination and hate. ypi promotes love, tolerance, and acceptance. john calls it a “support system for those who don’t have any support at home or in their community.” this support system becomes something akin to a family. at the very least, it creates a tight-knit group of friends. john himself “met most of [his] friends here.” this is one of the winning aspects of the kind of service the organization provides; it fosters community and solidarity, providing emotional support for a group of people often in desperate need of it. it’s a place where kids won’t feel “quite as alone,” according to john. not only are the kids in the organization responsible for this solidarity but also the lgbtqq and allied supporters in the greater community rally to youth pride, inc to support the cause. for example, at the seventh gay-straight alliance leadership coalition that took place on march 24, 2012, i got the opportunity to speak with members of the community who are as passionate as ypi about helping youth like john. for example, frank toti, writer and director, and steven pennell, coordinator of the arts and culture program at the university of rhode island’s feinstein campus, collaborated on a project called “the journey out.” “the journey out” is a new play by toti, which brings to light the history of the older lgbtqq community in rhode island through oral testimonies. the project began in the summer of 2010 with fifty interviews that developed into fourteen characters. toti and pennell wanted to highlight “how things have changed [for the lgbtqq community] and how they have stayed the same.” the project is a platform for “creating social change” that is now touring high schools. this project is an excellent example of the type of service learning that ypi engages in. many members of the organization are involved in the project and the entire organization fully supports the endeavor. the first stop on the play’s tour was a performance for ypi at its annual gsa leadership coalition to thank the organization for its support as well as provide a service to its members. toti believes ypi is a vital audience for “the journey out.” he wanted to show 1 name has been changed for privacy 5 them “it gets better, but [you need to] make it better.” “the journey out” deals with selfawareness of gender identity and sexual orientation, coming out, aids, bullying, and religion, among other topics. youth pride, inc strongly believes its youth should be educated on these issues. it also welcomes the opportunity for the older lgbtqq community to come out and support its youth. it is a way to ground the kids in tradition and link them to a future beyond that which they can imagine. pennell calls it a means for “young people [to] look back and say, ‘these are our [spiritual] ancestors. this is who they were.’” projects like “the journey out” are indicative of the type of service provided by ypi. ypi provides the material necessary for its participants to be educated on their place in the world, but it is through the efforts of men like toti that they are shown the impact of that education. as john leads me into the “way out” support group meeting in the conference room, where twenty boisterous kids laugh and joke, sharing stories from their week, it’s clear that ypi’s efforts have not been in vain. i was able to enjoy an hour of peace and acceptance with the youth pride, inc members thanks to the organization’s tireless efforts. these efforts do not end when the kids return home for the night, however. youth pride, inc continues to work diligently for the youth it supports long after they’ve gone home. the staff works full-time organizing opportunities, creating programs, and providing information and scholarship funding for its youth participants. as an organization, ypi understands that its dedication to service and its pursuit of feminist ideals will help bring about the social change it seeks to make. in order to draw larger conclusions regarding these goals as well as the intersection of feminism and service learning, it is necessary to understand the mission of youth pride, inc. as an organization dedicated to bettering the lives of lgbtqq youth in rhode island, ypi has adopted the tagline, “don’t grow up invisible.” the organization makes it its mission to meet the needs of the youth and seek to rectify oppressive environments they face so these youth grow up visible, while at the same time providing an environment that promotes love and acceptance. this mission of support, empowerment, and social change earns ypi a categorization as a feminist organization. in addition, it affirms its status as a service learning organization. it aligns with the definition of a feminist organization provided by patricia yancey martin in “rethinking feminist organizations.” what martin categorizes as “feminist goals” and “feminist outcomes” are interwoven in ypi’s service learning pedagogical aims. youth pride, inc, as indicated by its mission statement, adheres not to one but to several of martin’s criteria, situating itself firmly in both feminist and service learning arenas. youth pride, inc’s mission statement can be broken down into three parts for further analysis. the first part is its affirmation to “meet the social, emotional and educational needs” of lgbtqq youth. this statement targets a minority group that feminism recognizes as discriminated against and oppressed by a heteronormative patriarchal society. feminism is concerned with the elimination of sexism; however, it is not a single-minded ideology concerned only with women and their plight. as defined by martin, feminist ideology seeks to eliminate discrimination and oppression for all affected by the matrix of oppression facing women. this includes those who are discriminated against because of their gender, race, class, and sexual orientation. martin suggests that this “inferior” position in society is, “shaped by processes of structural inequality, not individual actions or circumstances” (martin 1990, 184). ypi’s targeted demographic of lgbtqq youth falls under the blanket of a feminist ideology. by seeking to meet the “social, emotional, and educational needs” of the lgbtqq youth, ypi is working internally to improve the lives of this oppressed group at both the systemic and individual levels. 6 the second part of youth pride, inc’s mission statement exemplifies how it will better the lives of these youth and their allies through “empowering programs of support, education, organizing and advocacy.” these service programs are working towards a feminist goal through their transformative nature, in the same way that service learning seeks to transform through experiential education. martin states “feminism is transformational because it involves a vision of society that does not exist and sees social, political, and economic change as necessary for that vision to be realized” (184). by developing and facilitating these transformative programs, ypi is working towards its feminist goals of creating change in the lives of lgbtqq youth by envisioning and creating a society free of discrimination and prejudice, in which all are truly afforded equality. these internal goals are coupled with the goal of “chang[ing] the homophobic, biphobic and transphobic environments in which [lbgtqq youth] live” (ypi 2012). this goal further pursues ypi’s feminist goal of creating social and political change using service-learning techniques. while the immediate goal of improving the lives of lgbtqq youth is important, the long-term goal of eliminating the social inequalities and discriminatory systems that oppress them is pivotal. youth pride, inc goes further addressing this vision, stating, “the future we strive to create is one in which prejudice against lgbtqq youth and their allies has been eliminated, and lgbtqq youth, young adults and their allies are empowered to live healthy, full lives” (ypi 2012). while working towards this future, ypi’s mission is to establish a strong and vocal community of lgbtqq youth and their allies to “be heard, accepted and nurtured” (ypi 2012). these goals, both longand short-term, are clearly feminist and, when carried out, will create feminist outcomes as well as fulfill a service-learning role. in addition to following a feminist ideology, having feminist goals, and producing feminist outcomes indicative of service-learning pedagogies, ypi and its mission are guided by strong feminist values. youth pride, inc clearly articulates these values in the following: ypi recognizes the essential nature of youth-driven programs that combine elements of advocacy, support and empowerment. we understand the importance of empowering young people to make change and the necessity of supporting them in doing so. to that end, ypi sees youth development, leadership and organizing as fundamental elements to successful youth work. ypi encourages young people to be leaders within the organization and community, and develops programming to facilitate this process. (ypi 2012) youth pride, inc is dedicated not only to assisting youth in creating change but also to empowering them to create change themselves, creating a new generation of service learners. this necessity to develop leaders evokes the do-it-yourself mentality of second wave feminists. if lgbtqq youth are seeking to change the world they live in, then they must change the world on their own. ypi provides youth with the tools, support, and environment to change their world. this sense of ownership bolsters the success and confidence of a marginalized group who are constantly told they are immoral and out of place. by placing the power and control in the hands of the youth affected, ypi exhibits clear feminist values that will be invaluable in their quest for social and political equality for the lgbtqq community. by relinquishing ownership to the participants of ypi, the organization clearly demonstrates feminist and service learning ideals. both pedagogies encourage students to claim their education through real world experience and application. moreover, behind the ambitious and necessary activism for social justice and human rights and advocacy work of youth pride, inc is the pivotal goal of cultivating youth leadership 7 through service. it seeks to move its education beyond the confines of the organization to encourage and foster practical service education for its members in order to train them as leaders in the community. this objective exemplifies ypi’s synthesis of feminism and service learning. since ypi’s birth, the youth participants have been instrumental in all decision-making for the organization. from its name to its programs, the youth participants are empowered to create their own change and are given the means by which to do so through the collectivist nature of the organization in which the youth are as instrumental in decision-making as the adults. the responsibility afforded to these young people by youth pride, inc empowers them to transform their community. in this sense, ypi synthesizes two major tenets of feminism and service learning. it encourages its participants to fight for the equality and transformative social vision feminism promotes through active service in community programs and outreach. it teaches them that a visible presence in the community is pivotal to creating change. with the formal feminist instruction provided by ypi, its participants are well prepared and encouraged to engage in the community through service. the mission statement of youth pride, inc and its further extrapolated vision and values strongly mark it as a feminist service learning organization. youth pride, inc targets a specific group within the feminist movement, the lgbtqq community, and offers it support and acceptance while proposing solutions and change through service. in its pursuit of social, political, and economic equality for all marginalized groups affected by the matrix of oppression, the feminist movement and service learning find a great ally in youth pride, inc, whose members are working towards equality through action every day. in conclusion, my time with youth pride, inc introduced me to a feminist organization dedicated to serving and improving the lives of lgbtqq youth and the community they live in through community service and outreach. moreover, it introduced me to a service learning organization that actively teaches its participants to be their own agents for change through service, activism, and advocacy. ypi is working on both individual and systemic levels to eliminate lgbtqq oppression in the community, as well as partnering with and advocating for organizations working on a national level to achieve the same change. applying service learning through a feminist lens, ypi educates on the systemic level and encourages active service on the individual level. youth pride, inc works in a larger context to change laws and opinions, while at the same time, making the day-to-day lives of lgbtqq youth better. the duality of its purpose, and the extent to which it works to achieve these goals, firmly situate ypi as one of the leading feminist and service learning organizations in the community. in every endeavor, ypi embodies its mission and carries out its goals. from its political advocacy at the institutional level supporting lgbtqq bills and causes to its humanistic goals providing weekly support groups for lgbtqq youth in the community, ypi consistently serves its target community by combining counseling and other types of support to individuals with a strong feminist political vision. at the forefront of every decision are the needs of lgbtqq youth and making the world a better place for them. in a national climate where the lgbtqq community still faces dehumanizing prejudice and discrimination, it is more important than ever that organizations like ypi are visibly advocating for the rights of this minority group. by utilizing the principles of both feminism and service learning, ypi has created an innovative and highly effective method for carrying out its mission, thus showcasing the positive effects of a synthesis of feminism and service learning. 8 references furco, andrew. 1996. “service-learning: a balanced approach to experiential education.” in expanding boundaries: service and learning, edited by barbara taylor, 2-6. washington, dc: corporation for national and community service. hooks, bell. 2000. feminism is for everyone: passionate politics. cambridge, ma: south end press. riger, stephanie. 1994. “challenges of success: stages of growth in feminist organizations.” feminist studies 20 (2): 275-96. yancey martin, patricia. 1990. “rethinking feminist organizations.” gender and society 4 (2): 182-206. ypi. 2010. “about ypi.” youth pride inc. http://www.youthprideri.org/aboutypi/ missionvision/tabid/143/default.aspx. youth pride, inc: serving a visible community references running head: sincere engagement: my time at the lexington city office 1 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 9, spring 2020 sincere engagement: my time at the lexington city office on youth hannah freibert washington and lee university sincere engagement: my time at the lexington city 2 community engagement facilitates a unique and sincere understanding of the complexities of communities. pairing the act of thoughtful reflection with community-based learning opens a gateway for questions, passions, and applications that remains difficult to achieve in a traditional theory-based classroom. developing a thorough understanding of one’s community partnership requires a genuine humility and vulnerability that enables one to align empathy with knowledge. indeed, “… learning needs to be ‘wholehearted’, tying feeling to intellect (eyler and giles, 1999, p. 84).” in eyler and giles’ where’s the learning in servicelearning, emphasis on the role of contextual experience in education is highlighted. they write, “the combination of real community settings and structured reflection helped [students] construct rich and complex pictures of issues and processes (eyler and giles, 1999, p. 84).” in my own experience, it has been important to reflect on this multifaceted nature of community engagement; on the importance of learning through immersion, the value of authentic presence, and the emotional engagement that each necessitates. these thoughts characterize my experience with service engagement during college; with deeper involvement came a heightened sense of knowledge and fulfillment. i was first welcomed to my community partner through the campus kitchen, a studentled organization that works to reduce food waste, combat food insecurity, and fortify sincere community connections in the rockbridge county, virginia region. students’ understanding of community engagement, nutrition, and advocacy are enriched via various “shift” opportunities. as an integrated member of the campus kitchen team, i’ve been able to navigate a variety of experiencesstretching from more mundane food recoveries to the immersive interactions with the children and adults of the lexington city office on youth (lcooy). though i possess passion for working with children, i entered the fall semester with the intention to reflect more sincere engagement: my time at the lexington city 3 thoughtfully about my role in the lives of the kids at lcooy. my community engagement was paired with an in-class learning experience that served to hear, explain, and reflect upon our corresponding experiences. through journal entries, readings, and discussions of central issues surrounding poverty, this course created a space to align our knowledge with our lived experience in the community. the class seeks to highlight the value of engagement in any academic path or career interest, including my undergraduate pre-health track. thus, i will highlight the elements of serving at lcooy that had significant impact on me this year. i only reflect my own unique perspective of the organization, which is but a small and intrinsically biased snapshot into the depth of this community. when considering the role that lcooy assumes for its members and the broader community, it might first be helpful to know the stated mission of lcooy itself. the office website outlines it as “an after-school program for children mainly in elementary school and middle school… offering homework help, arts & crafts, recreational activities, and mentoring (‘youth,’ n.d.).” upon first entering the space, one might be inclined to write off a swarm of children screaming over jig-saw puzzles as little more or little less than a scheduled form of babysitting. and to be fair, between the puzzle wars and numerous piggyback rides that i am less than equipped to give, it occasionally did feel like i was simply managing two dozen sugar rushes. yet, it is crucial that we unpack the underpinnings of all this chaos. the final element of the office on youth’s mission statement outlines the role of mentoring, and that’s where i come in. lcooy seeks volunteer youth mentors attending surrounding colleges. these individuals guide the day-to-day after-school activities for a range of age groups. mentors might find themselves doing puzzles, monitoring crafts, or walking students through long division exercises. it is a flexible role, with ample volunteer opportunities sincere engagement: my time at the lexington city 4 and simple requirements to participate. still, volunteer coordinators reinforce that consistent and reliable volunteers will facilitate more valuable guidance for the children. in general, these mentors need only to be empathetic, open, and willing. entering this semester, i anticipated my mentorship role to be spotlighted primarily on academic help. i was fully prepared for interactions to inform my understanding about social and economic implications of underfunded school systems. and while this remains an important structural view, it fell to the background of my work. rather, the majority of my noteworthy reflections stem from the emotional support i provided. my partnership charged me with the opportunity and responsibility to provide a thoughtful set of eyes to empathize and guide children. at a minimum, mentors can give kids a close attention that might be lacking in other domains of their life, to lead them in their interactions and push them further in their passions. though, i was not prepared to artfully maneuver through the realm of the challenges faced by kids today, i found a simpler, more human way to grow in my relationships: presence. throughout the term, i formed human, emotional connections with my kids by simply being present, transparent and vulnerable with them. in sara lawrence-lightfoot’s (2000) book respect: an exploration, she uplifts the narrative of bill wallace, a psychotherapist and activist who theorizes about the significance of “presence.” wallace highlights the importance of giving thoughtful effort in community engagement, without anticipating anything in return. sincere presence facilitates respectful relationships which seek to mitigate the impact of the hierarchies implicit in service. lawrencelightfoot illustrates that we are called to acknowledge the limitations of our role yet choose to pursue it with the same clear intent. aligning this sense of humility with an informed intentionality creates a profoundly formative experience unique to this reflective learning style. sincere engagement: my time at the lexington city 5 it is from this curious sincerity that my relationship with marlene1 grew. during one of my initial visits to lcooy, i overheard some other students making fun of marlene for taking kindergarten a second time. i won’t dramatize this interaction; i didn’t heroically navigate it and alleviate all tensions. i accomplished the introvert’s version of sticking up for marlene and correcting the judgements of her peers. but, as it turns out, a b+ job was all it took. from that moment forward, i was marlene’s go-to person from the moment i entered the door to the moment i left. and in total transparency, she initially wasn’t the easiest or most pleasant individual. she displayed all of the tumultuous behavior of kids who necessitated more attention from teachersconstantly screaming, hitting, and starting arguments when situations didn’t go her way. even with a thoughtful background built through my coursework, it was easy for me to liken her to those kids whom i couldn’t make sense of during my youth. not fully understanding how to mitigate the complexities that brought about this behavior, i did my best to connect with her for a few hours each week. and, despite the initial fussiness, i began to look forward to seeing her each friday, feeling her energy and appreciation for the volunteers there. we made friendship bracelets, shared drawings, and i engaged in multiple “real” marriages in order for us to play “family.” as with the experiences many have with children, some days left me more confused than satisfied. i would catch her in trouble with the program director again or find myself on the receiving end of a tantrum. i was often left feeling insufficient at preventing and navigating these outbursts, and i couldn’t make sense of the seemingly senseless behavior. but it was these moments of doubt that i reflect on as the most innately human. unable to rationalize, i put meaning to meeting someone where they are. eventually discarding my expectations, i was 1 names in the paper were changed to protect the privacy of community members sincere engagement: my time at the lexington city 6 simply there for her, over and over, a reliable and kind presence. this is how our relationship grew. amid one of her outbursts, my supervisor pulled her aside for an emotion filled lecture that stuck with me. she stated plainly that she wouldn’t be disrespected, and that she has seen people in marlene’s life throw in the towel rather than deal with her behavior; “you keep pushing and pushing to see who will break… i’m not going to give up on you.” irrelevant of the specifics of marlene’s circumstance, this interaction shed light on a fundamentally emotional and intentional act. my supervisor simply agreed to be emotionally present for marleneto be with her and feel with her. in marlene’s case, i could conclude that she likely faced a degree of adversity and complexity at home that might contribute to her behavior. however, even if there exists some relationship between adversity and her irrational behavior, my interactions with marlene underlined the importance of intentionally building trust which each individual. this is but one story among many that belong to the children and families of the lexington city office on youth. while marlene’s story is intersectional with questions of poverty and opportunity, the circumstances of our bond apply regardless of social and economic background. any successful and sincere relationship requires you to meet an individual where they are, to discard your assumptions and simply value their presence and authenticity. i have internalized that some behaviors might be rational reactions to irrational situations. through my reflection on this very notion, i formed connections that were valuable for the children while further deepening my understanding and growth as well. i am consistently rewarded with the appreciation and love shown by my mentees, as well as the frustrations that accompany this sort of honest and intimate relationship. as i volunteer more with the lcooy, i feel increasingly welcomed into the community and homes of these children. sincere engagement: my time at the lexington city 7 from these connections also came a sense of accomplishment, a feeling of some tangible impact i had at lcooy. though this personal reward was not a primary motivation for my service work initially, we shouldn’t overlook this as an additional element of learning. as eyler and giles recount, “our service-learning students talked of the same rewards… genuine problems provide the most powerful need to know and are thus motivating for many students (eyler and giles, 1999, p. 91).” the emotional investment and reward which are accompanied by community engagement anchor our learning in complex contexts. we are driven forward in our understanding and knowledge by these emotional ties. pairing the act of thoughtful reflection in class with my vibrant experiences at lcooy enabled me to internalize these takeaways and translate them into other spheres of my life. i have delved deeper into my university’s engagement-centered poverty studies program, seeking out other service and engagement opportunities as well. my growing relationship with the rockbridge community has challenged my core understanding of service, and how it will intertwine with my own future career in medicine. i hope to marry my passion for the sciences with my increasing interest in connecting with under-voiced populations, with intentional, thoughtful healthcare at the core of this junction. i have channeled my experiences at the lexington city office on youth into a desire to emotionally serve individuals (in whatever domain i find myself) through authentic presence. my initial interactions with the individuals at lcooy have been profoundly formative to my understanding of service and empathy, and the surprising number of elements that connect them. while course-based reflections about systemic injustices should remain at the forefront of our understanding of poverty, small scale engagements such as my lcooy partnership uplift a different narrative that is uniquely constructive. these experiences create informed sincere engagement: my time at the lexington city 8 understandings of diverse communities, which can then be translated and advocated for in other domains. in my senselessbut informingquarrels with marlene, i developed a heightened sense of understanding and compassion that stemmed from nothing more than my sincere presence. they brought the notion of the individual human experience to the center of my partnership. in forming fundamentally human connections with our community, we can begin to understand the narratives and intricacies that lie within them. community engagement, paired with thoughtful reflection, serves to equip individuals with the proper questions to open important new dialogues about their service, and the motivation to seek answers to these questions, even when complicated. this pattern of active learning and reflection enabled me to internalize a colorful image of the complexities faced by my community, partnered with a sincere drive for its improvement. sincere engagement: my time at the lexington city 9 references eyler, j., & giles, d. (1999). where's the learning in service-learning? john wiley & sons. lawrence-lightfoot, s. (2000). reflection: an exploration. perseus books. youth. (n.d.). city of lexington. https://lexingtonva.gov/gov/depts/youth/default.htm. “i like my tutors always”: east african students in a public library homework help program 1 “i like my tutors always”: east african students in a public library homework help program jordan conwell bates college the more than one-hundred year old public library in a small urban city in the northeastern u.s. (henceforth referred to as riverburg) describes itself as an integral sponsor of knowledge, culture, education, and information in the city and an institution that serves “users of all ages, abilities, and backgrounds” in order to retain status as “both a significant institutional symbol and a core working component of our democratic society” (library website). perhaps as a result of its history and mission, the library houses an afterschool homework help program that runs most weekdays during the school year. this paper concerns how east african youth (many of whom are immigrant and/or refugee) in the riverburg public library afterschool program, in the words of the program director in a conversation with me in october 2011, “view themselves both as a part of the afterschool program and in relation to the program.” a sizeable and visible minority group in the community, this group of students faces multiple obstacles to success in the traditional structures of the local public schools, some having to do with factors well outside of their control. the students’ cultural context presents unique challenges for the library afterschool program, which seeks to help these students succeed in school by providing a space where tutors can help them with their homework. the 3,500 east african immigrants who live in the riverburg area choose to do so because they find the area to be “a safe place to raise children and accrue human capital through educational opportunities,” although they may later move elsewhere in pursuit of other opportunities (huisman 2011, 47). the families may bring both “strengths and liabilities” to the education of their children: the helpful strengths include a “strong sense of communal identity and pride, general resistance to u.s. racism, and positive attitude towards modern education,” while the concerning liabilities include a “lack of financial and cultural capital, generational conflicts, authoritarian parenting styles, and fractured families and identities,” which “can hinder opportunities for parents to develop the bicultural competence needed to help their children succeed in school” (warsame 2011, 129-130). a homework help afterschool program may be able to maximize east african students’ strengths, such as a family attitude towards education, that support consistent program attendance. an afterschool program may also be able to combat the risks inherent in east african students’ and families’ demographic position. for example, program staff and tutors who work in or are affiliated with the local schools may become bicultural brokers for students and parents. i was fortunate throughout my time as a community-engaged undergraduate to be involved in multiple local education efforts, both inside and outside of school buildings. i spent time as a classroom aide in kindergarten, 4th/ 5th grade english language learner (ell), and 8th grade classrooms and helped out at an afterschool program at a local government-subsidized housing project. in doing so, i interacted and worked with the students themselves, as well as teachers and administrators dedicated to understanding and making the most of the difficulties and opportunities that accompany educating immigrant students while simultaneously incorporating their parents into the milieus of parent-teacher conferences, permission slips, etc. afterschool programs that maximize strengths and reduce risks for east african students and families can be important contributors to positive change in the local educational environment. 2 my involvement with this particular afterschool program was limited to visits to the program site (to take field notes and administer surveys) and meetings before and during the project with the program coordinator and other community-based researchers working with local afterschool programs. due to a shortage of tutors on one intended observation day, i ended up helping students with homework instead of taking field notes. this analysis investigates two dimensions of the afterschool program’s efforts to assess if and how the program is benefitting this demographic and discusses the implications of successful outreach to this group of learners. i utilize informal field observations and a survey to determine 1) how students feel about coming to the physical space of the library’s community computer lab to receive help with their homework and 2) how these same students assess their ongoing tutoring experiences in the program. i argue that the riverburg public library afterschool homework help program is making use of the combination of the flexible and collegial nature of the afterschool program setting and students’ unique cultural knowledge. in the resultant environment, students are building productive working relationships with their tutors, and students’ family members are meeting potential educational advocates for their children. students are completing their homework, which may allow them to return to their school buildings the next day in the best possible position to fully participate in class and achieve success. community-based assessments of local educational efforts may have positive national implications. this research demonstrates how cbr can shed light on pathways to immigrant and/ or refugee student success in u.s. schools in the globalized twenty-first century, the focus of a growing body of interdisciplinary research. one-fifth of children currently living in the united states have immigrant parents, and one-third of all children in the united states will be living in an immigrant household by the year 2040 (suárez-orozco et al. 2008). research on children of immigrants’ experiences is integral to plans to harness their potential and forge a more inclusive tomorrow. however, the scholarly, political, and media attention on adult immigrants has created “a profound gap between the strategic importance of these children and the knowledge about their conditions” (zhou 1997, 63-64). cbr can, and should, contribute to closing this gap by highlighting successful strategies for work with groups of students who are sometimes marginalized in traditional public education structures. specifically, this communitybased project points to the four-way intersection of flexible spaces and schedules, real relationships, valuing cultural knowledge, and advocacy on behalf of students and their families as a juncture of great promise for helping immigrant and/or refugee students achieve in u.s. schools. literature review afterschool programs with an academic component (like homework help) may be especially beneficial for students variously characterized as at-risk, ell, immigrant, and refugee and can help prevent early school failure, for which african-american children are especially at risk (afterschool alliance 2011; beck 1999; naidoo 2008; posner and vandell 1994; riggs 2006). research may support programs that serve these populations by identifying their areas of programmatic strength while simultaneously unearthing aspects in need of improvement or better understanding between students, tutors, and program coordinators. findings regarding benefits for students variously characterized as at-risk, ell, immigrant, and refugee will likely be applicable to east african immigrant students in riverburg. although immigrant learners are neither “consistently at-risk” nor “consistently advantaged,” contrary to some segments of 3 political and popular opinion (crosnoe and lópez-turley 2011, 130), the east african students’ demographic background predisposes them to be members of one or more of those groups, thereby presenting unique educational challenges for those who want to help them succeed in the local public schools. at-risk students benefit from afterschool homework help through the extra educational time each day as well as the chance that “homework completion might affect children’s confidence and status within the school environment” (beck 1999, 116). further, programs “are often better able to take advantage of the assets that ell [english language learner] students bring to the table, such as their knowledge of other languages, customs and cultures” because they are less rigidly structured than formal school settings (afterschool alliance 2011, 2). afterschool programs present ell students with opportunities to practice their english skills with peers and adults – both one-on-one and in groups – in a “low-pressure” environment, and these skills can subsequently “lay a foundation for literacy development and help support academic achievement” (3). the benefits of program participation for ell students can also extend to parents, who can utilize program staff members with whom they and their children build relationships as “brokers” between the family and the school (3). immigrant and refugee students may also accrue distinct positive outcomes from effective programs due to their status(es). the research on immigrant and refugee youth in afterschool programs advises considering students’ various statuses as at-risk, ell, immigrant, and refugee in analyses of programs that serve them to cultivate “comprehensive ecological models that include important factors at the levels of children, their families, and their culture” (riggs 2006, 78). for example, ethnographic and interview research on afterschool tutoring centers in western sydney, australia, that sought to promote literacy development among african refugee high school students found that students’ computer, literacy, and writing skills improved as a result of attending tutoring sessions. further, african refugee students demonstrated heightened work ethic, a drive to succeed in high school, and a desire to attend college (naidoo 2008). the center “encouraged refugee student narratives, one of the learners’ strengths” in tutoring sessions (naidoo 2008, 145). effective homework help programs for students from at-risk, ell, immigrant, and/ or refugee demographics have the opportunity to make use of their distinctiveness from formal school settings as well as students’ backgrounds for achieving positive academic outcomes. methods our cbr team utilized a cross-sectional paper survey as the primary data gathering tool to create our final product for our community partner, a brochure for the library and two other riverburg-area afterschool programs to help them better collaborate to serve area youth. we made use of survey research’s efficiency and versatility (chambliss and schutt 2006) given the time-constraints of the academic semester (strand et al. 2003) and the uniqueness of the riverburg area youth, who vary in english language ability. i collected 16 completed surveys on the day of survey administration at the library site. adults at the program, tutors, and i helped students understand and answer survey items if they had any questions about them. we operationalized this project’s two major concepts (student perceptions of the physical space of the library and student satisfaction with tutoring) with survey questions. we measured student perceptions of the physical space of the library with a question asking students to choose one response to the statement, “i like the computer lab where library homework help is held.” (the answer choices for that item were “a lot,” “some,” and “not at all.”) we measured student 4 satisfaction with tutoring via four questions about students’ academic experiences at the program. students’ interpersonal interactions with their tutors and program coordinators were captured with “sometimes/ always/ never” items that asked them to choose one response to each of the following: “my tutor is helpful,” “i feel respected by my tutor,” and “my tutor cares about me.” how much homework students are completing at the program was captured with the question, “on a usual day at library homework help, how much of your homework do you finish?” (the answer choices for that item were “all of it,” “most of it,” “a little of it,” and “none of it.”) the final item on the survey was an open-ended question that asked students “what is your favorite part about coming to library homework help?” i coded the open-ended question to help answer both research questions. “do you like the computer lab?”: perceptions of the physical space the community computer lab that houses afterschool homework help is located on the second floor of the riverburg public library, and it is maintained by the library and a local education collaborative. the lab has brick walls, some windows with views of the street, clean floor and table surfaces, and it is kept at a pleasantly cool temperature. fourteen desktop computers are set up in pairs with a separate desk (or bank) for each pair. there are three or four banks on each side of the lab, and a large space in the middle of the lab separates the sides. there is also one computer at a separate bank (which contains the lab’s printer) in the back of the lab near a window. many chairs are usually in front of the computers and at other places around each bank. long “overflow” tables surrounded by chairs stand in both the front and back of the room, and extra chairs are also stacked in the front of the lab. the divided set-up of the lab allows the program to separate the lab into a “math/ science side” and an “english/ history side” to match students’ assignments with tutors’ strengths. the physical space of the library facilitates productive time on task by fostering a less spatially rigid, “low pressure” (afterschool alliance 2011, 2) learning environment that students may not find in their schools during the day. 10 out of 15 1 students indicated that they like “the computer lab where library homework help is held” “a lot.” in my field notes i recorded the thought, “this lab is a community space” in reference to interactions that i noticed between students, tutors, program coordinators, and library staff. i later noted “energy and noise” in the lab, although the space “still felt productive.” the banks and overflow tables easily supported one-on-one or multi-student tutoring, and computers were often rearranged or differently oriented so that more students could work at one computer or with one tutor. the flexibility of this set-up also allowed wandering tutors to quickly sit down and fix an issue (like helping a student change the font in microsoft word) and then move on without distracting other tutors and students working at that same bank. similarly, another tutor could easily pull up a chair to join a group already in progress in order to help a particular student one-on-one. the overflow tables allowed students to work on many different types of assignments without distracting from the informal milieus of the math/ science or english/ history sides of the lab. the low-stress environment also extended beyond students, tutors, and program coordinators to students’ parents and family members. one parent who entered the lab knew the program coordinator, and they shared a kind greeting. the perceived barrier that may keep students’ family members from entering the school building did not carry over to the homework help lab at the public library, at least in this case. the program coordinator may be fostering 1 one student did not complete the back of the survey, which contained the battery of questions for the first concept. 5 relationships with students’ family members that could allow her to be a “broker” (afterschool alliance 2011) in formal school settings if necessary. i was particularly encouraged by this interaction because i have heard numerous accounts of the local schools’ efforts to incorporate the families of east african students. the schools tell family members that they are indispensible parts of their children’s paths to achievement, and they encourage cultural competency among teachers and other employees so that east african parents are comfortable and understood when they enter the school setting for activities, parent-teacher conferences, etc. however, it is currently unclear whether the schools’ efforts are making adequate inroads with east african families. a recent series of focus groups was cancelled when every parent who had responded to attend backed out on the day of the first meeting. the program coordinator is in a unique position to be valuable to the local schools’ efforts and to the students. she has a sense of the school system and its local stake holders. she also knows the students both personally and academically and is familiar with their family members. these relationships she holds with the students’ schools and families allows this program to do more than helping students complete their homework, but also helping the schools to connect with the families. “how’s tutoring going?”: homework-focused interactions with tutors and adults, resources, and homework completion in general, library homework help volunteers are work study students from a local community college, america reads and america counts work study students and education students from a local liberal arts college, and other volunteers – a mix the program coordinator describes as “a little bit of everything” (person correspondence). four female volunteers from the liberal arts college and two local adult male volunteers (one from the community college and one from a nearby city) were available to help students with their homework on the day i observed the program. tutors’ utilization of students’ cultural knowledge within the aforementioned low stress environment creates a powerful, productive learning space that east african students may not be afforded during the day in the local public schools. despite their best intentions, local educators are bound by time and space constraints (such as classroom availability and periodbased schedules), expectations (such having to teach towards standardized testing), and funding concerns that afterschool homework help program is not bound by. the combination of valuing immigrant student knowledge within a low stress environment is a key aspect of the program’s outreach to this particular demographic, evidenced by the fact that students are completing homework while also building skills and relationships. tutors and students at the library homework help program work on an array of assignments with an eye towards worksheet completion, test preparation, and class presentations, among other ends. tutors maintained exemplary body language with students throughout the afternoon, such as leaning in, making eye contact, nodding, smiling, and asking positive guiding questions, and it was clear the volunteers had established rapport with students over weeks and months. tutors at library homework help often sought to take advantage of the cultural knowledge that east african students “brought to the table” (afterschool alliance 2011) by linking homework tasks to students’ interests and backgrounds to help them understand assignments. for example, the volunteer from a nearby city related the vocabulary word “conflict” to two soccer players having a disagreement (soccer is very popular among the east african boys). unfortunately, since these types of examples often draw upon cultural backgrounds, some of them were politically insensitive. for example, another volunteer tried to explain a “surplus” of food to a student with the question, “what did you have here that you 6 didn’t have in africa?” some well-intentioned attempts at embracing students’ backgrounds were better thought out than others. i recorded tutors and students working on spelling words, vocabulary, grammar, sentences, history, english multiple choice questions, graphs, scientific notation and unit conversions, a science project about trees, and math assignments. positive student-tutor interactions aided in completing assignments, especially when tutors were able to help students understand troublesome second-language terms (e.g “cultivating means harvesting”). one student-tutor pair spent the entire tutoring session working on a powerpoint presentation about the articles of confederation. the tutor asked the student helpful guiding questions like “how did it affect the constitution, why did it matter?” and “when i’m reading your presentation, let’s pretend like i’ve never heard of the articles of confederation.” similarly, two female students and one tutor worked on science projects about trees throughout the afternoon. lastly, a math/ science tutor discussed an upcoming presentation with a student, saying “explain your illustrations and drawings, what you did…” while carefully taking the student through the provided grading rubric. student survey responses reveal the fruits of these labors. students are immensely satisfied with the tutors: 15 out of 16 students indicated that their tutor was “always” helpful (the other indicated “sometimes”), 15 out of 16 students indicated that they “always” “feel respected by [their] tutor” (the other indicated “sometimes”), and 13 out of 16 students indicated that their tutor “always” “cares about [them]” (the other three indicated “sometimes”). student satisfaction with tutors and resources translated to an impressive and encouraging amount of reported homework completion: 6 out of 16 students indicated that they finish “all” of their homework “on a usual day at library homework help,” and the other 10 indicated that they finish “most” of their homework. not a single student indicated that they only finished “a little” or “none” of their homework. the open-ended survey item further buttresses these findings. 4 students wrote something positive about the tutors when asked to indicate their “favorite part about coming” to the program. notable responses included “i like my tutors always” and “meeting new tutors everyday.” six more students wrote that doing or getting help with their homework (or some variation) was their favorite programmatic aspect. another 4 students explicitly included some variation on the term “finish” their homework as their favorite feature. program coordinators and tutors at the library also constantly seek to improve the quality of the homework help that they offer. the program coordinator and the volunteer from a nearby city carefully scrutinized one student’s assigned homework so that the coordinator could report “inconsistencies between the [student’s] skill and work” that teachers are assigning. the assignment under consideration asked an ell student to construct word problems in english, a daunting task. program staff recognizes that the effectiveness of afterschool programs with an academic component is partially determined by “the quality of homework that students receive” (cosden et al. 2004). monitoring homework quality is one more way the program contributes to achievement for this group of students. conclusion non-traditional educational efforts can contribute to the formal school success of a group of at-risk students as well as encourage their parents to be informed and engaged participants in their children’s education, facts exemplified by the riverburg public library’s homework help program’s outreach to east african students. this community-based research project points to the four-way intersection of flexible spaces and schedules, real relationships, valuing cultural 7 knowledge, and advocacy on behalf of students and their families as a juncture of great promise for helping immigrant and/or refugee students achieve in u.s. schools. these findings have multiple implications for the riverburg program, similar programs around the u.s., and cbr’s role in research on the education of immigrant students. the field notes and surveys used for this project indicate with a new degree of specificity the process by which the riverburg homework help program is contributing to the school achievement of their community’s most visible group of at-risk learners. the program can now continue to improve upon these areas of programmatic strength and share what is working for them with other non-traditional educational initiatives in the area, of which there are many. further, they may be able to approach allies and stakeholders in the local schools and present them with ideas about how to integrate what works afterschool into the formal school environment. if my own experience is any indication, teachers, ell coordinators, and others across schools and grade levels would be eager to hear and implement proven strategies. with replication, the process of flexibility, relationships, valuing unique knowledge, and advocacy could become a small part of district-wide or regional efforts to help immigrant students succeed in u.s. schools. given their increasing numbers and diversity, the consequences of children of immigrants’ educational experiences, achievement, and attainment will reverberate far beyond their years in school buildings. their success or failure in school will be the primary determinant of their chances of becoming socioeconomically secure and “conscious, articulate citizens” (ellison 1981, xx) prepared and empowered to make contributions to the policy. therefore, this project also demonstrates an avenue by which cbr can play a part in a critical area of education research and policy in the united states. community-based projects that integrate knowledge of local educational structures, prior research and theoretical models, and textured primary data are well-suited to uncover why or why not outreaches to specific groups of students are successful and help disseminate best practices for fostering immigrant school achievement. references afterschool alliance. 2011. “english language learners: becoming fluent in afterschool.” afterschool alert issue brief , no. 49. beck, elizabeth l. 1999. “prevention and intervention programming: lessons from an afterschool program.” the urban review 31 (1): 107-24. chambliss, daniel f., and russell k. schutt. 2006. making sense of the social world. thousand oaks, ca: pine forge press. cosden, merith, gale morrison, lisa gutierrez, and megan brown. 2004. “the effects of homework programs and after-school activities on school success.” theory into practice 43 (3): 220-26. crosnoe, robert, and ruth n. lópez-turley. 2011. “k-12 educational outcomes of immigrant youth.” the future of children 12 (1): 129-52. ellsion, ralph. (1947) 1980. invisible man. new york, ny: random house. 8 huisman, kimberly a. 2011. “why maine? secondary migration decisions of somalis in maine.” in somalis in maine: crossing cultural currents, edited by kimberly a huisman, mazie hough, kristin m. langellier, and carol nordstrom toner, 23-47. berkeley, ca: north atlantic books. lewiston public library. “about us.” lewiston public library. http://lplonline.org/about-us/. naidoo, loshini. 2008. “supporting african refugees in greater western sydney: a critical ethnography of after-school homework tutoring centers.” educational research policy practice 7: 139-50. posner, jill k., and deborah lowe vandell. 1994. “low-income children’s after-school care: are there beneficial effects of after-school programs?” child development 65 (2): 440-56. riggs, nathaniel r. 2006. “after-school program attendance and the social development of rural latino children of immigrant families.” journal of community psychology 34 (1): 75-87. strand, kerry, sam marullo, nick cutfoth, randy stoecker, and partick donohue. 2003. community-based research and higher education. san francisco, ca: jossey-bass. suárez-orozco, carola, marcelo m. suárez-orozco, and irina todorova. 2008. learning a new land: immigrant students in american society. cambridge, ma: harvard university press. warsame, ismail. 2011. “challenges and support for somali students in higher education.” in somalis in maine: crossing cultural currents, edited by kimberly a huisman, mazie hough, kristin m. langellier, and carol nordstrom toner, 125-135. berkeley, ca: north atlantic books. zhou, min. 1997. “growing up american: the challenge confronting immigrant children and children of immigrants.” annual review of sociology 23: 63-95. “i like my tutors always”: east african students in a public library homework help program literature review methods “do you like the computer lab?”: perceptions of the physical space “how’s tutoring going?”: homework-focused interactions with tutors and adults, resources, and homework completion conclusion references the intersection of race and class in our housing and education systems by mikaela kesinger university of north carolina wilmington introduction i am interested in how unequal access to adequate housing and education affects youth’s exposure to—and engagement with—violence and crime. do racial segregation and relative deprivation in housing and education impact youth’s exposure and the likelihood of engaging in crime? according to robert merton’s strain theory, higher levels of economic deprivation lead to higher crime rates. areas with high levels of concentrated poverty tend to be racially segregated, and the schools in those areas are even more so. schools have acted as a symbol of opportunity in our society, but historically we have seen those opportunities unequally distributed amongst race and gender. unequal access to adequate schooling correlates with physical location at the neighborhood and city levels (shedd, 2015). these daily interactions— and the different exposure that these low-income students get to the larger social world—shape their perceptions and guide students’ behavior. one of shedd’s main themes in her 2015 book, unequal cities, was that there are driving forces and unintended consequences behind school policies that have linked public schooling with our criminal justice system (shedd, 2015). with the mass amounts of public schools shutting their doors to “failure” students in these lowincome communities, students of color are pushed into schools not much better than where they started. resources are spread even thinner to accommodate for the influx of students, and disciplinary actions are revamped and directed unequally at students of color than white students. schools are beginning to resemble our prison system, and this perception of injustice shapes how a child chooses to interact with their peers inside and outside of the classroom, which can subsequently lead to criminal and deviant behavior. students of color, primarily black students, have external barriers that are placed in their way, which prevent social mobility. crowder’s (2001) study on racial stratification and how that impacts the expectation of mobility for white versus people of color looks at the many external barriers preventing people of color from achieving social and residential mobility. according to crowder’s study, african americans are more likely to be forced to move involuntarily and are less likely to be homeowners (crowder, 2001). in cities like wilmington, north carolina, it could be interesting to look at the areas of residential versus rental homes and how that correlates with our incident reports data. according to a study by akins (2003), racial segregation is a strong predictor of property crime (burglary, larceny, and motor vehicle theft), but what is important to note is that this may be a result of the higher policing in these communities. not only are police more likely to be present in racially segregated areas, but research shows that police are more likely to arrest people of color and even act harsher than they would with the intersection of race and class in our housing and education systems undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 54 whites (akins, 2003). this can be problematic, especially in wilmington, where there are plenty of areas where residential neighborhoods are positioned next to new college-student-intended apartments. we will examine the effects of these racially segregated communities being adjacent to one another compared to the incident report data the wilmington police department gave us. we predict that racial segregation will directly impact the arrest reports and police incidents data, as it may result from harsher policing in these areas rather than these people’s likelihood of crime. we also predict that the kind of schooling that these children receive due to the location where they were raised affects whether or not a child will be involved in—or exposed to— criminal behavior. the intersection of race and class embeds itself in our education system and housing, which can affect all aspects of a person’s life. as we see in the results of akins’ 2003 study on racial segregation and property crime, people of color are left behind without equal access and opportunity to housing and education as the rest of society propels forwards onto bigger and better things. as research shows, this can lead to crime and deviance in certain communities—the most prevalent type being property crime (akins, 2003). does inequality lead to crime? it is important to understand how our modern education and housing institutions perpetuate racism to fully grasp people's perceptions of adolescents of color (and even their perceptions of themselves) and how that translates into deviance. from what we understand about robert merton’s (1948) concept of self-fulfilling prophecies, we know that lower expectations for people of color can lead to low social mobility, less rigorous schooling, and even harsher punishments for students of color. steele (1997) extended upon merton’s definition to add the idea of stereotype threat, which is the concern that one may fall into a negative stereotype of one’s group that inversely lead to fulfilling that negative stereotype. for example, the idea that black students are less motivated and successful has historically led to less college admission for black students (schaedig, 2020). shedd’s (2015) book unequal cities looks at relative deprivation and how unequal access to education is “cheating” or “leaving behind” these low-income students. students are exposed to different environments, policies, and expectations that alter their beliefs about what they are capable of versus what is expected of them. relative deprivation highlights how one group of students may experience their schooling versus another and how economic deprivation can heighten one’s sense of normlessness, leading to higher levels of deviance. for the kids who feel left behind, deviance is just a slippery slope to criminal behavior, especially when they turn to other sources to learn about life, such as other like-minded individuals around the neighborhood who denounce formal education. in a study about integrating the sociology of place and environmental criminology, kim and colleagues (2013) look at how meaning is assigned to a place, which encompasses anywhere someone has assigned meaning to because of shared values and camaraderie. behavior often becomes “more expressive” in a place filled with meaning and “insiders,” and subsequently, these places tend to be policed more harshly (kim et al., 2013). we predict that these places in wilmington will be closer to downtown and on the “southside,” where they lack new infrastructure such as schools and adequate living quarters. bernburg and his colleagues in iceland examined multilevel data on 5,491 icelandic adolescents in 83 different schools to understand how economic deprivation leads to higher levels of anger, normlessness, and delinquency among students (bernburg et al., 2009). what is important to note is that not only did bernburg (2009) and his colleagues find support for the the intersection of race and class in our housing and education systems undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 55 relationships between objective relative deprivation and crime, but there was even greater support for the relationship between subjective relative deprivation and delinquency. this means that not only are kids aware of their position in opposition to their advantaged peers, but children perceive this difference as more influential than it may be, proving once again that perception is important in studying crime. not only do they look at attitudes within the school, but they also examine the standard of living in the school community. bernburg notes that this is alarming because subjective relative deprivation can feel inescapable and cause anger and hopelessness that lead to violent criminal behavior as these children try to “take control” over their lives and change their reality (bernburg, 2009). according to kozol’s (2005) book, the shame of the nation, racial segregation in our schools has unintended consequences on youth’s perceptions which can lead to deviant or criminal behavior (anon, 2006). kozol introduces the book with an overview of the harper high school students from oprah’s show who visited neuqua valley high school. these students realized in an extremely jarring way that they were not receiving the same kind of education as the predominantly-white-enrolled school only 30 minutes away (shedd, 2015). we predict that the racially segregated schools in wilmington, north carolina, will directly impact the incident reports data, and that children who live in these areas of relative deprivation will have more exposure to crime than those who live in more affluent areas neighborhoods and go to more advanced schools. this paper will investigate the intersection of race and class and how that affects an individual’s ability to access adequate housing and education. we wish to understand how different access and exposure in schooling, and through racial segregation in our housing, contribute to our youth’s perceptions of themselves relative to others. does subjective relative deprivation in youth communities lead to more exposure to crime in wilmington, north carolina? review of past literature the social determinants of housing and education are important in studying youth exposure and engagement with crime because of the differences in access and exposure and the varying perceptions that our youth has of themselves and others in society. perception of self and others let us look at bernburg’s (2003) and shedd’s (2015) accounts of relative deprivation. we see that different access levels can lead to certain perceptions about the world and the institutions that govern our modern society. not only does a student’s perception of themselves and others shape their interactions with others, but their perception of how “just” or “fair” the education or health systems are can directly influence their motivation in school and stunt their desire for upward mobility through higher education. peers at school can be an important reference for normal standards of education and living (bernburg, 2009). in low-income communities where economic deprivation is common, the predicted effects of economic deprivation on both delinquency and violent behavior appear to be null. in contrast, the effects are evident in communities where economic deprivation is rare (.21 and .30 for delinquency and violence, respectively). seeing how other students live and are treated in school can affect their perception of their status, especially if it is very obviously different (i.e., a student of color watches their white peers gain access to ap courses easily). it is in the more economically advantaged schools and neighborhoods where low-income students of color face the greatest risk for violence and delinquency, as they are held against the standards of their white, middlethe intersection of race and class in our housing and education systems undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 56 to-upper-class peers. these schools perpetuate feelings of normlessness and anger in students of color. however, it creates an environment where these students are more closely watched as their behavior is putatively compared to the more “affluent” students. a student who has to walk through a metal detector, be patted down in front of their peers, and have their belongings searched just to enter a public school is going to have a much lower desire to be an upstanding citizen than the kids who can roam freely through the halls with their belongings without fear of being searched (shedd, 2015). a group of youth researchers in nyc (yrnes) conducted a participatory action research project where they used quantitative surveys, qualitative focus groups, and a mapping technique that they called “the problem tree” to understand better the symptoms or root causes of the “education problem.” they found that mayoral control and over-policing in low-income schools are the two main issues plaguing new york city’s public school system (tuck et al., 2008). many schools in cities like chicago or new york city have metal detectors as soon as students walk through the door. the yrnes outlined the most heartbreaking discussions and responses they received from their fellow students: like the student who was almost arrested ten minutes after walking into the school because he forgot to bring his id with him through the metal detector, or the elementary school students who drew pictures of cops yelling at their peers to “take your hat off.” they wanted to show the negative effects of too much control in schools and police departments’ involvement in certain districts. policing in nyc schools appeared to negatively impact low-income youth the most (60%), with young men following that (50%), and of course, youth of color (48%). these youth want the opportunity to have a say in how their schools treat them, whether through punitive measures or simply through equal resources (tuck et al., 2008). eduardo bonilla-silva’s term cultural racism refers to the contemporary racism that plagues our modern school system—it disguises itself in cultural statements that offer prescriptions for how groups behave (i.e., black students are less motivated) (white, 2015). what we see historically is that our schools are built for the white middle class to survive, yet students of color are blamed for falling behind and are given up on. without places to turn to for legitimate means of social mobility, disadvantaged youth tend to turn towards more illegitimate means of gaining the kind of social capital they are denied in schools (hursh, 2007). those who live in more disadvantaged neighborhoods with high exposure to means of illegitimate success are likely to fall into that lifestyle rather than fight for an education system that continues to fail them. ladson-billings uses the national debt as a metaphor for understanding the educational debt we owe students of color. residential segregation, wealth, and income inequality are problems outside of the school that must be worked on to positively impact our education system (ladson-billings, 2006). access to housing and education and subsequent exposure to violence: access to housing and education is important in the study of exposure to crime because what youth are exposed to at home and in school affects their behavior, especially in the case of negative life events (nles) such as safety and health-related problems—like a parent passing away or becoming chronically ill. dipierro (2015) studied 144 latino students attending a charter school in the midwest. they completed surveys that looked at self-reported delinquency, accounts of nles, and academic aspirations as a buffer between nles and delinquency. they found that nles are strongly linked to delinquency because of the multiple stressors associated with safety-related nles, which increase the risk of developing maladaptive behaviors. however, academic aspirations are a moderating factor between nles and delinquent behavior. the intersection of race and class in our housing and education systems undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 57 academic aspirations did not moderate the relationships between financial-related, family structure-related, and social-related nles and delinquency because these types of life events are less destabilizing than health or safety nles (where academic aspirations provide a sense of control). in low-income schools with unengaging classrooms, chronically absent teachers, and fewer extracurricular opportunities for students, there is not room for academic aspirations (dipierro et al., 2015). students experiencing negative life events are not that different from their peers at these schools, and insufficient schooling is not a good moderator between negative life experiences and delinquency. together these reports show us that insufficient schooling for low-income students of color limits their chances for upward mobility. by examining 4,407 black householders and 6,929 white householders, crowder (2001) found that the racial difference in the relationship between expectations and mobility persisted, even when controls for human capital characteristics were introduced. this supports the general stratification perspective, pointing to external structural barriers to black mobility. racial differences can also be seen in the interactions between expectations and socioeconomic resources in determining residential mobility (crowder, 2001). this is also true in our education system; as we have seen historically, white students are expected to succeed, and students of color are expected to be the “problem students.” in terms of exposure to crime and the police, those who live in economically deprived neighborhoods are more likely to be exposed to violence or unusual behavior (akins, 2003). racial segregation still exists in unique forms—including in our education system through segregated schools, economic segregation, and residential segregation—due to the wealth gap between races and ethnicities in the us and other local land use policies. akins (2003) found that segregation is positively associated with all three measures of serious property crime in a quantitative study of 340 american cities. economic deprivation is the strongest predictor of burglary, whereas segregation is the strongest predictor of larceny and vehicle theft. the association between segregation and crime appears to be the result of police suspicion targeting these neighborhoods. because segregation concentrates minorities into certain areas, it may encourage the police to focus their efforts and resources on these communities (akins, 2003). what disguises itself as community-oriented policing is a form of racism that contributes to the concentrated poverty in certain areas, as these areas of heavy police concentration are less desirable to families. conclusion of literature review since we know that academic aspirations could act as a moderator when it comes to the intersection of negative life events (nles) and the likelihood that someone will participate in criminal or deviant behavior, it is important to understand what schooling opportunities these low-income students are provided (dipierro, 2015). are the schools here in wilmington racially segregated? what kind of growth opportunities are there for our youth here? most of the studies we included are outside of north carolina, so we will need to gather our own data about the school’s demographics and the opportunities available to school districts with different poverty rates from websites like propublica and the gss. community-level intervention is required to ensure that adolescents are provided the best means for success at equal rates across races and ethnicity. foster and colleagues (2004) found results from cox proportional hazard models that suggest better mental health services reduce the risks of initial—and subsequent—juvenile justice involvement by 31% and 28%, respectively. though our literature provides an understanding of how race and class interact to provide the intersection of race and class in our housing and education systems undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 58 students with a roadmap for interacting with their peers at school or in their neighborhoods, it does not give us enough understanding of preventative measures. on top of understanding the educational opportunities available to students of color, it’s important to understand how housing plays a key role in determining what kind of education a child will receive. our methods section will look closely at how residential and rental housing affects youth’s exposure to crime and where racially segregated neighborhoods can be found along our census tracts. research methodology: for my first research question, i want to know if areas with a higher concentration of rental homes are more likely to be exposed to crime than areas with mostly residential homes. for this, i can use the type of housing (residential or rental) as the independent variable—pulled from an existing layer on arcgis titled “usa tracts” with the specific attribute “renter_occ” described in greater detail in the next section—which will allow me to see the concentration of renters in each tract to see which areas have the highest concentration of renters and if that is correlated with our incidents data on the map (anon, n.d.). the dependent variable would be the wilmington police department’s youth incidents aggregate data at the tract level because we want to see if there are certain areas that have higher rates of incidents. the tractlevel data shows us a summary of what is happening in each of the 42 tracts. for my second research question, i want to know if areas with a high concentration of individuals without a high school diploma are also categorized as having more recorded incidents with the police. using 2016 acs data on arcgis, i can look at “education level by tract” to understand the relationship between not having a high school diploma and police incidents rates in certain tracts by layering the aggregate incidents data with the acs data on residents that have an education level of “9-12th grade (no diploma)” (anon, n.d.). the dependent variable remains the same here, as i want to see the youth’s incidents at the tract (or aggregate) level to fully understand why certain tracks are overexposed to crime compared to others. i am interested in understanding the intersection of race and class regarding access to adequate housing and education and how the above factors influence wilmington’s youth’s likelihood of engaging with or being exposed to crime. this is community-based participatory research, and our community partner is the wilmington, north carolina, police department. this is strictly a quantitative analysis of existing statistical and archival data given to us by our community partner. this project began in 2019 when the wilmington police department (wpd) asked the sociology department at the university of north carolina in wilmington (uncw) to help them sort through their arrest data. the chief of police wanted to understand better his hypothesis that district 3 has an unreasonably high arrest and incidents rate compared to the other districts. we look at both the incident data as well as the arrest data from 2000 to 2019 to show that it is not just a matter of people of color being arrested at a starkly different rate; they also appear to be reporting incidents or witnessing incidents and reporting them to the police at a higher rate than other districts. there are around 729,359 incidents at the incident level, and 42 groups of data are recorded at the aggregate tract level. i will not be looking at the arrest data, as i am primarily focused on showing that youth of color—and poor youth encountering housing instability—are disproportionately being exposed to crime based on their location and access to education. social determinants of exposure to crime i will use the wpd aggregate incidents reports data to look at the percentage of youth the intersection of race and class in our housing and education systems undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 59 exposed to crime between 2000 and 2019 in each tract. an “incident” is classified as being any time youth comes in contact with the police, whether through an arrest, a witness to a crime, or a suspect in a crime. unequal access to adequate housing another important variable is the type of housing a person is in (residential v. rental). through the arcgis program, i used the 2020 esri demographics team and 2010 us census data to narrow down the “renters_occ” or “renters occupied,” which measured the frequency of rental homes rather than residential in wilmington. there was an option on the existing layer, “usa tracts,” that i added to the arcgis map to change the markers based on the specific attribute i was interested in (renters by tract). we organized the wpd arrest data by types of crime (7 total re-coded types), such as violent crime, property crime, and more. i will measure the wpd aggregate incidents data by tract to see which areas have the most property crime occurrences and which have the most violent crime incidents. those working with the arrest data have discovered that youth in wilmington are disproportionately engaging in property crime, so i want to map these types of crimes to see which tracts are disproportionately exposed to higher property crime and violent crime. i suspect this data will show us the relationship between youth exposure to crime and high levels of individuals without a high school diploma in an area or those who are also suffering from housing instability. unequal access to quality education: i am interested in looking at education level, or more specifically, which areas have the highest concentration of individuals without a high school diploma (those who answered “less than high school graduate” in the american community survey). i found an existing layer that measures education level by tract through the arcgis program. it looks at usa census tract centroid points with data from the american community survey in 2015. it is a 5-year estimate of the predominant education level attained by 25+ year-olds in our population from 2012-2016. i narrowed it down further to only include the percentage of people who did not obtain a degree to see where the highest concentration of those without a high school diploma is in wilmington, nc. the median household income of families in wilmington is another important independent variable that may contribute to how likely a person is to be exposed to crime in their neighborhood. those with lower incomes are already predicted to live in apartments, townhouses, or other complexes where they can rent their living space due to the past research on residential instability leading to modern-day racial segregation by neighborhood. are the youth in these lower-income neighborhoods more likely to be exposed to crime than those in higher-income neighborhoods? i used an existing layer by esri on arcgis to track household income by tract on our map. the five-year estimate from 2016-2020 shows median household income by race and by the age of householder shown by tract, county, and state boundaries. i was able to measure the relationship between income and exposure to crime by mapping them. limitations while it does not particularly make the data unusable—since both of the existing data figures i pulled from arcgis are 5-year estimates and can still be generalized across time—it the intersection of race and class in our housing and education systems undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 60 should be noted that the data used on some of my social determinants does not line up perfectly in time. our wpd data is from 2000-2019, while my measurement of individuals in each tract who have not received a high school diploma only spans from 2012-2016 (anon, n.d.), and my measurement of median household income spans from 2016-2020 (anon, n.d.). sampling with existing data a sample is a subset of a population, so we actually don’t have a sample at all; we have a population. our data looks at the entire population of youth in wilmington, nc, so we do not have to make any assumptions about our findings regarding youth here—all our findings accurately represent our population. that is why we will look at wpd incidents data (total sample size is 729,359) as well as the aggregate data by tract (total sample size of 42, i.e., the number of tracts in wilmington) so that we can calculate frequencies on spss as well as map our findings through arcgis. my map also includes the district borders so that we could investigate the police chief’s hypothesis on what is so different about district 3 that is causing a high concentration of arrests and incidents with the police. limitations to sampling: however, this is just a wilmington population, so we cannot make many generalizations about our findings to apply to youth outside wilmington, nc. so we do not have a sampling design either. while this benefits our ability to accurately show the wilmington police department what is happening in the districts they are concerned about, this research design hinders us from making assumptions about the larger society outside of our review of previous literature. we also cannot see the relevant data involving the nature of the incident, the intent behind the police officer called to the scene, or really anything that the police don’t know themselves in order to include in the data. our data does not show us what happens behind the scenes, like if their parents dropped out of school too early and cannot afford to keep their kids busy outside of school or if the real reason these kids are continuously exposed to the police is that their neighborhood is racially segregated and suffers from over-policing (tuck et al., 2008). data analysis to uncover some of the social determinants that may be causing this difference in exposure between black and white youth, i had to look outside the wpd data and peel back some of the layers the incidents reports couldn’t cover. i used bivariate testing through spss to look at the relationship between age and race and how it affects the amount of incidents that are reported by the police. i used the arcgis program to look at the amount of people per tract that had dropped out of high school before receiving their diploma to show the difference in access to education and how that differs based on where you are raised and what kind of resources you’re exposed to. i was also interested in the intersection of housing—and average income by household—to show how housing instability plays a major role in youth’s lives and how these things impact the kind of behavior they’re exposed to. results as we can see from figures 1.1 and 1.2, an incident with the police here in wilmington is more likely to occur for black males. looking at figure 1.2, we can see that there are over 21,987 incidents with the police that involve black youth, while that number is nearly cut in half, with the amount of white youth exposed to crime only being 15,104. figure 1.1 shows us that, no the intersection of race and class in our housing and education systems undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 61 matter what age group, black youth are more likely to be reported in police incidents than white youth in wilmington, nc. wilmington is a college town and is therefore categorized as having a high level of temporary housing—or apartments and townhouses to rent—which can lead to heightened housing instability (anon. 2016). we know that housing instability is just one of many neighborhood characteristics associated with higher levels of crime—as people juggle rent increases and other personal matters like income or social capital—so we were interested in discovering if our data also categorized areas that have more apartment buildings or townhouses as areas with high rates of exposure to crime (anon. 2016). in the mapping portion of the result, we can see more clearly the effects of concentrated disadvantages—such as the number of renters occupied or the number of individuals who did not complete high school, concentrated in one area—and how that has affected youth’s exposure to crime in wilmington. by layering the concentration of renters in an area with the existing incident data at the tract level, we can see the relationship between residential instability and exposure to crime (figure 1.4). figure 1.1: bivariate table of age, race, and type of incident (victim/witness or offender): figure 1.1: as the table shows, black youth are more likely to come in contact with the police, and they are more likely to be offenders/suspects as they get older. white youth tend to be seen more as a victim or witness by the police involved, until you get to age 15-17, but even then the difference isn’t as drastic as black youth incidents. teenagers are more likely to be offenders/suspects, especially if they’re black. the intersection of race and class in our housing and education systems undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 62 figure 1.2: frequency of police incidents per tract by race figure 1.2: based on the information we are given by the wpd, we can see that non-white youth make up over 60% of the recorded incidents from 2000-2019. i also made a graph through spss showing the percentage of youth exposed to crime in wilmington to see which age children are more likely to be involved in a police incident (figure 1.3). we can see that teenagers are more likely to be involved in incidents with the police, but what is alarming about this data is that it is not uncommon for kids as young as one or two years old also to be recorded in the incident data. by mapping this data on arcgis, the map showed which tract has high percentages of youth exposed to crime and which areas have low percentages of youth exposed to crime. i added the wpd districts layer to the map, and from there, i could see if district 3 was indeed categorized by high violent crime incidents. i then used supplemental data on other social determinants (like the type of housing, average household income, and quality of education) to examine the greater sociological story of what is happening behind the scenes (figure 1.4). figure 1.3: age distribution bar chart of youth police incidents the intersection of race and class in our housing and education systems undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 63 figure 1.3: based on this data we can see that teenagers (ages 13-17) make up over 75% of the incidents data from wpd, but even more interesting is how many individual cases there are for children under the age of 6. mapping our incidents data: using arcgis, we were able to map out the social determinants of exposure to crime relating to housing, income, and education to see the relationship to police contact more clearly (see figure 1.3). by combining our wpd aggregate incidents data with the social determinants data i programmed into arcgis, we can see that district 3 is categorized as having high levels of violent crime exposure—which are displayed as red circles that vary in opacity. district 3 also has a higher level of people without a high school diploma, which we can see displayed as flags that vary in size as the rates increase. this area also has higher levels of renters than most of the other districts, which we can see displayed as blue apartment buildings that vary in size as there is a higher concentration in the area (figure 1.3). so as we can see, the places with a high concentration of renters and people without a high school degree appear to have the most exposure to violent crime. then, closer to campus, we see more property crime, which is displayed by the pink-to-purple gradient that shades each tract. strain theory argues that higher levels of economic deprivation lead to higher crime rates, and residential segregation by race is one of the strongest predictors of economic deprivation (akins, 2003). it can also have the adverse effect of over-policing due to the perception that the police have of certain disadvantaged areas. most areas with the highest concentration of property crime also fall on the lower end of the median household income scale (aside from the one with masonboro in it), or they at least have a high concentration of renters that could lead to overpolicing in that area. the intersection of race and class in our housing and education systems undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 64 figure 1.4: map of the social determinants of exposure to crime: income, housing, and education. figure 1.4: the red circles are representative of the aggregate number of violent crime the youth have been exposed to in terms of police incidents. the shaded purple is representative of the aggregate number of property crime youth in wilmington are exposed to per tract. the flags vary in size based on how many high school dropouts there are in a particular tract, and the apartment buildings vary in size based on how many renters there are in a certain area. the money symbol grows larger as the median household income increases. discussion our data shows a higher chance of being exposed to crime in wilmington for black individuals. particularly, teenagers are more likely to be recorded for incidents with the police, but we see incident data reports on youth as young as one year(s) old. to uncover some of the social determinants that may be causing this difference in exposure to crime between black and white youth, i had to look outside the wpd data. i used the arcgis program to look at the number of people per tract that did not receive a high school diploma to show the difference in access to education and how that differs based on where they are raised and what kind of resources they are exposed to. i was also interested in the impacts of housing instability—and average income by household—to show how housing instability plays a major role in people’s lives and these things impact the kind of behavior they’re exposed to. i used the number of renters in a certain area by tract to see if areas with high levels of temporary residents have higher incidents with the police. by combining our wpd aggregate incidents data with all of the the intersection of race and class in our housing and education systems undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 65 data i programmed into arcgis, we can see that district 3 is categorized as having high levels of violent crime exposure as well as higher levels of high school dropouts and even has higher levels of renters than most of the other districts (figure 1.4). limitations: unfortunately, we cannot make any assumptions about society as a whole using our data without a proper sampling design and by only using the total population here in wilmington, nc. it represents wilmington’s youth and their interactions with the police, but we do not use any data from outside the city aside from the literature we examined. on top of that, as we can see in figure 1.4, there are a few tracts on which we do not have data. the areas that are not shaded in by purple to represent property crime or which do not have any red circles to show violent crime exposure are missing from our data and, therefore, cannot be accurately discussed. another slight limitation is the years each of my datasets was collected, but since most of the variables are 5-to-10-year estimates (such as average income by household), the assumptions that can be made about the median are reliable estimates that can accurately depict the story going on in these areas regardless of being collected in the early-to-mid 2000s. one main issue with these estimates would be that they cannot accurately depict the recent spike in building apartment buildings and other temporary housing here in wilmington as the university of north carolina in wilmington grows in popularity. the intersection of race and class in our housing and education systems undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 66 works cited akins, s. 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(2001). racial stratification in the actuation of mobility expectations: microlevel impacts of racially restrictive housing markets. social forces, 79(4), 1377-1396. doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sof.2001.0035 dipierro, m., fite, p. j., cooley, j. l., &amp; poquiz, j. l. (2015). academic aspirations as a moderator of the link between negative life events and delinquency in a sample of latino youth. child & youth care forum, 45(4), 505–523. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10566-015-9341-y foster, e. m., qaseem, a., & connor, t. (2004). can better mental health services reduce the risk of juvenile justice system involvement?. american journal of public health, 94(5), 859–865. https://doi.org/10.1080/07418820300095661 https://www.oprah.com/world/failing-grade/all https://www.huduser.gov/portal/periodicals/em/summer16/highlight2.html https://uncw.maps.arcgis.com/home/item.html?id=45ede6d6ff7e4cbbbffa60d34227e462 http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sof.2001.0035 https://doi.org/10.1007/s10566-015-9341-y the intersection of race and class in our housing and education systems undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 67 https://doi.org/10.2105/ajph.94.5.859 kim, s., lagrange, r. l., &amp; willis, c. l. (2012). place and crime. urban affairs review, 49(1), 141–155. https://doi.org/10.1177/1078087412465401 ladson-billings, gloria. 2006. “from the achievement gap to the education debt: understanding achievement in u.s. schools.” educational researcher 35(7):3–12.. schaedig, derek. 2020. “self-fulfilling prophecy and the pygmalion effect.” self-fulfilling prophecy and the pygmalion effect | simply psychology. retrieved march 9, 2022 (https://www.simplypsychology.org/self-fulfilling-prophecy.html). shedd, carla lynette-marie. 2015. unequal city: race, schools, and perceptions of injustice. new york: russell sage foundation. tuck, eve et al. 2008.rep. brooklyn , new york : independent commission on public education (icope). white, t. (2015). charter schools: demystifying whiteness in a market of “no excuses” corporate-styled charter schools. in picower, b. & mayorga, e. (eds.) what’s race got to do with it: how current school reform policy maintains racial and economic inequality. new york: routledge. https://doi.org/10.2105/ajph.94.5.859 https://doi.org/10.1177/1078087412465401 http://www.simplypsychology.org/self-fulfilling-prophecy.html) http://www.simplypsychology.org/self-fulfilling-prophecy.html) the intersection of race and class in our housing and education systems undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 68 the social determinants of housing and education are important in studying youth exposure and engagement with crime because of the differences in access and exposure and the varying perceptions that our youth has of themselves and others in society. research methodology: social determinants of exposure to crime i will use the wpd aggregate incidents reports data to look at the percentage of youth exposed to crime between 2000 and 2019 in each tract. an “incident” is classified as being any time youth comes in contact with the police, whether through an arres... sampling with existing data our data shows a higher chance of being exposed to crime in wilmington for black individuals. particularly, teenagers are more likely to be recorded for incidents with the police, but we see incident data reports on youth as young as one year(s) old. ... limitations: service learning through global engineering in jabal al-natheef, jordan: 1 service learning through global engineering in jabal al-natheef, jordan: a case study michael frank and david rosenthal purdue university abstract the global design team (gdt) jordan project coordinated by purdue university’s global engineering program (gep) brought together an interdisciplinary team of undergraduate and graduate students with the goal of enhancing the waste management practices of a community in amman, jordan. through frequent communications with members of the host community and ruwwad, the arab foundation for sustainable development, a not-for-profit organization working with this community, the team identified local needs and researched the feasibility of potential solutions. students took a three-part approach which utilized the principles of engineering, education, and entrepreneurship to provide an integrated solution to the challenges of waste management in a developing area. students developed a team structure that facilitated interdisciplinary collaboration and maximized the intellectual diversity of the team. the final onsite project consisted of workshops for the women in the host community to assist them in acquiring skills in paper recycling and journal making. a manual with information on composting relevant to the community was prepared and delivered. this paper presents the lessons learned from the project experience, including understanding cultural barriers, interpreting requirements from project partner organizations, and using effective communications skills for both inter-team collaboration and effective dialogue with external partners. background aramex international, a global transportation and logistics company based in amman, jordan, sponsors community development efforts in partnership with ruwwad, the arab foundation for sustainable development, a community empowerment organization serving the east amman community of jabal al-natheef, jordan. the jabal al-natheef community has struggled for recognition by the amman municipality and, consequently, is a highly marginalized community having received few services provided by the municipality. the community is affected by its highly-dense population of over 54,000 (united nations development programme), many of whom are refugees. though the refugee population has given the community the status of an ‘unofficial’ refugee camp, jabal al-natheef receives no recognition from the united nations for the refugee population and, thus, does not qualify for united nations sponsored aid. the majority of the community lives in poverty. according to a united nations development programme report, “the area is relatively poor and households are dependent on a wide range of livelihood strategies in order to survive.” the refugee population has also further complicated relationships with the amman municipalities, which provide services to neighboring communities. ruwwad has made several efforts to increase the municipal recognition of jabal al-natheef, including successful petitioning for the first post office, police station, employment help center, and legal aid service center in the community (www.ruwwad.jo). 2 aramex approached purdue university’s global engineering program (gpe) after learning of gep’s global design team (gdt) initiative (mothar and dare 2012) which had previously sent students to ghana, cameroon, and the palestinian west bank to work with local organizations on engineering-related service learning projects (stillman et al. 2010). in response to needs expressed by ruwwad and aramex, purdue created a course for the spring academic semester of 2011 with a focus on development of sustainable waste management and recycling practices in jabal al-natheef. the project team was composed of twelve undergraduate and graduate students from diverse disciplines including engineering, education, sciences, and the humanities most of whom had not previously participated in service learning projects. students met one hour per week in a credit-bearing course with the following learning objectives: 1. develop, test, and implement an interdisciplinary, global approach to challenges in waste management using a 4e approach (engagement, engineering, entrepreneurship and education). 2. develop cultural understanding and knowledge on waste management issues at the international level. 3. expose graduate and senior undergraduate students to waste management technologies practiced in the middle east. • identification of stakeholders and their beliefs, knowledge and potential contribution. • collection and analysis of socio-economic and environmental data in the jabal alnatheef community in amman, jordan. • identify objectives, constraints, and trade-offs for sustainable waste management. early project framework students began the project by familiarizing themselves with the geographic, economic, and sociocultural environment of jabal al-natheef as well as the wide range of informal waste management and recycling techniques employed by people in developing areas with similar conditions. a student review of information included articles on waste management and internal reports from previous purdue teams familiar with the community (medina 2008; wilson 2006; wilson 2009). at the conclusion of the review of initial reports, students planned to address waste collection and/or recycling practices currently in place in the community. when discussing possible challenges for the team, students expressed that cultural differences would prove a major barrier regarding project implementation and communication with ruwwad. in order to facilitate communication with members of the host community, skype calls were held once a week between the gdt project team and partners from ruwwad. early on, the calls focused on determining the feasibility of prospective solutions to the challenges faced by the jabal al-natheef community. students used class time to brainstorm possible solutions. ideas proposed included drafting an efficient garbage collection route for use by the amman municipality, organizing a community-based waste collection system, and a recycling system operated by the community. this communication was an effective way to gain insights about the partner’s needs and the needs of the community that could be addressed by this service learning project. these insights formed the requirements of the project. students learned that the greater amman municipality (gam), in charge of waste collection, did not provide recycling services to this area. also, the community lacked the resources (such as recycling bins, garbage trucks, etc.) to carry out any large-scale recycling operation of its own. ruwwad expressed a desire to educate the community about recycling so 3 they could implement interim recycling programs. their eventual goal is convincing the gam to provide full-scale recycling services to the community. ruwwad communicated that such a project, in order to be effective, must include an entrepreneurial component that would provide income-generating opportunities for community members to incentivize participation. ruwwad had previously found that wide interest existed for such opportunities. specifically, a study found that 92.4% of respondents believed there were not adequate business opportunities in the area, and 49.6% said they had considered starting a business (chatagnon 2010). ruwwad also expressed a concern that the project design should be sustainable, without requiring long-term assistance from external partners. finally, ruwwad emphasized the need to involve women and youth, who they believed were best-suited to transfer skills and knowledge to others in the community. division of engineering, education, and entrepreneurship functions into independent sub-teams in order to accomplish the multi-dimensional nature of the project, the students agreed to create three sub-teams to focus on the areas of engineering, entrepreneurship, and education. students chose their respective sub-teams based on their individual interests and academic background with four students on each sub-team. the objective of the engineering sub-team was to identify and propose a feasible, affordable, context-sensitive recycling program/alternative that could both generate income (as an incentive to recycle) and be implementable in jabal al-natheef. the sub-team paid particular attention to literature provided during the initial review on waste management. examples from india, mexico, and brazil, focusing on the organization of labor and resources and how the operations were managed (medina 2008; wilson 2006; wilson 2009), were considered. the subteam anticipated that understanding the ways informal recycling networks can be organized and the physical and economic conditions of the jabal al-natheef area would enable them to determine the ideal recycling system to implement in jabal al-natheef. the objective of the entrepreneurship sub-team was to develop viable strategies to recognize entrepreneurial opportunities related to waste management, which can be translated to potential revenue sources for the women and children of jabal al-natheef. they focused on exploring various ways to make recycling profitable and developing a quantitative mechanism to measure how much income could be generated given certain conditions. the questions investigated included the type of materials available to be recycled, possible demand for recycled products among local consumers, and access to markets to sell products. the objectives of the education sub-team were to serve as educators for both the jabal al-natheef community, to increase awareness of waste management practices, and for gdt jordan team by providing contextually-appropriate methodologies for successful and sustainable cross-cultural engagement. with this dual role, their goals for helping the other sub-teams included: providing appropriate background information on the community, researching educational materials relevant to recycling, and documenting the team findings for future work with the community. secondary research was conducted on best practices for cross-cultural education of youth and on the educational background of the community, including factors such as levels of literacy and years of schooling. an understanding developed among the members of the project that the engineering and entrepreneurship sub-teams would work together most closely during the early stages of the project to ensure that the proposed system was both technically and economically feasible and 4 the education team, while being involved in all aspects of the project, would take on a more active role in the later stages to create ways to teach the community about the proposed recycling program. when project work began on january 13, 2011, sub-teams met independently and reported back to the class as a whole on a weekly basis. approximately six weeks into the project, students realized that time spent on team communication, both inter-team and between various team stakeholders, was becoming overwhelming. this effort both decreased efficiency and slowed project progress. students began to find that the division of engineering, entrepreneurship, and education into separate teams made it increasingly difficult to develop effective alternatives that satisfied all three necessary components of the project. team restructuring and refining project objectives during week eight of the project, approximately the half-way point, students privately reached a consensus that they were not making adequate progress. with problems including a lack of interdisciplinary collaboration and cohesiveness, the students determined that team reorganization with clarification of team objectives was necessary. at the conclusion of the reorganization, a new team leadership system was implemented: the three sub-teams were replaced by interdisciplinary project-based working groups each of which focused on one particular sub-project (figure 1). these working groups were distinct from the previous subteams because all group activities were vertically integrated, allowing each group access to all aspects relevant to that group. figure 1: reorganized team structure1 1 figure reprinted with the permission of gep (purdue global engineering program). figure 1: reorganized team structure 5 the reevaluation of team objectives streamlined the project scope to the completion of two joint sub-projects that together would satisfy the environmental, educational, and entrepreneurial requirements of the partner organizations in the time frame available. the first sub-project was a community-wide composting effort with a focus on educating youth about the composting process and the concept of recycling more broadly, satisfying both environmental and educational requirements. the second sub-project was geared towards training community members to make recycled paper and then use that paper to create journals that could be sold in local markets. to address communication issues, a third working group was established to manage the flow of information between gdt jordan students and ruwwad. this group documented the work in progress and developed monthly progress reports submitted to aramex and ruwwad. this allowed the team to streamline their correspondence with ruwwad and effectively create shared knowledge. newly-formed working groups for composting and paper-making with a new project strategy, each respective group began preparing their final deliverables in the limited time frame. the composting working group began work on composting educational materials, focusing on grade school children. acknowledging the simultaneous desire to also provide an educational material relevant for the entire community, the group decided on a written manual. with this broad audience in mind, the manual included step-by-step composting instructions, information on the science behind composting, and instructions for adults to conduct a composting demonstration specially designed for children. the writing and reviewing process of the composting manual required six weeks to produce a final product. during the final review phase, particular attention was given to identifying parts of the manual that might not be contextually appropriate. several instances were noticed and subsequently changed, including replacing images of people more identified with american culture and pictures of animals not native to the middle east. with the cultural sensitivities addressed, the manual was finalized and prepared for delivery in both paper and electronic formats. the paper-making project was an important component of the service learning course because it encompassed the three entrepreneurial, educational, and environmental foci of the project. though the team generated a few unique ideas, the direction of the paper project was heavily influenced by research into social entrepreneurship. one article, a joint collaboration between the brookings institute and the dubai school of government, highlighted the success of the zaytoona organization in caro offering trade skills to poor residents (abdou et al. 2010). a second article, from inc economic news organization, provided an editorial view of the positive benefits of social entrepreneurship for women in the middle east (sosa 2011). some members of ruwwad also mentioned the existence of other social entrepreneurship groups in the city that had experienced success. based on this background, it was determined that the best way for community members to commercialize the results of project would be to assemble recycled paper into hand-made journals to be sold in the greater amman area. using basic paper-making techniques, recycled paper is ground into pulp, placed in a large tub of water, and collected on thin wire-mesh screens, forming a thin layer of new paper. it was agreed that an interactive workshop was the most effective way to instruct members of the community on this process. accompanying the workshops would be a written instructional manual with photos illustrating the steps involved. the manual would allow members of the 6 community to recreate the workshop for others after the gdt team left the community, allowing for project sustainability. in preparation, students held a mock workshop with team members to identify any difficulties and ensure the instructions were provided with an appropriate level of detail. this exercise also gave the workshop leader an opportunity to practice. overseeing the workshops was the communications group lead member, of lebanese heritage, who provided insight about communication patterns appropriate for a middle eastern audience. another member of the paper group documented the mock workshop, taking pictures to be included in the manual. with both the composting and paper-making projects complete, the team was ready to implement their program on location in jabal al-natheef. three students were selected to travel to amman to implement and evaluate the components of the project on-site project implementation with the semester’s end, preparations were made for project implementation in jabal alnatheef. students selected to travel attended meetings to prepare for jordanian culture, arabic language, and the logistics of conducting the workshops in jabal al-natheef. the traveling team departed for jordan on may 12, 2011, one week after the end of the academic semester. the first full day upon arriving in jordan coincided with ruwwad day, an open community event which allowed guests to tour jabal al-natheef and learn about local community development efforts. the events of ruwwad day included narrated walks through the community, a school tour, and expositions of community projects. many of the community projects involved artistic endeavors, including pottery, cloth goods, and functional artwork made from recycled materials. what was most clear from the presentations during that event was the creativity and passion of the community. following the events of ruwwad day, the project implementation began in earnest. the first accomplishment was delivering the composting manuals, both in hard-copy and digital formats, to ruwwad. with the manuals written in english, full use by the community would have to wait for a translation into arabic, which could not happen within the week. another concern posed by ruwwad was a lack of space and materials to conduct a composting workshop. thus, it was decided that ruwwad would take the initiative on composting implementation sometime after the team departed. preparation for the journal making workshops soon began. the workshops, conducted over three days, included 18 women of different ages from the community. supplies brought by the team included paper making kits, while ruwwad supplied tubs for water, paper, and other necessary appliances. laminated paper-making or journal-making manuals were distributed beforehand. the lead instructor gave directions from the head of the table in english, demonstrating the steps with her own kit, and then the student-interpreter translated. after the instructions, the students walked around observing the workshop process, answering questions and helping when necessary. the first day of workshops involved making sheets of paper, first white and then in color. participants in the workshop picked up on the idea easily. each student was involved in tasks of either instructing or preparing paper materials. after the first workshop ended, there was interest in taking kits home for more paper making, and kits were supplied to those who requested. those who took kits home came back on the second day with creative paper made with common homebased objects. the second day of workshops involved making more sheets of paper, but this time aesthetic features were added to the paper. since most instruction was completed during the first 7 workshop, most time during the second workshop was spent answering questions and engaging with the community. the third and final workshops involved participants creating journals using the completed sheets of paper. at the closure of the third workshop, each participant had at least one journal and all participants expressed verbal appreciation with the workshops and satisfaction with the products that they had created. the workshop atmosphere was very relaxed with the women talking and joking, both with one another and with the students. a few brought notebooks to record instructions and new english words that they had learned over the course of the workshop. over time, most participants and gdt students communicated freely, using both arabic and english words and addressing each other by first names. the workshop days also allowed students to learn more about the community through these first-hand experiences. ruwwad members invited the gdt team to tour several local schools, including an allgirls high school. gdt members found the students to be energetic and optimistic, despite a lack of educational resources. many students expressed an interest in seeking higher education. they lacked knowledge about advanced professions because role models were scarce in their community. lessons learned from informal assessments taken at the beginning of the course, the majority of gdt students had no previous experience in service learning projects, or were unfamiliar with the best practices in service learning. instead, the team developed its own organization, communication, and design practices over the course of the project, using essentially a trial-anderror approach. over the course of the project, design practices that advanced the goals of the project were continued while detrimental practices were changed or eliminated. this process allowed successful completion of the project and revealed several distinct yet related lessons for future improvement. service and learning are commonly thought to be related such that the more participants learn about the community they are serving, about themselves, and about their craft (whether that is engineering, communication, etc), the more effective their service is because of greater personal engagement. similarly, while the lessons presented here can be understood independently, they are also intimately connected and work synergistically to support more effective projects. initially, the gdt students lacked a strong understanding of the community and its needs. this lack of information was the first obstacle to be overcome in properly defining the problem the project would address. talking with members of ruwwad through skype was critical in forming relationships to better understand community conditions and needs. even with consistent communication between the team and ruwwad, the entire scope of the community could not be gleaned to provide complete context necessary for the project. this problem was identified by students during the reorganization of the project to create more streamlined communication and information dissemination. with communication issues addressed, the students began applying the information learned into the project deliverables, addressing context-sensitivity and understandability. this project proved that understanding the culture of a community and understanding the challenges that a community faces are closely interconnected, and both are necessary for a successful project. 8 in order to construct an effective problem definition for a service learning project, especially when it is international in scope, participants must put themselves mentally into the context of the community they are serving. just mastering a discipline or set of skills (waste management, for example) is not enough to fully comprehend the broader implications unless the context of the work is also fully understood. one part of understanding context is learning the right questions to ask, which can come from prior experience and familiarity with the challenges of the specific project at hand. another part is approaching the project with open-mindedness, flexibility, and cultural humility. service learning projects are a process of continual, iterative learning. as the project progresses, students gain new insights which inform further work and allow flexibility in the project direction. in order to accommodate the dynamic nature of such projects, teams need a flexible organizational structure that allows for rapid adaptation when necessary. the initial structure of the gdt jordan team lacked this ability, a fact that hindered the team’s progress. the team’s reorganization was a major improvement that allowed the team to adapt quickly to changing needs. separating service learning teams into discrete groups based on specialty area (engineering, education, and entrepreneurship as earlier done by the team) was problematic. it constricted the problem overview of each sub-team and undervalued information not seen as directly relevant to each sub-team’s view of the problem. by reorganizing the structure of gdt with a team-based approach, team members realized that all aspects of the project were interconnected and could not be solved discretely. the new structure also allowed the project team to address challenges in a comprehensive way and in a vertically-integrated manner. this brought together all project research, documentation, communication, and deliverable-related work. reorganization of the team also allowed for better utilization of the team’s vast diversity. while the team was interdisciplinary from the beginning, with students from engineering, the sciences, and the humanities, collaboration was limited by the sub-team structure. in contrast, the new structure re-envisioned the team as not uniquely an ‘engineering team’ but rather an interdisciplinary team working on an engineering-related project. this allowed for the consideration of a greater range of perspectives and fostered greater creativity and innovation. the reorganization also helped the team utilize the individual diversity of the students, which included multiple ethnicities, different countries of origin, and varying academic experience (from undergraduate freshmen to doctoral students). by eliminating the limited structure of the sub-teams, students were more comfortable expressing their individual personalities and different backgrounds when working on the projects. the reorganization of the team and the redefinition of the problem, together with the use of a single liaison to more effectively manage communications between the gdt team and ruwwad, created a truly context-sensitive approach that more closely addressed the needs of the community. with these changes, the team goals shifted from the very broad idea of addressing waste management to a focus on specific areas of importance relevant for the recipient community. because the workshops involved interaction with the community members, more information was needed about their learning styles, academic backgrounds, and the ‘outside knowledge’ that they ‘brought to the table.’ at the same time, the students were forced to confront and challenge their own preconceived notions about the community and to reconcile these with the acquired knowledge that they learned about the community during the class. 9 thus, while the gdt jordan project was deemed a success, many lessons were learned about enhancing team flexibility and cross-cultural understanding. the team’s understanding of the community was improved through enhanced communication and a shared knowledge base. with the initial failures of the sub-team structure, team members realized that diversity takes many forms and is often underutilized. the right mindset and team structure is necessary for maximizing the effectiveness of the diversity represented. understanding these concepts will benefit future teams with a focus on service learning. conclusions the gdt jordan team was tasked with developing context-sensitive solutions for waste management challenges in the jabal al-natheef community of amman, jordan. through published material, research, and correspondence with members of the community and ruwwad, students gained knowledge about the needs of the community and developed solutions to enhance waste management practices while enriching the community and providing new entrepreneurial opportunities. students overcame preconceived expectations, which negatively affected the initial problem definition, and learned about the physical conditions in the community as well as its culture and values to effectively serve the community’s needs. with greater understanding of the community, the team was able to provide a focused project that addressed an important and relevant community need. the initial team structure of function-based organization inhibited the team’s success; it was soon replaced with a vertically-integrated, project-based approach that proved more effective. the revised approach allowed the team to engage in context-sensitive problem solving, apply solutions that met specific local needs, and encompass all goals of the project to make maximum use of the team’s diverse composition. in the end, for each of the two sub-projects pursued, the team approached the challenges collectively, considering all aspects relevant to the project as well as the context. this approach increased sensitivity, reduced preconceptions, and allowed solutions that were effective to the community. over the course of the project, the students’ approach to the challenges of waste management in jabal al-natheef evolved significantly as they adapted to new information and insights. this evolution affected all aspects of the project, including defining the problem scope, determining how to best structure the team, and understanding the culture of the community. in the end, the gdt jordan team was able to implement effective solutions because of their willingness to adapt to changing needs. students learned that this willingness and ability to adapt, sometimes in unexpected ways, was necessary for the development of solutions that are both relevant and beneficial to the community being served. references abdou, ehaab, amina fahmy, diana greenwood, and jane nelson. 2010. social entrepreneurship in the middle east. washington, d.c.: brookings institution. http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/research/files/reports/2010/4/ social%20entrepreneurship/04_social_entrepreneurship.pdf. chatagnon, luice. 2010. “ruwwad neighboring neighborhoods: jabal nathef needs assessment survey.” powerpoint. 10 medina, martin. 2008. “the informal recycling sector in developing countries.” gridlines 44: 1-4. mothar, rabi h. and anne e. dare. 2012. “global design team: a global service-learning experience.” international journal of engineering education 28 (1): 169-82. sosa, suzi. 2011. “why we need social entrepreneurship in the middle east.” inc.com. http://www.inc.com/articles/201102/suzi-sosa-why-we-need-social-entrepreneurship-in the-middle-east.html. stillman, stephen, rabi h. mohtar, kurtis g. paterson, and william p. ball. 2010. “engineering academic programs for hydrophilanthropy: commonalities and challenges.” journal of contemporary water research & education 145: 5-29. united nations development programme. jordan human development report 2004. amman, jordan. http://hdr.undp.org/en/reports/national/arabstates/jordan/jordan_2004_en.pdf. wilson, david c. 2006. “role of informal sector recycling in waste management in developing countries.” habitat international 30: 797-808. ———. 2009. “building recycling rates through the informal sector.” waste management 29: 629-35. service learning through global engineering in jabal al-natheef, jordan: a case study abstract background early project framework division of engineering, education, and entrepreneurship functions into independent sub-teams team restructuring and refining project objectives newly-formed working groups for composting and paper-making on-site project implementation lessons learned conclusions references the mutual benefits of community tutoring 1 the mutual benefits of community tutoring joe mackel university of notre dame as one of the most immersive components of my study abroad semester in ireland, i spent one evening each week with the study buddies program of the dublin separated children’s service. through this organization that provides tutoring to refugees and asylumseekers, i worked with two african students in their early twenties on subjects including chemistry, biology, and home economics. we reviewed material taught in class, often with a focus on the struggles that arise during study in a nonnative language. through this program, i experienced the dramatic benefits such programs can provide to both students and tutors. upon reflection i began to understand this type of interaction as a robust remedy for many of the challenges often internally cited as most pressing in my home country of the united states, such as fragmentation and polarization of groups, xenophobia, and general lagging educational achievement. i believe that tutoring can foster qualities in participants that promote opposite, positive trends in social dynamics and education. the effectiveness of tutoring programs like study buddies is in the intimacy of the connection between two minds in joint exploration of a concept. to be helpful the tutor must attempt to understand the thinking of the student in order to evaluate the degree of comprehension of an idea and hopefully increase it. this can be frustrating but also unifying as the two people commune intellectually. in my experience this connection was between two individuals from very different circumstances, both of us new to our current situation but coming from backgrounds on different continents. however, if the persons are of less contrasting cultural groups such as different neighborhoods or even of similar backgrounds, one still must step out of her or his own mind and learn to think like another. a home economics activity assigned to one of my students was to restate recipe and other instructions in different terms. when figurative phrases and idioms such as ‘wear and tear’ appeared it often took long strings of attempted definitions to effectively communicate a meaning. after a failed attempt i would try again to create an effective explanation, moving from the first definition that was most logical to me and with each attempt hopefully moving towards a definition lucid to the student. with every attempt i gradually moved out of my way of thinking and towards that of the student. this ability to move outside of one’s own ideas and appreciate an alternative outlook has copious applications outside of tutoring. as the american political climate is ceaselessly criticized for extreme and debilitating partisanship and as our population continues to struggle with racial and other social conflicts, tutoring is a method of cultivating the ability to see from another point of view (layman et. al 2006). if enough people, especially current and future leaders, attain this aptitude then our nation can move towards tolerance and effectively addressing disagreements with respect and a desire to understand all peoples involved. for example, perhaps this capacity could purge the immigration debate and disdain for certain groups and instead acknowledge the rights of all people and focus the discussion on the most effective way to respect the dignity of all persons while seeking a sustainable and fair system. connectedly, in tutoring relationships such as mine, where one person is a non-native speaker of the language being used, the other person shares in the struggles involved in learning a new tongue and becomes more sensitive to imperfect speech. because of this awareness, she or he will then promote tolerance through daily interactions as the 2 united states becomes an increasingly multilingual nation. the students i worked with were capable but relatively new english speakers; therefore i witnessed the frustration that still exists even after a period of studying the new language. they would often understand material but perform poorly on tests and assignments because of struggles with the language. through this interaction i gained some idea of the difficulty of adapting to the lingua franca of a new country. beyond facilitating transition in the area of language, these programs could also help in other often-cited modern issues. educational achievement in primary and secondary education is unequal, with poorer communities producing lower standardized test scores (shwebel 2012). volunteer tutoring programs offer a supplement that can combat this trend at a community level more effectively than broad education policy changes. the large scale of national or statewide efforts to improve schools generally requires that efforts take the form of more testing and stricter curriculum standards. community organizations can fill this need more efficiently and have the ability to absorb some level of inadequacy by the school system. as a tutor, i had the ability to customize our work directly to the needs of the student and observe the benefits of these modifications. additionally, often-inadequate government funding inhibits efforts to lower student-teacher ratios, which some consider to be an important component of successful education systems (biddle and berliner 2002). tutoring creates a one-person classroom at little cost through the volunteerism of community members who also gain from the program. tutoring is a symbiosis in which students receive the benefit of academic assistance while helping mentors to reinforce and expand their knowledge through the effort involved in providing adequate explanations. beyond any emotional or sentimental benefits generally associated with service, which may be substantial, volunteers also make immediate and concrete gains through interaction with students. tutors may increase their knowledge of another culture as i did or gain a more complete vision of their community by interacting with people whom they normally would not. becoming a more able teacher is a profitable skill in any field or career, helping professionals to become more adept in training new employees or explaining concepts to colleagues. tutoring involves the transmission of ideas as a specific and important form of communication and therefore improves the articulation skills of the teacher, which may translate to nearly any task or situation. for non-professionals such as secondary and university students, working in this capacity can add to education, an important but neglected aspect. in addition to receiving and analyzing information through standard assignments, student-tutors can practice verbally expressing and reinvesting their knowledge in others. much of the science material we studied was at a level that i had learned in the previous years of my undergraduate education, and i had the opportunity to test and reinforce my knowledge through discussing it with someone else. because of this reciprocity of opportunity, sustainable programs can be created without sole dependence on the altruism of tutors. while working with refugees my role was also part of a wider effort to assist new residents to integrate into the community. this aspect may be present when undertaking projects with minority groups and with those in poverty or who have extensive academic difficulties. the sign of concern shown by involvement in a service such as this, coupled with the increase in achievement hopefully produced, could give confidence to the student and in this way lead to an analogous assimilation. in our developed society, language skills and education can be crucial to eliminating areas around the edges of society where those lacking these assets are pushed. further expanding the possible gains of these programs are the links between education, poverty, and health, which are certain, though not exhaustively understood (wagstaff 2002). extrapolation of the benefits of raising educational success through tutoring could in theory help 3 reduce poverty and improve health in certain populations. this potential to improve individuals and society must be considered in context to other needs. if for example, the specific program was aimed at victims of poverty, these persons might have a more immediate need for food or utility assistance than extra hours of assisted study. yet within a cycle in which lack of education leads to poverty but poverty also inhibits success in education, even with limited resources perhaps tutoring has a place. integrating this type of personal academic assistance in conjunction with immediate relief of privation is a path towards more long-term solutions to poverty for individuals, families, and communities. though the possibilities outlined here may be overly optimistic in their broader effects, through my personal experience i believe that the principles discussed are true at the level of individuals and have potential to work on wider scale. these ideas merit reflection so that the potency of community tutoring programs can be recognized in order to promote their expansion. an evaluation of the already numerous organizations functioning across the united states in regards to the validity behind these principles and an understanding of these programs within the framework presented could help to both improve these programs and to assess and refine the concepts offered. solidification of these ideas could lead to greater emphasis on such programs in communities, high schools, and universities, spreading their benefits and demonstrating their effectiveness. i would like to thank professor kevin whelan and rosie mcdowell for their guidance during my community based learning immersion and for their encouragement to reflect consistently and substantially throughout the experience. references biddle, bruce j. and david c. berliner. 2002. “small class size and its effects.” educational leadership 59 (5): 12-23. layman, geoffrey c., thomas m. carsey, and juliana menasce horowitz. 2006. “party polarization in american politics: characteristics, causes, and consequences.” annual review of political science 9: 83-110. schwebel, milton. 2012. “why america doesn’t fix its failing schools.” peace and conflict: journal of peace psychology 18: 193-98. wagstaff, adam. 2002. “poverty and health sector inequalities.” bulletin of the world health organization 80: 97-105. the mutual benefits of community tutoring schwebel, milton. 2012. “why america doesn’t fix its failing schools.” peace and conflict: journal of peace psychology 18: 193-98. wagstaff, adam. 2002. “poverty and health sector inequalities.” bulletin of the world health organization 80: 97-105. live, learn, serve: life lessons through service 1 live, learn, serve: life lessons through service holly hankley, sabrina hise, and yeimarie lopez virginia commonwealth university service learning is the active participation within the community and the ability to relate the experiences back to the course content, to form a bond between “service” and “learning”. interdisciplinary in scope, service learning can translate into any field of study within a university. as students and later teaching assistants in the service learning program at virginia commonwealth university (vcu) in richmond, virginia, we had the unique opportunity to experience the significant benefits of service learning first-hand. in many important ways, vcu’s service learning program will seem familiar to readers. students who take a service learning course rather than a traditional college course are offered a different method of learning that includes service with designated community partners outside of the classroom for a minimum of twenty hours throughout the semester. working with a wide range of partners such as nursing homes, environmental cleanups, medical fundraisers, and soup kitchens, classes are given many opportunities to experience various components of their community. there are many classes designated as service learning at vcu, ranging from english to religious studies. the service work and classroom experience are enhanced by personal and group reflection in oral and written format. students are given a chance to become actively involved in their surrounding community and form critical networks that will be beneficial for future professional opportunities. additionally, students, teaching assistants, and instructors develop a sense of global citizenship that allows them to relate their experiences to others and appreciate diversity. students taking service learning courses receive immediate benefits that include leadership, critical thinking, and problem solving skills. our focus in the current essay is not only the opportunities afforded to students but also their teachers, specifically those involved with vcu’s unique service learning teaching assistant (slta) program, which offers undergraduate students an unique opportunity to assume a leadership role in a service learning class. in this article, as three former slta’s, we will reflect on the benefits of service learning, through sharing our personal experiences from the field. in that capacity we served as liaisons between the professor, students, and community partners. in addition, we also assisted with numerous activities associated with our courses by tracking student hours, facilitating reflection, and handling service logistics. sabrina found many service experiences rooted in the concept of critical thinking. yeimarie saw the role that many took on in regards to responsibility, both for themselves and others. holly was able to develop her own leadership skills further, as well as help others to showcase this important skill. as service learning teaching assistants we serve as student leaders on campus, but are also given professional development opportunities outside of the classroom to foster our own leadership, responsibility, and critical thinking skills. as a professional development opportunity, we had the chance to attend the william and mary active citizens’ conference in february 2012 as guest speakers where we spoke on the benefits of service learning. this allowed us to reflect on our own personal experiences and growth through the program. through our “learn, live, serve” session at the conference, we strengthened our leadership skills and became true advocates of service learning to educate our peers on the importance not only for the students, but everyone involved. indeed, there are a 2 multitude of benefits that service learning offers and critical thinking, responsibility, and leadership epitomize what service learning is truly all about. critical thinking the service learning course i (sabrina) assisted with was focused inquiry, a freshmanlevel english composition course. through my experiences over a year and a half, i witnessed the important role that critical thinking played in shaping the experiences of the students and my own experiences. our focused inquiry students provided service to evergreen cemetery as part of focused inquiry’s theme of history, memory, and possibility. evergreen is a historically african-american cemetery in richmond, virginia where a lack of ongoing maintenance has resulted in it being about ninety percent overgrown. the damage done to the cemetery over time meant many families have been unable to locate the graves of loved ones. our service learning class led by professor mary shelden helped bring attention to this cemetery near vcu. students thought critically about possible solutions to the problems that plagued the cemetery and assisted with the clean-up process. alongside these students, i witnessed a community reunited with a past long buried from view. especially notable in this respect is the emotional reunion of mr. williams, an elderly richmond resident, with the memorial to his mother—a tombstone no one had seen for decades. for me, this significant reunion along with many additional results of the students’ efforts throughout this course epitomized not only the important role played by civic engagement more generally but also the implementation of the skills of critical thinking and problem solving to make the community we live in a better place for all. critical thinking expands beyond ones’ own immediate needs to that of their community and transforms the way that improvement and change can be implemented to create a better living environment for all. another service partner i chose to work with was boaz and ruth, an organization designed to help recently incarcerated individuals reenter into society. it was a challenging and thought-provoking organization with which to work. many students were reluctant to work among the recently incarcerated. there is a clear stigma in society towards this population, and these ex-offenders are often misunderstood and shunned. the uncomfortable feelings my students felt when entering this environment had a positive outcome. feeling uncomfortable can often lead to critical thinking about ones’ own thoughts and beliefs. the majority of our students at virginia commonwealth university would never think about entering the neighborhood that houses boaz and ruth, let alone get out of their cars and take a walk inside the organization. confronting my own fears and helping my students confront theirs was truly eye opening. speaking with women and men who had been incarcerated and were desperately trying to turn their lives around allowed this population to connect with the vcu community. instead of referring to them as “recently incarcerated people,” we learned their names, stories and struggles. thinking critically about the ways in which this population often lives a vicious cycle between being incarcerated and released and incarcerated again, brought up great discussion and reflection. instead of looking down on this group of people, two of our students wrote research policy papers on the economic implications of the released individuals. the job market is often dire for them, and too often ex-offenders turn back to the activities that got them in trouble in the first place. our students were able to see the importance of allowing these individuals to become productive members of society and the psychological benefits that gainful employment offers them. our students were given an opportunity to work together as a team with their classmates. groups were decided on by common interest in a particular service partner, in my case a local, 3 historically segregated cemetery and a reentry program for recently incarcerated community members. being part of a particular group gave me and the students with whom i worked the opportunity to plan schedules, work with new people, and assume different roles. over the course of my teaching assistantship, issues such as scheduling conflicts, transportation to service sites, and coordination with community partners proved to be a great opportunity to problem solve. on a deeper level, our students were required to use their critical thinking skills to assess their service. in short, students in this course were required to serve the community and reflect on that service throughout in both information and formal writing assignments. “what, so what, and now what?” were important questions raised in this reflection process. “what?” is the introduction of the reflection process, where students summarize their service experiences. every tuesday, we would spend the beginning of class discussing any service events that occurred within the last week, which allowed other students to gain insight into experiences they may not have participated in directly themselves. these sessions include summaries of experiences with the entire service learning process, which may include the people involved and sometimes results in some rather frank and often sensitive conversations. every such conversation, however, can be an opportunity for problem solving and, therefore, critical thinking. in one session, for example, a student shared concerns about what she saw as a lack of organization on the part of the volunteer coordinator. her dismay at the situation was a perfect opportunity to talk about the roles of volunteer coordinators. instead of approaching it from a negative position, the class thought about why a volunteer coordinator may appear unorganized. questions of understaffing, too many volunteers, and low pay were all brought to the table and made for a valuable conversation. the next step in this reflection process for us is the “so what?” question. here, we ask the students to reflect on how that experience connected to their course content. our students did this in a big way when they participated in a focused inquiry expo at the end of the year, which allowed them to show others what they gained through their service learning. they created trifolds demonstrating their course content, as well as the service they performed and then connected it together to share with the campus and surrounding community. the final step in the reflection process is the “now what?” question, which forced students to think about how the service they did would inform their future decisions, both academically and personally. writing policy proposals for their final course paper requires students to tackle this “now what?” question directly, taking their personal experiences in the community and the knowledge learned through course content to produce a written piece of work with real-world implications and evidence of sustained academic inquiry. these questions provide a foundation for framing the focused inquiry course experience within the context of service. responsibility one of the benefits of participating in a service learning course is that students develop a sense of responsibility. the sense of responsibility to their community becomes tangible when they experience the needs of their community specific to their service partner. on the most immediate levels, personal responsibility is derived from students’ obligation to their teammates to complete the tasks assigned. that has been my (yeimarie) experience as a teaching assistant for a year-long freshmen-level english composition course. from this perspective, i learned that responsibility is a benefit that is exposed gradually as the semester evolves. it is not uncommon 4 for there to be some resistance from the students regarding the service learning model as they are unfamiliar with what it will mean for their learning. the students i worked with chose to work with the american cancer society’s relay for life event. this event allowed students to work together to form a team and fund-raise to ultimately participate in the relay for life event in the spring. these students took the initiative to organize their teams and came up with strategies to fundraise throughout the semester and the day of the event. the process is lengthy and requires an incredible amount of brainstorming, teamwork, and organization. the bulk of the work that is completed with this service partner is completed among the students and they have to be able to complete their service work in a timely and effective manner. the students are responsible to themselves and their teammates and they quickly begin to realize that not fulfilling a task that is assigned to them will directly affect the success of their team as a whole. in addition to personal responsibility, students begin to understand the responsibility they have to their communities. through this partnership, students began to understand why fundraising is vital for organizations. not only does the american cancer society help fund potentially lifesaving cancer research, but it also provides services to local cancer patients and survivors. this became real to students as they listened to survivors share their stories at the relay for life event. a student’s personal and communal responsibility does not always come easy or without a fight, but it does usually arrive through taking a service learning course. while it is often challenging being a teaching assistant, i also witnessed the evolution within students as they begin to see their place in our social system and what they can do to better their own community and those within it. upon beginning the relay for life fundraiser, there was a student that outwardly seemed absent and uninterested. she joined the relay for life team, but still was not vocal or engaged during meetings and lacked an interest in participation. after the first couple of meetings, she must have sensed that someone needed to take a certain leadership position to help her team remain on track and she reluctantly filled the position. however, as the semester continued she attempted to remind her peers of the tasks that were going on and she helped find meeting times for everyone. she later spoke up and shared with her peers her own family’s battle with cancer and how important this cause actually was to her. this student realized that her team needed her and that this kind of service to her community is what may help other families battling cancer. a student’s growth happens over time and although at times their lack of engagement in the beginning is disarming, the ultimate growth is rewarding. they begin to understand the importance of their place in their group, as well as within their community. leadership as a student and a service learning teaching assistant for my undergraduate introduction to human geography course at virginia commonwealth university, i (holly) experienced service learning as a combination of active involvement within the community, critical thinking, problem-solving, responsibility, personal growth, and empowerment. all of these benefits together help students become leaders on campus and in the community. my own experience has been my personal growth and confidence in my leadership style. i firmly believe that the best way to lead is by example, but i wasn’t always confident enough to walk the walk. my service learning class was a great experience, and it helped me overcome my shyness. in the beginning i was so scared to go into the elementary school, where i was scheduled to tutor three english as second language (esl) second graders for my introduction 5 to human geography course. i was the student sitting in the back waiting to be told what to do and scared to step up and take action. you can see my growth in the way i lead today, because i feel comfortable working with elementary students and being proactive in teaching. this new sense of confidence in my service, as an elementary education major at vcu, has given me hands-on experience in a school, and has allowed me to network with other teachers early in my collegiate career. when reflecting on my service i learned things about myself i never knew. for example, while working as an esl tutor, i had to find creative ways to teach new concepts, when the ones planned weren't working. having confidence in myself, my ideas, and my leadership style, i learned to be flexible, patient, open to new ideas, and proactive. this new understanding has empowered me and helped me grow as a leader. after finishing my first service learning class, i felt compelled to share my excitement and love for service. this passion led me to become a service learning teaching assistant (slta) for my introduction to human geography professor, dr. helen ruth aspaas. as an slta, i have had the honor of educating students on service and encouraging deeper thinking about their experiences. i have been a vital link between the students, our professor, and the richmond public school community partners. for me, the most enjoyable part about being an slta is leading oral discussions. during this time, my role is to lead a discussion about a specific community partner with a small group of students. students are asked to reflect on their course material and their service. this is where i allow each student to voice their thoughts and lead the discussion in their own way. my role is more of a facilitator, who prompts students who are not connecting their service to the class. during an oral discussion, with a group a students who worked in the richmond public schools as esl tutors, one student shared observations of the students’ culture and how these cultural differences made it hard to accelerate at the same rate as other students. this student truly connected the class concepts of culture, from our introduction to human geography course, to their service and to their broader goal of being an elementary education teacher. it is invigorating to see students flourish and finally make the connection. i feel this student now has a better understanding of the issues many immigrants face when coming to the united states, and as a future teacher will be more knowledgeable about esl students. thomas j. watson said, “nothing so conclusively proves a man’s ability to lead others as what he does from day to day to lead himself.” during my journey of service i have learned that being a leader does not mean you have all of the answers, but that you are willing to find them, ask questions, be humble, and be empathetic. service learning has revealed my passion for service and the aspiration to be involved with my community. this desire led me to become a volunteer for virginia commonwealth university’s americorps program in 2010, where i volunteered in the richmond public schools as a reading tutor for two years, helping to increase literacy rate in kindergarten through second grade. i was given the opportunity to be a team leader for americorps, and like my role as a service learning teaching assistant, i worked directly with americorps members who were college students. in this role i organized and facilitated team meetings where we reflected on our service. i encouraged my members to step out of their box by allowing them to come up with their own creative ideas for tutoring and letting them have a say in how our team worked. in this capacity as an americorps team leader and a service learning teaching assistant, i allowed others to lead and was able to guide them by showing how i lead myself. 6 when i reflect on what it means to be a leader and serve, i feel that one must understand the issues in the community, ask what they can do to help, and actively act on those issues. service learning provides a place for students to learn the skills necessary to be a leader and an active citizen in their community. i may not be changing the world, but as a leader i believe i making a difference one step at a time. conclusion after experiencing service learning as both students and teaching assistants, we are convinced of service learning’s many benefits. critical thinking, responsibility and leadership are important to having a meaningful service experience and reflection in the classroom and beyond. through our personal experiences, we have each grown and evolved into leaders who hope to empower others to take on roles within service learning and the community. the skills developed in the service learning setting do not stop when the course ends. sabrina graduated from vcu in may 2012 with a degree in history and religious studies and received a full-time position working for the oral health promotion and community outreach department at the vcu school of dentistry, allowing her to continue assisting students who participate in service learning. she also is working on her master’s degree in the service field of gerontology. yeimarie graduated from vcu in may 2012 with her degree in social work and is currently pursuing a master in social work at university of michigan. in her graduate program, she is an active member of social work allies for immigrant rights, an immigrant rights advocacy group that brings awareness of this important social problem to students on campus and also the community at large. holly is currently pursuing her undergraduate degree in early elementary education at vcu, and is working as a service learning teaching assistant for professor erin brown in the new live and learn aspire program at vcu. she resides as the program assistant for vcu americorps, where she volunteered as a reading tutor for two years. she is the site coordinator for six americorps teams, serving in the richmond public schools. at an important time in world history, with globalization and internationalism displayed around the world, building strong character is undoubtedly essential to our future. fostering these skills, while educating students in their studies, is effective and necessary. it is our hope that more colleges will implement service learning as an option in their course listings. we have seen the change service learning makes in our own lives, as well as in the lives within our community. changing the world one person at a time will make all the difference. live, learn, serve: life lessons through service critical thinking responsibility leadership conclusion what’s your issue 1 what’s your issue? christine burns dickinson college in february of 2011, i took the first step of a journey that would change my perspective on life of what i knew to be true. i filled out the application to be part of the dickinson college global climate change africa mosaic (“the mosaic”). the mosaic was a unique semester in which a group of 11 students took four classes in the fall of 2011 to prepare for a trip to the 17th conference of the parties (cop 17) to the united nations framework convention on climate change (unfccc) in durban, south africa. we spent the first two weeks of our three-week trip at the conference doing research on climate change negotiations, and the final week outside of durban in the valley of 1,000 hills doing a service learning project. when i started, i was an environmental science major who was sure that climate change was a serious issue. i figured that the reason political progress was slow in this area was because political leaders did not understand the gravity of the situation, for surely if they did, they would do something to remedy it. the truth is, i did not understand the gravity of the situation myself, and world leaders may not be experts in the field, but they have a better grasp of the situation than i originally gave them credit for. these classes have given me a new perspective on environmental issues. before this experience, i used the terms “climate change” and “global warming” interchangeably, but in actuality global warming is an outdated term that refers to the overall warming of the planet that is occurring, but it does not address the full spectrum of the problem. i also came to redefine the term “sustainability.” i have always thought of sustainability as synonymous with “eco-friendly” and “alternative energy,” but it is not. it is so much more than my vision of infinite sources of energy which emit less pollution, such as wind and solar. sustainability is an energy system based in renewable resources, but sustainability is also relevant to food production systems that need to provide food for the seven billion people on this planet without depleting the resources for future generations. sustainability can also refer to an economic system that still flourishes with the finite resources available on earth. first of all, there is scientific consensus that climate change is happening. opinions do differ on how quickly it is happening, how quickly we need to take action, and how severe the consequences will be if we do not, but every day there is more and more certainty that action needs to be taken sooner rather than later. prior to this semester even i, the environmental science student, believed that there was some confusion among the scientific community about climate change, even if i personally believed it to be happening. this past semester’s experiences reaffirmed that life is not fair. the countries that have contributed most to the problem are not the ones that will suffer the most from its consequences. rather, the countries least equipped to handle the situation are the ones most likely to suffer severely, such as some areas in africa and south asia that are already feeling the effects of climate change. both geographical location and a country’s capacity to handle the effects that it will experience determine how vulnerable that country is to the effects of climate change. for example, bangladesh is one of the most densely populated countries in the world and has a high poverty rate, which exacerbates the effects of even minor changes in climate. finally, i learned that the political leaders of the world do know about climate change, and they understand the effects that it could have on the whole world in the future and on the vulnerable populations in the very near future. prior to this experience, i had believed that 2 political leaders in the us would feel obligated to do something if they understood the gravity of the situation. after all, we expect that they are voted into office to protect the rights of the people. political leaders in the us and other countries know, yet due to their political agendas, they continue to enact minimally ambitious legislation that will not reduce emissions quickly enough. ~~~~ the first two weeks of the adventure were incredible. we met many influential climate officials, such as one of the leading negotiators for the us and the chair of the intergovernmental panel on climate change (ipcc), the international body that informs the unfccc on the science of climate change, including its effects and risks. we also met conference delegates from all over the world, including the maldives, kenya, nigeria, and bangladesh. we discussed climate change with the very people who study it and have the power to enact positive change. i learned about adaptation and mitigation efforts throughout the world, and i saw small developing countries take a strong stance on climate change. while the conference experience and the research i was doing on international negotiations were extremely important for my education, the last week of the trip was the one that truly changed my life. we spent the last week in south africa in the valley of 1,000 hills. the first few days were spent working at a children’s village called makaphutu, an orphanage for children who have lost one or both parents to hiv/aids. in developing countries, approximately two percent of children become orphaned by hiv/aids. in south africa, this number is closer to seventeen percent, so places like makaphutu are vital (lovingly accurate ministries 2012). we performed small tasks like sorting through donations and larger projects like cleaning and painting new rooms for children, but the most emotional part for me was helping with the distribution of food and clothes to the women of the community. makaphutu distributes its extra food and clothing donations to the surrounding community. interacting with the members of the community during the distribution was an emotional experience that no words can completely describe. the first place we stopped was an orphanage that did not have even close to the meager means that makaphutu did. makaphutu has multiple buildings to house all the children, but this orphanage is a small one-room building that served as a schoolroom, daycare, and bedroom. when we arrived to drop off the food we were greeted by warm hugs from the women, and then the children sang south africa’s national anthem for us. while most of the kids were passionately singing the national anthem, one little girl, no more than two years old, was dancing by herself in front of the group to her own song. it was a breath-taking experience. i knew in that moment i wanted to do everything i could to help. we were greeted at our next stop by ululation, celebratory calls similar to yelling “thank you” or “hallelujah!” when something you have been praying for arrives. before we got out of the car we could hear the women from down the road. they were so grateful for the food that we were bringing because without it they and the children would not be able to survive, and they wanted to share a piece of themselves with us in return. they wanted us to know who they were and to bring their stories back home with us. one of the women brought us into her house and gave us a tour. it was a small blue house with a makeshift stove and couch. she had made most of her tools and furniture from materials she could find, such as old tires and wood pieces. she was so proud of her ability to make something from nothing, and she wanted us to see what she had managed achieved with so little. it was not a typical type of beauty that we imagine here in america. nothing was new, everything was faded or torn, but she had made it home by painting 3 a mural on the wall to cover a watermark and stitching a fun patch over a rip, and it had become beautiful in its own way. finally, we went to a central spot in town where women had been lined up for hours waiting for us to come so they might get a bottle of cooking oil, a bag of flour, or some shoes for their child. so many of the women came up to me, hugged me, kissed me, and thanked me whole heartedly for what i was doing. it was just one bag of flour. i was just helping to pass it out so that everyone got something, and yet these women thanked me for dedicating my time. spending the last week in the valley of 1,000 hills was the most appropriate way to end our trip. it was a week for the group to reflect, both individually and communally. we reflected on many aspects of the experiences, but the link between the climate change we discussed at the cop and the poverty we witnessed firsthand stuck with me the most. how is it fair that we were born into the comfortable lifestyles in which we live? while many of my peers and i are obsessed with purchasing fancy iphones and macbooks, these people cannot put food on the table for dinner. the percentage of the south african population living below the poverty line is 23 percent, which is down from 38 percent in 2000 (the world bank 2012). in a world where people have so much, this is unacceptable. one in every four south africans lives below the estimated minimum level of income needed to secure necessities of life. south africa is considered one of the “better off” african countries, meaning the even less developed countries in all parts of the world are struggling far more. the images in our minds of the distribution lines, the grateful people, and the pride in what they did have will stay with me. we all wanted to change their situations for the better, but we did not know how. that is when one of my professors asked us this question: “considering all that we have learned this past semester and saw from the children of makaphutu to the women of the distribution line, is climate change the most important issue to each of us?” i have thought about this question almost every day since i arrived home, and i am still grappling with how i prioritize the issues that are most important to me. i can say that all i have learned this semester has taught me that climate change is bigger than an environmental issue. although i think that saving the environment is a valid and important thing to do, climate change is also a human rights issue. as the climate changes, life will only get harder for the people barely scraping by in this world. life will become more complicated for people living off of the land, such as farmers and herders, because their lives are so dependent on consistent climate patterns. in some areas, water will become scarcer, while other regions will suffer from flooding. as the climate changes, the people in need will need even more help. how can we provide them with this additional help when we do not currently provide them with enough aid, and we ourselves do nothing to address the root of the issue? bringing them cans of food and boxes of clothes and shoes does not help them fix the problem; it puts a band-aid on it. it is said, “give a man a fish and feed him for a day. teach a man to fish and you feed him for a lifetime.” climate change will make this problem even harder to fix. how do we teach these people to “fish” when the world around them is changing so quickly that “fishing” may not be possible in five to ten years. i have come to the conclusion that one of the ways that we can help the people who are suffering is by tackling climate change. donations to organizations like makaphutu are important, and going there in person is even better. we also need legislation that will protect them and their families in the future. governments like that of the united states must enact mitigation legislation to reduce our impacts, and adaptation measures should be taken where they are needed. the cop is trying to do this, but it is not working fast enough. all those informed 4 about climate change, including my moasic peers and me, have an obligation to share what we know about climate change, about the people, about the link between climate change and poverty and take up their cause. human rights and climate change are linked, and we can take up two huge issues at once. it will not be easy, but i’m certainly going to give it my best. in reflecting upon my experience as a part of the mosaic, i have made many important connections. prior to this trip, i believed that climate change and poverty were important, but i did not understand the relationship between the two. i believed that hydraulic fracturing, a form of natural gas drilling on land, was the most important issue to me, and sustainability was just a word. now, i see that even hydro-fracking and climate change are related because our dependency on fossil fuels has gotten us into this climate change predicament, and the actions of a few countries will have and are already having effects on other countries all over the world. through the mosaic, i have learned to connect climate change to many of the issues that i care about and see how interconnected many of the world’s biggest issues are. in fact, if i have learned anything this semester, it is that i have only just breached the surface of understanding climate change, and i could study it for the rest of my life and still not know everything. i have learned that there is no way we will solve climate change tomorrow, but if we do not start working, then there is no way we can sustain life on this planet as we have come to know it. this semester has made me realize that i want to dedicate the rest of my life to further study of climate change. specifically, i hope to do research on water scarcity in developing countries induced by climate change as this is and will continue to be a significant environmental problem. i take up the call to arms against climate change because i need a solution to climate change, the vulnerable people of the world need a solution to climate change, and future generations need a solution to climate change. this will require tough decisions and sacrifices on many people’s parts, but these actions are required to sustain the cultures, livelihoods, and environmental processes of the planet and those who inhabit it. i would like to thank neil leary for orchestrating this amazing opportunity, as well as professors jeffery niemitz and jeremy ball of dickinson college for making the journey unforgettable. i have learned so much, and i appreciate all the time, effort, and energy that each of you put into the africa mosaic. references lovingly accurate ministries. 2012. “makaphutu children’s village.” loving accurately ministries. http://laminc.org/lsa/aids-statistics/. the world bank. 2012. “south africa: world development indicators.” the world bank. http://data.worldbank.org/country/south-africa. what’s your issue? references laura davalos_full research paper undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 13 issue 1, spring 2022 educational equity issues in chicago public school selective enrollment schools laura davalos university of michigan abstract on the surface, the chicago public schools (cps) selective enrollment system seems to provide students with many opportunities and offers students access to a quality education at high-performing schools. recently, however, both students and teachers have been speaking up about discrimination at these schools. this paper will evaluate the different types of discrimination that students experience within the top five selective enrollment schools and discuss possible solutions to ending discrimination. this paper specifically examines the question: how do students with marginalized identities experience educational equity, or the lack of equity, in selective enrollment schools, in particular in chicago public schools? qualitative methods were used to analyze the student experience at these schools. we collected data from instagram posts from bipoc instagram pages from four of the five schools that were studied. teacher interviews and local school council meetings were also used to gather information on the student experience at these schools. from these sources we found that racism and other forms of discrimination from teachers and staff members often can make students feel as if they are not wanted or do not belong at their high school. this paper also explores possible solutions for these issues of discrimination, which include anti-racist staff training, minority teacher recruitment/retention, listening to student input, anti-racist curriculum and creating an anti-racist culture at schools. educational equity issues in chicago public school selective enrollment schools 16 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 13 issue 1, spring 2022 introduction the chicago public school (cps) system, located in a city with a history of residential segregation is one of the largest public-school systems in the u.s. the segregated nature of the city of chicago often left schools extremely segregated with schools in lower income communities of color also receiving less funds than schools located in higher income and predominantly white neighborhoods (kryczka, 2019). the negative impact that this had on students was recognized over time as parents and students called for some type of reform along with greater access to high quality schools. as a result, cps decided to create the selective enrollment high school system to promote educational equity, as well as diversity and academic excellence in the cps school system (quiroz & lindsay, 2015). these application schools pushed students to compete with each other to gain a spot and encouraged applicants from lowincome communities of color. over time, these schools gained popularity and good reputations and attracted significant numbers of students of color. on the surface, the cps selective enrollment system seems to provide students with many opportunities and offers students of color access to a quality education that they may not normally get in their neighborhood schools. these schools are often much better off financially and are usually higher ranked, with five of these schools making up the top five schools in the state (allensworth et al., 2016). with thousands of students applying to these schools, middle school students sacrifice their time, money, and energy to try to get into one of chicago’s most sought-after schools. unfortunately, not all students have the resources to perfect their application. with chicago being such a diverse city, many students from low-income communities have a more difficult time getting into these schools without the support that students from higher-income communities receive. however, the struggle for low-income students of color in achieving educational equity does not end once they are accepted into one of these selective schools. recently, students and teachers have been speaking out against inequality within these selective schools. during a time when there was notable focus and support for the black lives matter movement, several students from selective enrollment schools created public bipoc (black, indigenous, and people of color) instagram pages where they shared their own stories of racism, sexism, and other forms of discrimination that they experienced at these schools. these pages received significant attention from the schools and certain media sources because students were also calling out teachers and administrators for their discriminatory actions. these posts also noted that the overall culture of these schools was harmful to the students. the schools’ curricula, rules, and other aspects appear to either promote or allow for discriminatory behavior to exist. all of this information from the bipoc pages called attention to how these schools’ function and deal with their diverse student population. these issues call for further investigation into the research question driving this study: how do students with marginalized identities actually experience educational equity, or the lack of equity, in selective enrollment schools, in particular in chicago public schools? i investigated this question through a literature review, as well as through a content analysis of the bipoc instagram pages. given the attention this issue has received, and in the context of national conversations about racial equity, it is important to listen to student voices and learn from their experiences, which is why i specifically focused on the student instagram pages, as they provide educational equity issues in chicago public school selective enrollment schools 18 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 13 issue 1, spring 2022 a window into the experience of students who are part of marginalized groups. in this study, i focus on five1 out of the eleven total selective enrollment schools overall in my study. through this work of public scholarship, this paper is intended to help inform and educate students and educators working in these schools by illustrating cross-school patterns and demonstrating large, system-wide issues. this paper examines issues in the cps selective enrollment school community to find possible solutions for teachers and students to look further into. as a former student in this system, and having connected with students through the instagram pages, i plan to share this work with my contacts in these schools. it is my hope that students and educators working to address issues of discrimination and inequity across these schools can use these findings and recommendations to help push for broader, more systemic reforms. literature review prior to the creation of these selective enrollment schools around the 1960s, many chicago public schools had been struggling academically, particularly schools in low-income neighborhoods with large percentages of students of color. this reality, along with the momentum of the civil rights movement, shifted the focus many chicago parents had to ensuring educational equity for their children (kryczka, 2019). as the opposition to the neighborhood school system grew, the public’s attention shifted to the idea of school choice. schools on the south side of the city were so overpopulated that they began to turn valuable resources like libraries into classrooms (kryczka, 2019). the earlier desegregation movement led to the selective white flight of many chicagoans to the suburbs or non-public school systems in chicago which further highlighted the need to create some sort of system to add diversity to the schools (kryczka, 2019). so, while students of color had the ability to attend schools with white students, selective white flight to certain neighborhoodsspecifically wealthier predominantly white areas in the northsidelater resulted in a lack of diversity in neighborhoods and their schools. selective enrollment schools were created to change the perception the public had of chicago’s schools as well as to attract people to the cps district and diversify cps schools (quiroz & lindsay, 2015). the district felt a sense of urgency to improve its academic reputation as parents began to push for the district to implement a new system (quiroz & lindsay, 2015; kryczka, 2019). because of the large amount of segregation in chicago, adding the option of school choice would encourage students to attend schools from outside their neighborhoods therefore desegregating cps schools. in order to create more diversity through desegregation within these selective enrollment and magnet schools, cps and the federal government entered a consent decree in 1980 (quick, 2016). the plan was revisited and modified in the early 2000s, defining an integrated school as a school with at least 15 percent to 35 percent of students enrolled being white (quick, 2016). this was changed in 2009 when a federal judge canceled the agreement and cps switched to using socioeconomic status (ses) instead of race as a way to ensure diversity (quick, 2016). these schools gained popularity and were praised for increasing diversity and academic rigor in the cps school system. proudly claiming to desegregate cps schools, these selective programs also tended to have higher graduation rates and test scores, although this may be 1 northside college prep, walter payton college prep, jones college prep, lane technical high school, whitney young high school educational equity issues in chicago public school selective enrollment schools 18 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 13 issue 1, spring 2022 partially due to selection bias (allensworth et al., 2016). overall, these selective schools were seen as a success and as an opportunity for low-income students of color to receive a better education. however, students at these selective enrollment cps schools are still disproportionately white, and come from higher income families (lauen, 2009), showing that perhaps these schools are not as accessible to as many low-income students of color as they thought. furthermore, students from low-income neighborhoods benefit less from high school choice than students from higher-income neighborhoods (lauen, 2009). so, while these schools perform well and provide great opportunities for chicago students, these schools still disproportionately benefit white and more affluent students. cps schools tried to account for the potential race and class disparities in education during the application process by factoring in the neighborhood that students are from at the time of admission. this was somewhat effective until about 10 years ago when gentrification in chicago led to more students from higher income families being accepted (ahmed-ullah, 2012). as a result, the racial and financial diversity among the student population in these selective enrollment schools has decreased. in addition, these high achieving schools have caught the attention of many high-income and white families, making the goal of achieving diversity in selective cps schools more difficult (quiroz and lindsay, 2015). more recently, there has been increased discussion of whether these schools help solve the issue of educational equity or further exacerbate it (ahmed-ullah, 2012). students from lower-income neighborhoods, who once had their disadvantages considered in the application process, are now being left behind because of gentrification. access to high performing schools for students from low-income families is further restricted by the fact that, while many of these selective enrollment cps schools are excelling, a larger majority of schools in chicago are struggling and underfunded. other work suggests that students with marginalized identities in different school systems in other states experience similar equity issues, pointing to the systemic nature of discrimination in our schools. hope, skoog, and jagers (2014) explored these issues in a qualitative study in the harbor school district and youngers school district in southeastern michigan. this study interviewed eight african american students and asked questions about their school experiences. in semi-structured interviews asking students about discrimination, students from every school district were able to note a time when they received unequal treatment by a teacher (hope, skoog, & jagers, 2014). these students also expressed how these instances of discrimination not only were noticed by students but also hurt their overall educational experience (hope, skoog, & jagers, 2014). occurrences of discrimination thus may be common among students of color in different schools, raising the question of whether or not students with marginalized identities experience these types of discrimination at selective enrollment schools as well. this possibility appeared as a reality in 2020 when several students from cps selective enrollment schools created bipoc instagram pages to share their negative experiences at these schools and to express the impact of these schools’ discriminatory practices. these pages discuss instances of interpersonal discrimination and systemic discrimination that students faced while at these schools. the pages have received a large amount of attention from these schools and have received a mixed response from staff. administration at both payton college prep and whitney young seem to be alarmed by these instances of discrimination while the administration at jones college prep was concerned with the pages calling out specific teachers and possibly being “slanderous” (kelly, 2020). because racism and other forms of discrimination do have an impact on the experience of students of color at these selective schools, it is important to analyze this discrimination through educational equity issues in chicago public school selective enrollment schools 19 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 13 issue 1, spring 2022 sociological perspectives on race and related theories such as critical race theory (crt). bonilla-silva (1997) critiqued overly individual, idea-based models of racism and proposed a structural theory of racism. bonilla-silva discusses “racialized social systems” which place people into racial categories that later form hierarchies that determine social standing, political power, and economic wealth. this socialized system theory can be applicable to other identities as well (bonilla-silva, 1997). developing out of legal scholarship on the impact of racism on the legal system, crt builds on this concept by noting that legislation surrounding civil rights in education has still benefitted white people (bell, 1980). because white is viewed as the norm in this racialized society, everything else is seen in relation to it and much of society caters to white people (ladson-billings, 2010; crenshaw, 1989) critical race theory aligns with bonilla’s model and argues that racism and inequality stem from deep rooted systemic issues rather than simple individual instances (ladson-billings, 2010; ledesma & calderón, 2015). despite the recent controversies over crt in k-12 education, there is significant scholarship in education research that explores how education inequities are tied to systemic racism in society (ledesma & calderón, 2015). when analyzed through the lens of racialized social systems and crt, the instagram posts from students at multiple cps selective enrollment schools show patterns of systemic discrimination in students experiences of racism and discrimination. for example, crt scholars believe that instead of promoting social inequity, school desegregation efforts were catered only in ways that helped whites (bell, 1980; ladson-billings, 2010). this theory can be applied to how selective enrollment schools in chicago still end up serving and benefitting more white students than students with marginalized identities (lauen, 2009). because of the racialized social systems in place within society, cps selective enrollment schools still benefit white students with higher-income backgrounds compared to marginalized students despite being designed to help students of all identities. considering these patterns of systemic discrimination allows for a better understanding of how these issues may also need to be addressed with crt in mind and calls for further investigation into system wide solutions. there is currently a lack of research that investigates the experiences of different marginalized groups in these cps selective enrollment schools. much of the existing research in these schools deals with how issues of coming from a low-income family can affect a student’s academic performance. however, there is a gap in addressing how racism, classism, sexism, and homophobia impact students in these selective enrollment schools, sometimes with multiple acts of discrimination occurring at the same time. filling in this gap, kimberle williams crenshaw introduced the theory of intersectionality in her 1989 paper, "demarginalizing the intersection of race and sex: a black feminist critique of antidiscrimination doctrine, feminist theory and antiracist politics", noting that without intersectionality, claims of lesser known forms of discrimination can go unnoticed because we are unable to see the complexity that holding several marginalized identities can have. the exclusion of black women in feminist theory is used as an example by crenshaw to expose how multiple marginalized identities impact the experiences one may have in different spaces. the framework of “multiracial feminism” is brought up to not only draw attention to the diversity in women but also understand that it is important to understand race in order to understand gender (zinn and dill, 1996). multiracial feminism notes that gender is comprised of many “interlocking inequalities” such as race that that are connected in systematic ways (zinn and dill, 1996). in this context, it is important to observe these student voices by evaluating how their intersectional identities may also impact their experiences in school. in educational equity issues in chicago public school selective enrollment schools 20 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 13 issue 1, spring 2022 addition to intersectionality not being considered often in conversations of discrimination, student voices have largely been ignored in the creation of educational policy. while student voices have gone unnoticed, they can be extremely valuable in determining shared problems across schools which can lead to a deeper understanding of systemic issues in the education system. because of this, this study will focus on analyzing systemic discrimination in selective cps schools particularly through student voices. methods in order to identify and evaluate patterns of systemic discrimination in cps schools as described in social media posts, this study took a qualitative approach using multiple data sources. the first method that i used was a background literature review looking at different sources that discussed either: 1) the history of selective enrollment schools in chicago; 2) issues of inequity in cps schools/selective enrollment schools; or 3) solutions on how to solve racial, gender, lgbtq+, and class issues in schools. the literature review helped develop a better understanding of the cps selective enrollment school system and how it was created. as this study is also geared towards exploring solutions to these problems, the literature review also involved finding research and articles that point towards how we can reform this system. when doing this, i specifically focused on anti-racist curriculum and resources, diversity hiring in staff, staff training, restorative justice programs for students, and other forms of possible educational reform. the literature review centered on these solutions in particular because they seemed to be the most supported and the most effective in helping stop discrimination in schools. to further evaluate the systemic issues of discrimination in cps selective enrollment schools as reported by students, i collected screenshots of instagram posts from bipoc pages of four selective enrollment high schools in chicago2 out of the eleven total in the city. i focused on five schools3 overall in my study because while these five were more diverse overall, they still had a large population of white students from higher-income backgrounds. these schools also differed from the selective enrollment schools that were not examined because they consistently were ranked in the top ten schools in the state. as a former student of one of these schools, i was aware of a perception in the selective enrollment student community that these issues were prevalent specifically in these five schools. while these schools do not necessarily represent the whole selective enrollment system, it is still important to evaluate the issues of discrimination in these schools because of their potential to spread further throughout the selective enrollment system and because these schools are prominent institutions in the system. i only collected instagram information from four out of the five schools that were focused on because one of the schools (northside college prep) did not have any sort of bipoc instagram page. instagram posts were specifically used as core data sources in my study because of its feasibility as a way to compare experiences across schools. the public nature of these accounts also made this method an accessible way to gather a large amount of student experiences. social media can also serve as a powerful online community for people, especially students. by looking at what students are saying in communal online spaces, i am able to gain a deeper understanding into how students in the cps selective enrollment community are saying about their schools. in total there were five instagram pages evaluated that examined four of the 2 walter payton college prep, jones college prep, lane technical high school, whitney young high school 3 northside college prep, walter payton college prep, jones college prep, lane technical high school, whitney young high school educational equity issues in chicago public school selective enrollment schools 21 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 13 issue 1, spring 2022 selective enrollment schools studied (whitney young had two instagram pages). these instagram pages were selected as the main method of the study because they were able to clearly showcase students’ perceptions and interpretations of experiences surrounding different types of discrimination at these schools. by examining what students choose to publicly share, we can better understand the experience of students with marginalized identities. i selected 35 posts from these pages, focusing in on posts that related to experiences of discrimination from authority figures or with respect to broader school culture. for this analysis, i did not include posts strictly about student-to-student discrimination as i was more interested in schoolwide issues. this is because i wanted to begin to establish patterns of behavior that could further indicate the systems and institutions that make up cps selective enrollment schools. by focusing on more than just interpersonal discrimination between students, this study would also be able to more strongly establish that these issues need to be evaluated in a systemic way. one example of a post that i choose is shown below. this post shows a student talking about sexism and racism from a teacher and how many other students excused his behavior. this post also implies that many other students had a problem with the teacher’s racism and sexism which suggests there is a bigger problem with these issues at this school. this post was chosen because it clearly points to a larger problem with teachers and the school culture. i wanted to make sure that i was including posts that really reflected students’ perceptions of the school’s culture of racism. because of this, i did not pick many posts that focused on individual or isolated cases of discriminatory behavior. an example of a post that was not picked was a post from a student at jones saying “during my class my table was discussing race for some reason. there were four of us, two of which were white. i mentioned that i’m half white half asian. the white boy at my table laughed and said my white parent must have an asian fetish. the other people at the table just sat there in awkward silence. it made me so uncomfortable and grossed out and he just sat there laughing at his own inappropriate joke.” while this quote shows inappropriate behavior surrounding race, it is a more interpersonal instance of racism that does not provide as much information of the environment surrounding discrimination at jones. educational equity issues in chicago public school selective enrollment schools 22 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 13 issue 1, spring 2022 i used a process of constant comparative analysis (straus & corbin, 1990), coding information from different sources and going back and forth between these different sources to develop a theory explaining patterns in the data. the first step in my analysis was to use open coding procedures in which i wrote down all of the types of issues that these posts discussed by summarizing them in short phrases. then i used refined coding and coded the posts based on if the issues involved racism, sexism, classism, or were anti-lgbtq+. i also coded based off of how the school responded to the issue/how the issue was handled according to the students. in addition, i reached out to all of the instagram pages to ask for permission to use the screenshots of their public posts. once i received permission, i began to ask the students who ran the instagram pages questions about how the school and others were responding to the page and how the account was run. this was done to both learn more about the situation at these schools and to ensure that these posts and claims that are being made were reliable. there are some limitations with the method of pulling student opinions from social media. because these instagram posts are written by students expressing their own experiences, students could possibly exaggerate or fabricate stories of discrimination. with social media sometimes being a distortion of reality, it can be difficult to know what is accurate. in addition to this, because the posts were self-selected by students, the data gathered may be more biased due to those students potentially feeling more strongly about discrimination in their institutions. i try to manage these limitations through triangulation with other data sources. i was able to interview a teacher, attend an lsc meeting, and look at some news stories about discrimination in these schools in order to confirm and evaluate the statements students were making on the bipoc instagram pages. i then had multiple interviews with a teacher of color who works at one of the selective enrollment schools. this teacher was selected in order to bring an inside view to the issues of discrimination within staff members in these selective enrollment schools. this teacher was selected based off of access and willingness to discuss issues of discrimination at these schools. although it would have been ideal to include more teachers and administrators in this method, there was not enough opportunity to get in contact with teachers and administrators in these schools. future studies could benefit from more staff representation in these interviews. i asked her questions about the school environment and how the administration typically handled these issues of discrimination in a broader sense. i asked these questions to gain a teacher’s perspective in all of this and see how her counts aligned with what students reported. i then coded the interview to look at the types of issues that the teacher experienced or witnessed (e.g. race, gender issues, etc.). i also attended an online, public lsc meeting (local school council meeting) and took notes. i attended the meeting to look at how the school was responding to these equity issues and how the school was presenting these issues in front of students and parents. i coded the meeting the same way that i coded the interviews with the teacher. this helped me better understand how the school was handling the issues that i was observing. i also searched online for news coverage of issues with discrimination at participating schools in order to gather more information and explore the more prevalent issues in these schools. i looked up terms like “cps selective enrollment school discrimination” and “chicago selective enrollment school racism” to find news articles. in this search, i was able to find several different news stories that discuss issues with discrimination in these school including the chicago sun-times discussing the bipoc instagram pages from jones, whitney-young, and payton and providing more perspective on how students are experiencing harm in selective enrollment schools and feel unsupported by the educational equity issues in chicago public school selective enrollment schools 23 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 13 issue 1, spring 2022 administration at their schools (kelly, 2020). other news stories have touched on problematic behavior from staff members such as payton’s administration's lack of action when a black student was experiencing racial harassment or the lack of response that parents felt principal powers had on race and equity issues at jones (karp, 2019; golden, 2022). the use of triangulated data across these sources in my constant comparative analysis allowed for me to view these issues that were happening at cps schools from different perspectives and look for patterns across multiple sources. findings this qualitative study allowed for a deeper analysis into the discrimination students often faced during their time at a cps selective enrollment school. this study not only offered insight into the types of discrimination students faced but also the noticeable patterns of discrimination that manifested in these schools. looking at these patterns of discrimination, it was found that many of the issues that were observed often happened together with each other, with multiple posts discussing more than one type of discrimination. because students at these schools hold many diverse identities that are intersectional, it is important to also understand how the discrimination in these schools affects different identities at the same time. using the instagram posts, the interviews, and the lsc meetings, many important patterns of discrimination in these schools emerged. in particular, issues of racism, sexism, and homophobia were discussed, both in terms of teacher/student interactions and the general school culture and curricula. instances of racism were the most common making 66.7% of the specific mentions of discrimination observed in the instagram pages. gender was the next most common issue with 20% followed by class (socio-economic status) at 8.9% and then lgbtq+ at 4.4%. educational equity issues in chicago public school selective enrollment schools 24 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 13 issue 1, spring 2022 racism and issues intersectional with racism racism from teachers and staff. according to posts from many students, some teachers at these schools seemed too often be extremely biased and faced no consequences when students complained about their behavior. a student at whitney young noted that a teacher clearly had a bias toward black students and told her student not to “talk black.” another student at payton described a time they felt discriminated against by a teacher when a teacher said, “your kind of people don’t belong here.” these two posts from the students and many more similar posts indicate that students feel discriminated against by teachers and experienced clear microaggressions or discriminatory behavior from teachers. the interview with the teacher from jones supported this idea. the teacher specifically recounted a time when a teacher questioned if it was really racist to mix up the names of students of color. this pattern of racist behavior was not uncommon according to the teacher. in addition to this, several news stories have touched on instances of racism in selective enrollment schools including students saying racial slurs in a zoom class at payton and lane tech (jones, 2016; kelly 2020). these claims are further validated by cps’s office of equity working with selective enrollment schools to investigate the discrimination taking place (kelly, 2020). based on the teacher and student experiences, racism from staff towards other staff members and students seems normalized. while this might be blamed on individual teachers, the common experience across multiple students from several schools suggests a larger institutional problem. culture of racism. upon looking at the instagram posts, there also appears to be a culture of white supremacy in these schools. as shared by a student who attended jones college educational equity issues in chicago public school selective enrollment schools 25 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 13 issue 1, spring 2022 prep, “...the curriculum of this white institution itself is racist. history classes, especially, are a safe space for racist students to share their opinions freely, and topics such as the ongoing genocide of indigenous people are seen as two-sided topics open for debate.” as demonstrated through this post, some students believe that jones consistently allows for racism to occur in classrooms and does not discipline their students for racist behavior. this post also shows how white supremacy seems to be embedded in the curriculum through teachers allowing debates that often invalidate the identities and experiences of students of color. similar posts supported this concern and student perspective, suggesting a culture that centers white voices while refusing to accommodate students of color. the interview with the teacher at one of the selective enrollment schools corroborated this by supporting the idea that her school is a place that allows for white supremacy to occur. the teacher specifically noted that she thought the school has many characteristics of white supremacy including hoarding information that impedes the school’s ability to complete anti-racist work. the lack of work on preventing racism at the school suggests that the administration does not care for stopping the current culture of white supremacy there. as shared in the teacher interview, this culture of white supremacy was also seen when teachers were found to be discriminating against an applicant with an arabic sounding last name for no reason when that teacher was applying for a teaching position. according to the teacher, it was later revealed that school administrators used these discriminatory practices when deciding whether to hire certain teachers. lack of accountability. part of what feeds into the overall culture of white supremacy and racism seems to be the fact that many of these selective schools don’t appear to hold people accountable for acts of discrimination and racism. this is seen in a statement made by a student at payton college prep on the bipoc instagram page that noted, “over my past three years at payton, i’ve felt that payton has never really cared about the students, just about how they look to the outside world.” students felt like the schools often ignored the issues that students face and were more concerned with public image. this is further supported by another student at payton stating that “our administration constantly sweeps incidents of racism, sexism, homophobia, and sexual assault under the rug.” according to students, this behavior of ignoring issues seems to be common not only for issues concerning racism but any type of discrimination. based on the student accounts, administration at these schools is perceived to value their reputation over the well-being of their students. the teacher interview further supports this when she noted that students were begging for anti-racist training for the teachers but were being ignored by administration. she also noted that the administration has a policy of “assuming everyone has the best intentions'' which leads to a culture of people being dismissed whenever they bring up injustice and discrimination. she described that administrators often made it so teachers of color had to “dance around the feelings'' of their white counterparts, valuing how white teachers feel about being called out on their discriminatory behavior instead of the people of color who experienced that behavior. intersectional issues with race lack of awareness of student struggles. in addition to the issue of racial discrimination, students also reported that these selective schools often don’t consider all of the other struggles that their students face, particularly around issues of socioeconomic status. it is a common belief that these schools don’t think about how their students come from different backgrounds and have different access to resources, leaving these schools unaware of the issues that their students face. a student from payton explained her struggle to gain support from her school saying that educational equity issues in chicago public school selective enrollment schools 26 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 13 issue 1, spring 2022 “payton’s counselors, administration all suck when it comes to ensuring low income students, especially black students, know what their resources are. i was a low income black girl from englewood. nobody told me what my resources were.” in the jones lsc meeting, the student representative also brought up that many students felt like teachers didn’t consider that students come from different areas with different available resources when they create assignments. while these schools pride themselves on the great amount of diversity they have, it appears that they often do not make a conscious effort to support their diverse student body. culture of assimilation. racism from teachers and staff members often made students feel as if they did not belong at their high school and left students of color feeling isolated. a student from payton described how isolated they felt due to their race, writing, “i just feel like if i was white, more people would want to be friends with me.” another student at jones described similar feelings saying “i’ve felt like i had to hide my culture because i was too scared white people wouldn’t like me...i feel ashamed of myself.” these sentiments from students show that students of color can feel isolated and alone at these schools. this pattern of feelings from students is concerning because it shows us how the overall high school experience for students of color is not very positive and affirming. this negative feeling among students is potentially a factor in the declining enrollment of black students at jones. at the jones lsc meeting, the principal mentioned that the enrollment of black students declined from 17% to 11% from 2016 to 2020 and that the enrollment was at 25% in 2010. this dramatic drop in black student enrollment may very well reflect how students at these schools often feel unwelcome. this feeling appears to be common among teachers as well according to the teacher interview, which revealed that the teaching environment at jones was unwelcoming towards black teachers. both these teacher and student experiences show that people of color at selective enrollment schools often feel like outsiders. similar to how students feel about facing racism, students from lower income households also faced pressure to blend in and were left feeling like outsiders. at the lsc meeting, the student representative mentioned that students would rather miss an assignment than talk to teachers about resource constraints that prevent them from doing work, demonstrating that students felt like they could not bring up any issues that they face. many students at these selective schools feel the need to blend in with their peers who come from higher income families, resulting in them sometimes feeling like they have to hide some of the struggles they experience. this culture of assimilation and the student feedback critiquing it shows how these schools have also created an environment where students do not feel welcome to share their struggles and feedback to these schools. this discomfort the student felt is directly a result of the pressure students of color feel to conform to the way their white peers act and look like. the student noted that this feeling was not just limited to race but also how they felt pressured to dress and act in a way that ends up disproportionately affecting low-income students of color. gender and sexuality discrimination sexual harassment by teachers and staff. along with student posts discussing how classism was a prevalent issue at these schools, several students reported dealing with sexism. there were several posts from students and one teacher that discussed incidents of sexual harassment from staff. in an instagram post a former payton faculty member described being harassed by another teacher and their disappointment in how administration handled the entire situation. the former staff member specifically recalled having to apologize for defending themselves stating “he complained to our principal and department chair, and i was forced to apologize to him for ‘lashing out’ a few years later, he would finally be forced out of cps but educational equity issues in chicago public school selective enrollment schools 27 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 13 issue 1, spring 2022 how many students had to be harassed, violated, and gaslighted over the years for this to finally happen?” a student at payton noted several times when a security guard had made inappropriate comments about what she was wearing and eating. despite these staff members committing sexual harassment, there seemed to be no sort of punishment for them. according to students, these schools also don’t seem to take these sexual harassment claims seriously and don’t seem to take any action to support the victims. a student at jones discussed their frustration with how the school handled their abuse saying “jones faculty does not care about their students...students and teachers knew i was in an abusive relationship with another student and after things came out about it, people gossiped... only after fighting with the school and legal action was taken, was anything done. and when i asked for the video footage for legal purposes, they wouldn’t give it to me. he has nothing on his record and with ease is going to college.” in this case, the student felt like the school did not value their input and ignored issues they faced, and similar posts suggested that this was not an isolated, individual case. both this and the posts discussing sexual harassment indicated that students and even some staff members did not feel like their voices matter. culture of homophobia. similar to other types of discrimination, there also appears to be a culture of homophobia within these schools. a student at payton revealed that there was a clear issue of students being casually homophobic stating “in the 2024 discord server there’s a channel called ‘dark humor’ where i’ve seen countless racist, homophobic, and overall xenophobic memes. in the discord server rules it states that there is ‘no hate speech allowed’ even though there clearly is.” this first-hand account shows how homophobia is present in these schools with little obvious consequence. this comment also notes other types of discrimination present in this instance, which showcases how these different types of discrimination often are intertwined. the teacher interview revealed that a teacher was making homophobic comments about another teacher, thus homophobia may not just be a problem among students but also teachers as well. discussion these findings reveal that students are often very aware of the discrimination going on at their schools and are significantly impacted by these instances of discrimination. other work supports this idea further by noting that students are capable of seeing the inequality within their education and understand that they are experiencing unfair treatment from their schools (hope, skoog, and jagers 2014). because teachers can have such an impact on their students, it is extremely important to work on making schools anti-racist. because students in high school are still young and are still forming their identities, instances of discrimination can leave a lasting effect on them (hope, skoog, & jagers, 2014). the patterns of discrimination and lack of educational equity revealed in this study in these selective enrollment schools appear in places other than just chicago. not only has there been a rise of bipoc social media pages for private schools in chicago, but these bipoc pages have also appeared in several selective colleges, such as @blackatmichigan and @bipoc.syracuse, as well as in certain corporations. the @blackatmichigan and @bipoc.syracuse instagram pages both feature several student stories of racism and discrimination that they experienced during their time at these prominent universities. this shows that these issues are not just local but national issues, and that people of color are turning to social media to publicly tell their stories with less risk of punishment. not only are these issues very common, but these negative experiences can also take a toll on someone and can impair their ability to work well in these environments. these instagram posts also appear to educational equity issues in chicago public school selective enrollment schools 28 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 13 issue 1, spring 2022 show that many students experiencing discrimination are ignored when they report these incidents, suggesting that these issues are larger and deeper than discrimination happening between a small group of people. in addition, newspaper coverage reveals that in addition to the harm being done to students, the district is facing bad publicity, potential lawsuits, an investigation by the cps office of equity, and more. this attention from prominent news sources helps show the growing urgency to address these solutions. when looking at the issues of discrimination through a crt and racialized social system, cps selective enrollment schools are hierarchical in the sense that white students from higher-income backgrounds are able to benefit more than other students with marginalized identities. the fact that the cps selective enrollment schools are being investigated by the cps office of equity and concerns are being brought up by parents shows that these issues are not just instances of interpersonal discrimination or racism. looking at how bonilla-silva describes racialized social systems, we can see that discrimination has impacted student and teacher interactions, how these issues are handled in these schools, and other factors that come together to form the environment of these schools. possible solutions because these issues are larger than just discrimination between a small amount of people, solutions will require a large amount of dedication and resources. there are several possible solutions that schools can use such as anti-racist staff training, minority teacher recruitment/retention, listening to student input, anti-racist curriculum and creating an anti-racist culture at schools. because there are so many possible solutions, it is difficult to take an in depth look at all of them. this section will focus on anti-racist staff training, minority teacher recruitment/retention, anti-racist curriculum, and listening to student voices because these solutions seem to have the most potential for attention and impact. one extremely important measure that can be taken to stop discrimination at these schools is that we can listen to student voices. however, student voices are often ignored in school settings. several instagram posts note how they felt like their voices were not valued enough by the administration. students can often provide a unique perspective on how schools handle discrimination issues. these students are the ones who are the most affected by discrimination and should have a say in how it is handled. by centering student voices, many schools will gain a better sense of what approach they need to take in order to stop discrimination. because each school is different and has different problems, listening to student voices will help schools see the specific problems that exist within the school. this can be done in several ways including creating a student diversity, equity, and inclusion council or sending out anonymous surveys and forms for students to discuss their experiences as a student with a marginalized identity. in the instagram posts, many students indicated that they specifically experienced discrimination from teachers and other staff members. because of this, it is extremely important that the staff at these schools take some kind of anti-racist training that teaches them how to prevent discrimination in a school setting. the article “anti-racist staff training: anti-racist school leadership: making ‘race’ count in leadership preparation and development” specifically emphasizes that teachers have the ability to greatly influence race relations at schools (miller, 2020). in this piece, miller specifically notes that this anti-racist training must make teachers understand the history of structural racism as they also reflect on their own biases. this training must not only address interpersonal racism but also structural institutional racism because the racism that impacts these students is not limited to interpersonal racism (miller, 2020). educational equity issues in chicago public school selective enrollment schools 29 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 13 issue 1, spring 2022 one of the nation's leading organizations promoting anti-racist education, learning for justice, notes that anti-racist training must be ongoing and must value the experiences of people of color (mcgeehan, 2018). these types of anti-racist training must also force white teachers and educators out of their comfort zones (mcgeehan, 2018). the teacher interview revealed that a lot of the training that was done protected the feelings of white teachers, preventing them from achieving true growth. because of this, anti-racist training must push teachers to reflect on their actions and how they may harm students. one important thing to note is that there is not a lot of concrete evidence that evaluates the effectiveness of anti-racist curriculum. because anti-racist curriculum is a newer concept, there is still not much research on it. along with listening to student voices and anti-racist training in schools, another solution that should be implemented in schools is minority teacher recruitment and retention. despite the nation having a 37% minority population and a 44% minority elementary and secondary student population, only 17.3% of elementary and secondary teachers were minority members (ingersoll et al. 2016). this disparity, when viewed along with data from sources like the instagram posts, shows the need for a more diverse workplace in school settings. ingersoll et al. (2016) also notes that recruitment efforts have been put in place in the past and have been effective in increasing the minority teacher force. having more minority teachers stay at schools for longer allows for teachers to create deeper connections with their students which would benefit students of color greatly. we can increase the amount of minority teachers by focusing on recruiting minority teachers and evaluating our hiring practices to ensure that there is no discrimination going on. at jones specifically, a teacher noted that there were instances of discrimination when people were applying for a teaching position. it is thus important to reevaluate the practices that are used to hire teachers for any potential discrimination in order to help improve diversity in the workplace. recently, several teachers sued cps for the discriminatory practices that they believed led to a large number of black teachers being fired (dudek, 2021). from 2006 to 2017 the percentage of black teachers dropped from 33% to 21% which is believed to be mostly due to discriminatory factors used to decide which teachers would be fired (dudek, 2021). this large drop in black teachers further shows the need to reevaluate how cps is treating their teachers of color and what factors are considered with hiring/firing staff. to combat low minority teacher representation, there must be an approach that focuses on improving the conditions that are driving these teachers away. this includes creating better teacher salaries, reducing class sizes and creating a positive class environment that makes minority teachers want to stay. there should also be more of an effort to include bipoc students in education undergraduate and graduate programs, which would add diversity to the teaching force. along with listening to student voices and increasing the amount of minority teachers, creating an anti-racist curriculum is extremely important in addressing different forms of discrimination in schools. anti-racist work requires us to acknowledge that racist beliefs and behavior is prevalent in all aspects of our lives and has been in the past (torres, 2020). this requires us to actively fight against racism rather than passively oppose it. the article notes that this can be done by sharing stories of people of color and lgbtq+ which will benefit both white and non-white students. these stories should be diverse and should also help empower minority students. providing students with diverse perspectives will force them to expand their understanding of different identities. the article “culturally responsive, antiracist, or anti-oppressive? how language matters for school change efforts” further supports this, noting that anti-racist education must include teaching about white privilege/oppression, critiquing inequalities in structures, addressing racism, and focusing on student experience (galloway, educational equity issues in chicago public school selective enrollment schools 30 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 13 issue 1, spring 2022 callin, james, vimegnon, & mccall, 2019). all of these aspects of antiracist curriculum are extremely important because they would help address the many issues that are caused by white supremacy and other forms of discrimination. conclusion chicago’s selective enrollment schools were designed to achieve greater educational equality and diversity within the cps school system. while these schools provided many students of color from lower-income backgrounds with important educational opportunities, many of these students also faced discrimination. according to many instagram bipoc pages, there is a culture of white supremacy that allows discrimination from teachers and the school curriculum itself. in addition to the issue of white supremacy, students also report that these selective schools often don’t consider other struggles that their students face when it comes to socioeconomic struggles. many students also felt like their schools did not support them when they faced sexual harassment in these schools. all of these types of discrimination lead to a culture of discrimination where students felt like their concerns are being ignored by the school. as these issues of discrimination appear to be deeply rooted in the selective enrollment school system, solutions need to be at the systems level as well. some solutions that could help with these issues of discrimination are anti-racist staff training, minority teacher recruitment/retention, anti-racist curriculum, and listening to student voices. both anti-racist staff training and minority teacher recruitment/retention can be helpful in creating a staff that is better equipped to teach a diverse student body. creating an anti-racist curriculum would help many of these schools address the structural issues that they have and increase and improve dialogue around race within the school community. listening to student voices is essential because these students have a unique perspective on the discrimination they face. by approaching the issue of discrimination with a multidimensional approach, cps selective enrollment schools are viewed as racialized social system that requires systematic solutions. educational equity issues in chicago public school selective enrollment schools 31 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 13 issue 1, spring 2022 references ahmed-ullah, n. s. 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(1996). theorizing difference from multiracial feminism. feminist studies, 22(2), 321. doi:10.2307/3178416 http://www.tolerance.org/magazine/all-students-need-antiracism-education educational equity issues in chicago public school selective enrollment schools abstract introduction literature review methods findings racism and issues intersectional with racism intersectional issues with race gender and sexuality discrimination discussion possible solutions references seeing social problems through the eyes of community members: 1 seeing social problems through the eyes of community members: reflections on community-based service learning at moses house paola a. gonzalez university of south florida college students and researchers sometimes assume when they start a community partnership or service-learning project that they have many things to offer to the community but that perhaps not much will be received in return besides an out-of-classroom learning experience and course credit. however, what i learned throughout my service-learning experience and continued work with moses house is that community members—in this case, children living in sulphur springs, a high-poverty neighborhood in tampa, florida—have much more to teach college students than what we might at first suppose. i am an undergraduate student majoring in anthropology at the university of south florida (usf). anthropology attempts to understand everyday sociocultural realities from the multiple perspectives of real people as they go about making meaning in their day-to-day lives. what anthropology students, as well as students from other social science disciplines, can learn from community-based service-learning in low-income neighborhoods is that the views and experiences of children can—and should—inform public policy directed at such populations. anthropologists can become more involved in the policy decisions that affect these communities in cities across the united states by bringing what they learn from the everyday lives of community residents to the policy making process. moses house is a grassroots nonprofit organization founded in 1984 by two brothers, taft and harold richardson, who were african american folk artists passionate about using art and educational outreach to improve the well-being of children living in public housing projects in east tampa. when the housing was demolished during 1999-2000 and residents relocated to sulphur springs, moses house followed them there. faculty and students from the anthropology department at usf came across moses house and the richardsons in the early 2000s. a few years later, they began cultivating a university–community partnership that allowed for mutually beneficial learning and resource sharing. this has proven successful in that, in recent years, moses house has been awarded a number of grants and awards, while usf students and faculty have developed long-term research projects and semester-long service-learning courses. my work with moses house started in the 2011 spring semester as part of the requirements for my anthropology of childhood course, which had service-learning as a required component. the purpose of this course is to provide students with the main theoretical frameworks and research methods used by anthropologists when conducting ethnographic research. the class covered theories of agency, ethnographic research ethics and methods with children, food insecurity and food deserts, and relationships between children and their environments. we studied how to do participant observation and conduct structured and unstructured observations and interviews, and then we applied what we learned in a real-life context. by conducting our own research, we could better understand which research methods might be more appropriate or relevant for investigating different research questions. for my service-learning research project, i focused on perceptions of healthful foods held by children in sulphur springs, and the course taught me how to choose the most appropriate ethnographic research methods as well as how to implement them in order to gather data that could answer my research questions. 2 in december of 2010, moses house had been awarded a technical assistance grant to start a community garden as a way to learn about and address issues of food insecurity and food deserts in low-income areas of tampa. food deserts have been defined as “poor urban areas where residents cannot buy affordable, healthy food” (cummins and macintyre 2002, 436). because the neighborhood of sulphur springs has been identified as a food desert, the members of moses house aimed at providing the community with closer access to fresh fruits and vegetables, something that is not found in the nearby convenience stores that surround the area. my study initially intended to focus on the opinions and perceptions of what the kids at moses house thought were healthful foods and why they thought healthful foods might be important. after my research started, i became more aware of larger societal issues and questions, such as whether or not as researchers we are focused on the most important issues, pursuing the most meaningful goals, and even asking the right questions. throughout the semester, i went to moses house for one afternoon per week. this gave me the opportunity to build rapport and trust with the kids. this trustful relationship allowed me to delve deeper into their lives, and learn not only the basic perceptions they had about healthful foods but also how much they are actually aware of their environment and social circumstances. i became knowledgeable of their level of awareness when i had an assignment that asked for the children to draw a picture of what they thought represented “healthful foods.” for example, i asked two of the boys to draw a picture of healthful food, and as they made their drawing, they discussed what they were representing and explained why they drew certain foods and not others. one of the kids drew some of the vegetables that were currently growing in the garden, and when i asked why he thought they were healthful foods, he said, “fruits and vegetables are very good for you, but at school you have to pay for them so you can’t eat them a lot.” if children in this community are already living in a ‘food desert’ and lack access to more healthful foods, one would hope that they would at least be able to have more access to them at school. as college students and members of the tampa bay community, i believe we have to start questioning why our public school system is not already providing better food options—or, indeed, whether the political will exists to change school policy so that schools are required to provide more healthful food options. parents often express frustration at the long process they have to go through in order to have their school provide their child with more healthful food options. from personal experience working in a doctor’s office, i know that this is indeed an arduous process. if parents want their child to be provided with more healthful foods, they are asked to go to the child’s school and obtain the appropriate paperwork. the parents then need to go to the child’s pediatrician and ask them to provide a physical exam, followed by a physician’s note stating the need for the child to obtain more healthful and fresh foods, along with the accurate completion of the paperwork obtained from the school. many doctors’ offices ask the parents to leave the paperwork and allow for a couple of days for the documents to be filled out, requiring the parents to once again have to travel back to the physician’s office to pick them up. in the case of the children in sulphur springs, many of these parents live in poverty and often have limited means of transportation. thus, they lack the ability to be able to go through the process of completing the paperwork demanded by the school system. therefore it is easy to see how the children of sulphur springs, and children who attend public school as a whole, have less access to healthful foods than children and parents who do not live in poverty. from a health perspective, one must also question why the school system does not already provide all children with more healthful food options, given that there is an accumulated body of scientific 3 knowledge and data showing the many health benefits that eating fresh and healthful foods provides for children and their development. after spending time with the children, i started to listen more closely to the ideas they had regarding many of the issues that they face at a very young age. although researchers and the scientific community often overstate the lack of agency people might have, and, likewise, anthropologists often desire to “give people a voice,” my community-based service-learning experience demonstrated that children from sulphur springs in fact have a strong sense of personal and group agency. they know what is good for them and what is harmful to them, and how the socioeconomic and political systems leave them behind. they also realize how these systems fail to provide them and their older siblings with the opportunities that would allow them to have a healthier and more successful future. the children often discussed their lives from a different perspective than the one we university students had. the children explained how many of them had started school late, and after doing so, how their teachers did not seem to want to provide the best education they could. they would often express feelings of frustration because they would not understand something that “other kids their age knew.” they felt that their teachers did not care about their behavior or how well they were learning a certain topic, but they did not understand why their teachers did not care. from an anthropological perspective, one must question why, if there are so many strong voices of people who live in these situations, policy makers and human service professionals do not seem to listen or even be aware of them. these perspectives should be used in developing programs and social assistance in order to bridge the gap in the level of education obtained by these children when compared to students who attend charter or magnet schools in hillsborough county. as researchers and community members, are we truly allowing them to have their voices heard in the decision-making process? are we questioning the people who make the decisions that affect their everyday lives? are we concerned about the low levels of education the children are achieving? or is it easier for us to look the other way and simply blame the individual and endorse the idea that “if someone wants to and works hard enough” they will be able to overcome all these issues? i argue that we often become so involved in “the system” that we fail to see how it constrains our own agency and affects the lives of people around us. after the semester was over, i continued my work at moses house. it was during this time that i learned how much more this “system” continues to affect the children in the community. after speaking to one of the older children, he explained exactly how he felt about the system: our schools do not work like the rest of the schools. our teachers put us through these stages, and once we get passed them all, we can move on to a better school. but they don’t make this easy, they treat us bad, curse at us, and get in our faces just to make us upset. it gets to the point where you just explode, and you’re back at the first level. that’s why i dropped out of school, not because i am not smart, i want to go to college, but i didn’t like the way i was treated. social science academic disciplines have produced a wealth of knowledge about systems of oppression. high levels of food insecurity affecting urban and rural areas have been mapped and documented. much research has been published explaining how poverty affects all aspects of people’s lives, including their health, education, potential for employment and professional advancement, and access to the opportunities for pursuing what our society calls “a better life.” 4 however, as college students, and future professionals, what we often fail to see and understand is that we often times have the power to act as advocates for the disadvantaged or simply as liaisons between disadvantaged communities and people in charge of policy-making. what the service-learning course and the opportunity to work with moses house showed me is that it is no longer merely an issue of food insecurity and unequal access to healthful and fresh fruits and vegetables for the sulphur springs community. this is only part of a larger mix of societal problems, such as inequality of educational opportunity, wrongful accusations that push children into the juvenile justice system, the repercussions of having a juvenile or criminal record, and lack of access to real opportunities for improving their lives and wellbeing. as an outsider to the community, and as a person who is receiving a college education, it is easy to be judgmental and negatively biased against certain peoples or communities. however, what a community-based service-learning experience can offer is not only the chance to explore theoretical frameworks and methodology but also to learn from the people one works with and to at least attempt to see things from their perspective. lastly, it is important to remember that many college students, myself included, are able to obtain a college education thanks to pell grants and tax-payer money invested in education. i argue that we have to somehow give back to the community, and become advocates for those we learn from while conducting research and studies in these communities. after all, we have access to higher education in part thanks to them, and our service-learning in their communities enhances our educational experience in many positive ways. giving back is the least we can do. i would like to sincerely thank lance arney, m.a., for his undoubted support, guidance, and feedback throughout the writing of this paper. his continued mentorship and knowledge regarding moses house, anthropology and social justice has significantly improved the quality of this paper. the author would also like to thank professor rebecca zarger, ph.d., of the anthropology department at the university of south florida for her teachings and guidance regarding anthropological theories and methods regarding research with youth. lastly, the author would like to thank the children of moses house, whose lives, experiences and perspectives provided the insight for this paper. references cummins, steven, and sally macintyre. 2002. “‘food deserts’—evidence and assumption in health policy making.” the british medical journal 325 (7361): 436-38. seeing social problems through the eyes of community members: reflections on community-based service learning at moses house one-way street 1 one-way street emily du duke university i was working for the center of documentary studies at that time in community programs, and we were invited to be a part of some of the very initial meetings, but it became very clear that a lot of work needed to be done before anyone was going to do any documentary work. ‘why are you taking that picture? what are you going to do with that?’ this and again that, ‘we’re tired of students coming into the neighborhood, taking what they need for their research, and leaving… ‘what happens to what they said they would do for us? how does that positively impact our community?’ these words were spoken in an interview with barbara lau, director of the pauli murray project and “face up,” a collaboration between duke university’s center for documentary studies and the local durham community aimed at celebrating the life of durham-native and activist pauli murray while promoting solidarity between residents of different neighborhoods and also between residents and the university. embedded within the concept and origins of this project was an essential conflict between the neighborhoods and the university. it was framed by lau’s questions that were presumably posed by frustrated durham residents who believed that not only were local universities failing to respond to their needs but that those universities were also unjustly drawing resources from their community. as described by a recent university report, the civil involvement between duke and durham was “diffuse, unfocused and not very visible” prior to the establishment of the duke-durham partnership initiative in 1996 (annual report 2011, 4). since then, duke has striven to “improve the quality of life and youth educational achievement within the 12 neighborhoods closest to campus” through educational outreach to durham’s public schools, neighborhood partnership in residential neighborhood revitalization, community service, and providing loans for the development of affordable housing. duke is not alone in its efforts, as many universities have made an increased effort to integrate themselves and their students into local communities for mutual benefit (blouin and perry 2009; mcnall et al. 2009; jackson and cherrey 2002). university administration and faculty have established and allocated resources for community engagement programs specifically designed to be carried out by students (dewar and isaac 1998). service learning, for example, has become popularized as a means to produce variation in the learning environment while encouraging (or requiring) students to participate in community engagement (strage 2004). while these laudable accomplishments yield many positive outcomes for both the university and the community, differences between the two groups in level of education, affluence, or racial and age demographics could lead to disconnect when they attempt to work together. conflicts between town and gown are “multiparty disputes or conflicts” with “dispute or conflict [occurring] at and between different system levels,” such as between students and residents, or on an institutional level in terms of policy that favors one party over the other (warfield 1995, 65). the term “town-gown” emphasizes this dichotomy between the academic community of a university and its host community of local residents or businesses. many contributing factors to the town-gown relationship exist, simply because any interaction— 2 whether it be formal, informal, social, political, or academic—has the potential to shape the overall relationship and create lasting impact on the region. the duke university libraries indeed have an entire archive of publications, newspaper articles, and reports dedicated to the duke-durham relationship, titled “town and gown: resources for studying the relations between duke and durham,” covering a wide range of topics including labor unions, race relations, regional economics, and local housing. specific factors that will be considered in this article through the lens of impact on the university-community relationship include community engagement, university impact on the regional economy, and payments in lieu of taxes (pilots). the relationship between these subtopics will be discussed further along in the article. each of the aforementioned areas of conflict carries its own respective weight in literature, which differs amongst them. service learning, for instance, has been written about extensively whereas in comparison, university retail development has not. discourse on the underlying issues within these conflicts, such as varying perspectives, conflicting goals, and institutional hegemony, is limited and comes chiefly from universities themselves. in addition, the effects of these conflicts on the overall university-community relationship are rarely studied even though these individual areas of conflict contribute to a much larger social construct that governs the residents and university affiliates. yet promoting town and gown relationships is important because an entire region’s economic growth and opportunities, demographics, amenities, and more can potentially be defined by the dynamics with its local university. a close study of the contributing factors of community engagement, local economic impact, and pilots, reveals that hegemony creates conflict in all three of these areas, regardless of the fact that they are all very different, seemingly unrelated, and rarely discussed in conjunction with each other. universities tend to provide infrastructural and financial assistance to combat these issues, such as program development and funding, which is appropriate because universities are often rich in these resources. however, this arrangement often leads to communities acquiescing to the university, an institution that is then perceived as a domineering, out to further its own agenda at the expense of the “less-educated common folk.” it is imperative that the community-university partnership be reinvented with the overarching goal of empowering the community, versus disregarding its needs entirely or simply providing temporary solutions to single conflicts. a one-way street in services and resources ironically promotes the very hegemony that universities seek to ameliorate through their efforts. it is an unspoken agreement that may give universities plenty of opportunity to self-reflect on their own work and generate new ways to appease their host communities, but provides much less chance for communities to voice their own opinions and contribute in return to the universities. perspectives in community engagement community-based learning (cbl) initiatives, such as volunteering or service-learning courses, are popular in university settings because they can enhance empirical learning while providing an opportunity to provide meaningful service to the community (sax and astin 1997). they also contribute to the university-community relationship as an essential “pedagogical tool in which the community becomes a partner in the process” (edwards, mooney, and heald 2001, 445). yet it is widely acknowledged in the field that the impact of these programs on the university and its students is well-studied, without detailing the impact on the community (sandy and holland 2006). transparency and representation for both the university and the community are crucial because, “the failure to grapple with understanding the community perspective may have potentially dire consequences because there is considerable room for misunderstanding 3 between higher education and community partners, a divide that is evident in the language higher education practitioners use” (31). in a direct example, the thirteen-paged year-end report for the duke service-learning program contains only three statistics on the response of communitybased organizations (cbo) to their service-learning experience, all of which only reflect positively on the service-learning program (connecting civic engagement to the curriculum 2011). in community-based research, a similar predicament arises as well, in which the university affiliate, in this case the researcher, focuses on his or her own needs over the community affiliate’s. representational biases such as this one understandably exist though because the priority of these academic programs produced, funded, and organized by the university is reserved for the students and their educational benefit, and thus, assessment of the programs focuses on the students versus the community. furthermore, there are academic pressures that students and faculty face demanding work in community-based research that “indeed treats communities as subjects,” in order to obtain tenure or external funding in the form of grants (ferman and hill 2004, 245). to fill the knowledge gap, many writers have sought community opinions as well as developed strategies for creating more equitable partnership (stoecker, tryon, and hilgendorf 2009; mcnall et al. 2009; edwards, mooney, and heald 2001; baum 2000). researchers at indiana university have explored the outcomes of service learning for cbos (blouin and perry 2009). they found that even though cbos benefit from the student volunteers, they also face a host of practical problems in their experience with the service learning program. many cbos in the subject pool of the study were pleased with the “skills, commitment, fresh perspectives, and energy of student service learners” (122). service learning was also attributed to lessening negative stereotypes of college students through positive interactions with community members. on the other hand, many cbos reported struggling with service learners who were unreliable or acted unprofessionally towards the organization or, in an even more egregious offense, towards the organization’s clients. in cases like these, the cbo must suffer at the cost of the student’s education, a predicament that reflects poorly on the program and on the university. some cbos have also expressed a strained or nonexistent relationship with faculty, who could potentially have “inaccurate assumptions or lack of information about an organization’s culture, basic operation, or needs,” despite incorporating the service-learning experience into their curriculum (130). another study of cbo perspectives revealed that faculty had created assignments that were illegal or inappropriate for the cbo’s environment (sandy and holland 2006, 37). this situation can have especially detrimental consequences if instructors do not facilitate the preparation of service learners to confront issues related to poverty, race, mental illness, substance abuse, or homelessness if students are expected to confront these issues in their work for the cbo. students who are unprofessional or ignorant may be inadequately prepared to engage with the community, and thus contribute negatively to the cbo’s work. in addition to the challenges of successfully executing a service learning program, there are challenges in the development of programs. dr. denise comer (2012) of duke university’s thompson writing program recently taught a service learning course within the discipline of writing. in an interview, she described a conflict of interest between the goals of students, faculty, and the cbos with which they worked. students in her class were required to generate writing-intensive deliverables for their cbo that aligned with course objectives, which the cbo needed and appreciated immensely. however, because the students were not interacting directly with community members or able to experience first-hand the benefits of their work, they did not 4 feel like the service component of the course met their expectations in providing an opportunity for community engagement. the instructor was faced with the dilemma of reconciling multiple objectives: creating a service experience satisfactory to the students, furthering the writing goals of the particular course curriculum, and meeting the needs of the cbo. this situation illustrates differing goals in service learning between university participants and the cbo that can impede the success of these programs for any one of its stakeholders. furthermore, service-learning itself is a precarious arrangement because it risks the cbo transforming entirely into a pedagogical tool rather than a mutually beneficial partnership if students do not genuinely value the organization’s work. a study conducted by barbara ferman and t. l. hill (2004) reveals a similar disparity in agendas within partnerships formed due to higher-education communitybased research (cbr) (241-57). cbos are likely to partner with universities if the partnership leads to “obtaining project-related resources, leveraging further resources, gaining access to networks, and increasing legitimacy” (245). as mentioned previously, university faculty engage in partnerships in order to fulfill intellectual interest, political or ideological commitment, or the academic demands of their profession. however, cbo representatives described incidents of partnerships going awry when the needs of one group, usually those of the community, are not met. this can occur if university affiliates fail to share secured grant money or when researchers maintain an air of superiority in knowledge over the expertise of their community partner. in describing the consequences of these sour partnerships, ferman and hill declare that “in many communities, it is almost impossible to overstate the amount of distrust community leaders feel towards academics—in large part because of the persistent experience of having their reality reinterpreted, devalued, ignored, or otherwise disrespected” (248). the subcategories of conflict discussed within cbl and cbr indicate issues within the conceptualization and realization of university-community partnerships. poor experiences in any form of engagement could exacerbate tension, reinforce stereotypes, or hinder the future of relationships within cbl and cbr or in the greater community, despite the initially good intentions of these efforts. to improve the outcomes of community engagement for communities, universities should focus on community empowerment and prioritize the town-gown relationship over individual project outcomes. researchers have suggested a wide array of strategies to combat these challenges by creating transparency, building trust, increasing accountability, and maintaining a realistic perspective on capacity (ferman and hill 2004; baum 2000; achieving 2007). in projects, universities could direct their efforts toward helping to empower cbos to build capacity for their own research and service projects (seifer and greene-moton 2007). some specific empowerment strategies include “expecting community partners to identify programs and activities, focusing on the academic outcomes, allowing community partners to receive recognition for success from the community, and serving in a mentoring role rather than an expert role” (ellery and ellery, 2012, 1). by encouraging the community to extend a hand in partnership and voice its own needs, university-community engagement fights the perception of the university as a resource-rich entity in a position of power that sits in the driver’s seat of the relationship. cbos and community leaders should play an active role in initiating, managing, and protecting partnership projects. furthermore, to counter the issue of conflict in agenda between community and university affiliates, universities can strive to instill value in the democratization of community engagement and through the tenure process, reward faculty whose work promotes it. they can do this by recognizing the expertise of community partners and including them in peer-reviewing work and also in the promotion and tenure process (seifer and greene-moton 2007; freeman, gust, and aloshen 2009). supporting faculty involved with 5 community capacity-building means that “trusting, respectful, principled relationships can move from being just individuals and, instead, internalized within the institution” (freeman, gust, and aloshen 2009, 96). most importantly, participants of partnership from both university and community must continuously strive to prioritize partnership itself, and the resulting universitycommunity relationship thereby fostered by cooperation, over individual projects. the success of any partnered project, as well as that of future endeavors, is integrally dependent on the fundamental relationship between its constituents. community discontent, despite the dollars many universities compile intricate reports characterizing the economic impact of the university, detailing how many jobs the university has produced, how much money has been spent on the community, and what services the university has provided for their local region. duke university’s 2006-2007 annual economic impact on the city and county of durham claims that the university contributed $3.4 billion to durham, through employment opportunities (49.6% of which are held by durham residents); student and visitor spending; purchasing of local goods and services; donations, including uncompensated medical care; and services, taxes, and fees (office of public affairs 2007). while there are researchers that claim inaccuracy in such reports and inflation in their cited values, universities undeniably attract visitors to a region, employ a substantial number of local residents, and provide many services or resources to the local community (siegfried, sanderson, and mchenry 2007; brown and heaney 1997). the contributions detailed in duke’s annual report align with the modern university urban development model, which includes plans focused on the areas of public safety, residential housing, public safety, commercial activity, economic development, and public schools. this new model arose after the failures of post-world war ii urban renewal, a movement that had begun with the aim to attract students by improving the desirability and local amenities of universities. many projects, such as the university of chicago’s renewal of hyde park, were poorly planned, unrealistic in their outcomes, self-serving for the university, disproportionately detrimental for poorer and minority residents, and ultimately unrealistic in their outcomes (hirsch 2005; roth 2011). they elicited negative responses from the community members, who perceived these endeavors as “a top-down, hyper-planned effort at transformation that imposed enormous costs on nearby, mostly poor, residents in order to benefit wealthier universities and their affiliates” (roth 2011, 11). newer models have been exemplified by universities such as the university of pennsylvania, which is a well-documented case and “best-practice” model for other large universities. in addition to its civil projects, penn began partaking in retail development in the late 1990’s with sansom common, a 300,000 square foot complex at the heart of its campus, featuring restaurants and high-end retailers that could be enjoyed by local residents, university affiliates, and tourists (nunery 2003, 15). even with a glamorous, largescale operation like sansom common, problems did arise when the new operations diverted business away from pre-existing local providers, such as on-campus eateries, that were faced with downsizing and operating deficits (18). the negative impact of university-developed retail sectors, similar to sansom commons, fuels the fears of small business-owners near duke university. the small businesses near duke’s campus have an imperative role in the community both economically and culturally because not only do they provide jobs and generate revenue but also uniquely characterize durham as a city (christiansen, stitlely and hoyt 2010). duke has not had a history of retail development in durham, but has in the past decade faced criticism and opposition from the community for its 6 campus retail initiatives. durham’s ninth street is an off-campus outlet that features one-of-akind, locally-owned stores such as the regulator bookshop and francesca’s dessert caffe. in 2004, duke released plans to bring new student apartments, restaurants, and shops to central campus with intentions claiming to serve its students better. for residents of the old west durham neighborhood, which even includes duke’s east campus and is located in close proximity to the central campus, the economic impact of the university’s planning and developing the area is pivotal for maintaining the livelihood of their own community. however, local merchants suspected that “the university was pursuing a strategy to keep more student dollars on the campus while providing retail options that would also appeal to local residents,” especially since the university expressed an interest in broadening the terms of the agreement to promote retail to a wider population (june 2004). for merchants along ninth street, renovations to central posed a threat to their business and a means for the university to profit at the cost of the local economy. the skepticism and distrust of the local entrepreneurs towards the university’s intentions reveals deeply engrained rifts in the university-community relationship. as reported in the same article, “the tension recalls the days when duke’s neighbors and others in the city saw the university as an isolated, arrogant, and sometimes clumsy behemoth that had little outward regard for local folk.” opposition to the community perspective was present among students, an opinion expressed by duke student kristen butler in the chronicle (butler 2006). the durham planning commission had voted against the changing of the zoning designation from “residential,” to the more flexible “university-college,” which would have allowed the university to invite retailers to central, due to strong opposition from local entrepreneurs. they feared that duke would draw business away from local retailers. butler insinuates that durham is devoid of a student-oriented retail hub that even duke’s athletic rival, the university of north carolina, possesses: “indeed, we need only drive 10 minutes to behold a real student-centered business district. it’s called franklin street.” this revealing statement points to a divergence in perspectives about durham of the students and the business. retailers trying to protect their livelihood assert that durham would be losing character in what they see to be a thriving area. however, many of the students do not perceive nor respect these areas the same way that residents do; while it is inaccurate to consider one perspective as representative of the entire student body’s opinion, it makes sense that students’ priorities would lie in the convenience and diversity of their on-campus options. furthermore, the argument of the community’s small business owners is loaded with the historically tainted town-gown relationship between duke and durham. for students completing their degree who have only been in the area for four years or less, the long-term universitycommunity relationship is not necessarily a relevant issue in this discussion, and they perceive local community members to be unfounded in their fears of the outcomes of implementing a business sector on central campus. as seen with the university of pennsylvania case study, university retail has the potential to positively improve the community and its relationship to the university if executed conscientiously. universities seeking to initiate retail sectors near their campuses should carefully consider town-gown impact throughout assessment and uphold the interests of the community through partnership. compared to the assessment of service learning and cbr, the literature on the conflict in modern urban development by universities is much more limited. this may be because urban development does not align with the university’s primary academic mission and thus appears to be on the periphery of the university’s concerns. however, it is an issue that has considerable impact on town-gown relationships and therefore deserves to be 7 formally evaluated. in order to fully assess the effect of university-supported retail ventures, especially on community relations, in-depth case studies on an individual university basis must be conducted on the economic and social impact of these efforts. these studies should consider historical precedence related to the topic because of the potential for current issues to be rooted in past ones. urban universities are secondary investors in the sense that they are a force with broad and long-term interests; their permanent role in a given geographical location as well as their primary goal of education shape their decisions in ways that differ from typical private developers (roth 2011, 22-26). for a university to promote its retail development, it must do so with the support of the local community. a university could contract with local businesses to provide the university goods and products; at penn, a “policy of economic inclusion kept neighborhood money in the neighborhood, and went a long way convincing skeptics that penn was sincere in its desire to do right by west philadelphia” (crane 2004). david roth (2011) also extols penn’s projects that “are often developed with an eye toward creating favorable externalities that will be captured by both the university itself and the surrounding neighborhood” (21). “good” retail environments can improve the public’s perception of the university, and universities should strive to take advantage of these positive situations for their benefit (nunery 2003, vii). before duke will be able to fulfill its campus retail endeavors, it will need to convince durham of the community’s role in establishing, promoting, and supporting business that is not only “for” duke but also “for” durham. conflicts in university property tax exemption a recurring and widespread source of conflict for many universities and their host communities is the local property tax exemption of land and buildings of private colleges universities used for educational purposes (rokoff 1973). the property tax-exempt status of nonprofit organizations reflects support for these organizations’ areas of endeavor, which often include programs at the forefront of social or cultural improvement (ginsberg 1980). because municipalities depend on property tax revenue to fund infrastructure, education, and public services, local officials have urged affluent tax-exempt organizations to provide financial compensation in order to sustain the community, especially during rough economic times. universities are targeted for these demands because of their large endowments and often extensive ownership of real estate. some universities therefore contribute payments in-lieu of taxes (pilot) and services in-lieu of taxes (silot) to replace lost revenue (bruning, mcgrew, and cooper 2006). pilot payments usually do not fully compensate for the amount of revenue that would otherwise be generated through real estate taxes. furthermore, despite pilot programs, “existing property tax exemption imposes fiscal burdens on municipalities hosting educational institutions” (rokoff 1973, 182). rokoff argues this is the case because the burden of the university’s lack of taxes falls unfairly upon the local tax base, even though the benefits of the university, such as museums, community health programs, professional libraries, and postsecondary educational programs are enjoyed by people living outside of the tax-base. the taxexempt status of universities has thus introduced conflict with their host communities and posed challenges for them as well. even though property taxes that would have been contributed by universities can be a significant percentage of the municipality’s tax revenue, “the net impact of local taxes both paid and avoided, services provided in lieu of taxes, and changes in property values in the local area are complex […] and are seldom considered in impact studies” (siegfried, sanderson, and mchenry 2007, 554). negative publicity on the issue does, however, 8 frequently incite the media at universities such as brown, princeton, and tufts, thereby indicating that there is an impact on town-gown relationships (russ 2012; mccuaig 2009). a prime example of this situation is at brown university in providence, rhode island, where the city’s battle against the university over tax compensation played out in the public arena of national media in early 2012. rhode island itself is on the verge of bankruptcy, as “the state’s economy is currently trailing the national recovery, and its capital city has closed schools, renegotiated union contracts, and raised property taxes to try and bridge a $110 million budget gap” (erickson 2012). more than half of the land in providence is owned by tax-exempt organizations, which according to the mayor, angel taveras, costs the city more than $36 million annually in public services; the nonprofits collectively own $3 billion in tax-exempt property (levitz 2012b). taveras has urged these tax-exempt organizations, particularly brown, to increase payments to the city. brown university president, ruth simmons, initially rejected these calls for increased payments in a statement addressed to the brown community, asserting that the university “could not simply provide unrestricted funds to address a structural deficit that had accrued for many years, and [… ]was the result of reductions in state aid, high employee and retiree costs and a reliance on one-time budget fixes” (simmons 2012). she cites numerous ways in which the university already contributes extensively to providence’s economy and insists that the university will instead “seek to identify ways to enhance [its] current contributions to the city in ways that align with [its] mission, and specifically to support the schools and economic development.” ultimately, she claims that an increase in payments to the city would be crippling to the university and serve merely as a superficial, temporary solution to the city’s dilemmas. however, simmons eventually deferred to the city’s demands to maintain the university’s relationship with providence, agreeing to contribute an additional $31.5 million over the next eleven years (levitz 2012a). president simmons’s decision came after much deliberation and negotiation between the city and the university, and was accompanied by the statement that brown is “deeply concerned about providence’s financial situation” (levitz 2012a). while brown expressed concern for the economic condition of providence, the value of a pilot is not always just in its financial contribution, but its ability to serve as a bargaining chip or a form of leverage in negotiations. as a “solution” to property-tax exemption, pilots have been criticized because “the level of pilot amounts usually depends more on the aggressiveness of municipal officials than on property values or the level of public services consumed by nonprofits” (kenyon and langley 2010). according to kenyon, nonprofit organizations may feel pressured that government-related decisions including zoning changes or building permits, are contingent on pilots. an example of this was in early 2011, when princeton university requested zoning for a $300 million arts complex that included plans to relocate a train station but met resistance from the borough of princeton, to which the university pays a pilot. following the initial meetings, the university vice president and secretary, robert k. durkee, was quoted in an email suggesting that the borough’s lack of cooperation would result in a lowered pilot: “it would be difficult to justify continuing contributions at existing levels to local officials who not only refuse to help the university achieve a key educational objective, but in some cases have sought to prevent the project from going forward” (cooper 2011). this statement was corroborated by statements made by university president shirley tilghman. despite the initial rejection, the zoning was eventually approved in late 2011. however, the situation was complicated further when in early 2012, princeton borough and princeton township residents filed a lawsuit against the university, the borough, and the township for “illegal spot zoning that was given to the 9 university in exchange for monetary payments, other items, and increased voluntary payments in lieu of taxes” (knapp 2012). a commentator suggests that tax-exempt bodies, like princeton university, “would find themselves facing the choice of upping their payments to local government to get their projects underway, or opting to have their projects delayed or killed as they challenge recalcitrant local government administrators in court” (cohen 2012). the university is portrayed as the victim here, but the opposite situation could have easily occurred because the university had initially publically suggested decreasing its pilot. while a compilation of news stories could exclude key details involved in conflict, thus offering an incomplete depiction, the issue at hand still illustrates the ability for pilots to financially dictate and corrupt the relationship between a university and its municipality. the system by which their amounts are “calculated” is flawed and the results can complicate the effects of property tax exemption. defining the term “educational” for the purpose of designating what properties qualify as tax-exempt poses an issue as well. the properties that universities hold are used for a variety of purposes, not all of them primarily educational. furthermore, education encompasses an array of methods and activities—it is not just limited to buildings with classrooms and lecturing professors (ginsberg 1980). in the 2006-2007 fiscal year, duke university contributed $7.3 million in primarily sales tax and water and sewer fees with property taxes comprising 8% of that total (office of public affairs 2007). the $611,000 in property taxes came from the washington duke inn, a hotel located on the university’s premises. on the contrary, cornell university does not pay taxes on its campus hotel (burness 1998). in an analogous situation, duke does not pay taxes on a golf course located on campus while yale university does. these specific discrepancies in defining tax-exemption status have not recently caused issues, but could incite conflicts in the future at duke or other universities. the conflicts described are not about property tax exemption itself, but rather the use of pilots to buoy both finances as well as the town-gown relationship. these situations all exemplify the affluent university brushing shoulders with its financially struggling surroundings. while theoretically, the university could be acting as part of the community in generating economic livelihood for the entire city, there is instead an institutional chasm between the two entities, which are at times pitted against each other in a financial battle. in providence’s case, the city seems to be dependent on brown, looking to the university as a wealthy neighbor that has the duty to provide financial respite for the city, rather than an as economic partner and asset that generates revenue through its activities both for itself and for the community. the situation presents a power imbalance between the city and the university, deeply rooted in the socioeconomic differences of the town and gown, as well as policies such as tax-exemption and pilots that cement them in those positions. beyond bargaining the dollar amounts cited by oppositional sides, the conflict caused by pilots and university property tax-exemption can cripple the town and gown relationship through distrust and hostility that will take more than money to fix. if the purpose of pilots is to substitute exempt property tax and nothing else, a fairer system for calculating pilots must be established, such as an equivalency factor for equating services and monetary payment rather than depending on particular traditions or need-basis. currently, most universities negotiate their own pilots with their respective local community, but a more reliable system would prevent bribery and other illicit exchanges from occurring. furthermore, properties that deserve taxexempt status should be defined more strictly. lastly, municipalities should not depend on the payments of non-profit organizations as a source of revenue during times of financial turmoil. 10 universities and communities could instead seek to establish sustainable economic partnerships or other initiatives that do not involve monetary payments. widening the road for university-community partnership the issues that have been described surrounding service-learning and community-based learning, university impact on the regional economy, and pilots are prevalent across various universities and communities. even though these areas are seemingly very different, a study of each of these areas allows us to reflect on their impact on the university-community relationship, as well as draw some conclusions about them. a fundamental problem in the university and community relationship is not that efforts do not exist to bridge the gaps in these three fields, but assessment of these efforts is scant and incomprehensive. in many instances, even though the ideals of partnership between university and community do not align with reality, assessment excludes some of these more disagreeable aspects. for example, evaluation of service learning targets students but not community members—universities often analyze their relationship with the community through a pedagogical lens, conflating meeting educational goals with successful partnership. pilots create conflicts that have yet to be thoroughly explored. guidelines for soliciting pilots and developing pilot programs have not been established either. sometimes, the impact of these conflicts on the town-gown relationship is not fully examined, as is the case with any of these three fields. this relationship should be brought to the forefront of discussion within these subcategories because every decision, gain, and loss for one entity directly affects the other. the town-gown relationship is convoluted—not every university has a tax-exempt scuffle or a service-learning program at all—but a university can better understand and improve its relationship with its local region by understanding the major contributing factors to its own individual relationship. in duke’s case for example no number of community projects could convince many of the local businesses that duke was not speaking against their interests by promoting a shopping complex on central campus. determining a successful course of action for addressing conflicts in university-community interaction requires more extensive literature in the field and expanded understanding that integrates the individual facets that contribute to the relationship. while there are many possibilities for courses of action that universities can take to improve the relationship with their host communities, focusing on the construction of a true partnership should target some of the power imbalances that often define these relationships. instead of universities constantly trying to meet the needs of the community, communities could ask themselves what they have to offer to the university, even if it is not in the form of financial assistance. furthermore, universities should direct their efforts to empowering their local community, rather than contributing to the hegemony that divides the entities. bi-directionality in all aspects is crucial for a partnership in order to avoid a paternalistic approach to addressing power difference. this concept and approach can be applied to all three of the discussed areas of contention, as well as with other basic, organic interactions between universities and the community. for example, instead of the university solely sending students out into the community, community members could produce ways to welcome students into the community, such as with student-targeted events. these events would increase student traffic into the local community and introduce students who are unfamiliar with the area to its amenities. communitymembers could be actively invited to the campus to partake in the cultural, artistic, athletic, and intellectual outlets available because individuals who take the time to appreciate the university 11 first-hand may be “more likely to regard the university positively on the relational dimensions of trust, openness, investment, and commitment” (bruning, mcgrew, and cooper 2006, 127). direct interaction with the university can help to eliminate stereotypes of the university as a sequestered, elitist entity within a larger, regional community—a widening of the road to mutually beneficial partnership. references achieving the promise of authentic community-higher education partnerships: community partners speak out! 2007. seattle, wa: community-campus partnerships for health. annual report. 2011. durham, nc: duke university. baum, howell s. 2000. “fantasies and realities in university-community partnerships.” journal of planning education and research 20 (2): 234-46. blouin, david d. and evelyn m. perry. 2009. “whom does service learning really serve? community-based organizations’ perspectives on service learning.” teaching sociology 37 (2): 120-35. brown, kenneth h., and michael t. heaney. 1997. “a note on measuring the economic impact of institutions of higher education.” research in higher education 38 (2): 229-40. bruning, stephen d., shea mcgrew, and mark cooper. 2006. “town-gown relationships: exploring university-community engagement from the perspective of community members.” public relations review 32 (2): 125-30. burness, john. 1998. “dismiss durham’s idea to tax duke's dime.” the chronicle, april 15. http://www.dukechronicle.com/article/dismiss-durhams-idea-tax-dukes-dime. butler, kristen. 2006. “where’s our franklin street?” the chronicle, october 13. http://www.dukechronicle.com/article/wheres-our-franklin-street. christiansen, gayle, amy stitely, and lorlene hoyt. 2010. strengthening local economies and civil life: the untapped power of small businesses. cambridge, ma: mit community innovators lab. cohen, rick. 2012. “residents allege that princeton university bought a zoning approval with a pilot.” nonprofit quarterly, january 5. http://www.nonprofitquarterly.org/policysocial-context/18861-residents-allege-thatprinceton-university-bought-a-zoning-approval-with-a-pilot.html connecting civic engagement to the 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michael l. and cynthia cherrey. 2002. “collaboration with the local community.” new directions for student services (99): 37-46. june, audrey w. 2004. “durham and goliath.” the chronicle of higher education, june 18, a26. kenyon, daphne and adam langley. 2010. payments in lieu of taxes: balancing municipal and nonprofit interests. cambridge, ma: lincoln institute of land policy. 13 knapp, krystal. 2012. “residents, lewis trust file suit alleging princeton university arts and transit zoning illegal.” planet princeton, january 5. levitz, jennifer. 2012a. “ivy league school to pay city millions.” the wall street journal, may 2, a3. ———. 2012b. “providence to college: pay up.” the wall street journal, february 14. http://online.wsj.com/article/sb10001424052970204062704577221653128623004.html. mccuaig, christy. 2009. “targeting tufts, somerville rep. provost calls for end to tax exemptions for universities.” the tufts daily, september 13. http://www.tuftsdaily.com/targeting-tufts-somerville-rep-provost-calls-for-end-to-taxexemptions-for-universities-1.1876794. mcnall, miles, celeste reed, robert brown, and angela allen. 2009. “brokering community– university engagement.” innovative higher education 33 (5): 317-31. nunery, leroy. “reconceptualizing the college town: urban universities and local retail development” (ph.d. dissertation, university of pennsylvania, 2003). rokoff, g. 1973. “alternatives to the university property tax exemption.” yale law journal 83 (1): 181-96. roth, david. 2011. “urban development through planned retail: yale’s commercial real estate program.” student prize papers. (paper 75.). russ, hilary. 2012. “analysis: u.s. cities wrestle with universities for cash.” reuters, may 18. http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/05/18/us-municipals-cities-nonprofitsidusbre84h0he20120518. sandy, marie, and barbara a. holland. 2006. “different worlds and common ground: community partner perspectives on campus-community partnerships.” michigan journal of community service learning 13 (1): 30-43. sax, linda and alexander astin. 1997. “the benefits of service: evidence from undergraduates.” educational record 78 (3-4): 25-32. seifer, sarena d. and ella greene-moton. 2007. “realizing the promise of community-based participatory research: community partners get organized.” progress in community health partnerships: research, education and action 1 (4): 291-94. siegfried, john j., allen r. sanderson, and peter mchenry. 2007. “the economic impact of colleges and universities.” economics of education review 26 (5): 546-58. simmons, ruth. 2012. president simmons' message. providence, ri. http://news.brown.edu/pressreleases/2012/05/agreement 14 stoecker, randy, and elizabeth a. tryon with amy hilgendorf. 2009. the unheard voices: community organizations and service learning. philadelphia, pa: temple university press. strage, amy. 2004. “long-term academic benefits of service-learning: when and where do they manifest themselves?” college student journal 38 (2): 257-62. warfield, wallace. 1995. “town and gown: forums for conflict and consensus between universities and communities.” new directions for higher education (92): 63-69. one-way street perspectives in community engagement community discontent, despite the dollars conflicts in university property tax exemption widening the road for university-community partnership references breaking down barriers: student experiences of the inside-out prison exchange program 1 breaking down barriers: student experiences of the inside-out prison exchange program laura (“lo”)1 mishne, erica (“erica”) warner, brandon (“the b”) willis, and robert (“diesel”) shomaker the ohio state university-newark introduction the majority of the incarcerated population will be released back into society, so why isn’t society helping to reintegrate ex-prisoners and advocate for them? how can society better understand who is incarcerated when the media floods us with violent images of the incarcerated population and primarily blames african americans for most crimes? the citizens society incarcerates are fathers, mothers, brothers, sisters, uncles, and aunts, yet the prison facilities are often miles away from their families, creating hardship and alienation. members of society usually only hear one side of the story (from mass media outlets), but what if members of society could hear the other side of the story from incarcerated individuals themselves? the inside-out prison exchange program (inside-out) is an international initiative directed at transforming ways of thinking about crime and justice. the idea for the program was inspired by paul, a man serving a natural life sentence in pennsylvania, and designed by lori pompa of temple university in 1997 to bring college students and incarcerated individuals together as peers in a classroom setting that emphasizes dialogue and critical thinking. in the hopes of expanding this innovative partnership between institutions of higher learning and prison systems, pompa organized the inside-out national instructor training institute, with the assistance of the philadelphia prison system, temple university, and the soros foundation. to date, over 300 instructors from 150 colleges/universities in 37 states, two canadian provinces, and australia have participated, returning to their institutions and starting inside-out classes across many academic disciplines. as a result, inside-out has been able to bring over 10,000 “inside” (incarcerated) and “outside” (university) students together in classrooms behind prison walls in order to consider the issues of crime and justice in a real-world setting. inside-out2 is designed to counter predominant stereotypes and myths held about prisons and prisoners through personal engagement; encourage participants to see crime and justice issues from new perspectives that otherwise might not be considered; assist students (free and incarcerated) in seeing themselves as actors in relation to these issues, and consequently as potential agents of social change; provide inside and outside students a positive experience from which to build new ideas about public service and meaningful citizenship; and initiate a grassroots movement through education directed at transforming public thought and opinion on mass incarceration by creating cross-dialogues between free and incarcerated citizens with an 1 an email from professor angela bryant explained that inside-out rules require that students use first or nicknames during the course. the writers selected to use their legal names for publication, which is allowable for programmatic involvement of i/o after completing the course. 2 “the inside-out center,” last modified 2010, is available online at http://www.insideoutcenter.org. 2 emphasis upon alternative problem solving. inside-out courses support community-based or experiential learning objectives by providing students with exposure to the context of prison while fostering critical discussions between those outside and inside prison walls. these weekly dialogues, in which all voices are equal (including the instructor’s), allow participants to confront stereotypes and assumptions held about crime, criminals and justice. additionally, the routine exposure to the context of prison life; the creation of a safe space to explore critical sociological issues and problems in society; and the individual and group activities, assignments, and projects allow participants to move beyond the class and see themselves as agents of social change (see pompa 2002 for a thorough discussion). the ohio state university –newark began participating in the inside-out prison exchange program in 2009, and classes are held at southeastern correctional institution (sci). sci is an all-male institution that houses 1,642 minimum and medium security prisoners, and the incarcerated (“inside”) students who participate in this class are screened by prison staff and by the instructor of the course. the university (“outside”) students participate in the same screening process with the instructor. the screening process is designed to determine the appropriateness of the student’s participation in the course and introduce a strict set of institutional and classroom rules including semi-anonymity (first names only) and a strict no-contact rule upon completion of the course. program staff at sci provide the initial screening of “inside” students based on interest in taking the course, disciplinary records (no more than three “major” rule infractions within the previous year), mental health issues (if on an active mental health case load, the person must be recommended by the case manager as “appropriate” for the class), and the presence of a h.s. diploma or ged. the instructor conducts all face-to-face screening meetings with interested outside and inside students, looking for things like maturity, openness to others' viewpoints, ability to be part of a group process (neither dominating nor only listening), and an understanding of and willingness to stay within the parameters of the program. furthermore, the instructor makes it clear to the inside students that they are not to talk about their convictions, and the outside students are not there to study those on the inside, as their convictions are not relevant to studying issues together. our particular course engages students in critical readings and discussions focused on the origins and development of the american criminal justice system, the historical and contemporary use of punishment and rehabilitation, the re-emergence of restorative justice, and the broader relationship between criminal and social justice. critical to the pedagogy of insideout, we hold all our weekly three-hour class meetings in a circle format, alternating seats of inside and outside students. everyone’s voice is equal, including the instructor’s role of facilitator, ensuring that we all learn from one another rather than presuming any one person is an expert. through the course, participants write a minimum of six reflection papers that require the students observe, feel, reflect, analyze, and integrate the information in the readings with the prior week’s discussion. in lieu of a final exam, a final paper is utilized as an opportunity for students to pull together the entire experience of the course, reflect on their own process (and that of the group), and further analyze the issues that were addressed. in the last few weeks of class, students design and participate in a final group project utilizing empirical research to guide specific criminal justice policy recommendations, and the final product is formally presented to all participants at the public closing ceremony. at a closing ceremony before an audience that includes administrators from the university, sci, and the ohio department of rehabilitation and 3 correction (odrc) representatives, each student is presented with a certificate acknowledging his/her participation in the inside-out program, and the final group project is presented to all attendees. our paper reflects on specific inside-out classes and experiences that led to shifts in our perceptions including how the media shaped our preconceived notions about crime and criminals; our impressions from the first joint meeting, and what we found to be some of the most riveting topics discussed throughout the course. in writing this paper, we seek to promote the inside-out model of immersion-based higher education learning because we all have gained so much from taking this course. within this course, we became colleagues. we came together to write this paper as one collective voice with the exception of where we discuss our different views on the process of how the course changed our overall perceptions. the role of mass media in shaping public perceptions of crime “most americans only come to ‘know’ about the people cycling in and out of prisons through fictional police dramas, music videos, gangsta rap, and ‘true’ accounts of ghetto experience on the evening news” (alexander 2010, 178). as alexander stated in this powerful quote, public perceptions of crime and the criminal justice system are primarily shaped by the mass media; all of our pre-conceived notions we had originated from the media. news and movies portrays all criminals as cold-hearted people who commit crime only to get ahead in life with no regrets for who they hurt in the process. the message from the media is that people who are locked stop normal life activity once they go behind the prison walls. it is because of the inside-out program that we now know otherwise. the cultivation theory states that fear of crime is correlated to violent, dramatized television programming (romer, jamieson, and aday 2003). the media tends to select impactful, one-sided stories about a crime that has been committed, which helps morph fear into misconceptions. hearing these “terrifying stories” has led 40% of whites and 47% of blacks feeling unsafe walking alone in their neighborhood at night (weitzer and kubrin 2004). most crimes are non-violent in nature, yet the media primarily focuses on violent crimes, further perpetuating citizens’ fear of crime. another misconception created by the media is who the most common offender is. this stems from the over-misrepresentation of african americans. “for more than three decades, images of black men in handcuffs have been a regular staple of the evening news’’ (alexander 2010, 177). the media introduces “black crime” to its viewers, alluding to the image of a young african american male who is constantly armed and is involved in many murders and rapes (walker, spohn, and delone 2004). “the image of the typical offender that emerges from the data...conflicts somewhat with the image in the minds of most americans. if by the phrase ‘typical offender’ we mean the offender who shows up most frequently in arrest statistics, then for all crimes except murder and robbery, the typical offender is white, not african american” (50). what the media commonly introduces to its audience is a violent, aggressive offender of color and that these offenders are cause for fear. however, interestingly, most of the people that society incarcerates are not violent; rather they are of low socioeconomic status. the people who pose the biggest danger to society are well-off and are often “weeded out of the system” (reiman and leighton 2010). it should be noted that the united states has the largest prison population in the world. according to the 2010 pew report, there are over 1.4 million people incarcerated, and african 4 americans make up a disproportionate rate of the incarceration population. “nearly one-third of black men in their twenties are under the supervision of the criminal justice system…and blacks are about eight times more likely to spend time behind bars than whites” (roberts 2004, 1272). in examining these statistics, it is no surprise people stereotype african americans as “dangerous offenders”. however, the disproportionate representation of people of color in prison is primarily the result of the war on drugs (alexander 2010). with the constant perpetuation of negative stereotypes by media outlets and racialized criminal justice policies, it is difficult to untangle the myths and facts of the incarcerated population, thereby creating a need to educate society on the truth about the criminal justice system. we strongly believe society should mandate the media to utilize a public education approach based on actual data and research on crime, offenders, victims, and the entire criminal justice system. we received our education through inside-out, and we collectively realized that the media is only after ratings, not the truth. the first class preconceived notions (inside students) before we were incarcerated, we thought that prison was exactly like what we see in the movies: fighting, murders, and rapes. we even made jokes to our friends like “don’t drop the soap” and “you would get auctioned off in the joint.” naturally, the jokes are not as funny when you end up incarcerated yourself. we perceived prison to be a place of violence, where fighting to prove one’s masculinity was an everyday occurrence, and a place where homosexual encounters happened constantly. before our first class, we believed that the outside students would be judgmental and critical toward the inside students. we assumed that the outside students would be judging the us as soon as they walked through the door by our tattoos and the color of our skin. we also assumed that the outside students would use our appearances and stereotypes the media portrays to society as a means of placing violent crime with our faces and body types. those on the outside do not know what goes on behind the prison walls; all we have to rely on is the media. the media depicts incarcerated individuals as violent people, homosexuals, and con-artists, and prior to actually going into a prison, the outside student authors thought of prisoners as being crude harsh murderers with little intelligence who were going to be big, muscular, tattooed, scary men. we also thought that the outside students were going to be snotty rich kids who lived sheltered lives, never personally experiencing harms or crime. we believed that the outside students would rank among those who never made mistakes or got in trouble. being in a place that is considered a bad place for the “bad” people of society, the inside student authors felt like they are judged by anyone who is not incarcerated. we aspired as inside students to show the outside students that we are human beings and more specifically, intelligent people who made mistakes. first impressions and ice breakers prior to traveling to the prison for our first joint class, the outside students met for a separate meeting to discuss the inside-out class parameters as well as the prison rules. the outside students felt a little uneasy going into an all-male institution and having class with convicts; it was intense. our professor went over the rules of the institution, the history and 5 overview of inside-out, and the use of labeling language (e.g., use of negative labels such as inmate). also, the outside students were introduced to a prison staff member who took them through a condensed training on the rules of the institution. the liaison told us that inmates are very manipulative and cannot be trusted; lending an inside student a pencil could lead to more things, which made us even more nervous. instructions were given to the outside students regarding appropriate contact with the inside students. we were only allowed to shake each other’s hands and nothing more. what happens if we bump into one another on accident or rub shoulders with each other? it could all lead to “inmate manipulation.” this condensed training with the staff member really made the outside students feel that everything depicted in the media is true: these people are manipulators who should not be trusted. needless to say, the bus ride over to sci felt like a long one thanks to the heightened anxiety levels. the outside students were the first to arrive in the visiting room at sci and carried on normal conversation, until the inside students arrived. there were a lot of female outside students in the class, which added to the inside students’ anxiety levels. when the outside students think of a criminal, they think of a murderer, or someone who has raped or molested a child. this is obviously not the case because it is known that the majority of the prison population is locked up for drug and/or property offenses (haney and zimbardo 1998). nonetheless, the outside students’ envisioned someone that has no sympathy and no regrets. when the inside students came in, both sides could feel the different layers of awkwardness, nervousness, anxiety, and adrenaline in the room, and like human nature, everyone was judging each other based upon appearances and attitude. some of the inside students appeared to be very fierce and strong willed. they walked in with their heads held high as if to send the message that they were not afraid of anything let alone the outside students. the inside students began telling themselves “don’t say anything stupid” and “no sudden movements, we don’t want to scare anyone.” thinking and acting like that actually showed the inside students how isolated they are from society. first impressions speak loudly especially in a setting such as an inside-out class. the collective objective was to get along, follow the class rules, and not scare or intimidate anyone. we were required to sit every other seat in a circle (each inside student seated between two outside students). everyone was feeling the same awkwardness and nervousness as we began to introduce ourselves to one another. after a few minutes, we were all engaged in conversation. through these conversations, everyone came across as polite, well-mannered, and genuinely nice. it was initially thought that the prison stigma or the way the media portrays prisoners in society was going to be a communication barrier between the two groups of students. when starting the icebreaker exercises, everyone started to feel more at ease. it seemed to make everyone feel a little more welcomed into the classroom. in our first icebreaker, we were rotating around the circle while answering the questions given to us, which gave us a chance to laugh and get comfortable around each other. this exercise gave us the opportunity to see everyone’s personality. the exercises also released some of the tension and allowed us to communicate with one another better; a starting point of breaking down the barriers of “us” versus “them”. instead of looking at the inside students as if they were evil people because they are incarcerated, the outside students started to view the inside students as fellow classmates. finally, we created rules of dialogue as a class, and it was great to see everyone participating. it was also exciting to see the outside students backing up the inside student’s rule suggestion or vice versa. at the end of the day, everyone felt more at ease about the upcoming weeks of class. 6 we can definitely say that our first impressions of each other were way off base; our judgments were influenced by incorrect societal stereotypes. class discussions in this section, we focus on three class discussions: the alligator river story, the victimization survey, and reentry. these discussions and activities are specifically discussed because we believe they were the significant events that brought us closer together as a class, allowed us to understand one another, and significantly shifted our perceptions of crime and justice. the alligator river story the alligator river story consisted of five main characters: abigail, gregory, sinbad, ivan, and slug.3 in short, abigail was in love with gregory and wanted to cross the river to see him. ivan refused to help her, so abigail turned to sinbad to get her across the river. sinbad’s condition for his assistance was for her to have sex with him. abigail eventually consented and was able to get across the river to see gregory. when abigail explained what happened to gregory, he wanted nothing to do with abigail. the angry abigail went to slug and told him what happened, and slug proceeded to brutally beat gregory. in small groups, we ranked the characters based on fault. each group viewed the situation differently. some felt abigail was to blame for everything, and others felt slug was more to blame. it was interesting to hear each group explain who was more at fault and why. three weeks in and we do an exercise that blows us away. it gave us better insight and understanding about how criminal cases are brought into existence and argued. we witnessed firsthand how diversified we were when determining who was wrong, who was right, and why. we almost felt like politicians for a moment; no one could agree with the exception to agree to disagree. as a class, we came up with a few possible scenarios to help us determine who was really at fault in the story. abigail could have been stalking gregory, and sinbad engaged in the crime of gross sexual imposition, propositioning a woman for sex. abigail told ivan what happened, and ivan did not do anything, which may be criminal. ivan, not wanting anything to do with the situation, might have made abigail feel like prostitution is acceptable due to his lack of concern, but prostitution is illegal. gregory did not want a woman who would do that and rejected abigail. abigail then turned to slug with the whole tale. who is slug to her, a brother, friend, father, lover? beating gregory was wrong, but so is the fact that abigail set up gregory. she was the puppeteer the whole time. she knew who to manipulate to make an example and this happens very frequently. women are often overlooked in these situations, yet if you take abigail out of the story then there is no crime. another scenario that could have happened is that abigail came to her brother, father, whoever slug was to her; she cried on his shoulder. slug wanted to hear both sides, so he sought gregory out. gregory, tired of hearing about abigail, pulled a knife on slug. slug in turn beat him brutally in self-defense. he would be innocent in a lot of states. so as a class we examined 3 the alligator river exercise and victimization survey are part of the inside-out prison exchange program’s instructor training manual. 7 why it was that we “convicted” slug before more facts were brought forward. there was a definite need for more information. the justice system is not supposed to convict a person based on vague statements; otherwise anyone could end up incarcerated for not getting along with someone else. the law is supposed to be innocent until proven guilty beyond a reasonable doubt. yet, 95% of crime cases are resolved through a plea agreement so neither side of the story is ever heard at a trial in our justice system (kappeler and potter 2005). if one class debated that much, it means there was reasonable doubt. yet, in the end, we convicted slug without having all the information. after this particular class, we had many disagreements, and we had to negotiate a common course of action as a class. we all struggled because everyone saw different crimes or harms happening but seeing this exercise in action opened up our views; our perceptions had shifted. we began to better understand beyond a textbook description of what happens when people face the criminal justice system. every case is different, and mistakes happen very easily. that day left us all with awareness that we should look more into the facts of the situation than what appears to be obvious. furthermore, we should look more at the needs of the victims and the offenders as well as the community, instead of our current model of focusing on punishing the offender. if we were to take restorative justice seriously, it would involve a different way of thinking about traditional notions such as deterrence, rehabilitation, incapacitation, and crime prevention (braithwaite 2002). we need to implement a restorative justice system and stray away from the “get tough” and “three strikes you’re out” current model that we are following given it clearly is not an effective model of preventing crime and recidivism. the battle of reentry the readings and activities about reentry helped us understand what little our system does to prepare those who are released back out into the community. the discussions were difficult due to their sensitive nature, yet we learned so much because of them. we were able to understand just how tough it is for individuals to reenter society. living behind prison walls is like living in another world. there is a class offered within the prison (sci) to help with reentry, however, if the offender is not motivated to seek guidance on reentry, they are not going to attend the class. most of the inside students said that the class is useless, and it does not prepare them for release. to us, that is a form of punishment. prisoners need to learn to socialize and communicate back out in society. prisoners are people that need help getting back on the right track, and it is society’s responsibility to ensure they reintegrate back into society successfully. a felony conviction basically means a loss of citizenship rights. we did not ever think about it that way until this class. we always thought a felony conviction meant checking a box on an employment or academic application to let people know that you made a mistake. we never really stopped to think about how much a person loses with a felony conviction. how can anyone expect a successful reentry when you are stripped of a lot of opportunities and rights? we learned through our class that families, too, are punished alongside the convicted. government housing and other forms of assistance are not available if someone in the family has a felony conviction. we cannot imagine how hard it must be to have no money, and then be rejected from government housing just because a family member made a mistake. as if prison is not enough of a punishment, the government takes away housing and food opportunities that the family needs. families deserve a fair shot at government housing, and just because one person in the family has a felony does not mean the rest of the family should have to pay for it. this class 8 taught us the uglier side of incarceration, which is that the punishment of the offender does not end with a prison sentence but continues to be inflicted on them in the community and on their families. this reality was hard to swallow considering this topic is something that never crossed our minds until this class. “local housing authorities should use their discretion to adopt fair and balanced admission and eviction policies that consider individual circumstances and reinforce the community’s goals of encouraging people to remain in recovery and facilitating the successful reintegration of returning offenders into the community” (chesney-lind and mauer 2002, 49). housing authorities need to be able to use their own discretion versus the government just shutting out a family because of one family member’s mistake. when we were discussing the various barriers to reentry, one of our class discussions went south. one of the inside students felt as though he was being belittled by an outside student’s comment on prisoners’ reentering society, so he spoke out and the interaction caused some tension. an outside student compared our broken reentry system, metaphorically, to releasing five-year old children out to the world with no support or guidance. most of the outside students felt that the comment was a legitimate one because she was discussing how it is a difficult transition returning to society when someone had been locked up for a long period of time. so, at first, it was difficult to realize how much of a negative impact that comment created, and how much it hurt our fellow inside student. upon more thought and discussion, it became clear as to why the individual was offended. there is a reason for discussing labeling language on the first day of class and this was it. unfortunately, we did not make the connection that the inside students may be sensitive to those types of comments because of the prison environment in which he resides. the inside student who felt belittled by the outside student was highly offended. he held himself in high regard and was proud of the man he had become physically, educationally, and mentally. when placed in terms of a child, he felt he was being deemed helpless, as if he had no chance without guardianship. life in prison is basically “if pushed, push back or keep getting pushed.” the best way to solve problems in prison is early confrontation. however, our class rule is to let someone finish his or her point without interruption, so this is what made his interruption more hostile. we had a difficult time re-grouping after this class; it created a sense of “us” versus “them” once again. rules are set in place to help avoid situations like this, but when rules are violated, it can cause some serious issues. the rules are in place to protect all students, and as we witnessed, it affects everyone when one is violated, not just one person. the inside and outside students had a separate meeting and discussion with the professor about the situation and how to move forward from it. although we all knew what was expected, it was hard to push the feeling aside and move forward in the next class. we did not truly reunite again as a whole until the class discussion about victimization. victimization survey the victimization survey was something that really hit home with everyone and made us all realize that almost everyone has been subject to crime in one way or another. not only have the outside students experienced crime victimization, but so have many of the students on the inside. the discussion of this survey brought us together as a class due to the amount of sensitive information shared and the amount of emotion that it brought up. victimization is a hard thing to address, particularly in a prison setting. our class took an anonymous survey3 that asked, “have you, or someone you love, been a victim of...” and 9 consisted of two columns: self and loved one. the crimes listed were fraud, theft, motor vehicle theft, household burglary, purse snatching/pocket picking, physical child abuse, assault, kidnapping, sexual child abuse, sexual assault, rape, manslaughter and murder. to prepare for the class where the survey results were revealed, we were assigned some readings about victimization, some specifically regarding sexual abuse. for example, having heard the male prisoner perspective, we had the chance to read about how incarcerated females are treated when they are strip-searched. the inside students in our class were not thrilled that they have to go through that before and after every one of our joint class meetings. in one of our class assignments, we read about sexual abuse within prison walls, and it was not between prisoners. “sexual abuse is surreptitiously incorporated into one of the most habitual aspects of women’s imprisonment, the strip search” (davis 2003, 81). this reading helped us all understand that victimization goes on everywhere, even inside prison walls, especially regarding the processing of prisoners. this reading helped to debunk pre-conceived notions regarding sexual abuse in prisons, as it is inaccurate in media depictions. another form of victimization is a child with incarcerated parents. “shame, guilt, anger, and resentment are typical reactions of children to the loss of a parent through incarceration, and the lack of acknowledgement, support, and services may result in long-term consequences for them” (chesney-lind and mauer 2002, 142). there is no replacement for parents, since they play an important role in a child’s life, and that role is irreplaceable. the lack of support and acknowledgement may be the hardest part because some of these children are placed in foster care or with a relative that does not know how to properly handle the situation. also, the child may have no way of going to visit the incarcerated parent because of the location of the prison. when filling out the survey, we did not have any feeling or emotion, but when the results were revealed to the class, it was bone chilling. everyone had the same look of shock, sorrow, and sadness in their eyes. so many of us had been affected by crime and were victims ourselves. over 85 instances of personal victimization and over 177 crimes had been committed against a student’s loved one. eighteen loved ones were murdered, nine were raped, and two of our classmates were raped. three of our classmates were victims of sexual assault and three were victims of sexual child abuse. it put faces to those statistics we were reading. those numbers are our family, friends, neighbors, and their families. everyone in the class was appalled by the results; it was heart wrenching to see how crime has affected so many folks inside and outside of the prison system. this exercise made us more empathetic towards others; and it united us after seeing the results. we all had the chance to comment and reflect on how we felt looking at those results, and most people shared the same response: shock and sadness. class graduation from our first discussion, through class conflicts, to the eye-opening victimization survey, it was a time to celebrate our accomplishments as a class. university officials, sci officials, representatives for odrc, and our professor all discussed their thoughts on this program and what it was accomplishing: change. after the different representatives spoke, it was time for one inside student and one outside student to give a speech, representing their classmates’ experiences with the program. the inside and outside students chosen represented us perfectly; their speeches were absolutely unforgettable. the insight that was shared by the students’ speeches opened our eyes to a whole new world; a new way to look at things that did not come up during the class. 10 after those speeches concluded, we were handed our certificates of completion, which we were all proud to receive because we worked hard for this moment. after the certificates were distributed, we enjoyed some snacks and mingled with one another. the inside students were able to eat food that they are usually not offered, making them feel of some value again in an environment that strips individuals of self-worth. the outside student who made the child remark came to sit by the inside student who was offended by her comment. the outside student informed the inside student how much his speech moved her and that he would be missed, which astounded the inside student. the inside student said, “i thought you thought i was aggressive” to which the outside student retorted, “aggressive no, assertive yes.” she told him that being assertive is a great quality and that he had really changed her perceptions. the inside student regretted feeling isolated by the outside student and realized at the end, the person he felt attacked by was in fact one who respected him. he felt that he had learned a valuable lesson and that he needed to work on his social skills; college lessons taught him life lessons. specifically, he learned through the experience that it’s not how one perceives what one’s saying but rather how others perceive it. the public ceremony helped us realize that we were not two separate groups, but rather one group trying to better understand each other’s views and how we can educate others about what we learned from this class and from one another. our class sought to reform our current prison system and to eradicate misconceptions about offenders and crime. we had all taken a big step as a class: our perceptions had changed for the better. stereotypes became obsolete by the end of the course, and we started on our path as social change agents. after the public closing, it was time to say goodbye to our fellow students in our last joint class. we were given a reflection question to help us prepare, but it was not something we could really prepare for. for many us, it was more than saying goodbye to the wonderful people we had met. for some, it was saying goodbye to that feeling of value, humanity, and freedom they were allowed to experience every week for a few hours. it one of the hardest goodbyes we have experienced because we had to leave something that we invested so much time and emotion towards. it is amazing how we became this weirdly unique family and how comfortable and close we were with one another. this was an experience that changed our views on the criminal justice system, and it changed us. final thoughts on the process of change inside student perceptions this class was a rare opportunity for a more hands on experience of higher education. being able to get a first person view of prison life is actually different from what you read, hear, or see in the movies. being able to ask what you want and discuss what you always wanted to discuss, can really change the perceptions of what we originally thought. for us, it was more about changing perceptions of what is thought about prisoners. we are all people who have loved, lost, and made mistakes. we are fathers, sons, brothers, and uncles to real people. most importantly, we will be back in society trying to heal the scar prison has marked us with for life. this class was our chance to experience and change the myths and beliefs of prison life and explore the ethics of criminal law from the inside, out. the group dynamics changed over the time of this course and more than once. we loved how the course made us forget that we were still incarcerated. it seemed for those moments in time that everyone was viewed as equal; we felt that we were a part of something more. we felt 11 inspired by the professor and the students, inside and outside. we felt self-worth. we saw how assertive and passionate the professor was. we need people like her in the world, especially in the system. that drive is an example we plan to follow in many areas of our lives. the course kept everyone hungry for more knowledge. we experienced a few distractions from corrections officers (namely, not leaving our classroom which is an agreement the instructor has with sci) that could have changed the dynamics but examples were shown that day; stand up for what you believe in and everything else will fall into place. we learned that when you think you’re a person who looks at the whole picture, you realize it was only a small area your eyes were focused on. there is a lot more to see. we realized that we could be doing more. holding more conversations to uplift and educate prisoners on better ways to live. when we get out, now it will be easier for us making that transition. every single class worked in a stacking method to broaden our perceptions in ways we never knew to be possible. halfway through the class, we realized that the old lifestyle we used to love did not appeal to us anymore. we saw an outside participant show up even though her mom was in the hospital, which forever changed our lives. we saw that person put off negativity. we saw that no matter what goes on in life, negative or positive, you should not let it affect what you are doing. we cannot change or stop what happens or what is going to happen, but we can live everyday with focus. also, do not let personal hurt and pain drag someone else down. true maturity was shown that day. no matter what happens in life, you keep moving forward. we learned by the metaphorical “child” statement made by an outside student how we came across to people. it was not what was said but how it was said. we learned that we needed to watch what we say because of how it is perceived by others. this one course showed us how to be more empathetic towards people. the victimization survey provided us further proof that the fast life is never a way to come up and make a living. we do not care if life gets hard or if we have to live in a cardboard box, rather we question whether we would add to these numbers as a perpetrator again. this course and the people that shared their experiences touched our lives with a few real examples to follow inside and outside students. it was more than what the course offered through textbook material; it really made us think how we could have ever hurt anyone knowing what it felt like being hurt ourselves. when we first heard of inside-out, we thought we were going to be a torch for the outside students. we assumed that it would be the incarcerated students on one side of the room and the outside students on the other. we thought the class would be debating one on one, which would eventually broaden the outside students’ thoughts, letting them see that we are far more than numbers in a sociology class because we are men of loss, love, hope, and just human beings. if we only knew that coming in with these perceptions, it was actually us who were being judgmental. it was us who assumed, and it was us who convicted the hearts of people we had yet to meet. we started this class to broaden people’s perceptions and in turn we had our own perceptions broadened, and our lives changed for the better. the ripple effect works; with the passion that we felt instilled in us, we put ourselves out there in positive ways. we have gained patience and understanding towards those who do not know what it is like going through what we have been through. 12 outside students perceptions from the beginning to the end of the class, our view of prisoners and the criminal justice system changed significantly. what started off as uncomfortable and awkward turned into a family-like dynamic where everyone was comfortable with each other and everyone had something to bring to the table. in the beginning, we thought of all criminals as coldhearted, vicious people, but by the end, we recognized that many of them were caught up in the moment, and most people, inside and out, are very genuine and sincere. we were also under the assumption that many prisoners are not intelligent because of what the media depicts to us. they portray the worst-case scenario, which is what the public sees. we feel as if we have viewed things one-sidedly due to media depiction. when we discussed the criminal justice system as a class, it felt like we finally learned the other half of the story, like we could finally put the puzzle together now that we had all the pieces. we have newfound feelings for the inside students, especially those who want to get out and do big things with their life. we are inspired by those who have it pretty rough right now but are working to make their life better one step at a time. we learned the most from the inside students, and they helped to shape our views by helping us to realize the flaws in our system and how many changes are needed. conclusion inside-out is a journey for all who partake in the adventure. it forces one to tap the brakes in his/her own life, inside and outside. when life slows from normalcy, one is able to see all the roads that one did not know were there. it is like taking the blinders off so one can see in more than one direction. with that new direction, one can see the horizon at a new angle, which broadens one’s thinking and perceptions. this course consisted of more than just reading and learning about the criminal justice system. it forced us to take a step back and reflect on our own lives and what has happened to us. this paper is only a small glimpse of what the class was like for us, but we do believe it gives students’ perspectives on the importance of community-based higher education and in particular, the inside-out program. this was a life changing course for those of us who partook in the class; however, we also believe there is room for improvement within the program. better communication would allow for the inside students to get into contact with the professor outside of class meetings. for example, obtaining an email account or a phone line for the inside students, so they have a way to contact the professor and get any questions answered or resolve any issues. furthermore, it would provide a means to relay messages between students, inside and out, since students work on joint projects. enhanced communication would make it easier to coordinate and complete group projects. establishing more technology inside of the prison can help the students participate and get assignments completed faster. computers would also allow inside students’ access to the most widely used source of information, the internet. allowing inside students to access computers and the internet would allow them to complete assignments more effectively and efficiently. the use of computers would allow inside students to type their work and save it, and that way they could go back and make corrections. the internet can allow incarcerated students to find resources and other material for assignments and group activities. allowing inside students’ computer and internet access would ease the workload burden currently placed on the outside students. 13 while we recognize the amazing growth of the inside-out program over the last fifteen years, we believe more universities and prisons should partner to utilize this pedagogy because it is beneficial for all involved. we also believe that current inside-out universities should offer more series-based courses in order to allow all students, but particularly incarcerated students, to continue down the educational path. this program instilled passion and hope for many of us. with these few adjustments and enhancements, we feel this program could go further. we hope to see it grow in the future. we acknowledge angela bryant (formerly harvey), assistant professor, the ohio state university-newark, for facilitating the meetings necessary for this collaborative paper and providing invaluable feedback on drafts of this paper. also, we acknowledge prison administrators at southeastern correctional institution for partnering with osu-newark to offer inside-out courses every fall. references alexander, michelle. 2010. the new jim crow. new york, ny: the new press. braithwaite, john. 2002. restorative justice and responsive regulation. new york, ny: oxford university press. chesney-lind, meda, and marc mauer. 2002. invisible punishment: the collateral consequences of mass imprisonment. new york, ny: the new press. davis, angela. 2003. are prisons obsolete? new york, ny: seven stories press. haney, craig, and philip zimbardo. 1998. “the past and future of the u.s prison policy: twenty-five years after the stanford prison experiment.” american psychologist 70927. kappeler, victor e., and gary w. potter. 2005. the mythology of crime and criminal justice. long grove, il: waveland press. pompa, lori. 2002. “service learning as crucible: reflections on immersion, context, power, and transformation.” michigan journal of community service learning 9 (1): 67-76. reiman, jeffrey, and paul leighton. 2010. the rich get richer and the poor get prison: ideology, class and criminal justice. boston, ma: allyn & bacon. roberts, dorothy e. 2004. “the social and moral cost of mass incarceration in african american communities.” stanford law review 56 (5): 1271-1305. romer, daniel, kathleen hall jamieson, and sean aday. 2003. “television news and the cultivation of fear of crime.” journal of communication 53 (1): 88-104. 14 the pew center on the states. 2010. “prison count 2010: state population declines for the first time in 38 years.” the pew charitable trusts. http://www.pewstates.org/uploadedfiles/pcs_assets/2010/pew_prison_count_2010.pdf. walker, samuel, cassia spohn, and miriam delone. 2004. the color of justice: race, ethnicity, and crime in america. belmont, ca: wadsworth. weitzer, ronald, and charis e. kubrin. 2004. “breaking news: how local tv news and realworld conditions affect fear of crime.” justice quarterly 21 (3): 497-520. running head: community engagement instead of pilots 10 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 8, fall 2019 community engagement instead of pilots: an assessment of penn’s support for its academically based community service courses jessica lim university of pennsylvania community engagement instead of pilots 11 introduction many non-profit research universities were founded on the premise that they would advance democratic engagement and better the public good. in spite of this, with 8-figure endowments, expansive landownership, and an exemption from paying property taxes, non-profit research universities are exacerbating the wealth disparity in their home us cities. a popular method for non-profits to address this inequity is by making payments in lieu of taxes (pilots) to their local governments. the university of pennsylvania (university) in philadelphia, which owns approximately $3.2 billion of assessed tax-exempt property and has a $14.7 billion and growing endowment, is a non-profit research university that does not pay pilots (mccrystal, 2019; about us, 2019). the property tax rate in philadelphia is 1.3998% of assessed property value, which is broken down to a 0.6317% city tax rate and a 0.8669% school district tax rate (real estate tax, n.d.). thus, the university foregoes annual property tax payments of $20.2 million to the city and $24.6 million to the school district. the city of philadelphia and the philadelphia school district are in dire need of funds, which greater property tax revenue could alleviate.1,2 philadelphia school district, in particular, is dependent on local tax revenue for their budget, the majority of which comes from property tax (philadelphia school district, 2018). as a major landowner, the university of pennsylvania has been called upon many times, by politicians and activists, to pay pilots, especially to support the school district (goldrick-rab, 2019). the university justifies not making pilot payments by pointing to the “multiple layers of economic contribution” it provides philadelphia (econsult solutions, inc., 2013, p. 6). this 1 the city of philadelphia is in debt $15 billion. see truth in accounting (2019). 2 the philadelphia school district is still recovering from a major budget deficit in 2013 that forced it to eliminate standard resources that year, including assistant principals, all non-instructional staff, and supplies. see the school district of philadelphia (2013). community engagement instead of pilots 12 economic contribution is made through its daily operations through its role as a major employer, its capital spending, its research awards won, and its local engagement. the university maintains that the way it helps philadelphia, “by being able to leverage their people and their assets through programs” outweigh the benefits of an annual lump sum payment (mccrystal, 2019). the public education contribution that the university highlights it gives the most economic support towards is its $1 million annual investment in its netter center for community partnerships (netter center), which “enables an array of local initiative including tutoring public-school students and providing health and nutrition programs inside the public schools of philadelphia” (impact, 2016, p 14).3 the netter center runs two programs that facilitate this: academically based community service (abcs), which is the university’s service-learning program, and university assisted community schools, which provides an organizing framework to bring university programs, including abcs, to west philadelphia schools. the first abcs course was taught in 1985 and the netter center was founded in 1992. the university’s president highlights the university’s national leadership in abcs as a key method the university’s students, faculty and staff engage with the community (introduction to penn, n.d.). given the wealth disparity that exists between cities and non-profit research universities, their claims for layered economic contribution and community engagement programs in lieu of direct payments are worth investigating. this study does this by focusing on the university of pennsylvania’s support for its abcs program, which is a key community engagement program the university supports in lieu of making a direct contribution to public education. first, this study lays out the means to study institutional commitment to service-learning. second, this study evaluates the university’s support for abcs by analyzing course listings, course syllabi, 3 the other local engagement that the university highlights is its $800k investment in the sadie tanner mossell alexander university of pennsylvania partnership school. see impact (2019), p 14. community engagement instead of pilots 13 faculty and student interviews, as well as student survey data. the study finds that while the university expresses its support for abcs, the program lacks adequate resources to effectively plan and coordinate across abcs courses, faculty and students. it argues that the resource contribution that the university makes to abcs should not be quantified as the resource contribution it makes to the city. assessing institutional support of service-learning in the late 20th and early 21st century, in part responding to federal and private initiatives to increase their civic engagement, numerous universities introduced service-learning programs to their curriculum (gujarthi & mcquade, 2002; young, shinnar, ackerman, carruthers & young, 2007). since the expansion of service-learning programs, research has examined the way in which learning can improve outcomes for university students and receiving communities (astin, vogelgesang, ikeda & yee, 2000; harkavy, hartley, hodges & weeks, 2013; mccarthy & tucker, 2002; schmidt & robby, 2002). researchers have defined the characteristics of effective service and the metrics to evaluate the institutionalization of service-learning. community campus partnerships for health developed a “self-assessment tool for service-learning sustainability” to assess the institutionalization of service-learning within institutions (seifer & connors, 2007). the authors’ tool drew from previous frameworks about institutionalization, institutional commitment to service, and service-learning. the tool assesses institutionalization on a three-stage continuum by examining five dimensions – 1. definition and application, 2. faculty support for and involvement, 3. student support for and involvement, 4. community support for and involvement, and 5. institutional leadership and support for – that affect institutionalization (seifer & connors, 2007, p 140). the tool comprehensively considers the degree of institutionalization of each dimension by assessing several components that community engagement instead of pilots 14 comprise them. the tool has been supported by universities engaged with service-learning across the nation, including the university of pennsylvania, vanderbilt university, university of california berkeley, and michigan state university. while the tool does not put a dollar amount to the university’s commitment to service-learning, it provides a strong method to evaluate how the university is devoting and positioning its resources to support its service-learning program. thus, this tool is valuable to this investigation, as it provides a means to understand how the university of pennsylvania leverages its resources through its abcs program. methods in order to assess the level of institutionalization of the university of pennsylvania’s abcs program, i collected relevant data over a 5-week period in the fall of 2018 and a 3-week period in spring of 2019. my methodology included: 1. surveying the abcs course listings available on the netter center website. in aggregating the data, i determined key statistics that would enable me to better understand, holistically, course offerings over time. these statistics included the number of professors that had taught abcs courses, the number of abcs courses each professor had taught, the number of abcs courses individual professors had taught in a semester, and the number of abcs courses that had been offered. 2. collecting course syllabi. i obtained the syllabi of 14 abcs courses from peers and faculty. the syllabi enabled me to gain insight into how faculty laid out their courses and enabled me to understand the variation in the requirements of abcs courses. 3. interviewing abcs faculty. i cold emailed 15 faculty members across academic departments who had taught abcs courses in fall 2018, spring 2018, and/or fall 2017. i had not taken any of these professors’ abcs courses. through this approach, i community engagement instead of pilots 15 interviewed eight abcs faculty, who were professors, associate professors, and adjunct faculty, about the components of their courses, the assistance they received from their departments and/or the university in teaching their course, their decision to teach an abcs course, and their perception of the university’s civic engagement. i additionally interviewed an instructor who was teaching a service-learning course who had chosen to keep their course non-abcs.4 the length of interviews ranged from 25 to 50 minutes. 4. interviewing administrative staff. i interviewed three netter center staff members about the capacity in which they work with abcs, their offices’ work with abcs, and their understanding of the development of abcs. the lengths of the interviews were approximately one hour. i additionally interviewed one college of arts and science administrator about their understanding of the development of abcs courses as well as about abcs courses ability to fulfill graduation requirements for approximately 1 hour. i also communicated with one engineering school administrator about abcs courses’ ability to fulfill graduation requirements via email correspondence. 5. survey to university students. i distributed a survey to students via 3 different listservs and facebook.5 i obtained perspectives from 56 undergraduate students, who had collectively taken 17 abcs courses. respondents ranged across years and represented all four undergraduate schools. the survey asked about their experience in each abcs course they had taken and were willing to discuss, their perception of how service was integrated into the course, their perception of the university’s civic engagement, and their experience with service outside of abcs, both in college and before. 4 this course became listed as an abcs course in fall 2019. 5 the groups included two community service clubs, one fall of 2018 abcs course, and one social organization. community engagement instead of pilots 16 6. reading university’s website and documents. i identified information about and relating to abcs in the university’s strategic plans, annual reports, and website. i used the community campus partnerships for health’s “self-assessment tool for servicelearning sustainability” to analyze the data and determine the degree of institutionalization the university had reached (seifer & connors, 2007, p 140). i analyzed all dimensions except for dimension 4, community support for and involvement in service-learning, and rated where penn stood on the institutionalization continuum: stage 1: critical mass building, stage 2: quality building, and stage 3: sustained institutionalization. my data focuses on the undergraduate experience with abcs because undergraduates could enroll in all of the abcs courses offered, and about three quarters of the fall 2018 courses were listed as undergraduate courses. dimension 4 considers community partner awareness of, opportunities for, involvement in, and contributions to service-learning. i made the decision not to collect data and analyze dimension 4 because it is not within the study’s focus of the university’s leverage of its own resources to abcs. in addition, i did not want to add more requests for time of already burdened community members knowing that other students and the university were, and still are, collecting data at the service sites for various projects. evaluating this dimension would not be mutually beneficial enough to warrant my disruption of the field. findings dimension 1: definition and application of service-learning this dimension considers the structure of the university’s service-learning courses and the university’s integration of its service-learning program into its mission and goals. while the university has established universal language to discuss the abcs program, there is significant variation across the individual courses and there is minimal coordinated planning for the community engagement instead of pilots 17 program. the university is in stage 3 in the way it publicizes service-learning. it is in stage 2 in the way it implements service-learning. definition of service-learning. the university has excelled at adopting a universal definition for service-learning to ensure that the program is understood both internally and externally. it created the academically based community service terminology and has maintained tight control over whether or not a course can be labeled abcs. courses can only become abcs by being approved by the netter center’s abcs coordinator. every faculty member that is teaching an abcs course either reached out to the netter center to apply for their course to be labeled abcs or was approached by the netter center to create an abcs course. because of this procedure, every abcs course explicitly intended to be so by both the faculty teaching the course as well as by the university. the university also operationalizes abcs when discussing their commitment to their local community. in the university president’s letter addressed to those interested in learning about penn, abcs is touted as a means by which the university’s students, faculty, and staff engage with the university’s community. abcs is a recognizable term from the university’s promotions. in fact, one student surveyed, a female junior at the college majoring in health and societies, shared that in applying to the university as a civically minded student, “i wrote my “why penn” admissions essay about abcs courses” (student survey, november 11, 2018). the application of service-learning. in practice, service-learning is not standardized across abcs courses, even in the requirements relating to the service component of the classes. as i found by reading through course syllabi, while some courses require all of its students to engage in a single service activity, others offer students multiple service options that students can choose from, and a couple courses even make the service component of their class optional. community engagement instead of pilots 18 there was also variation in the hourly commitment of the service requirements. for example, a fine arts course required students to be at their service site for 5 hours per week, while an environmental studies course required students to be at their service site for 6 hours over the entire semester. in addition, abcs courses hold students to different levels of accountability for even attending their service activities. for example, in a faculty interviews, one faculty shared that they suspected that some of their students skipped the service components, but they did not have system to keep track of it (faculty interview, november 27, 2018). there is also significant variation in the way that abcs courses integrate their service components. abcs is not standardized in the preparation students have for service, how students are educated about the community, or in the learning outcomes they should reach. in students’ surveys, 18 students reported, for about seven different classes, that they did not believe the service component of their abcs course helped them to better understand the course material nor was it well integrated into the course (student surveys, november-december, 2018). strategic planning of service-learning. there is no publicized strategic plan for abcs and there has not been, at least in recent years. the netter center, and abcs, is under the purview of the school of arts and sciences as well as the office of the president. in the school of arts and science’s 2015 strategic plan, they noted that they provide core support for the netter center’s efforts in pioneering the university’s academically based community service model. however, the strategic plan does not state any intention to integrate abcs further into the college curriculum or to grow the abcs course offerings (strategic plan, 2015). similarly, while the netter center discusses how abcs has expanded since its inception, they do not state how abcs is intended to grow or evolve in the future (netter center for community partnerships, 2018). community engagement instead of pilots 19 netter center staff explained that the netter center develops to respond to the needs and desires of the university relating to community engagement. they noted that there were multiple initiatives that were underway with the assistance of the new provost, including research fellowships, abcs teaching awards, and discussions with schools about abcs courses counting for general education requirements (administrative staff interview, april 9, 2019). ultimately, however, the development goals relating to abcs are constantly changing. a lack of specific direction hinders a program’s ability to grow. as is indicative of the lack of momentum around abcs, over the past 10 years, the count of abcs courses offered per semester has remained stable. alignment of service-learning with the university’s mission. the university has stated its mission to make impact through community engagement. abcs aligns with this goal (penn compact 2020, n.d.). alignment of service-learning with strategic goals and initiatives. abcs is mentioned as a way that the university is achieving impact, which is a strategic goal (impact, 2016, p 14). dimension 2: faculty support for and involvement in service-learning this dimension considers the extent to which faculty, overall, are engaged with servicelearning at the university and the extent to which the faculty teaching service-learning courses are supported by the university in doing so. faculty systematic engagement in service-learning and the university’s support of faculty teaching service-learning is limited. the university is in stage 2 in the way that faculty can and do engage with service-learning. faculty awareness of service-learning. there is not an established system in place to introduce faculty to abcs. the netter center currently relies on staff members’ personal community engagement instead of pilots 20 networks or by word of mouth suggestions to extend the reach abcs has amongst faculty (netter center staff interview, april 24, 2019). current abcs faculty interviewed could all easily explain abcs’ approach. several acknowledged the limited reach abcs awareness had amongst the wider faculty, even in their own department (faculty interview, november 15, 2018; faculty interview, november 27, 2018; faculty interview, december 6, 2018). faculty involvement in and support for service-learning. abcs faculty represent a small fraction of the university’s faculty. in the fall of 2018, the university had 9,586 faculty.6 that semester, 40 faculty cumulatively taught 37 abcs courses. these faculty were affiliated with six of the university’s twelve schools. abcs courses are disproportionately taught by non-tenured faculty – faculty without tenure or tenure-probationary status – who have less authority and time to influence university decisions. of the 40 faculty who taught abcs classes in the fall of 2018, 13 faculty had tenure and 27 did not. 22 of the non-tenured faculty were lecturers at the university. including fall of 2018, each individual professor had taught an average of 6.8 semesters of abcs courses, while non-tenured professors had taught an average of 9.9 semesters of abcs courses. an education lecturer shared, “tenured professors have been here longer and don’t have much to lose by asking for more. they are the ones who can start the change, if they make the time to do so” (faculty interview, december 6, 2018). non-tenured professors, especially lecturers, are more likely to have commitments that prevent them from engaging with the university. one lecturer shared that because of her full-time non-university job, she was limited in her ability to engage 6 of these, 2,753 were standing faculty, individuals with tenure and tenure-probationary status, 2,040 were associated faculty, individuals in non-tenure tracks, and 4,793 were academic support staff, individuals not eligible for appointment to the standing or associated faculty. see facts (n.d.). community engagement instead of pilots 21 with other professors or attend workshops that are run during normal business hours (faculty, interview, november 19, 2018). faculty leadership in service-learning. a number of tenured professors have leadership positions at the netter center. the netter center established a faculty advisory board in 1992, shortly after its inception. the objective of the board has been to advance abcs across the university as well as to support netter center’s work amongst faculty and the administration (administrative staff interview, december 16, 2018). currently 32 tenured faculty, who are in different schools across the university, have positions on the board, 23 of whom have taught at least one abcs course. in addition to the advisory board, faculty can lead initiatives for abcs and get the support of the netter center. recently, two abcs faculty began facilitating monthly workshops, which are open to all faculty involved or interested in abcs. they last approximately one hour and include lunch catered by the netter center. one of the coordinating professors shared that she hoped the workshops will provide a space for faculty to coordinate on abcs, perhaps by agreeing on a standardized set of learning objectives for abcs courses (abcs faculty interview, november 26, 2018). abcs faculty have also published papers to advocate for abcs and service-learning as a model. some faculty have published articles that highlight outcomes from their own abcs course and others have published articles about abcs as a model. these publications have supported the university establishing itself as a leader for service-learning. faculty development, incentives and rewards for service-learning. faculty receive some key benefits from teaching an abcs course, but they do not receive key benefits that would draw more faculty to teach them. in addition to previously mentioned benefits that abcs faculty receive from the netter center, there is a provost/netter center faculty-community community engagement instead of pilots 22 partnership award of $5,000 to a faculty member and community partner in recognition of excellence in creating community partnerships (“provost/netter center faculty-community partnership award,” n.d.). in addition, the netter center offers funds for abcs faculty to hire student teaching assistants – both undergraduate and graduate students. these teaching assistants can support faculty in preparing lessons, managing course logistics, grading, and more. the netter center has also enabled some faculty to take on leadership roles in representing the university at service-learning. they have financially supported them attending conferences and interacting with professors at other universities. beyond the benefits described above, however, penn does not provide other key incentives and benefits to faculty. the netter center does not pay faculty or professors for teaching their abcs courses each semester. their belief is that paying faculty to teach abcs courses is against the model of change to use existing resources to improve the community (netter center staff interview, april 24, 2019). in practice, this can put the burden on abcs faculty. of her course load, a tenured biology professor shared, “standing faculty have a required course load that they are required to teach by their department… in teaching my abcs course, i am teaching above my course load, but my department had no problem with it when i asked for approval” (abcs faculty interview, november 26, 2018). in order to teach abcs courses, some faculty are actively making sacrifices. dimension 3: student support for and involvement in service-learning this dimension considers how students can and do engage in service-learning. at the university, general information about abcs is easily accessible to students but few students’ involvement in abcs extends beyond taking one course. the university is in stage 3 of institutionalization in community engagement instead of pilots 23 the way it generates student awareness for service-learning. it is in stage 2 in the way it engages students with its service-learning program. student awareness of service-learning. information about abcs courses is easy to find online for students interested in service-learning. on the university’s course registration site for students, there is a filtersearch for abcs courses. in addition to making it easy for students to find abcs courses, the tool encourages students to think about abcs in their course search. the netter center’s website also lists abcs course offerings each semester and consolidates abcs course offerings from previous semesters. while students at the university are generally aware of abcs, they are not uniformly aware across the four undergraduate schools. in fall 2018, there were no abcs courses offered in the wharton school and there was only one abcs course offered in the school of engineering. instead, undergraduate abcs courses were concentrated in the college of arts and sciences – especially in the urban studies and english departments – and the nursing school. a senior majoring in biological basis of behavior stated about taking her first abcs course that semester, “they are hidden gems… these classes should cover more topics and be more widely advertised” (student survey, november 11, 2018). the unequal distribution of abcs course offerings across departments and schools inhibits its reach of awareness across students. student opportunities for service-learning. a fraction of students enrolls in abcs courses. the university enrolls approximately 25,000 students. in the 2016-2017 academic year, 1,700 undergraduate and graduate students enrolled in the university’s 70 abcs courses (netter center, 2018). opportunities to engage in service-learning can be assessed by students’ ability to take abcs to fulfill graduation requirements. for undergraduate students, certain abcs courses offered during the fall of 2018 could fulfill seven general education requirements for wharton community engagement instead of pilots 24 students, five general education requirements for engineering students, and two general education requirements for nursing and college students. it is interesting to note that an abcs course is singled out by the engineering school as being one of two courses in a science department that cannot count toward students’ “natural science” general education requirement. over email correspondence, the department justified that it is due to the “difference in rigor and content” between approved and unapproved courses (administrator email, april 9, 2019). there is an effort to make more abcs courses count for requirements to engage more students. student leadership in service-learning. at the university of pennsylvania, students are able to take on formal leadership roles in abcs in several ways: through become a teaching assistant, joining the netter center student advisory board, or working at the netter center. students can earn work-study and non-work study funding by becoming teaching assistants and working at the netter center, through the support of the netter center. these opportunities are somewhat limited – not all courses have teaching assistants, there are only 9 undergraduates on the student advisory board, and there are about 10 student positions available at the netter center each school year. nevertheless, these opportunities enable students to better engage with, take ownership of, and shape service-learning. on the ground level, however, there are a number of students who desire improvements of abcs courses they took and who did not act on it. the student who wrote her admissions essay about abcs courses became critical after taking her first abcs course. she realized that abcs may not be the best way to engage with the community. she felt that the abcs biology course was set up to benefit her and her fellow penn students much more so than the community, and she questioned if the course had a net-negative impact for the community (student survey, november 11, 2018). as another example, a student said about an environmental studies course, community engagement instead of pilots 25 “this particular class did very little to update the curriculum for the students we were teaching. it felt as if we were burdening the students by taking up their time… i believe they were not benefitting from our teaching beyond the first and second lesson plans” (student survey, november 26, 2018). in the student surveys, 27 students expressed that their expectations exceeded their experiences in the abcs courses they took. student incentives and rewards. the university largely does not give special acknowledgement to students for taking abcs courses. while a course’s description states that it is abcs, there is no distinction on a student’s academic transcript to state that a course was abcs. there are two programs that are offered to undergraduates that focus on abcs: civic scholars and the urban education minor. students can apply to the civic scholars program before beginning their freshman year. the selective program earns students a certification upon their graduation and a distinction on their transcript. the urban education minor is an interdisciplinary minor that is hosted within the urban studies department and is co-sponsored by the college of arts and sciences and the graduate school of education. the 7-credit minor focuses on enabling students to bridge their learning between the classroom and the community and requires at least one abcs course. it is a formalized course of study and the distinction, as is true of completed minors, appears on students’ transcripts. dimension 5: institutional leadership and support for service-learning this dimension considers the direct support that the institution provides the program. the netter center demonstrates strong support for abcs. however, the lack of resources directed at abcs limits its impact. the university is at the furthest stage of institutionalization in its established coordinating structure for service-learning, but it is in the quality building stage for the other aspects of service-learning support. community engagement instead of pilots 26 coordinating structures for service-learning. the university established the netter center to serve as the institutional center to coordinate, oversee, and support service-learning. the netter center is the authority that approves courses as being abcs. staff at the netter center serve as liaisons to university faculty and students who are interested or involved in abcs. they also serve as liaisons for partner sites, where some abcs courses engage in service, and k-12 partner teachers. the netter center has been able to maintain the abcs program and stably championed abcs on campus, since the center’s establishment in 1992. policy support for service-learning. there are a number of policy-making boards and institutional offices that work with abcs and the netter center. the office of the president and the school of arts and sciences jointly provide institutional funding support to the netter center. both bodies promote the netter center and abcs, particularly when they talk about implementing research into practice to benefit the community. in addition, the student committee on undergraduate education (scue), a branch of the university’s student government that advocates for students and advises faculty and the administration on both the undergraduate curriculum and undergraduate academic experiences, has worked with the netter center in the past and is currently working on expanding the requirements that abcs courses can count towards. in addition, over the past year, the new provost has been making efforts to expand the netter center – he has had meetings with the netter center and its advisory boards, as well as has facilitated meetings between the netter center and the deans of the different schools (administrative staff interview, april 9, 2019). the provost is in the process of creating endowed fellowships and grants to support student and faculty research and engagement in abcs. a netter center staff member said of the mounting support, “there have been waves of community engagement instead of pilots 27 the provost’s office and the office of the president putting energy into abcs. when those waves come, netter center tries to further abcs as much as possible. it seems like the tides are shifting now” (interview, december 12, 2018). currently, there is momentum on campus to better abcs through school policy. but this momentum from university administrators has not been consistent over the duration of the university’s service-learning program. staff support for service-learning. at the netter center, there are three main staff members who coordinate and advocate for the institutionalization of service-learning at the university: the director, one associate director, and the academically based community service coordinator. between the three staff, they lead initiatives to expand abcs in the university, handle the logistics relating to abcs faculty and students, and manage service partnerships and service placements. the three staff members work very hard at the job. multiple faculty recognized the director and associate director as being champions on campus in expanding abcs. nevertheless, the tasks are extremely large for three to handle. a staff member at the center stated that it would be more appropriate to have a department overseeing abcs rather than a single coordinator (administrative staff interview, december 16, 2018). despite this, these three staff members have many responsibilities at the center that are additional to abcs. for example, the abcs coordinator is also currently allocating incoming donations to the netter center. there is also high turnover in the abcs coordinator position, as well as other netter center staff positions, which limits staff’s ability to support abcs. over the past 4 years alone, there have been four different abcs coordinators. each coordinator has had to orient themselves to the position, their duties, and re-forge relationships. multiple faculty teaching abcs courses – a standing professor and three lecturers – felt that the relationship that they developed with their community engagement instead of pilots 28 service partner was stronger than was the center’s. they acknowledged that, while the netter center had been helpful in initially introducing them to service sites, they did not need to continue to utilize the netter center as a liaison (faculty interview, november 14, 2018; faculty interview, november 15, 2018). the turnover of staff members in the abcs coordinator role may be restricting the authority the role has. funding for service-learning. only approximately one third of the netter center’s funding comes from the university. the majority of its funds comes from private and public grants or donations. some of the large grants that the center is funded by, including the 21st century community learning center grant for k-12 after school programming, have stringent reporting guidelines as well as student enrollment requirements, which the center must prioritize. this takes away time from improving programs, including abcs. the university has appointed a liaison in its development office to assist the netter center in fundraising, which alleviates some of the burden from the netter center (netter center staff interview, april 24, 2019). nevertheless, while the netter center is institutionally supported by the university, the university does not provide it with the majority of the funds it needs to operate. this hinders the netter center ability to focus on its work. administrator support for service-learning. administrators on campus advocate for abcs and speak highly of the program on campus. the director of the netter center, ira harkavy, in particular, has established strong relationships with administrators and faculty on campus, which has furthered the program. with the support of administrators, abcs has continued to be promoted in university press frequently. service-learning evaluation. there is one staff member at the netter center that is responsible for all of the data collection and evaluation of the center’s programming, which community engagement instead of pilots 29 includes abcs. that one staff member is supported by approximately 7 students per semester, each working 10 hours per week, some through work-study. for the evaluation of abcs programming, the evaluation team compiles a faculty, teaching assistant, and site inventory through surveys distributed near the end of each semester. additionally, the evaluator conducts focus groups of faculty, teaching assistants, and alumni and distributes surveys to alumni and, occasionally, to partner teachers. despite the extensive data collection, my research suggests that the evaluation results are not widely known. none of the abcs faculty in my sample of interviewees utilized the evaluation results. in explaining the evaluation methods, a netter center staff member shared that a couple of abcs faculty had expressed interest in obtaining the results of their surveys (administrative staff interview, december 12, 2018). the data-evaluation team is responsible for evaluating all of the center’s programming – abcs as well as all service programs with its community partners. thus, this team concurrently evaluates about 20 projects at any given time (netter center staff interview, december 6, 2018). conclusion this study of the university’s abcs program was conducted in order to investigate the university’s statements that the economic benefits it provides the city through its current operations and programs, which leverage its resources, outweigh the benefits of a pilot. in the abcs program, the university’s direct support for abcs programming – through the administrators committed and funding made – is multiplied by the efforts of its faculty and donors. faculty teaching the courses give their time generously, some even completely volunteering to teach an abcs course. additionally, the existence of the program yields donations from the university’s donors, which brings multiplies the university’s funding of abcs. the university champions the program and publicizes it greatly to its university body. in community engagement instead of pilots 30 spite of this, abcs is still in the quality building stage of institutionalization. the netter center staff are over stretched and unable to effectively coordinate the program. there is limited awareness from faculty and incentives for them to be involved. there is also limited coordination amongst the classes and faculty end up re-creating the wheel to teach their course – which does not even share common learning objectives with other courses. the requirements around service for students varies greatly across classes. in addition, administration support varies over time and the program has lacked a clear direction. thus, community engagement programs require a great amount of resources to internally run. these resources exceed the university’s direct contribution to abcs, and even the multiples of resources that the program yields. the resources being devoted to abcs do not go directly to the community. the economic contribution that the university makes to abcs should not be quantified as the economic contribution it makes to its community. significantly less of the resources make it to the community, and the variation in the programming make it an inconsistent program for the community to rely on. ultimately, the investigation into abcs showed that the university’s funding a community engagement program does rally more resources within the university. however, it does not substitute the benefits of a consistent pilot payment. community engagement instead of pilots 31 references abcs courses. 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(2019). financial state of the cities. retrieved from https://www.truthinaccounting.org/library/doclib/2019-financial-state-of-the-citiesreport--1.pdf young, c. a., shinnar, r. s., ackerman, r. l., carruthers, c. p., & young, d. a. (2007). implementing and sustaining service-learning at the institutional level. the journal of experiential education, 29(3), 344-365. https://doi.org/10.1177/105382590702900306 running head: from representation to conversation 61 from representation to conversation: mapping in practice jeanette petti cornell university from representation to conversation 62 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol.8, fall 2019 abstract this essay explores how maps perform, not in theory or in principle, but when used in practice. it analyzes the dangers and opportunities of using maps for community engagement, as experienced by practicing planners, landscape architects, and educators. interviews with these professionals about their experiences in the field reveal commonly-held assumptions about the accuracy of maps, the technical expertise required for mapping, and the resulting influences upon non-experts’ willingness to provide feedback, to participate collaboratively, and to feel ownership over the mapping process. we learn from these practice stories that maps can be dangerous: they can mislead, they can intimidate, and they can prevent collaboration. but we learn, too, that maps can also provide powerful opportunities for stimulating inquiry, for facilitating conversation, and for producing shared visions. the professionals interviewed for this essay explain how they avoid the dangers of mapping and instead capitalize on its opportunities by reframing maps – not as static representations – but as dynamic, conversational tools for learning, negotiating, and visualizing. from representation to conversation 63 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol.8, fall 2019 introduction from the navigation systems in our cars to the route map at the bus stop to the weather forecast on television, maps are everywhere – and that is part of the problem. we have become desensitized to maps. as everyday objects, maps are “intensely familiar” to us – we take for granted our ability to understand them and their ability to represent accurately. now naturalized and mollified, the map represents absolute accuracy, and we easily accept what it depicts; the map is understood simply as a “neutral, informative transfer of external information” (cosgrove, 1999, p. 2). the ubiquitous use of maps in daily life, however, “can obscure the epistemological and interpretive challenges that mapping presents.” as denis cosgrove (1999) reminds us, maps are also troubling: [maps’] apparent stability and their aesthetics of closure and finality dissolve with but a little reflection into recognition of their partiality and provisionality, their embodiment of intention, their imaginative and creative capacities, their mythical qualities, their appeal to reverie, their ability to record and stimulate anxiety, their silences, and their powers of deception. (p. 2) the map in theory cartographers, planners, and scholars have long been wary of the complexity, ambiguity, and agency inherent in producing maps. cosgrove (1999) and other academics, in their anthology of mapping, explore how maps have exerted and subverted power throughout time. in one of the anthology’s essays, james corner (1999) problematizes the power granted to maps due to their assumed accuracy. he finds that “maps are highly artificial and fallible from representation to conversation 64 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol.8, fall 2019 constructions…that possess great force in terms of how people see and act” (corner, 1999, p. 216). j.b. harley (1988a) also finds maps to be “a language of power” – one mediated through the “geometries and representational hierarchies” of mapping (p. 303). harley (1988b) expands on these claims in “silences and secrecy: the hidden agenda of cartography in early modern europe” where he finds power in deliberate acts of censorship and in the omissions associated with applying classification schemes to real-world complexity. he regards maps not as “objective” or “value free” but rather as rhetoric, their meaning impacted by the values of the map maker (p. 71). in “deconstructing the map,” harley (1989) challenges the conventional assumption of the map as a “mirror of nature,” encouraging people to deconstruct the map in order to discover its underlying meanings (p. 4). cosgrove, corner, and harley help us understand maps theoretically. they deal not with mapping as a “practical form of applied knowledge,” but as an abstracted form of representation, suitable more for scrutiny and criticism (perkins, 2003, p. 341). such literature explores the process of mapping and problematizes the maps that are produced from this process, but it does little to address how these maps perform when actually used. the map in practice maps, if nothing else, are performative objects; they are meant to be used, experienced, and understood. while theory is concerned with how the map became and what the map is, practice is concerned with how the map interacts; the map is seen, not as a flat surface for dissection and reflection, but rather as a dynamic canvas for learning, exploring, negotiating, and visualizing. as such, we must explore maps in practice just as we explore maps more abstractly. from representation to conversation 65 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol.8, fall 2019 maps are often used in practical applications in the field of planning. spread across a table, a map acts as a liaison between the planner and the community members, providing a shared surface on which the planner can convey information and the community members can respond with their own input and experiences. however, the dubious yet pervasive notion that “ordinary people cannot read plans and maps” often beleaguers the field, leaving planners to question whether the layman can understand what the map depicts and whether he feels comfortable enough to critique it (rowe, 2015, p. 17). it follows that a map’s effectiveness as both a vehicle for communication and as a repository for feedback is an important measure of its performance. the practice stories so that we can better understand how maps perform, this essay analyzes practice stories – experiences of map-making professionals from the field as recounted by these practitioners in their own words. the analysis of these practical and professionally-applied experiences provides insight into the use of maps on the ground, as opposed to strictly in principle. the professionals interviewed for this essay vary in their backgrounds and specialties; they include planners, landscape architects, and educators – all of whose stories are stimulating and informative. jeff chusid, george frantz, and jennifer minner are all professors in cornell university’s department of city and regional planning. they share their experiences of working with a variety of communities from austin, texas to new york, new york and detail what they learned about using maps for community engagement. chusid (interview with author, november 13, 2017) tackles the barriers to entry inherent in understanding and producing maps while frantz (interview with author, november 13, 2017) focuses largely on the importance of encouraging from representation to conversation 66 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol.8, fall 2019 and making meaningful use of community feedback in the mapping process. minner (interview with author, october 23, 2017) explores the power of maps to foster common ground and build consensus among those with differing interests. additional insight also comes from practicing landscape architects jorgen primdahl and james richards, who were interviewed in related research (filipau, 2014). the lessons collectively, these professionals’ practice stories create a rich tapestry of experiences from which to examine the dangers and opportunities of using maps for community planning. grounded by the practical and applied settings of these stories, this essay and its lessons are intended to inform and guide other planners’ mapping practices. this essay, however, does not attempt to issue a prescriptive set of rules for mapmaking because, in the face of myriad contexts, “general principles that might govern design or explain use would be doomed to fail.” to standardize maps in this way would simply validate “artificially theorized models,” giving the map a form that ignores the complexity and uniqueness of the historically-specific information that it attempts to display (kitchin, perkins, & dodge, 2009, p. 3). nevertheless, as cosgrove (1999) argues, “much is at stake in matters of space and its formal, graphic representation” (p. 4). political boundaries and even the futures of communities depend on maps as vehicles for spatial determination. the real and considerable effects of applied mapping show how significant it can be to rethink planners’ typical approach to using maps for community engagement. indeed, as corner (1999) warns: from representation to conversation 67 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol.8, fall 2019 planners consider mapping a rather unimaginative, analytical practice. an unfortunate consequence of these attitudes is that the various techniques and procedures of mapping have not been subject of inquiry, research, or criticism. instead, they have become codified, naturalized, and taken for granted as institutional conventions. (p. 216) mapping requires – as this essay attempts to demonstrate – careful consideration into the prevailing popular assumptions about the authority and infallibility of maps and the ways these perceptions shape map viewers’ willingness and ability to provide feedback, to participate collaboratively, and to feel ownership over the mapping process. the dangers of mapping the dangers of mapping are well-documented in theoretical literature. cosgrove (1999) warns against mapping’s “selectivities” (p. 11). he notes that the selection and omission of features on a map, though often hidden behind the pretense of aesthetic improvement, can be intentionally oppressive acts of power. corner (1999) decries the conventional conception of maps as “largely unquestionable” (p. 221) and encourages mapping as a way not “to assert authority, stability, and control, [but] to search, disclose, and engender new sets of possibility” (p. 225). harley (1988a) views maps as an “impersonal type of knowledge” that can never truly depict the whole of a place (p. 303). the practice stories that follow will test these theories against reality and will enable us to identify important considerations for practical and applied mapping in future cases. the map as untouchable maps, “as expertly produced, measured representations,” can sometimes be regarded as finalized and immutable. map viewers – aware that the map was “constructed from a set of from representation to conversation 68 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol.8, fall 2019 internal instruments, codes, techniques, and conventions” – assume, not only that the map is accurate, but that it is comprehensive – that it could not be supplemented by additional information or revisions (corner, 1999, p. 215). the appearance of the map, with its coordinate grid and proportional scale bar, deters would-be attempts at modification by underscoring the scientifically-measured way in which it was created. the map is protected by an aura of sacredness – as british town planner tony gibson puts it – as if it had “a big protective dome over it saying, ‘do not touch!’” (forester, 2008, p. 107). yet, maps are also tactile objects; when rolled out on a table, they should be viewed not as impenetrable surfaces, but rather as canvases on which to draw and diagram. simply declaring that an area needs improved accessibility is not nearly as effective as drawing new crosswalks or suggesting new greenways on a map (forester, 2008, p. 100). the act of drawing on a map requires people to think differently; they must ask themselves, “where should we put the greenway? what does it affect? who are the people we have to involve because the greenway is here instead of there?” the map, because of its inherent need for detail and specificity, forces people to “deal with the complexity of space” (pappalardo, interview, october 9, 2015). they must locate, size, and visualize their ideas such that they make physical and relational sense on the map – a process that involves a level of refinement beyond that necessary for simply conceiving of or verbalizing an idea. non-professional map viewers, however, are often reluctant to interfere with the map; they see it as “precious” and relegate themselves only to pointing (rowe, 2015, p. 14). to remove the metaphorical dome that protects the map against critique, map makers are often required to explicitly invite modification. professor george frantz has learned through the years that he can do just that by making the first mark himself. frantz (2017) explains: from representation to conversation 69 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol.8, fall 2019 the map has to be nice enough [in quality], but it also has to be of a quality where people don’t hesitate to write on it and mark it up. sometimes it takes me grabbing a sharpie and making the first mark on the map, and then everybody realizes, ‘oh, okay, i can do this. it’s okay.’ frantz, as the map maker, must first draw on the map before viewers feel comfortable doing the same. to convince his viewers that the map is not intended simply to impress, frantz must intentionally deface that which he so carefully produced. he conceives of his map as part of a conversation, as an “active participant” – and invites his viewers to share this sentiment. to frantz, the map is “intended to be torn, marked on, and used up” (forester, 2008, p. 124). however, sometimes even demoting the map to the status of “draft” is not sufficient to encourage viewers to mark on it; they are not only hesitant to soil the map maker’s work, but also fearful of being judged for their drawing abilities. to combat this fear, landscape architect james richards asks his map viewers to do something small: “just circle what you said right here on the block that you mean,” he says. this intrusion on the sacred map is not particularly offensive, neither to the map maker nor to the person doing the marking, and “once [that person] is okay, two or three people are also okay” (filipau, 2014, p. 47). in this way, the initial violation of the map’s perceived perfection leads, not to ridicule and castigation, but rather to empowered, participatory collaboration. by encouraging viewers to modify their maps, frantz and richards concede ownership to them; the map moves from the sole possession of the map maker to a shared ownership with the newly-appointed map editors. the marked-up map not only depicts where the map viewers live and work, but also now expresses their own ideas; “when people leave their marks on paper, they from representation to conversation 70 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol.8, fall 2019 feel similarly to what they feel when they feel listened to; ideas somehow become more tangible and real” (filipau, 2014, p. 48). allowing these non-professional ideas to coexist on the same plane as a professionally-produced map serves to dignify these ideas, affording them a greater level of respect and empowering their owners to be more inquisitive and analytical. the benefits of such collective editing underscore the importance of perceiving the map not as a “showpiece,” but as a “warm, receptive place for ideas” (frantz 2017; chusid 2017). the map as antagonistic the use of maps in community planning is often future oriented; maps are used to reframe “what is” into “what could be,” to create a shared vision for the future of a community. this task of “re-shaping the worlds in which people live” can be contentious, especially if the map maker does not live in that world himself (corner, 1999, p. 213). maps produced by professional “outsiders” may inspire antagonism, as residents come to ask how the future of their community might be dictated by someone who does not live there. we find such antagonism exemplified by landscape architect jorgen primdahl’s experience in denmark, where he and his colleague worked to update the parish of skive’s master plan. he recalls: we did a landscape mapping workshop, where my colleague brought a very technical map that he created. he divided the parish in ten different homogeneous small regions, then he described his vision of each region. i thought that everybody would listen politely, and there would be no debate. we just thought we would show them the map and move on. however, there was a tremendous debate. (filipau, 2014, p. 25) the way in which primdahl’s colleague – an outsider – mapped the parish was indeed foreign to the community members: “they did not think about their parish as something that could be from representation to conversation 71 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol.8, fall 2019 structured or described the way the expert did it” (filipau, 2014, p. 27). if this so-called expert could not properly map the “what is” as the residents conceived of it, then how could he possibly be trusted to map the “what could be” – to plan the future of the community? as a result of the discrepancy between the professional’s and the residents’ conceptions of the parish, residents sought to regain ownership over both the map and the future of their community. they took what they viewed as the map’s mistakes as “mis-takes,” and turned them into opportunities to teach the map maker a more practical “take” on their community (klemp et al., 2008, p. 6). in small groups, they drove around the parish to verify and adjust the boundaries of primdahl’s colleague’s map and then proposed corrections based on their own fieldwork. this exercise allowed the residents to subvert the typical power relation between map maker and map viewer, enabling them to restore and profess authority over their own community. primdahl’s experience serves as a warning to map makers who map from a distance, removing themselves and their maps from lived experiences. when policies and designs derive from mapping at a distance, they risk being incompatible with conditions on the ground. by fostering a “notion of socially empty space,” maps “lessen the burden of conscience about people in the landscape,” disconnecting policy and design decisions from their human impact (harley, 1988a, p. 303). frantz and his students experienced such an outcome when their scenic resource inventory was rejected by the town of esopus. the group, constrained by time, was unable to effectively familiarize itself with the site, resulting in the omission of significant and valuable resources that the town identified as “scenic.” frantz (2017) explains: the town officials rejected the scenic resources inventory that the team had created, not because it wasn’t well done, but because the students' perception of what a scenic from representation to conversation 72 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol.8, fall 2019 resource was differed from the town’s perception. the methodology [the students] used missed a number of key scenic resources in the eyes of the town. frantz’s initial inventory map, because it did not identify all the resources that the community members considered scenic, symbolized “the lack of input and dialogue that went into its creation” (rowe, 2015, p. 13). the map – because its makers did not understand how residents actually felt about their community and its resources – imposed solutions from above that were not derived from conditions on the ground. it presented issues, but mis-represented as well. allan jacobs and donald appleyard (1987) decry this tendency to “design for places and people we do not know” and they scorn the “rootless” map maker. indeed, mapping at a distance, though increasingly facilitated by online mapping programs and open source data, provides only the most “superficial conception of place” (p. 222). frantz (2017) identifies this problem in his own work, explaining: we apparently came across as: ‘this is our idea.’ the community took it as being too finished in that they really had little say in the ultimate product. [when we present again] we’ll make sure that the presentations are: ‘these are our ideas. what do you think?’ frantz’s transition from “this is our idea” to “these are our ideas. what do you think?” is significant – it signals a change from the professional as unquestionable to the professional as questioning, from the resident as student to the resident as teacher, from the map as a prescription to the map as an invitation for input. as professor jeff chusid (2017) puts it, “there’s an expectation for feedback, a need for feedback.” richards adopts a similar attitude: “yes, we are professionals, and we are bringing in objective eyes to this, but you people live from representation to conversation 73 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol.8, fall 2019 here, you are the real experts – so tell us” (filipau, 2014, p. 23). it is through this co-production between expert and resident, map maker and map viewer that the map becomes, not prescriptive, but rather “infinitely promising” (corner, 1999, p. 236). the map with barriers to entry though this dyadic relationship between those who produce the map and those who consume the map may be the ideal, modern mapping programs like geographic information systems (gis) create barriers to entry for the less-technically articulate. indeed, “the medium and means of mapping, whether paper or gis, and the style and mode of facilitation influence who takes part, the nature of outcomes, and power relationships” (chambers, 2006, p. 1). in socalled participatory gis mapping, non-experts participate only indirectly, their feedback refracted through the lens of the map maker and the limitations of the gis software. as gis has become more pervasive, chusid has seen a parallel shift in the extent to which community members can contribute to the mapping exercise as well as how they feel about the finished product. chusid (2017) tells us: back in the 70s and 80s, we were freer to use cruder materials because we didn’t have the sophisticated modeling software of today. it was great because we weren’t afraid to model a lot of things [that you wouldn’t normally map]. we would model a breeze or a smell with just a piece of colored construction paper. nowadays, we use computer generated models that are often very difficult for nonexperts to participate in – they can’t shape the model in the same way. the model already presupposes a level of expertise, a level of finish, a level of sophistication – as in, ‘we know best, not only what you want, but how to get there.’ from representation to conversation 74 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol.8, fall 2019 chusid notes that, before the introduction of gis technologies, participatory mapping was a less divided experience. community members were just as able to model with construction paper as their expert facilitators. “cutting and tearing pieces of construction paper, labeling them, and gluing them onto a board,” as chusid (2017) explains, “was not a tool for experts only.” gis, however, has made participatory mapping less about participation and more about facilitation; the expert acts as an intermediary between the community and the mapping technology. this technological intervention, though efficient and accurate, is not as fruitful. for, “even though computer maps are easier to create and manipulate, most important insights come from drawing the maps by hand” (filipau, 2014, p. 58). relegating community members to conversation instead of tactile engagement limits their ability to be inquisitive and exploratory: “the parts of the brain responsible for creativity and thought remain underutilized when people only talk” (p. 44). participation through speech alone leaves community members somewhat removed from the map at multiple scales; their spoken word must be interpreted by the map maker and then translated into a form that is understandable by the gis software before being conveyed on the map. by the time an idea actually reaches the map, it is not truly the community member’s anymore, but rather some amalgamation of his, the map maker’s, and the software’s understanding of that idea. because information must be “translated through the complex semiotic systems of cartographic representation,” participatory gis – rather than being participatory – reinforces the divide in technical expertise between the map maker and the map viewer and, compared to more traditional mapping processes, may actually make it more difficult for community members to contribute (cosgrove, 1999, p. 12). this disconnect affects the community members’ perception of ownership of the map, and, as chusid notes, can lead to from representation to conversation 75 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol.8, fall 2019 situations in which the map is perceived as prescriptive rather than collaborative – it reflects the ideas of the expert, not those of the community. these practice stories suggest two critical lessons. first, people’s conception of maps as objective and indisputable significantly shapes their perceived ability to question, critique, and modify those maps. second, people’s willingness to participate in the mapping process is limited by their assumptions of differences in expertise between themselves as non-professionals and their expert facilitators. these obstacles to collaboration and community participation signal opportunities to challenge commonly-held convictions about mapping – opportunities for planners to help people reframe how they conceive of maps, of their abilities to influence them, and of the value of their own local knowledge. the opportunities of mapping though the theoretical literature is often highly critical of mapping, theorists and scholars do recognize its power and potential. indeed, cosgrove (1999) concedes that mapping “is perhaps the most sophisticated form yet devised for recording, generating, and transmitting knowledge” (p. 12) and corner (1999) lauds the “revelatory and productive potential” (p. 224) of maps. while the theorists offer some praise for mapping, they offer more criticism – but they stop short of proposing solutions to address these criticisms. the existing literature, then, leaves significant room for further inquiry into methods for demystifying the mapping process. the following practice stories illuminate how planners have attempted to address the dangers of mapping in actual community planning cases by offering practical solutions that the theory has yet to identify. from representation to conversation 76 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol.8, fall 2019 the map as modifiable the previous practice stories demonstrated a prevailing – yet potentially dangerous – commonly-held conviction that maps are “true and objective measures of the world;” they are measured, scientific representations and are therefore considered indisputable (corner, 1999, p. 215). the techniques, instruments, and conventions involved in the mapping process are assumed to prevent subjectivity or distortion. a north arrow, scale bar, and other remnants of this process attest to the accuracy of the final product and, as a result, “the lines on the map acquire an authority that may be hard to dislodge” (harley, 1989, p. 13). this assumed accuracy essentially shields the map, protecting it from critique or alteration. perceiving the map as infallible discourages residents from sharing their opinions and experiences – it is difficult to correct something that you have been led to believe is scientifically accurate. indeed, an opinion that subverts the “reality” on the map must be automatically suspect since the map is, by its nature, objective. rather than acting as a stimulus for conversation, the map stunts it, serving only as an inert record of presumed factuality. chusid recognizes this danger and addresses it by deliberately undermining the omniscience of the map. chusid (2017) describes this technique as follows: your maps have to be based on all the information that you [as a professional] are presumed to know, but you do not necessarily call out all the information in the maps. if it’s a map of land use or zoning, you may not mark every building to prove that you know that every one in that area is a warehouse, but you know it in your head. in a way, it’s good if community members [point out omissions] because then you can add it to the map right then and there, even though you may actually know that information already. from representation to conversation 77 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol.8, fall 2019 this strategy of intentionally omitting or glossing over certain elements of a map may seem like an abuse of the power of maps to mislead, but it is actually an effort to transfer this power back to the viewer. filling in or correcting information on a map removes the map’s guise of infallibility and renders it modifiable. the presence of modifiable omissions enables community members to profess their own knowledge about the community, and to make a visible change on the map that indicates meaningful involvement. as chusid (2017) says, modifying the map “gives the community a sense that their voice matters” and softens the “authoritarian image” of the map. when community members can come to see the map, not as a static representation of reality, but rather as a dynamic “conversational drawing,” then they are more willing to share their ideas, no longer stymied by the assumed correctness of the map. a conversational map does not intimidate community members into believing that their opinions or experiences are invalid – instead it encourages people to say: “i do not necessarily agree with this” (chusid 2017). frantz often supplements the encouragement of the map with his own words: “i present my maps as, ‘this is what i’ve discovered. this is my feeling,’ keeping open the question: ‘what do you think?’” he purposefully avoids phrases like, “this is how things are,” that classify the map as indisputably realistic, instead using vocabulary that invites criticism and feedback (frantz 2017). purposefully faulting the map as such transforms it from an image into a canvas, from a representation into a conversation. the map as common ground under such interactive conditions, the physical map itself becomes a tool for consensus building, a shared surface on which and about which to form a possible agreement. for, even from representation to conversation 78 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol.8, fall 2019 though maps depict land that is familiar to, experienced by, and owned both individually and collectively by community members, their feelings about and visions for this “common ground” are often anything but shared. the map, then, depicts common ground that is also “contested territory” – it shows shared space for which disparate visions compete. as corner (1999) writes, “the map assumes an enabling or facilitating status for otherwise adversarial groups to try and find common ground” – it allows people to come to a shared vision for their shared community (p. 140). professor jennifer minner has experienced this unusual capacity of maps to open and change minds even under seemingly intractable circumstances. she was working on the city of austin’s sustainable places project when it was labeled a vehicle for a “united nations takeover” by alex jones – a well-known conspiracy theorist – whose comments sowed distrust among some community members. the sustainable places project, funded by a grant from the u.s. department of housing and urban development, sought to analyze the feasibility of community and regional-scale sustainable and smart growth scenarios for austin’s future development. jones construed that as a means by which the federal government was implementing purported united nations’ initiatives regarding land ownership and wealth distribution at the local level. jones also claimed that the community meetings held by the sustainable places project had “pre-determined outcome[s] already decided upon by those who ultimately called the meeting … [with] the final outcome driven by leading questions and pre-set answers” (the alex jones channel, 2012). community meetings that took place in the shadow of these delegitimizing claims were noticeably tense, with a group of people coming to express marked incredulity. minner (2017) reports: from representation to conversation 79 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol.8, fall 2019 there was a very tense meeting in one community where a group of people had picked up the alex jones conspiracy [theory] – in which he interpreted the project as a united nations takeover – and they were very concerned. there was a police presence at the meeting that made everything even tenser; it was definitely a complicated picture. however, there was at least one young man who came with that group [of skeptics] who started to participate around a small table with a map on it. in these meetings, people would gather around the map as if they were gathering around a campfire; you get a sense that everyone is staring into the same thing and having a conversation they would not normally have. even the young man who came very suspicious of the whole process seemed to start to think that maybe there was something more to this than what alex jones was saying – he became more receptive to communication. the young man’s mind was opened despite his presumptions and the common map served to disarm his initial hostility. had the group gathered around an empty table, it is unlikely that the young man would have participated in the same cooperative manner; without a map to ground and channel their efforts, the group might have descended into a more partisan dispute. as richards notes, “everyone gathers around the map, and it changes the dynamic of the conversation” (filipau, 2014, p. 24). much like the looser conversation often associated with late-night chats around a campfire, the map “enable[s] social forms of interaction” and conversation that would otherwise be stifled by conventional mores of abstract “argument” and that might be derailed by participants’ suspicions of conflicting opinions (corner, 1999, p. 243). participants are reminded, by literally seeing the common ground that they call home, that they do indeed have shared interests. this realization can temper enmity and focus attention so that from representation to conversation 80 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol.8, fall 2019 participants can “negotiate their relationships with each other, with space, and with power” (sletto, 2009, p. 465). in this way, the map acts as a lubricant for mutual regard and communication, even amongst quite antagonistic groups. the map as grounding as opposed to simply speaking, drawing and, by extension, mapping have the powerful ability to make the abstract concrete. an idea that is simply voiced is not nearly as compelling or tangible as one that is drawn on a map. as forester argues, marking up the map “give[s] specific meaning to abstractions” (forester, 2008, p. 100). indeed, “people are more creative when they manipulate objects or draw, than when they just talk about physical things in abstract terms” (filipau, 2014, p. 13). by contrast, planning without maps is relegated to abstraction and generality; “without things to point to and collectively peruse, the conversation loses specificity and precision” (beauregard, 2012, p. 186). minner’s students, while working on a plan for ithaca’s greater southside neighborhood, experienced this dissociative effect of planning “without things.” minner (2017) recalls the experiences of her students as follows: [greater southside] is actually an area that includes four neighborhoods. there was a lot of discussion about ‘that’s not southside’ or ‘this is southside’ – confusion about the boundaries of the neighborhood and what the neighborhood should be considered. i recall one report back from a group of students that didn’t bring the [boundary] map and then they found out, toward the end of the interview, that the other person was thinking of southside very differently [than the students were]. from representation to conversation 81 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol.8, fall 2019 in this case, the conversation between minner’s students and their interviewee was “highly speculative.” without the map to ground their conversation, “each participant was unsure as to the references made by others.” though each side assumed that the other conceived of southside in the same way, in reality, the students and the interviewee envisioned different boundaries. with a map to “focus deliberations,” the boundary discrepancy would have been immediately evident as each party would have been able to “see what [the other] meant” (beauregard, 2012, p. 184; rowe, 2015, p. 41). but, without the map, the students were unable to realize this disconnect until the very end of the interview. bereft of a mutual understanding of southside’s boundaries, the conversation between the students and the interviewee was rendered less useful than it might have been otherwise, for they spoke only abstractly of two different places they both referred to as southside. the map matters, then, for producing shared perspectives – it bounds the conversation to a common physical setting and provides a canvas on which to transform speech from abstraction into representation. indeed, as beauregard (2012) argues, because “planning talk is about things that can only partially be presented with the spoken word,” (p. 186) the map is necessary to “reinforce the words” (p. 184). we find that the professionals in these practice stories used maps to stimulate inquiry and discovery, to facilitate productive conversation, and to help build consensus and shared visions. but, before the professionals could use mapping in these productive ways, they had to reframe people’s assumptions about maps and map makers – presenting their maps as fallible and open to criticism and presenting themselves as willing to learn. the successes and failures of these professionals demonstrate that the opportunities of mapping can only be fully realized when the dangers of mapping are first carefully considered and addressed. from representation to conversation 82 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol.8, fall 2019 conclusion from the analysis of these practice stories, it has become clear that people understand maps in diverse and complex ways that influence how they interact with them. as richards says, “in my experience [people] understand maps a lot better than we give them credit for” (rowe, 2015, p. 17). most people can read maps and intuitively understand the spatial relationships that they depict – a community member is probably just as able to navigate with or identify features on a map as is the planner who made the map. yet, the community member’s perception of the map differs from the planner’s. the community member, in his possible reverence for the “scientific” accuracy of the map and the technical expertise of the planner who made it, can be intimidated and dissuaded from criticizing the map. that disempowerment can, in turn, require the planner to address and subvert those preconceived notions – to “problematize the ontological security of the map” – in order to transform the map from what seems to be a static representation into part of a dynamic conversation (kitchin et al., 2009, p. 17). the preconceived notions community members’ perception of maps as quintessential “truth document[s]” was particularly pervasive in almost all of the practice stories. the seemingly widespread conviction that a map “represents the world as it really is with a known degree of precision” led community members, in frantz’s case, to hesitate in marking up the map for fear of contradicting “reality.” compounding the effect of the perception of the map as unquestionably authoritative is the perception of the process of mapping as a “scientific endeavor” – one that requires technical expertise (kitchin et al., 2009, p. 4). this conception of mapping as “elite discourse” creates a disconnect between the map maker and the map viewer; it reinforces the understanding of the from representation to conversation 83 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol.8, fall 2019 maker as visualized in the map and it diminishes the viewer’s perceived ability to impact that map (perkins, 2003, p. 344). chusid’s case emphasizes how this disconnect between map maker and map viewer can be exacerbated by today’s sophisticated mapping software which, compared to more traditional methods, limits the ability of map viewers to participate in the mapping process. frantz’s case also warns against maps that are presented as prescriptions rather than suggestions – a mistake which he learned only serves to perpetuate the disconnect between technical experts and community members. indeed, the view of the map maker as an expert, much like the view of the map as a truth document, can intimidate community members into submission, stifling their attempts to make corrections and improvements. the need to reframe preconceived notions nevertheless, these practice stories have shown that community feedback can make important contributions to the mapping process. in primdahl’s case, for instance, community members drove around their parish to verify or contest the boundaries that the landscape architect had mapped. similarly, in frantz’s case, the town officials rejected and requested a modified version of the map that the students had created because its underlying methodology did not reflect the town officials’ conception of a scenic resource. these experiences show that the map that a planner presents to community members is never truly finalized, and neither planner nor community member should conceive of it that way. the map will inevitably be “created and erased many times over” as community feedback is used to inform and refine each new iteration (crampton, 2001, p. 239). if mapping inevitably requires feedback, how, then, do professionals reconcile the seemingly immutable nature of maps and the perceived divide between maker and viewer with from representation to conversation 84 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol.8, fall 2019 the need to encourage and facilitate community input? chusid tackles the unquestionable authority of the map by purposefully faulting it; he intentionally omits certain features of the map so that community members can correct the map by filling them in. frantz, likewise, encourages feedback by defacing his own work; he makes the first mark on the map to contradict its supposed perfection and, in doing so, he invites others to do the same. frantz also encourages feedback through the way in which he presents his work, telling community members, “these are my ideas. this is what i think,” before asking them, “what do you think?” through this exchange, frantz conveys to community members that he perceives his maps as tentative, alterable ideas for the ways in which things could be done, not as rigid, unchanging commands for the ways in which things should be done. through these strategies, planners relegate their maps to the status of fallible drafts, affording meaningful involvement and restoring ownership to the locally-grounded experts of the community – the residents. as these practice stories have shown, a map can be many things – from a quasi-language, to a vehicle for finding common ground, to policy in and of itself. the act of mapping is equally versatile and can be both dangerous and powerful in its execution. professionals like primdahl and richards and educators like chusid, frantz, and minner have demonstrated – through their own experiences – that mapping in practice is nuanced and complex. map makers must address map viewers’ preconceived notions about maps, navigate power relations, and temper their own convictions in order to frame the map not as a static, incontestable representation of reality, but rather as a tool for conversation, collaboration, and co-production. the lessons learned from the practice stories presented in this essay should be seen, not as rules, but as guidance for mapping in professional settings. in practice, maps should not be merely the epistemological abstractions from representation to conversation 85 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol.8, fall 2019 they are in theory, but they should be instead practical products emerging insightfully from and in real world experiences. from representation to conversation 86 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol.8, fall 2019 references beauregard, r. (2012). planning with things. journal of planning education and research, 32(2), 182-190. chambers, r. (2006). participatory mapping and geographic information systems: whose map? who is empowered and who disempowered? who gains and who loses?” the electronic journal on information systems in developing countries, 25(2), 1-11. chusid, j. (november 13, 2017). interview with author. crampton, j. (2001). maps as social constructions: power, communication, and visualization. progress in human geography, 25(2), 235-252. corner, j. (1999). the agency of mapping: speculation, critique and invention. in d. cosgrove (ed.), mappings (pp. 213-300). london: reaktion books. cosgrove, d. (1999). introduction: mapping meaning. in d. cosgrove (ed.), mappings (pp. 123). london: reaktion books. filipau, r. (2014). visualization as a collaborative ritual: notes from the field (master’s thesis). cornell university, ithaca, ny. forester, j. (2008). interface: practice challenging theory in community planning. planning theory & practice, 9(1), 99-128. frantz, g. (november 13, 2017). interview with author. harley, j. b. (1989). deconstructing the map. cartographica, 26(2), 1-20. harley, j. b. (1988a). maps, knowledge, power. in d. cosgrove (ed.), the iconography of landscape (pp. 277-312). cambridge: university of cambridge press. harley, j. b. (1988b). silences and secrecy: the hidden agenda of cartography in early modern europe. imago mundi, 40, 57-76. jacobs, a., & appleyard, d. (1987). toward an urban design manifesto. journal of the american planning association, 53(1), 218-228. kitchin, r., perkins, c., & dodge, m. (2009). thinking about maps. in r. kitchin, c. perkins, & m. dodge (eds.), rethinking maps: new frontiers in cartographic theory (pp. 1-25). new york: routledge. klemp, n., mcdermott, r., raley, j., thibeault, m., powell, k., & levitin, d. j. (2008). plans, takes, and mis-takes. critical social studies, 1, 4-21. minner, j. (october 23, 2017). interview with author. from representation to conversation 87 undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol.8, fall 2019 pappalardo, g. (october 9, 2015). interview by forester, j. & de leo, d. perkins, c. (2003). cartography: mapping theory. progress in human geography, 27(3), 341351. rowe, j. (2015). visuals as questions and dialogue: harnessing shared visualization to improve participatory design outcomes (master’s thesis). cornell university, ithaca, ny. sletto, b. (2009). “we drew what we imagined.” current anthropology, 50(4), 443-476. the alex jones channel. (2012). u.n. conquers texas [video]. http://youtu.be/10t1cc7jpxw. abstract introduction the map in theory the map in practice the practice stories the lessons the dangers of mapping the map as untouchable the map as antagonistic the map with barriers to entry the opportunities of mapping the map as modifiable the map as common ground the map as grounding conclusion the preconceived notions the need to reframe preconceived notions undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 introducing restorative practices at leading into new communities (linc) lindsay jean baker university of north carolina wilmington abstract restorative values such as collaboration, community, and resiliency are not new, but they are new in their relationship to the criminal justice system. within recent decades, restorative justice practices have grown in popularity as they provide several solution-focused strategies to address crime. restorative practices also have the potential to positively transform reentryspecific processes. in wilmington, north carolina, leading into new communities (linc) is an organization that assists its residents in their return from prison, recognizing that restorative values are essential to a successful transition. however, while linc is restorative in its overall mission, most staff members do not possess concrete understandings of restorative justice. in this study, to improve staff understandings of these topics, two voluntary training workshops were held to provide linc staff members with more information on restorative justice, including its many programs and practices, as well as the unique ways in which it relates to reentry. workshop observations and anonymous feedback forms provide insight into how these workshops benefitted linc staff. this paper highlights the importance of restorative workshops in similar organizations as a way to improve understandings of restorative justice practices and how they can be utilized throughout reentry processes. with a broader understanding of restorative justice, organizations such as linc will be in a better position to assist individuals with reentry in more meaningful ways. background incarceration, retribution, and reentry ever since the industrial revolution, western societies have relied extensively on incarceration to deal with individuals who break the law (thompson, 2010). massive institutionalized incarceration continues to be a significant symbol of control in these nations. for example, the apprehension and removal of a criminal offender from society by the state symbolically indicates to the public that their government values the retribution and punishment associated with the popular “tough on crime” mentality. in addition to its symbolic significance, there is also value in how incarceration incapacitates individuals. sending people to a strict prison environment where they can do no further harm is viewed as one of the most efficient ways to protect the community, subsequently fostering a sense of security among the public. with this, an important element of incarceration is the belief that incarceration deters and prevents future crime. in line with the deterrence theory of crime, removing a person’s rights for an extended period through incarceration is thought to deter them from offending again in the future. in this way, incarceration is considered a form of specific deterrence. prisons have a powerful “simplicity value” that links together retribution, the value of incapacitation, and their supposed ability to deter crime through incarceration (muntingh, 2008). 47 introducing restorative practices at leading into new communities (linc) undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 although incarceration sounds fool proof on paper, especially in terms of its specific deterrence value, recidivism data shows that incarceration does not deter crime. statisticians from the bureau of justice statistics (durose, cooper, & snyder, 2014) reported that 55.1 percent of 404,638 released united states prisoners had returned to prison within five years of their initial release. a return to prison is one of the most widely used measures of recidivism and accounts for new convictions, as well as returns to prison resulting from technical violations of a previous release (durose et al., 2014). part of the issue thus relates to the impact incarceration has on a person’s life post-release. it is exceptionally difficult for individuals who have been incarcerated to rejoin society through the process of reentry after they complete a prison sentence, complicating their ability to desist from crime, and find success in the future. some of the problems reintegrating individuals experience post-release stem from criminal labels and stigma, as well as a difficulty establishing positive community ties. although many people develop an “out of sight, out of mind” mentality regarding incarcerated individuals, roughly 95 percent of the current prison population is expected to return to their communities in the future (petersilia, 2003). this means that an overwhelming majority of incarcerated individuals will eventually go through the process of reentry. to put these numbers in perspective, over 641,000 u.s. state and federal prisoners were released in 2015 and these statistics are fairly consistent from year to year (carson & anderson, 2016). this data suggests that there is a pressing need to address issues associated with reentry processes to ensure that the hundreds of individuals returning home each day can successfully reintegrate into their communities, become productive citizens, and ultimately avoid going back to prison. common reentry issues successfully rejoining the community during reentry proves challenging for formerly incarcerated individuals for a variety of reasons. to understand these complex challenges in more detail, it is worth analyzing reentry research that utilizes in-depth, ethnographic interviews with individuals who have experienced (or anticipate experiencing) reentry, such as research by aida hass and caryn saxon (2012). once a week for eight weeks, hass and saxon (2012, p. 1042) met with a voluntary focus group of 14 male participants nearing release from greene county jail in springfield, missouri, hoping to encourage “safe discussion in which offenders could say whatever they wanted without repercussion”. in the broadest sense, what hass and saxon (2012) found was that post-release, participants anticipated that finding shelter, food, employment, and positive social networks without significant outside support would be among some of the most daunting tasks. more specifically, the men in the focus group acknowledged that it would be hard to find “acceptance, healing, and forgiveness of past transgressions”, all of which would ultimately help them move on with their lives. hass and saxon (2012, p. 1043) also noted a “genuine desire” among the group to replace old habits with new, more positive ones to successfully reintegrate, but group members knew doing so would be challenging without a positive network of support. to complicate matters, participants felt that it would be difficult to repair family relationships which are often strained by a “lengthy period of separation” (hass & saxon, 2012, p. 1044). more specifically, while all participants feared failure post-release because of these anticipated roadblocks, individuals with a past of substance abuse reported having a more intense fear exacerbated by expectations of relapse. it is no surprise that drug and/or alcohol abuse is common among incarcerated persons, with around 74 percent of reentering individuals selfreporting substance abuse (petersilia, 2003). however, despite a desperate need for such services, very few receive proper treatment while they are incarcerated. thus, upon their 48 introducing restorative practices at leading into new communities (linc) undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 impending release, the particular subgroup of substance abusers within hass and saxon’s (2012) focus group felt that a steady routine and a structured life outside of prison would help them find success after prison. they anticipated that finding this kind of structure, as well as decent substance abuse treatment, would be difficult for them. the most consistent finding from hass and saxon’s (2012) study was that to be successful outside of prison, the focus group believed they needed to relearn how to care about others through more positive relationships. while incarcerated, individuals are taught “not to care about anyone or anything”, leading them to become “defensive and hostile” rather than open and caring (hass & saxon, 2012, p. 1044). such hostile attitudes are not always socially acceptable outside of prison contexts and would likely impede successful community reintegration especially in terms of building relationships. with that being said, one common roadblock to reentry is the challenge of creating and sustaining positive connections with others. as one green county jail participant is quoted, “if i don’t make that connection, i’ll go right back to hanging with my boys on the street corner and selling drugs” (hass & saxon, 2012, p. 1044). unfortunately, almost every person in the focus group felt that society is not structured in a way that will help them move forward because although “society wants us to be law-abiding citizens…they are shunning us away from becoming full citizens…and constantly reminding us of who we were, not who we are now or who we could become” (hass & saxon, 2012, p. 1045). this suggests that high levels of social stigma may contribute to difficult reentry processes for the formerly incarcerated, especially in terms of how they make connections with others and secure important resources vital to a healthy, productive life. hass and saxon’s (2012) research certainly sheds important light on the problems of reentry, but their work is limited in that it only documents the perspectives of a very specific group of male inmates. additionally, because the focus group members were not actively experiencing reentry, it is hard to know whether these findings are reflective of reentry difficulties as they are experienced. to address some of these limitations, research by ioan durnescu (2019) takes the same ethnographic approach one step further. his research team followed 58 formerly incarcerated males for one year after their release from a romanian prison to understand the reentry process from their perspectives. through a series of in-depth interviews with the participants, as well as written observations and questionnaires, durnescu (2019) discovered a variety of themes regarding participant reentry experiences. the first major theme addresses the difficulties associated with readapting to “new environments” (durnescu, 2019, p. 6). most of the participants experienced such issues primarily in the realm of family life. for example, the female partner of one participant became the primary breadwinner of their family during his incarceration. although actively looking for work, this was something the participant had to adjust to. other participants had a hard time reconnecting with their children, especially those who were divorced from their spouses because of incarceration. similarly, another major theme in durnescu’s (2019) study relates to social isolation. without families to return to and/or friends to reconnect with, many inmates felt desperately alone and isolated within their communities. social isolation was particularly common among older participants, especially those over the age of 50 who had served longer sentences (durnescu, 2019). these findings suggest that the older returning population experience problems of reentry differently from other groups and are less likely to have proper social networks and family connections, making reintegration that much harder. knowing that as of 2019, around 31 percent of incarcerated people were 46 or older (federal bureau of prisons, 49 introducing restorative practices at leading into new communities (linc) undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 2019), the needs of aging individuals reentering the community are worthy of more consideration. like in hass and saxon’s (2012) study, stigma was another major issue durnescu’s (2019) participants encountered. the stigma surrounding their “ex-criminal” or “felon” labels made it difficult for these individuals to find adequate employment opportunities. due to the stigmatization they experienced, participants generally reported feeling “severely discriminated against…with no hope for the future” (durnescu, 2019, p. 8). stigma intersects with other problems participants reported, such as poverty, instability, health problems, and dealing with what durnescu (2019, p. 9) refers to as “absurdities of the state”. for example, state bureaucracy made it nearly impossible for the participants in the study to receive identity papers that would make them eligible for certain benefits which would in turn help them secure decent employment and housing. this often started a vicious cycle that left some participants feeling helpless and “tempted to go back to crime” (durnescu, 2019, p. 10). although hass and saxon (2012) and durnescu (2019) conducted qualitative studies on former inmates in two different countries, many of the reentry experiences, either lived or anticipated, were very similar between all of the participants. with that being said, however, both studies fail to include female perspectives in their research. while some of the problems males and females experience during reentry may overlap, women have different needs post-release and thus experience different struggles during the reintegration process. a journal article by jennifer r. scroggins and sara malley (2010) addresses the process of reentry for women, detailing different female-specific categories of need based on existing literature. one category, which is perhaps the most prominent in terms of successful female prisoner reintegration, deals with “childcare and parenting skills development” (scroggins and malley, 2010, p. 147). according to scroggins and malley (2010), nearly 80 percent of women in prison (compared to 26 percent of men) are the primary caregiver of a child at the time of their imprisonment. thus, it makes sense that “most imprisoned mothers plan to reunite with their children at release” (petersilia, 2003, p. 43). however, reconnecting with children post-release is easier said than done, as most women are incarcerated at an average of 160 miles away from their families due to a general lack of female prisons (scroggins and malley, 2010). this physical distance during incarceration makes it hard for women to keep in touch with family and maintain strong relationships when they are behind bars, especially if their family members are at an economic disadvantage. additionally, although children and their incarcerated mothers can keep in touch with letters and phone calls if in-person visits are hard to arrange, these forms of contact usually decrease in frequency over time (petersilia, 2003). related to the issue of reconnecting with loved ones, most women also require strong networks of support after their release. these social networks should be positive to ensure successful reintegration, especially because women who spend time with criminally labeled others are more likely to participate in crime than those who do not. similarly, women who suffer abuse (often domestic abuse) are more likely to abuse drugs, opening the door to other forms of crime (scroggins and malley, 2010). these two patterns alone suggest that formerly incarcerated women need a strong, positive community of support that they can turn to during the reintegration process. connecting these women to those who have their best interests at heart is vital to their reentry success. while returning individuals of color, both male and female, experience many of the same reentry needs as discussed by hass and saxon (2012), durnescu (2019), and scroggins and malley (2010), their status as racial minorities complicates the reentry process in different ways. 50 introducing restorative practices at leading into new communities (linc) undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 for example, the often discriminatory practices of the criminal justice system create an inherent distrust and disrespect for the government among minorities, creating high levels of “alienation and disillusionment” that “erodes residents’ feelings of commitment” (petersilia, 2003, p. 30). this makes people of color less willing to actively engage in the community post-release the kind of engagement that is essential to successful reentry. thus, when dealing with returning individuals of color, in addition to the addressing the more common reentry needs of men and women at a general level, it is necessary to address and repair the broken trust between former prisoners of color and government bodies. further, these individuals are plagued by an extra layer of stigma that derives from racial prejudices and implicit bias. they must overcome criminal labels as well as pre-existing racial stigma during the reentry process to connect with others in positive ways and secure avenues of support. despite an overall lack of generalizability, hass and saxon (2012) and durnescu (2019) provide valuable contributions to reentry literature by focusing on both the anticipated and actual struggles male prisoners experience during reintegration. scroggins and malley (2010) also shed light on the problems women face upon reentering the community using existing literature to understand their gender-specific struggles. evaluating the specific experiences of male and female prison populations, both in and out of the united states, is important to understanding the various roadblocks to reentry as they are experienced. it is even more important to acknowledge that reentry problems are more complex for people of color. however, although these important research contributions may not be generalizable to the experiences of all formerly incarcerated individuals reentering society, these findings overlap and are consistent with existing literature. it is worth noting that areas of overlap relate to the negative impacts and consequences of criminal labels and, for people of color, racial stigma. the social stigma that results from labels complicates the reentry success of participants, especially in terms of building important relationships within the community and ultimately desisting from crime. desistance is a concept defined by shadd maruna (2001, p. 26) as “the long-term abstinence from crime among individuals who had previously engaged in persistent patterns of criminal offending”. although some researchers have defined desistance as relating to one specific “moment” where a person resigns from their criminal career, maruna’s (2001) definition accounts for the long-term nature of desistance and conceptualizes the process as one that requires continuous maintenance. further, maruna (2001) points to two explanations of desistance. the first relates to the long-studied relationship between age and crime. after the age of 25, criminal impulses and behavior naturally decline, eventually leading to criminal desistance into adulthood. perhaps more important than age in the desistance process, especially concerning the problems of reentry, is maruna’s (2001, p. 30) second explanation, which he refers to as “a steady job and the love of a good woman”. put more formally, strong, positive bonds with others and steady employment and/or education are some of the most important sociogenic factors related to desistance from crime. however, much like desistance itself, maintaining positive relationships and “labor force attachments” is an ongoing process that requires considerable effort from formerly incarcerated individuals looking to desist (maruna, 2001, p. 31). although reentry needs are complex and vary from person to person, there is significant potential for restorative justice practices and programs to address common reentry issues, particularly in regards to helping reentering individuals overcome various forms of stigma and develop stronger ties to the community to desist from crime. the following section details restorative justice and restorative reentry in-depth, including descriptions of restorative reentry programs currently in place. 51 introducing restorative practices at leading into new communities (linc) undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 restorative justice and restorative reentry restorative justice is a needs-based approach to justice that differs substantially from the common “retributive” or “punitive” model of justice currently dominant in the united states. restorative justice is centered around the belief that all people are connected and that wrongdoings are violations of those relationships (see figure 1). this differs from the punitive justice model, which views wrongdoings as a violation of the state. in the context of restorative justice, those who have violated relationships or caused harm are asked to take responsibility and do what they can to “put right” (zehr, 2015, p. 31). this is not to say that forgiveness and healing are requirements of restorative justice processes. rather, these processes create a space where such outcomes are a possibility. forgiveness and healing are very difficult to achieve under the retributive model of justice, and it is therefore not as conducive to the same kinds of “restoration” that restorative justice often is. figure 1. three pillars of restorative justice, inspired by zehr (2015). instead of focusing on delivering punishment and “just desserts” to those who have harmed, restorative justice attempts to identify and address the needs of a wide variety of stakeholders through meaningful dialogue processes. potential stakeholders include the person who was harmed, the person responsible for the harm, and the community that was impacted by the situation. in other words, rather than focusing on punishing wrongdoers and inadvertently alienating members of the community in the process, restorative justice brings these groups together in a constructive, collaborative way to find a solution that both holds individuals accountable and benefits all stakeholders. because there is no one right way to practice and/or implement this kind of justice, perhaps the most important aspect of restorative justice is its guiding foundational principles. according to howard zehr (2015), there are five major principles when approaching justice with a restorative lens (see figure 2). with “respect for all” as a defining feature, restorative justice should first and foremost involve legitimate stakeholders. once the appropriate parties are willingly involved, restorative justice should focus on the harms and needs of stakeholders, addressing obligations, using inclusive and collaborative processes, and ultimately “putting right” wrongdoings and harms (zehr, 2015, p. 45). 52 introducing restorative practices at leading into new communities (linc) undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 figure 2. restorative principles, inspired by zehr (2015). the community-centered aspect of restorative justice, as well as its emphasis on respect, obligation, and “putting right” makes it an approach worth incorporating in reentry processes. tanya settles (2009) outlines three core principles of restorative justice as they relate to reentry. the first is that post-incarceration justice “demands” healing and voice for all, but primarily for those who were harmed as a result of the situation (settles, 2009, p. 291). unfortunately, while a person is incarcerated, their isolation from those they have harmed and their surrounding community makes it difficult for them to actively participate in processes that might otherwise promote healing, further straining those relationships. therefore, settles (2009, p. 292) suggests that after a person is released, restorative reentry approaches should focus on creating a restorative “opportunity for a mediated encounter between the offender, victim (or possibly a victim surrogate), and community”. these kinds of mediated encounters might come in the form of circle processes, victim-offender conferences, family-group conferences, or some variation of the three. regardless of the form of the encounter, it should be a safe, respectful space for all stakeholders to speak freely with the guidance of trained restorative justice practitioners. this allows each stakeholder the opportunity to “speak his/her own truth”, further encouraging accountability and social reintegration (cook, 2006, p. 110). secondly, restorative reentry processes are reliant upon the involvement of the person responsible for the harm. settles (2009) notes that in normal retributive justice processes, and even in some current restorative reentry approaches, these individuals are more passive in the process of reintegration than most realize. for example, the state often requires these individuals to “do” things, like “attend cognitive development classes, meet with parole officers” and so on, with the hope that these activities will change formerly incarcerated persons for the better (settles, 2009, p. 293). however, while these processes do hold individuals accountable to an extent, requiring participation in such activities does not truly involve them in active, voluntary ways. since not all reentering persons will want to participate in reintegration processes voluntarily, it is up to the outside forces (like the community and law enforcement) to encourage their voluntary involvement, a potential limitation of restorative reentry. lastly, while it is not necessarily a requirement, it is possible for restorative reentry to change the way governments and communities operate. for example, many communities 53 introducing restorative practices at leading into new communities (linc) undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 receiving people from prison are disadvantaged in more ways than one. settles (2009, p. 294) points to various “social characteristics” of disadvantaged communities like poverty, high unemployment rates, high levels of residential instability, and an abundance of homeless people. such communities also lack informal social control and heavily rely on formal social control (like law enforcement) which may contribute to higher levels of crime in these areas. all in all, these characteristics make it difficult for disadvantaged communities to receive formerly incarcerated persons, potentially adding to the burden they already carry. however, through restorative reentry processes, communities, not just victims and offenders, may start to heal (settles, 2009,). when implementing restorative reentry, disadvantaged communities are given the chance to exhibit more informal social control by playing a more active role in the criminal reintegration process. in turn, the government becomes less of a stakeholder in reentry and more of a facilitator, giving the community more say in the process. this is important because, as settles (2009, p. 294) writes, “without efforts on behalf of the community to reintegrate the offender, the formerly incarcerated are socially and economically marginalized, are separated from friends and family, and may experience barriers to fully participate in community life because of their inability to find housing, employment, or health care.” considering the problems of reentry as explored by hass and saxon (2012), durnescu (2019), and scroggins and malley (2010), social isolation and discrimination, both of which are negative consequences of criminal/offender labels and stigma, are major roadblocks for formerly incarcerated persons. using restorative justice to involve community members in the reentry process and facilitate mediated encounters between those returning from prison and those who they have harmed could be a way to work through criminal labels and stigma, fostering better relationships between those returning from prison and their communities. presently, a majority of restorative justice-based reentry programs exist on a smaller scale. however, despite their often-localized reach, these programs are still worth analyzing to understand the more widespread potential of restorative reentry. it is important to evaluate the degree to which restorative reentry programs address reentry needs and challenge criminal labels and stigma, ultimately helping formerly incarcerated individuals find success in their communities during the reintegration process. as recommended by tanya settles (2009), some restorative reentry programs make use of circle processes prior to an individual’s release from prison. circles are perhaps the most common restorative justice practice, but they have significant potential in the more complex context of reentry. this is because they often involve the community and the reentering person in more active ways, enabling the kind of dialogue that often results in the restoration of broken relationships between important stakeholders and members of the community (settles, 2009). circles are also highly customizable which means they can address the specific needs of certain incarcerated groups, be it men, women, people of color, those with a history of substance abuse, or some combination of these characteristics. one such example comes from a hawaiian prison that utilized reentry planning circle processes for a small number of its soon-to-be-released inmates. research by lorenn walker, ted sakai, & kat brady (2006) focuses on one such individual, ken, who had the opportunity to participate in one of the first restorative circles in the state of hawaii. the restorative reentry circles created by walker et al. (2006), formally named the huikahi circles, are significant in that they utilize solution-focused approaches. solution-focused 54 introducing restorative practices at leading into new communities (linc) undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 approaches are a common facet not only of many restorative justice practices but of solutionfocused brief therapy (sfbt) commonly used in the context of social work. sfbt and restorative justice share several important foundational principles, emphasizing the importance of defining goals and constructing solutions that are future focused (lehmann, jordan, bolton, huynh, & chigbu, 2012). both restorative justice and sfbt do this by asking individuals what they want or need, and what they feel should happen for those needs to be met. often, the process of defining goals and creating unique solutions is characterized in both approaches by collaboration and a focus on building relationships. additionally, those involved in solutionfocused approaches to problem-solving often have a more active role in the process. the use of sfbt in walker et. al’s (2006) work, which focuses specifically on improving reentry processes by building relationships, highlights the value of solution-focused tools in restorative justice practices. for example, walker’s huikahi circles gave stakeholders, including participants like ken, the ability to define justice for themselves rather than having third parties (like lawyers or judges) do it for them (walker, sakai, & brady 2006). this meant that those who were most impacted by the participant’s actions, as well as the participant, got to decide what their needs were and how best to address them. these solution-focused conversations often resulted in positive solutions and outcomes “that can increase individual and community self-efficacy and empowerment” (walker et al., 2006, p. 34). in ken’s case, he asked to include his aunt and girlfriend in the circle process as well as his primary drug treatment counselor and, per his special request, a friend also serving time in the prison. along with a trained facilitator, the group gathered in a circle and took the first step into ken’s restorative reentry process with a continued emphasis on strengths, needs, and solutions. at the beginning of the circle process, ken challenged his criminal label by speaking about his proudest accomplishments since being incarcerated. members of the circle were asked to name some of ken’s best traits to reinforce ken’s achievements. “friendly”, “good sense of humor”, and “determined” were just a few traits they named (walker et al., 2006, p. 34). asking loved ones to list off strengths of the reentering individual acted as an important strengths-based foundation for the discussions. after this, ken’s reentry needs were discussed in full. one need was that of reconciliation with those he harmed, specifically his aunt and girlfriend. together, they created a reconciliation agreement in which ken, with a history of substance abuse, promised to stay clean and out of prison. aside from reconciliation, the circle brainstormed numerous ways for ken to meet his other needs upon release, such as his needs for housing, employment, and so forth. walker et al. (2006) emphasize the significance of returning individuals choosing their reentry plans during circle processes such as ken’s, as they are more likely to follow the plans they make for themselves as opposed to plans made for them by others. this has significant ties to sfbt which understands that those returning from prison benefit the most from being “engaged and self-directed” in reentry processes as opposed to “case-managed” (lehmann et al., 2012, p. 52). to hold inmates like ken accountable to their plans, circle groups decided upon dates for re-circles in the future. during re-circles, members of the first circle process reconvene and check on the inmate’s progress. together, they revisit and revise plans/goals to address any unanticipated problems the reintegrating inmate may experience upon release. the group can plan as many re-circles as deemed necessary, but the first re-circle is typically held a few months after the person is released. 55 introducing restorative practices at leading into new communities (linc) undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 it is difficult to say whether or not restorative processes like the huikahi circles encourage desistance from crime post-release. however, according to lorenn walker and rebecca greening’s (2010) research on the impact of the huikahi circles, 16 of 23 participants remained out of prison for at least one year without any new arrests, convictions, or parole violations. only seven of the 23 returned to prison since their release. these numbers are somewhat promising, but it is hard to draw definitive conclusions because of how small the sample is. according to walker et al. (2006), the circles proved most beneficial in terms of encouraging reconciliation and healing among inmates, those they wronged, their family members, and their community. the “deeply emotional” nature of the circle processes often encouraged participants, including the reentering person themselves, to express forgiveness and remorse (walker et al., 2006, p. 36). additionally, the circles allowed family members to have open and honest discussions about difficult topics that were often never addressed in the past. for example, one hawaiian inmate who experienced a gender transition was able to talk about it with their family members for the first time in a healthy, constructive way (walker et al., 2006). overall, according to a survey given afterward, 100 percent of those who participated in the hawaiian reentry circles from 2005 to 2010 rated them as a “positive” or “very positive” experience (walker & greening, 2010, p. 45). the combined 280 circle participants (which includes family members and friends of inmates) were overwhelmingly grateful for the process and left feeling more connected to their loved ones because of it. even though the long-term impact is unknown, huikahi circles certainly draw attention to the significance of collaboration in reentry processes, particularly as it relates to strengthening relationships between reentering individuals and their communities. as previously discussed, positive social networks as well as forgiveness for past wrongdoings are important for the successful reintegration of inmates after they are released, regardless of race or gender (durnescu, 2019; hass & saxon, 2012; scroggins & malley, 2010). with that, rekindling family relationships is of serious importance to nearly all incarcerated persons and especially incarcerated women. through restorative pre-release circle processes such as the kind implemented by the hawaiian prison, it may be possible for reentering individuals to reconnect with their loved ones in more constructive and positive ways. having a safe space for family members, friends, and returning individuals to voice their concerns, frustrations, doubts, needs, forgiveness, and remorse is an important step in terms of reintegration and reconciliation. helpful, too, is the opportunity for returning individuals to understand and take responsibility for the past harm they may have caused others during circle process dialogue. aside from reconnecting inmates to their communities prior to release, giving returning people and other members of the circle the ability to create a reentry plan, as well as reconciliation agreements, may encourage desistance. leading into new communities (linc) in addition to specific pre-release restorative justice programs such as the huikahi prison circles in hawaii, there are several around the world that directly assist the growing reentry population after they are released from prison. one such organization is leading into new communities (linc), a residential reentry program located in wilmington, north carolina. although linc has a variety of helpful programs (such as lite manhood, a program geared towards empowering at-risk youth), their organization is primarily recognized for its transitional program. at their marvin e. roberts transitional living campus, linc staff members provide housing, food, and a supervised therapeutic environment (complete with computer labs, full kitchens, and a small gym) for male and female residents returning from incarceration. during 56 introducing restorative practices at leading into new communities (linc) undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 their time with linc, residents also receive assistance with interview skills and job skills and spend time learning how to create shortand long-term goals for themselves. many of them also have the opportunity to receive intensive outpatient treatment services for substance abuse. on average, residents spend about 6 to 12 months with linc before “graduating” and moving on to the next chapter of their lives, hopefully, well-prepared for life after incarceration because of their time there. simply based on the kind of environment and resources linc provides its residents, linc embodies several restorative values and understands the complex needs of the returning population. however, although staff members at linc do amazing work for their clients, most only have a general understanding of restorative justice. likewise, staff members are not formally trained on how to implement restorative practices (such as reconciliation circles, as explored by walker (2010)), nor do they understand how such practices can help guide reentry processes and further help residents overcome the wide variety of challenges they face during reintegration. there is thus the significant potential for formal restorative justice training at linc, training that would contribute to the professional development of staff in regard to understanding and utilizing restorative practices. with greater knowledge of restorative reentry and the power of restorative practices, it is the belief that staff will be in a better position to directly improve how their unique clients experience reentry, helping them to cultivate a meaningful relationship with their friends and family and strengthen important ties to the wilmington community. the present study in order to improve understandings of restorative justice and better assist residents in their transitions, staff members at leading into new communities (linc) were introduced to restorative justice practices and principles through two workshops, each lasting approximately two hours. this was done on a volunteer basis, meaning staff members had the option to attend (or not attend) the workshops at their leisure. the term “workshop” is used to capture the dynamic, collaborative aspect of these meetings. while the workshops utilized a presentation with text, images, and relevant educational videos to convey important ideas related to restorative justice, staff were also engaged in meaningful dialogue around restorative principles to further strengthen and reinforce these concepts. the researcher was responsible for both creating workshop presentations and facilitating important dialogue among staff. although these workshops were primarily educational, they were structured in a way that encouraged staff members to share their own experiences not only within their professional roles at linc but within their personal lives as well. this open dialogue was supported by pre-planned “pause and talks” throughout presentations as well as the use of traditional circle process seating arrangements. the following sections detail a more comprehensive breakdown of what occurred during each workshop. there is also a discussion of plans for a third workshop which was ultimately cancelled as a result of the covid-19 pandemic. the final workshop was set to include a formal circle process centered around implicit biases. workshop i: restorative justice overview & introduction to implicit biases eight linc staff members attended the first workshop, which included an overview of restorative justice and an introduction to implicit biases. chairs were arranged in a half-circle facing the projector screen so that each person could see the presentation, while still being able to directly engage with others. although this workshop did not include a formally guided restorative justice circle process, the semi-circle seating encouraged connection and 57 introducing restorative practices at leading into new communities (linc) undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 collaboration. after introductions, staff members were reminded that any information collected throughout the project would be completely confidential as a way to further encourage open dialogue during and after the workshop, as well as honest feedback at the end of the project. the presentation began with an overview of the project plan in full, as well as a brief description of the workshop’s core objectives. in the first workshop, the stated objectives were to (a) learn about restorative justice principles and programs, (b) learn about implicit biases, and (c) learn about the different ways in which restorative practices can be utilized by staff members and residents at linc to assist with reentry processes. with these objectives in mind, staff were asked to think about what restorative justice meant to them before fully diving into the material. together, the group discussed their preconceived notions of restorative justice, building off of different ideas and experiences. knowledge levels around the topic varied from person to person with some knowing very little about restorative justice and others knowing more specific applications of restorative justice. for example, one staff member understood restorative justice as a toolkit utilized during reentry-specific reconciliation dialogue between those returning from incarceration and their loved ones. some understandings were more general, with other staff members speaking about restorative justice as an opportunity for individuals to right their wrongs in situations of harm. this discussion provided more insight into the extent to which each staff member understood restorative justice and restorative practices going into the workshop. after this discussion, staff conceptions of restorative justice were compared to a broader definition on the following slide as well as the four guiding questions of restorative justice. these questions aim to identify who was harmed, what their needs are, whose obligation it is to make reparations, and what support is needed to promote those repairs. to further reinforce what restorative justice is, a second slide detailed what restorative justice is not. for example, restorative justice is not limited in its applications, nor is there one specific blueprint for implementation. recognizing that restorative justice is not a one-size-fits-all approach to justice was significant to staff, especially as it pertains to their diverse clientele. various aspects of restorative justice were also compared to aspects of the current punitive justice system to show staff members how ideas of crime and justice differ between each approach and how these ideas could guide policy. the graphic displayed in figure 3 was used in the presentation to highlight important differences. figure 3. the punitive approach to justice versus the restorative approach to justice (zehr 2015). not surprisingly, given that many of their backgrounds are characterized by experiences either navigating or working alongside the justice system, most staff members were familiar with 58 introducing restorative practices at leading into new communities (linc) undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 ideas central to punitive justice. however, although they were familiar with these concepts, staff were struck by how crime is defined in a punitive justice system versus one that is restorative. in the former, crime is a violation of the state, and the state determines blame and imposes the “proper” punishment as a result. in restorative justice, crime is considered a violation of relationships and it is up to those involved to decide how to right those wrongs to satisfy all stakeholders. with a broader understanding of restorative justice principles, staff were given examples of restorative justice programs. these included school mediation programs, diversionary programs for juveniles, truth and reconciliation commissions, and mediated dialogue/circle process. restorative justice circle dialogue received the most discussion during this workshop. circles were highlighted to not only address harmful situations after they occur but to prevent situations from happening in the first place. this is done in circle process by creating a sense of community and togetherness through constructive, strengths-based dialogue. in this way, circles are valuable for their reactive and proactive use. during this workshop, staff were also introduced to implicit biases. they were presented with a formal definition of implicit bias, followed by an in-depth discussion of the word “implicit”. when a bias is implicit, it means that biases (defined as prejudices held against or in favor of certain groups) are subconscious. with that, implicit biases can exist in opposition to stated values and beliefs. staff were shown a ted talk1 by dushaw hockett titled, “we all have implicit biases. so what can we do about it?” that reinforced these concepts more visually. staff seemed to enjoy learning about implicit biases, recognizing the importance of self-awareness, humility, and remaining open to other ideas and perspectives. conversations around implicit biases were important in this context, especially considering how implicit biases and the resulting stigma can negatively impact the reentry process for formerly incarcerated individuals. there was not a formal discussion around how implicit biases impact the relationship between staff and residents, but hopefully being more aware of implicit bias will improve the way linc staff interact with and treat not only each other but their clients in the future. to finish out the workshop, there was a final discussion around how restorative justice processes, such as circle dialogue, can be used at linc as a way to improve staff relationships and/or address specific reentry issues residents experience. in addition to circle process dialogue, staff were encouraged to continue utilizing strengths-based language with each other and with residents. there was a slide dedicated to strengths-based language, particularly in regards to how it is characterized by the recognition of strengths and accomplishments and respect for differences, as well as its solution-focused orientation. strengths-based language is significant to restorative justice processes because it encourages positive relationships, cultivating a sense of community as a result. for example, at linc, residents are separated from their stigmatizing labels (like “felon” or “criminal”) and are constantly reminded of their strengths and accomplishments as good people. in this way, strengths-based language provides an opportunity for staff to recognize linc residents for who they are. residents are no longer defined by their worst act as they often are in a prison environment. workshop ii: restorative justice and reentry the second workshop, attended by 11 linc staff members, was held approximately one month after the first. workshop ii covered restorative justice in the more specific context of 1 tedxtalks. (2017). we all have implicit biases. so what can we do about it? | dushaw hockett | tedxmidatlanticsalon. retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kkhsjhkpely 59 about:blank introducing restorative practices at leading into new communities (linc) undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 reentry. the presentation began with an outline of the workshop which included a) an overview of reentry, b) how restorative justice can be useful in reentry processes, and c) a more in-depth look at restorative circle process dialogue with a video example and discussion of huikahi reconciliation circles. before covering new material, there was a slide dedicated to a “recap” of restorative justice and its principles. this was beneficial for staff members in attendance who were not present at the first workshop. likewise, because the second workshop took place later than anticipated due to scheduling difficulties, this was a helpful refresher for other staff members as well. this led to a discussion of reentry facts and statistics to preface the presentation. for example, staff were made aware of the fact that 95 percent of the prison population is expected to return home in the future (petersilia, 2003). among those who left prison in 2014, it was the case that approximately 55 percent returned (or recidivated) within five years. to segue into the relationship between reentry and restorative justice, we posed the question, “what can be done to improve the reentry process and potentially reduce recidivism?” to answer this, the next slide highlighted how utilizing restorative justice can be valuable regarding reentry. through different programs central to restorative justice, such as circle process dialogue, it is possible to ameliorate the transition from prison to community and potentially reduce recidivism in the process. as explored in workshop i, restorative justice processes can help address the varying needs of individuals returning from incarceration because of how dynamic restorative justice is. restorative tools can likewise help restore broken relationships, where applicable, which is one of the most pressing needs of those returning from incarceration. within restorative justice, there is also a continued emphasis on a reentering person’s strengths and the removal of negative, often stigmatizing labels through the use of strengths-based language central to sfbt. workshop ii was the first time staff were introduced to a restorative circle process focused on addressing reentry needs. they were shown a video from restorative justice for oakland youth (rjoy)2 an organization that aims to interrupt the cycle of incarceration by promoting restorative justice intervention in schools, communities, and the juvenile justice system. in the video shown to linc staff, members from rjoy teamed up with the oakland unified school district to provide a restorative reentry circle for cedric, a young man returning to his high school after a period of juvenile detention. this circle was attended by cedric, cedric’s mother and step-father, the principle of cedric’s school, cedric’s counselor, and many other members from cedric’s school system and surrounding community. together, the group focused on cedric’s needs moving forward and created a written reentry plan to meet those needs. they also talked about what members of the community, as stakeholders, needed from cedric, whether that was an increased dedication to his studies or more open communication with his family, teachers, and counselors. one of the most important underlying themes of the circle, as is the case with most restorative justice circles, was the unconditional support shown by everyone in attendance. this became very clear during the closing ceremony of the circle where each member of the community was invited to give cedric and his mother a hug and a few words of support. the group agreed to meet again in the future to talk about cedric’s successes and to address/work through any roadblocks he might encounter along the way. there was a fairly lengthy group discussion after the video, with many linc staff citing a personal connection to cedric’s life. reflecting on their teenage years and young adulthood, 2 friedman, c. (2013). restorative welcome and reentry circle. retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=usj2gpiptvc 60 about:blank introducing restorative practices at leading into new communities (linc) undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 some staff members could relate to cedric’s situation firsthand. for example, cedric found himself in trouble after trying to help out his family economically. a few staff members understood the pressure for disadvantaged youths (without other means of income) to tap into the underground economy to help support their struggling parents. for staff who had been in a similar position at one point or another, they felt as though a circle process like cedric’s would have been beneficial to them, either to prevent crime or to bounce back from it. however, they acknowledged the essentiality of establishing trust between themselves and members of their communities for such an intervention to be impactful. it is difficult to move forward with an inherent distrust of the “system”, as linc staff put it. with this in mind, many staff members acknowledged the importance of having staff with similar experiences available to linc residents as a way to build trust by being relational. while trust is an important part of any restorative justice intervention (especially circle processes), staff recognized that linc residents have an overall easier time at the transitional facility when they feel like they can trust the people around them. this highlights the importance of harnessing the diverse experiences of both staff and residents as a way to establish trust and genuine connection within the transitional facility. perhaps only with trust and patience can restorative justice interventions be useful in the context of reentry, particularly at linc. during this discussion, staff members also took turns sharing information about their personal lives. a majority of their differences stemmed from their diverse racial backgrounds. these very thought-provoking conversations around race provided an opportunity for staff to relate to one another on deeper levels than before and to better understand life from a number of different perspectives. moving forward, it is the hope that these kinds of conversations will continue between staff, strengthening their relationships with each other and in turn, with residents. building off of cedric’s reentry circle, staff were also made aware of the huihaki circles created by lorenn walker. these circles are structured very similarly to cedric’s circle, but they cater more specifically to adults returning from prison who are interested in creating reentry plans and establishing broken relationships with loved ones. in the future, with more experience and training among staff, implementing similar reconciliation circles for residents at linc could be an option for those looking to reestablish family connections in a more constructive way. in the meantime, staff felt that it might be worthwhile to utilize a low-stakes circle process during new resident orientation to make residents more aware of the roles of each staff member and the kind of support they can offer during a person’s residency. it was very rewarding to hear staff members brainstorm new ways of implementing restorative justice into their organization as a result of workshop material, as these processes would likely benefit linc residents in the long run. workshop iii plans: implicit bias circle process experience to further reinforce many of the concepts covered in the first two workshops, this project was set to include a third workshop inviting staff to participate in a restorative justice circle process centered around the topic of implicit biases. by participating in a circle firsthand, staff would have a better understanding of how circles operate and therefore be in a better position to implement them at linc as a way to benefit residents. the topic of implicit bias was also significant, as implicit biases directly shape understandings of others, including those with criminal histories. unfortunately, the covid-19 pandemic struck the united states about a week 61 introducing restorative practices at leading into new communities (linc) undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 prior to the third workshop. to comply with social distancing protocols and ensure the health and safety of linc staff, the final workshop was cancelled. findings workshop feedback after each workshop, staff members had the opportunity to voluntarily complete an anonymous feedback form. feedback forms were comprised of four short answer questions and four likert scale statements relevant to workshop content/objectives. these provided some insight into how each workshop impacted staff and whether or not they felt comfortable implementing restorative practices in their day-to-day processes at linc as a result. table 1 and table 2 display workshop feedback from volunteer staff members. table 1. workshop i feedback section 1: evaluation of workshop i 1. what did you like the most about today’s workshop? very open and informative. the research and presentation well put together. the group forum. informative 2. what is something you learned from the presentation/videos? to pay more attention to implicit biases. the mediation between victim and person committing. implicit bias is real. the punitive system is about exclusion. 3. were there any concepts covered today that you would like to learn more about? in general i think the information given is a dialogue and deserves ongoing conversations. how restorative justice migrated from new zealand. refined mediation techniques. solution based language. 4. in regards to the presentation, do you have any suggestions for improvement? [i am still] learning, so i wouldn't know what could be improved on or not. integrate community and government to the table. the question, “who has been harmed?” most “offenders” leave themself off the list. they were harmed as well. section 2: outcome evaluation of workshop i strongly agree agree neither disagree strongly disagree statements participant ratings 1. today’s workshop improved my understanding of restorative justice (e.g., its values, how it differs from punitive justice, and examples of programs). ||| 62 introducing restorative practices at leading into new communities (linc) undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 2. today’s workshop improved my understanding of implicit biases (e.g., what they are, why they matter, and how they can be addressed). | || 3. as a result of today’s workshop, i have a better idea of how i can implement restorative practices at leading into new communities. | || 4. overall, what i learned today will help me be more successful in my position at leading into new communities. || | table 2. workshop ii feedback section 1: evaluation of workshop ii 1. what did you like the most about today’s workshop? information sharing of personal life-experiences by coworkers enjoyed the video the discussion was intensely good. 2. what is something you learned from the presentation/videos? the impact on commitment. the 360 degree give+take in circle process when someone does not trust the person, they do not trust the process and vice versa you have to trust people in order to trust the process 3. were there any concepts covered today that you would like to learn more about? circle discussions implicit bias circle method circles 4. in regards to the presentation, do you have any suggestions for improvement? none limit discussion so that one person's comments do not monopolize the workshop. never challenge everyone to speak putting individuals "on the spot" is not productive and intimidating not right now. section 2: outcome evaluation of workshop ii strongly agree agree neither disagree strongly disagree statements participant ratings 1. today’s workshop improved my understanding of restorative justice in the context of reentry. | ||| 63 introducing restorative practices at leading into new communities (linc) undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 2. today's workshop improved my understanding of circle process dialogue (e.g., what is it, how they are structured, how they can help). | || | 3. as a result of today’s workshop, i have a better idea of how i can help implement restorative circle process dialogue at leading into new communities. || | | 4. overall, what i learned today will help me be more successful in my position at leading into new communities. || | | discussion of feedback due to the optional nature of the feedback forms, there was a fairly low response rate following both workshops. for example, only three anonymous paper surveys were turned in after workshop i even though eight staff members were present. to increase response rates following the second workshop, surveys were moved online to survey monkey. staff members could access the workshop ii feedback form anonymously through a link sent via e-mail. unfortunately, even with a format that was easier to access and submit, only three fully completed surveys and one survey missing section i responses were turned in. despite a low response rate, staff members who did provide feedback seemed to positively benefit from each workshop. after workshop i, for example, all respondents agreed, to some extent, with the four statements provided in section ii of the form. most notable is that two of three staff members strongly agreed with the fourth statement, which reads, “overall, what i learned today will help me be more successful in my position at leading into new communities.” for these staff members, this suggests that learning about the material covered in workshop i was beneficial to their success in the organization, particularly in regard to how they can both help and relate to their clientele. the same was true of workshop ii material. according to feedback following the second workshop, three out of four respondents agreed with the same statement, with only one respondent reporting that workshop ii neither helped nor hurt their likelihood of success at linc. however, all four staff respondents agreed that they had a better understanding of restorative justice in the context of reentry following workshop ii. although it is hard to know for sure, having a better understanding of restorative reentry could mean that these staff members are now in a better position to implement some of the restorative programs and practices covered in both workshops to benefit their residents in their transitions home. according to some of the written feedback from workshop i and workshop ii, respondents seemed to primarily enjoy how workshops were structured. respondents specifically emphasized the openness of the group forum and how interesting and “intensely good” the discussions were between staff members. this was a major theme after the second workshop, which was more dialogue-driven than the first. based on other written feedback, there were also important takeaways from each workshop that stood out. from workshop i, staff reported learning the most about implicit biases and restorative mediation. from workshop ii, staff reported learning the most about building trust and commitment for restorative processes to be effective. for example, one respondent wrote, “you have to trust people in order to trust the process”. although there were a number of concepts covered in each workshop, the two or three concepts most memorable to staff will be significant in the long run. having a better awareness 64 introducing restorative practices at leading into new communities (linc) undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 of implicit biases, for example, will be an important part of the organization’s continued use of strengths-based language and will positively guide the way staff treats each other and linc residents. with that, understanding that restorative practices can only take hold when trust is present is also important. ensuring that the residents can trust linc staff will be vital moving forward, especially if the staff is interested in implementing more hands-on restorative justice tools, such as circle process dialogue, in the future. recommendations and conclusions after release from prison, there are many unique challenges that accompany reentry. these challenges vary from person to person depending on a number of factors, such as race, gender, class, age, and so forth, but the most common reentry issues are rooted in a difficulty reestablishing community ties and positive social networks outside of incarceration. part of why those returning from prison have such a difficult time reintegrating into their communities certainly stems from negative social stigma, imposed upon and exacerbated by the current punitive justice system. restorative justice approaches attempt to undo some of this stigmatization by focusing less on retribution and more on creating a sense of community through connection and meaningful, strengths-based, and solution-focused dialogue. in the context of reentry, restorative approaches can be incredibly profound, reconnecting formerly incarcerated individuals to loved ones and/or providing a space to establish helpful reentry plans. organizations that assist those transitioning back into the community from incarceration often understand how complex the reintegration process is. they do their best to connect their residents with many important resources that make the transition easier, providing residents with a way to start rooting themselves back into their communities. however, according to this study, staff members from such organizations have the potential to positively benefit from formal training on restorative justice, particularly ones that cover topics such as implicit bias, strengthsbased language, and restorative circle process dialogue. at leading into new communities (linc), a residential reentry organization in wilmington, north carolina, several staff members are now in a better position to implement some of these restorative practices as a result of formal workshop trainings. these workshops covered restorative tools that, if utilized by staff members, will positively benefit residents and further assist in their transitions home. this is made evident by data from anonymous feedback forms following each workshop, many of which indicated a growing understanding of restorative practices among staff. specifically, at linc, staff members are encouraged to continue participating in open dialogue not only to improve their relationships with each other, but with their residents. this will put staff in a better position to address the unique needs of residents moving forward, especially as they pertain to reentry. as staff members mentioned during workshops, it would also be worthwhile if linc implemented restorative circle process dialogue during new resident orientations as a way to welcome new residents into the facility and to create a more comfortable, open environment. these circles would also be a great tool for establishing important relationships between staff and new residents, as these kinds of up-front conversations would allow staff to clarify their roles at linc and demonstrate how they can be a helpful resource for each resident. they would also likely help clarify what each resident hopes to gain from their experiences at linc, and how linc staff can help them reach those goals. in the future, it would be wise to continue these same kinds of restorative trainings with staff at organizations like linc, utilizing different follow-up measures to see how workshops influence the day-to-day processes of those working with formerly incarcerated men and women and to gauge where more training is needed. with so many people returning home from 65 introducing restorative practices at leading into new communities (linc) undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 incarceration every day, society must find new and meaningful ways to assist with these complicated transitions. for organizations like linc that serve these individuals firsthand, improving the reentry process of their clients begins with a more concrete understanding of restorative justice principles. for the rest of the world, this begins with a restorative mindset, one characterized by compassion and unconditional respect for differences. limitations there are a few important limitations of this research. first, because workshops for staff were voluntary, not all staff members attended the meetings. with that, some staff attended the second workshop without attending the first (and vice versa). this was not a major issue, but some of the material in workshop ii built off of information from workshop i. those who did not attend workshop i were thus at a slight disadvantage, missing important information regarding the basics of restorative justice and implicit bias. with that, as previously discussed, feedback on each workshop was fairly limited. before the covid-19 pandemic, there were plans to conduct in-depth interviews with volunteer staff members about the impact of all three workshops on their professional development, as well as how they were trying to implement restorative practices as a result. unfortunately, such interviews could not take place. limited conclusions about the impact of workshops can only be drawn from the feedback received via the survey. in regards to the limited feedback, workshop ii survey responses revealed that staff was eager to learn more about circle process dialogue, a tool that is very useful within restorative justice. staff would have learned the most about circle process dialogue in the third workshop which was set to involve staff in a circle process centered around implicit biases, a topic they are now fairly knowledgeable about following workshop i. the third workshop was cancelled as a result of covid-19 protocols, leaving staff members with a limited understanding of circle processes based on presentation materials and videos. although it is clear that staff members know more about restorative justice processes than they did before these workshops, being able to involve them in a circle process would have put them in an even better position to utilize circle process with residents to address reentry needs. author’s reflection prior to starting this project, i had the privilege of working at leading into new communities (linc) as a student volunteer. during my time there, it was my goal to understand the ins and outs of linc as an organization and to connect with residents returning from incarceration. i wanted to understand their pasts, their goals for the future, and how staff members at linc assist with the completion of those goals. what i found was that a number of residents experienced trauma prior to, and often as a result of, their incarceration. most trauma related to family relationships that are further tarnished by a person’s incarceration. because of this, several residents cited reconciliation with loved ones as a primary reentry need. when i learned about the common desire among residents to reconnect with family and friends, it became clear that introducing linc staff to restorative justice practices, which ultimately center around rebuilding connections in constructive ways, could be extremely beneficial in the long run. pulling from my experiences as a volunteer, one of the primary goals of this project was to deepen linc staff understandings of restorative practices through training workshops. these trainings would provide staff with new skillsets to further assist residents in their transitions back into the community. based on the results of this work, it is clear that staff learned important information from each workshop and will be able to use their new knowledge of restorative 66 introducing restorative practices at leading into new communities (linc) undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 justice in their professional positions at linc. perhaps with even more training in the future, linc staff will be able to facilitate reconciliation circles between linc residents and their loved ones to reestablish connections that are often essential to successful reentry. i hope that this work inspires other reentry organizations to incorporate similar restorative justice training in their professional development processes. exposing staff members that assist with reentry to restorative practices will likely enable these organizations to better meet the complex needs of those they serve. 67 introducing restorative practices at leading into new communities (linc) undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 references carson, a. e. & anderson, e. (2016). prisoners in 2015. from bureau of justice statistics 2016 bulletin. retrieved from https://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/p15.pdf. cook, k. j. (2006). doing difference and accountability in restorative justice conferences. theoretical criminology, 10(1), 107-124. durnescu, i. (2019). pains of reentry revisited. international journal of offender therapy and comparative criminology, 00(0), 1-17. durose, m. r., cooper, a. d., & snyder, h. n. (2014). recidivism of prisoners released in 30 states in 2005: patterns from 2005 to 2010. from bureau of justice statistics 2014 special report. retrieved from https://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/rprts05p0510.pdf. federal bureau of prisons. (2019). inmate age. retrieved from https://www.bop.gov/about/statistics/statistics_inmate_age.jsp. hass, a. y. & saxon c. e. (2012). from the inside/out: greene county jail inmates on restorative re-entry. international journal of offender therapy and comparative criminology, 56(7), 1037-1062. lehmann, p., jordan, c., bolton, k. w., huynh, l., & chigbu, k. solution-focused brief therapy and criminal offender: a family conference tool for work in restorative justice. journal of systematic therapies, 31(4), 49-62. maruna, s. (2001). making good: how ex-convicts reform and rebuild their lives. washington, dc: american psychological association. muntingh, l. (2008). punishment and deterrence: don’t expect prisons to reduce crime. south african crime quarterly, 26(), 3-9. petersilia, j. (2003). when prisoners come home: parole and prisoner reentry. new york, ny: oxford university press. scroggins, j. r. & malley, s. (2010). reentry and the (unmet) needs of women. journal of offender rehabilitation, 49(2), 146-163. settles, t. (2009). restorative reentry: a strategy to improve reentry outcomes by enhancing social capital. victims and offenders, 4(3), 285-302. thompson, h. a. why mass incarceration matters: rethinking crisis, decline, and transformation in postwar american history. the journal of american history, 97(3), 703-734. walker, l. & greening, r. (2010). huikahi restorative circles: a public health approach for reentry planning. federal probation, 74(1), 43-47, 57. walker, l., sakai, t. & brady, k. (2006). restorative circles: a reentry planning process for hawaii inmates. federal probation, 70(1), 33-37, 86. zehr, h. (2015). the little book of restorative justice: revised and updated. ny, new york: good books. 68 about:blank about:blank introducing restorative practices at leading into new communities (linc) incarceration, retribution, and reentry common reentry issues restorative justice and restorative reentry figure 1. three pillars of restorative justice, inspired by zehr (2015). leading into new communities (linc) the present study workshop i: restorative justice overview & introduction to implicit biases figure 3. the punitive approach to justice versus the restorative approach to justice (zehr 2015). workshop ii: restorative justice and reentry workshop iii plans: implicit bias circle process experience findings workshop feedback table 1. workshop i feedback table 2. workshop ii feedback discussion of feedback recommendations and conclusions limitations references the challenges to the reintegration and rehabilitation of sex offenders: my experience as an adult probation officer cameron klemme university of connecticut abstract criminal offender rehabilitation and reintegration have consistently taken a backseat to the united states’ default policy of punishment, criminalization, and control. this paper seeks to evaluate the american criminal justice system, specifically as it applies to alternative sentencing for sex offenders. utilizing both existing research as well as my personal experience working as an intern for the connecticut judicial branch, i plan to explore the numerous barriers this population faces upon their reentry to their respective communities. my individual exposure to american probation aligned greatly with what i found in the existing literature. my clients repeatedly expressed frustration with a counterproductive system that is supposedly designed to support them yet consistently hinders their successful contribution to society at the very same time. these challenges were only amplified for the sex offender population, given the stigma and repulsion that exists among the public in response to their crimes. as i continued to work with and get to know my clients, their own experiences with violence, trauma, and victimization became apparent, reinforcing the need for effective interventions to break the perpetuation of these injurious cycles. keywords: adult probation, reintegration, criminal justice, incarceration, alternative sentencing the challenges to the reintegration and rehabilitation of sex offenders 26 “just write his warrant already." this was a phrase i heard with relative frequency while working in the adult probation department of the connecticut judicial branch and one that i would often chuckle at along with the other staff members. i had been assigned to the sex offender unit of a connecticut state superior court, where the primary purpose of my role was to assist clients in their reentry to mainstream society and to guide them through their rehabilitation following their convictions. it was common for offenders to violate one of their many conditions of probation, so much so that perhaps we were all becoming desensitized to what that would mean for our clients, their reintegration into their communities, and their futures. criminal offenders are presented with many barriers when working toward their rehabilitation. this is particularly true for sex offenders who have a number of additional obstacles in the way of their successful reentry into productive society. in this essay, i plan to discuss the mechanisms in which full reintegration can be inhibited due to the structure of our country’s criminal justice system, specifically as it applies to probationary programs. the united states’ criminal justice system has become increasingly punitive over the past several decades. in the 1970s, our nation experienced a transition in crime and justice policy towards a much more punitive system one that placed us on a destructive trajectory that has still not been fully reversed. the trend began under president nixon with his initiation of the "war on drugs" and an overall "tough-on-crime" political technique. however, the uniquely american system of mass incarceration didn't reach its full form until ronald reagan entered office. under his administration, the prison population nearly doubled in size, growing from 329,000 to 627,000 in a matter of eight years (cullen, 2018). this drastic increase in our nation's prison population was not correlated with any uptick in crime rates. rather, it reflects the political priorities of the time, fueled by an increase in funding directed towards local and federal law enforcement, the creation of the dea, and harsh legislative changes such as mandatory sentencing and three-strikes laws (bullfrog films, 2016). the increase in criminalization and punitive law enforcement and sentencing strategies resulted in a peak prison population of 1,615,487 in 2009 (delaney, 2023). as of 2008, the united states incarcerates one out of one hundred adults, incarcerating more of its population than any other country in the world (warren, 2011). according to the film incarcerating u.s., america holds just 5% of the world's population but 25% of the world's prison population, making our country the only one in the world that has this kind of system of mass incarceration (bullfrog films, 2016). not only is our country's prison population increasing by sheer number, but the needs of our incarcerated population are increasing and diversifying. prisons are no longer merely a place to hold people following a crime, but they now serve a much greater purpose towards the ultimate goal of criminal rehabilitation. they now act as schools, hospitals, and mental health treatment facilities (bullfrog films, 2016). unfortunately, our country's prisons have become the place we send individuals for whom we have no place within the community and who require a lot of support, those who commonly struggle with mental illnesses, difficult life conditions, and also violate the law. specifically relevant to my internship was familiarizing myself with the population and demographic i would be working with. for me, this began with understanding why these individuals had become involved in the criminal justice system, researching the prevalence of sexually violent offenders and their offenses, and discovering my role in the context of working with this population and ultimately towards creating safer communities. a sex offense is defined as a crime that is sexual in nature or contains a component of sexual arousal for the perpetrator, usually a sexual act that lacks consent from one party or is carried out through means of coercion the challenges to the reintegration and rehabilitation of sex offenders 27 or violence (suitt, 2022). sex crimes are inherently difficult to define, observe, monitor, gather research on, and prosecute. with this understanding, it is important to note the several significant limitations that exist within the data collected on criminal activity and victimization in general, and specifically among the data we do have on sex crimes that themselves are so convoluted in nature. research collected by the national crime victimization survey estimated "284,350 rape/sexual assault victimizations occurred in the united states in 2014" and that young women under the age of thirty are the most common victims of sex crimes (wiseman, 2015). sexual assault victims are among the least likely to report these incidences to law enforcement, and research has revealed that it is actually quite common for victims to not disclose this information, “national crime victimization survey data suggests that only in one in four rapes or sexual assaults have been reported to police over the last 15 years" (wiseman, 2015). meanwhile, the national women's study data "indicates that 84% of victims did not report rape to the police" (wiseman, 2015). these statistics, of course, are not to suggest that all those labeled 'sex offenders' are rapists but rather are being utilized to demonstrate the inconsistencies that exist in the disclosure and punishment of sex crimes. sexual offenders make up a distinct category of criminology and are different from other groups of criminal offenders in a number of ways. the prison policy initiative clearly states one of the most important differences between offending groups: “people convicted of violent and sexual offenses are actually among the least likely to be rearrested, and those convicted of rape or sexual assault have rearrest rates 20% lower than all other offense categories combined” (sawyer & wagner, 2023). the data we do have on people who commit sex offenses reveals a markedly lower recidivism rate than any other criminal group, suggesting that our current responses to these offenses might not be the most appropriate or effective. in fact, within the first year following release from prison, sexual offenders have less than a 2% arrest rate for rape or sexual assault and an 8% arrest rate after nine years for similar offenses (sawyer, 2018). these rates are even lower for individuals forty or older, reflecting a well-studied trend of age acting as a predictor of criminal behavior and violence. the risk of reoffending significantly declines following a peak during young adulthood, and these rearrest rates can even lower by half once the offender reaches middle adulthood and beyond (sawyer, 2018). despite this knowledge, we continue to incarcerate offenders long after their risk factors might require. persons convicted of sex crimes typically serve longer sentences than those who commit crimes outside of this category, serving a five-year median sentence, while over 25% serve ten years or more (sawyer, 2018). this may have to do with the particularly traumatizing nature of sex crimes, public antipathy, and their long-lasting impact on their victims. this dramatic rise in our prison population has come with both a significant human cost and a great financial burden. between the years 1987 and 2007, there was a 127% increase in corrections spending (warren, 2011). the resources states choose to dedicate to our system of mass incarceration are resources that are taken away from vital social welfare programs that many argue would help address the root causes of several issues that afflict our contemporary society. the u.s. government chooses to blindly dedicate a large portion of its budget to our prison system, with little to no research supporting its efficacy or even directly contradicting it (warren, 2011). in fact, the surge in the american prison population, which our government spends so much of its money on, does not even reflect changes in our nation’s crime rate. rather, the rise in mass incarceration reflects changes in policy that support tough-on-crime legislation that sends more lawbreakers to prison in addition to lengthening their sentences (warren, 2011). this rise in mass incarceration also reflects our nation's investment in a prison industrial complex, a term that is the challenges to the reintegration and rehabilitation of sex offenders 28 used to describe the economic and political arrangement between the state and its correctional facilities. prisons have become a huge source of profit, and thus a compelling financial incentive has been successfully established to perpetuate the expansion of correctional facilities and the criminalization of various social afflictions (davis, 2020). as a result, the brennan center for justice estimates "39 percent, or 576,000, were in prison without any public safety reason and could have been punished in a less costly and damaging way" (sawyer, 2018). the research found in the resources that i have presented thus far has led me to believe that there must be a better system to punish and simultaneously rehabilitate and prevent some deviant criminal behavior within our society. the following paragraphs will evaluate alternatives to traditional incarceration. following our country's establishment of the prison industrial complex and our trend towards mass incarceration, there has been a counter-movement towards alternative forms of statesanctioned punishment. essentially, our country's strategy of criminal incapacitation has failed to demonstrate a clear impact toward the deduction in crime rates or recidivism of criminal offenders, all while costing states an excessively large portion of their budgets (warren, 2011). as a result of the outrageous costs created by an institution that lacks empirical evidence for its effectiveness towards greater public safety, essential funding is stripped from other programs like healthcare or education in order to support our nation’s prison growth (warren, 2011). not only has incarceration shown to be largely ineffective in its initial goal of reducing american crime rates, but it has actually proven to be quite harmful to those forced to endure their barbaric conditions. sawyer and wagner of the prison policy initiative explain how detrimental prison environments can be on both the physical and mental health of inmates, "decades of research show that many of the defining features of incarceration are stressors linked to negative mental health outcomes: disconnection from family, loss of autonomy, boredom and lack of purpose, and unpredictable surroundings" (sawyer & wagner, 2023). in addition to the circumstantial stressors confinement creates, "inhumane conditions, such as overcrowding, solitary confinement, and experiences of violence also contribute to the lasting psychological effects of incarceration, including the ptsdlike post-incarceration syndrome” (sawyer & wagner, 2023). the environment that exists within the united states prison system is hardly an ideal place for serious criminal offenders, much less for those who commit minor and/or non-violent offenses. u.s. prisons and jails are even further from a therapeutic environment the type of environment that would be required for those suffering from mental illnesses or a substance abuse disorder conditions that are often criminalized. the many extreme negative impacts that are created by the united states’ system of mass incarceration have established reasoning for policymakers and government officials to begin exploring alternatives to caging criminal offenders. through this exploration, some states have demonstrated that “deploying a broad range of sanctions can protect communities, punish lawbreakers, and conserve tax dollars for other pressing public needs" (warren, 2011). alternatives to incarceration have illustrated how diversifying sanctions can be viable options for criminal punishment. many activist and criminal justice reform groups seek to stray from the united states' traditional system of punishment and control and to turn its focus on the rehabilitation of criminal offenders (pbs, 2017). the ultimate goal of rehabilitation is social harmony and public safety. successful rehabilitation is highly contingent upon matching the offender to the right program for them based on their needs and the nature of their offense (kelly, 2021). parole and probation are two alternative forms of incarceration that have very similar conditions and supervision. the main difference between the two is whether an offender begins by serving a sentence in prison or if their the challenges to the reintegration and rehabilitation of sex offenders 29 sentence sought to prevent incarceration altogether. parolees are released from prison earlier than their given sentence of incapacitation and placed under community supervision for the remainder of their original sentence. probation, on the other hand, begins and ends their criminal sentence under state supervision while remaining in the community. the main goal of probation is to rehabilitate the criminal offender and to give them an additional chance to prove themselves capable of obeying the law without fully incapacitating that individual and remaining integrated into their community (american law library, 2021). probation is a supervision program that falls under the umbrella of alternatives to formal incarceration, where an offender can remain in the community while still being supervised by the state and serving their sentence. this was the form of alternative punitive action that i would have exposure to for my community research and internship experience. although these two types of programs are treated as a reward or a second chance for criminal offenders, it also tends to place them in a highly vulnerable position as opposed to merely serving their full sentence in prison. sawyer and wagner (2023) explain, “community supervision… is often seen as a ‘lenient’ punishment or as an ideal ‘alternative’ to incarceration. but while remaining in the community is certainly preferable to being locked up, the conditions imposed on those under supervision are often so restrictive that they set people up to fail”. many individuals end up being sent to prisons or jails for violations of their probation or parole conditions, not for committing an entirely new crime. in fact, at least 128,000 people were incarcerated for community supervision violations in 2021, accounting for 27% of total admissions to state and federal prisons (sawyer & wagner, 2023). approximately one-third of parolees return to prison because of a violation of their conditions and not for a criminal act (pbs, 2017). in addition, within the u.s., more than fifty percent of criminal offenders recidivate within three years, either due to a new crime or for violating their terms of release from prison (warren, 2011). although the individual is in the community, they are still serving their sentence and can be taken into more restrictive state custody at any time law enforcement officials see fit and for incredibly minor and/or unfair technical violations. this system, although preferable to incarceration, often leads to unnecessary incarceration and a stigmatizing label. as an intern for the connecticut judicial branch under the department of adult probation, i was eventually trained to perform the same duties as a traditional probation officer. i began by performing simple duties like sorting warrants, entering psychiatric treatment notes, and composing case records on behalf of the senior officers. i was then granted the opportunity to work with the probation officer who handled the domestic violence caseload and allowed me to sit on his office visits with him and take notes during meetings for him. i eventually graduated from sitting in on office visits and writing the visit summaries on behalf of the senior officers to conducting client reports myself. at first, i would see clients with the supervision of an actual officer, but eventually, i was entrusted to administer reporting independently for both sex offender and domestic violence clients. this became incredibly helpful to my department when someone was unavailable to conduct their reporting themselves, had too heavy of a caseload, or simply had too many other tasks that needed their attention and training. depending on the offense of the client, the conditions of their probation would be set by their primary supervisor to fit the needs of that individual client and to best suit them for their successful rehabilitation. these conditions of probation were vast, and there were severe consequences for clients who were not able to comply with the requirements set by the court. noncompliance would result in a violation from the client's supervising officer. violations would have to be reported to the court, and the sentencing of the individual would be reconsidered by a judge. the challenges to the reintegration and rehabilitation of sex offenders 30 in my work, i would use a client’s conditions of probation to guide the way i administered their reporting session. essentially all offenders on probation were required to secure housing and employment and to attend both probation reporting and scheduled court dates. sex offenders would often have additional special conditions that could include no victim contact, no minor contact, enrollment in sex offender treatment programs, sex offender registry, and potential substance abuse treatment, among other things depending on the specific nature and circumstances of their crime. despite even the best intentions of probation and parole, these programs themselves actually create many barriers to an offender’s successful reintegration. under these programs, individuals serve the remainder of their sentences in society, but they are not really free. in fact, many basic rights of citizenship and freedoms are still withheld. these compromised rights can include access to public assistance, parental rights, political participation, and much more. the unfortunate reality is that “while the rehabilitation services available to assist inmates both in prison and after release have decreased, the legal and practical barriers pertaining to their activities after release have increased” (petersilia, 2003). while these legal and practical barriers act to significantly diminish the rights and privileges of former offenders, they operate mostly beyond the public's view, causing petersilia to label them "invisible punishments." while these invisible punishments are not widely understood or recognized by the general public, they have very serious consequences and negative effects on those who experience them (petersilia, 2003). expanding legal and civil restrictions have an extremely detrimental impact on the reentry of criminal offenders. i will specifically evaluate some of the most outstanding barriers these individuals face, including access to employment, housing, and public assistance. based on preexisting research, a positive correlation between job stability and a reduction in criminal offending has been established (petersilia, 2003). this empirically proven information demonstrates how critical employment is to an offender’s successful reintegration into their community. obtaining a job often gives an individual a sense of purpose. it helps them become a productive member of their community, develop life skills, provide for their family, and also breeds strengthened self-esteem and social connectedness (petersilia, 2003). natan link and his colleagues confer "stable employment… supports the achievement of financial and prosocial goals" and argue that "economic hardship is a well-documented source of strain that can increase the likelihood of engaging in criminal behavior to achieve economic goals or of coping in a violent manner as a result of the frustration with living in deprivation." their research summarizes, “unemployment and an increase in economic hardship among former prisoners are both expected to increase the probability of reoffending after release from prison” (link & colleagues, 2019). despite this knowledge, individuals with criminal records are among the most difficult and least likely to be employed. ex-convicts are legally barred from working in some professions, and even when they are not legally prevented from being hired, the knowledge of their criminal records by potential employers significantly reduces their chances of being employed, "employers are much more reluctant to hire ex-offenders than any other group of disadvantaged workers. employers fear the legal liabilities that could potentially be created by hiring offenders, and they view their offender status as a signal of lack of reliability and trustworthiness" (petersilia, 2003). the combination of the barriers to employment that i have already outlined and the low levels of education and experience, substance abuse, mental health issues, and missing vital documents for their employment results in a very high rate of unemployment among people with criminal records. unemployment among ex-offenders is estimated to be between 25-40%, and there is an estimated 10-30% wage reduction for those who manage to become employed (petersilia, 2003). high rates the challenges to the reintegration and rehabilitation of sex offenders 31 of joblessness among criminal offenders not only have to do with stigma and unemployability but also to do with conditions that limit their ability to perform certain jobs. it is estimated that 1821% of former inmates report having a mental or physical condition that limits their ability to work and perform tasks necessary for their employment (petersilia, 2003). because employment is often a condition of probation, i was able to experience first-hand the way that this supervision program made it incredibly difficult for its clients to comply with the very conditions that are set by the courts. one particular client that i worked with was under intensive pretrial supervision. under this type of program, the client must come in for reporting with their probation officer three times per month (works out to about once a week). during one of our meetings, my client expressed his frustration with his conditions, as it was a lot to ask his boss to excuse their employee three times a month in order to report to probation, not to mention all the other court dates and hearings that each criminal offender is required to attend. "employment is one of the most important things for my rehabilitation," my client recognized. he and i both wondered aloud about the counterproductive nature of his program. i continue to wonder the same things today. many researchers argue that employment is the single most effective factor in reducing recidivism rates (petersilia, 2003). therefore, it seems most logical to me that we would support our client's employment the best we can rather than become yet another obstacle in the way of their rehabilitation. housing is another barrier that many ex-offenders face upon reentry into their communities. petersilia considers housing to be “the linchpin that holds the reintegration process together." should this area of the reintegration process be compromised, so will all other areas of reintegration efforts (petersilia, 2003). there are many factors that contribute to an offender's inability to secure housing. often, inmates are legally prevented from living with others who are involved in criminal activity, ruling out living with many family members and friends. it is also common that incarcerated individuals are unable to secure housing prior to their release and are unable to collect enough funds for a deposit on private housing. due to this lack of funds and limited options to stay with others, many ex-convicts will seek out public housing only to find they are ineligible for a large portion of public housing and public assistance from the government due to their prior convictions (petersilia, 2003). as a consequence of all these barriers to accessing housing, it is estimated that 25-50% of parolees end up homeless within a year of their release from prison (petersilia, 2003). a 2015 united states department of justice brief also states, "residence restrictions may actually increase offender risk by undermining offender stability and the ability of the offender to obtain housing, work, and family support (sawyer, 2018). ironically and consequently, the same barriers and restrictions set in place to protect the public could actually put communities at greater risk, all while wasting valuable government resources and funding opportunities. public assistance is not only limited to those with criminal records in the housing sector but also in the availability of job training, substance abuse rehabilitation, and many other social welfare programs. the personal responsibility and work opportunity reconciliation act of 1996 “required states to permanently bar individuals with drug-related felony convictions from receiving federally funded public assistance and food stamps during their lifetime" (petersilia, 2003). legislation such as this one and others prevent offenders from obtaining government assistance or have limits imposed on the benefits they are given. this not only negatively affects the offenders themselves, but it also punishes the families of formerly incarcerated individuals. in determining sentences for offenders, it is also important to consider what feinberg labels "expressive functions of punishment." an expressive function is "… a conventional device for the the challenges to the reintegration and rehabilitation of sex offenders 32 expression of attitudes of resentment and indignation, and of judgments of disapproval and reprobation" (feinberg, 1965). the symbolic significance of certain penalties creates a condemnatory aspect that is largely missing from other kinds of formal punishment. the author of the expressive function of punishment argues that both the formal and symbolic punishments inflicted on an offender must fit the crime committed (feinberg, 1965). i believe that the expressive function of punishment is particularly impactful for offenders who commit sex crimes. there is a public perception of disgust and moral turpitude when it comes to sex offenders, and the general population commonly reports harsher views toward individuals with sexual convictions than criminals of any other kind (rothwell, 2020). these views generally have an overall negative effect on the rehabilitation and reentry of sex offenders because there is greater resistance to their presence in society as a whole. from the time i discovered i was assigned to work with sex offenders for my internship with the judicial branch, i knew this experience would present a significant challenge. i consistently asked myself how i would be able to work with and advocate for people who have committed such heinous crimes. i do not consider myself to hold certain assumptions or feelings towards criminals in general, but when it came to sex offenders, i found myself to have a particular aversion that was incredibly difficult for me to overcome at first. despite my conscious efforts to challenge my natural instincts, reactions of disgust and contempt would bubble their way to the surface when i clocked out for the day. seldom would i leave work realizing how common these reactions towards sex crimes were or even how common the stigmatization of criminals in general was. in fact, the stigmatization of criminals and the label that is imposed on them is often one of the greatest barriers to their successful reentry. however, individuals who commit sex crimes often face additional social ostracization and marginalization because the nature of the crime they committed is so egregious to the public. individuals who commit sex crimes are subject to a number of additional conditions and stigmas that further limit their successful reintegration into their communities. the relatively recent establishment of sex offender registries and public criminal records has resulted in further interference in reintegration. due to the intense outrage displayed by the public towards sex offenders, the government has attempted to establish additional measures in order to maintain public safety and emphasize crime control. offender registries were established following the implementation of megan's law and are most commonly used for sex crimes (kelly, 2021). federal law as of 1996 requires all u.s. states and territories to maintain a registry of convicted sex offenders, allowing for the expansion of this definition dependent on individual state preferences (human rights watch, 2007). registries and community notification systems are thought to increase public safety and are essentially an extension of an offender's formal punishment. unfortunately, the increase in computerization and sex offender registries produce more significant barriers for sex criminals. with these registries, the anonymity of the offenders is compromised, it can be used to threaten, intimidate, and harass offenders, and they lead to further alienation from society (kelly, 2021). as a result of this alienation from offender's communities, social support that is vital to reintegration is removed, compromising their full rehabilitation and success in their community. because sex crimes create such an emotional response, there are many supporters for any type of increase in punishment for these offenders. however, there is also much disagreement on these registries as studies have failed to demonstrate an impact on recidivism rates and desistance (kelly, 2021). in addition, many registries lump all sex offenders together without any system of categorization. registries can include anything from homosexuality, sexting, and statutory rape to pedophilia and other heinous crimes (kelly, 2021). criminal history the challenges to the reintegration and rehabilitation of sex offenders 33 records increase the stigma that offenders experience as data can be more easily shared and accessed by the general public (petersilia, 2003). registries remain a topic of debate as they contain errors and significantly impact an offender's ability to reintegrate into society and, at the same time, are not empirically supported to be effective in reducing crime rates (petersilia, 2003). as someone who has primarily studied psychological sciences and criminal justice, i was naturally drawn to the treatment programs that were designed for our clients convicted of sex offenses. among other court-mandated programs that sought to help offenders work towards their stability and potential rehabilitation, many of our clients were enrolled in group therapies as one of the conditions of their probation. clients were divided into different treatment groups based on their assessed risk of reoffending and present threat to their community. during my time with the judicial branch, i was able to sit in on some of these group therapies. despite my initial hesitations and concerns about working with sex offenders, during these treatment groups, i found myself becoming lost in the stories of my clients while they shared their personal lives. i found myself laughing along with them when someone cracked a joke or when two were engaged in playful banter, empathizing when they had negative things to report, and ultimately relating to them as peers with many of the same daily afflictions i encountered. i was surprised to have let these criminals disarm me in this way despite my initial trepidation. even the wording that i use to describe and reflect upon my experiences working in this setting and with this population displays how deeply ingrained these cultural stigmas have become in the american consciousness, enduring as i work to deconstruct those same unilateral perspectives. i consistently found myself at a crossroads of constant internal conflict. i so badly aspired to treat everyone with whom i interacted with basic human dignity and respect, even those who were deeply flawed and had broken the law in such heinous ways. at the same time, i recognized the disgust i had for these people who had done truly horrific things and questioned whether they deserved any respect at all. however, upon further analysis and reflection, i came to be less and less surprised at the way i was able to interact with my clients. i treated them with kindness, advocated for them, and assisted them in their rehabilitation. it took me a while to recognize, but i understand these people have made grave mistakes yet still deserve to be treated with dignity. showing my clients empathy and understanding became easier as they shared their own stories of victimization and trauma. this is not to say that their own victimization negates their perpetration of these crimes, but rather draws attention to the cyclical violence that plagues our society. sumner, mercy, and dahlberg (2015) explain the detrimental effects of violence on a victim’s overall health and wellbeing, explaining “exposure to violence increases vulnerability to a broad range of mental and physical health problems'." as examples, these authors provide “meta-analyses indicate that exposure to physical abuse in childhood is associated with a 54% increased odds of depressive disorder and a 92% increased odds of drug use" and other negative enduring physical, mental, and emotional health conditions. further, "experiencing violence (physical, sexual, psychological) is associated with increased risks of mental health and behavioral disorders such as depression, posttraumatic stress disorder, personality and conduct disorders, anxiety, sleep and eating disorders, substance abuse, and suicide and suicide attempts” (sumner et al., 2015). these findings mean that in addition to the strongly established relationship between victimization and offending (decamp et al., 2017), some victims of violence may also develop psychiatric diagnoses that create additional risk factors for committing their own acts of violence against others. the american psychological association claims, "... people with serious mental illness which generally refers to those with major depressive disorder, bipolar disorder, schizophrenia, and the challenges to the reintegration and rehabilitation of sex offenders 34 schizoaffective disorder are somewhat more likely than members of the general public to commit acts of violence" and reiterates, "there is a link between mental health and violence" (deangelis, 2022). symptoms of these conditions such as "lack of empathy, poor impulse control, and antisocial deviance" (deangelis, 2022) play a large role in instances where a violent act is executed. deangelis of the american psychological association also indicates other equally threatening risk factors include "a history of prior violence, a history of childhood physical abuse, having a father who abused substances or was a criminal, displaying antisocial behavior, and scoring high on anger measures” (deangelis, 2022). in addition to the micro-level impacts, these acts of interpersonal violence greatly increase the incidence of long-term, serious health problems later in life, "violence is also associated with the development of major noncommunicable diseases, such as cardiovascular disease, cancer, chronic lung disease, and diabetes as well as key risk factors for several chronic diseases, including harmful alcohol use, tobacco use, physical inactivity, and obesity" (sumner et al., 2015) and "indirectly stunts economic development, increases inequality, and erodes human capital" (sumner et al., 2015). essentially, interpersonal violence is not only a concern on an individual level but also on a societal one a cost that we pay for collectively. the relationship that exists between the victimization of criminal activity and the subsequent engagement with deviant behavior manifests particularly strongly among victims and offenders of violent crimes (decamp, 2017). in other words, those who engage in criminal acts are often victims of violence and trauma themselves and are merely perpetuating this harmful cycle. sawyer (2018) of the prison policy initiative explains that breaking the cycle of violence will require investment in communities and the people within them rather than in incarceration and harsher punishments. in fact, "national survey data show that most victims support violence prevention, social investment, and alternatives to incarceration that address the root causes of crime, not more investment in carceral systems that cause more harm" (sawyer, 2018). these results hold true even for victims of the most serious crimes, such as rape or murder (alliance for safety and justice, 2016). the result is clear: the u.s. criminal justice system does not react appropriately to violent offenders or to the victims of this violence. further, our carceral system also does not consider the overlapping characteristics that exist between offender and victim. the data examined in this paragraph and this paper as a whole calls into question current criminal justice practices, their efficacy, motives, and unintended impacts. upon my evaluation of these institutions and uniquely american practices, it seems to me that our current carceral system is ineffective (does not deter violent crime), inefficient (over-incarcerating, poor outcomes), costly (both monetary and human cost), and does not address the needs or preferences of violent crime victims. harsh sentences and difficult life conditions post-incarceration do not set individuals up for rehabilitation and success, nor does it break the damaging and perpetual cycle of violence in our society. instead, our country needs cyclical violence interventions, violence prevention, and government investment in communities and public safety. the challenges to the reintegration and rehabilitation of sex offenders 35 citations bullfrog films. 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(2015, july). chapter 1: incidence and prevalence of sexual offending. office of sex offender sentencing, monitoring, apprehending, registering, and tracking. retrieved march 14, 2023, from https://www/ http://www.pbs.org/video/life-on-parole-gvpejl/ http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/s2666353820300321 https://www.prisonpolicy/ http://www.prisonpolicy.org/blog/2019/06/06/sexoffenses/ https://www.prisonpolicy.org/reports/pie2023.html https://nij.ojp.gov/topics/crime/sex-related-offenses https://www.superlawyers.com/resources/sex-offenses/what-is-considered-a-sex-c https://www.superlawyers.com/resources/sex-offenses/what-is-considered-a-sex-crime/ the challenges to the reintegration and rehabilitation of sex offenders 37 https://smart.ojp.gov/somapi/chapter-1-incidence-and-prevalence-sexual-offendin g https://smart.ojp.gov/somapi/chapter-1-incidence-and-prevalence-sexual-offendin https://smart.ojp.gov/somapi/chapter-1-incidence-and-prevalence-sexual-offending the challenges to the reintegration and rehabilitation of sex offenders: my experience as an adult probation officer social determinants of youth crime: parental presence and crime exposure jacqueline j. crowell department of sociology and criminology, university of north carolina wilmington abstract this study examines criminal involvement among a largely vulnerable population— youth. the social determinants of health framework are applied to assess parental presence and youth exposure to crime/violence in and out of the home as predictors of crime relative to archival police data and census demographic information. nineteen years (2000-2019) of data on arrests and incidents in wilmington, north carolina were provided by community partner wilmington police department (wpd) for examination. data on n=726,359 incidents were generated, accessed, and analyzed at both the arrest and tract levels using spss and arcgis software. census demographic information on female-headed households was also analyzed at the tract level to examine the relationship between parental presence and youth crime. research found more youth exposure to crime/violence occurred along tracts with many youth and adult arrests. moreover, many youth arrests occurred along tracts with high numbers of female-headed households. these findings support previous literature on parental presence and exposure to crime/violence as predictors of youth crime. it was also discovered that arrests, incidents of exposure, and female-headed households were clustered along tracts closest to downtown. it is suggested that future research investigate both geographic and demographic features of the downtown wilmington area to develop a broader understanding of why most crime and femaleheaded households are concentrated in one portion of town. keywords: youth crime, exposure to violence, sdoh, social determinants, police data introduction criminal activity among young people is an enduring concern in the united states. according to the u.s. department of justice's office of juvenile justice and delinquency prevention (2022), youth arrests peaked in 1996 and have steadily declined since. although national statistics indicate a decrease in juvenile crime, criminal activity among youth is still a problem in many u.s. cities. for instance, the prevalence of juvenile crime in wilmington, north carolina and its consequences for youth is reflected in recent local news reports. in 2019, starnews reported that the wilmington police department (wpd) handled 118 incidents involving possession of a firearm by a minor (dill, 2020). in march of 2021, wway reported an uptick in juvenile crime, including that several teenagers and young adults had been arrested for involvement in violent crimes (bouchelle, 2021; wway, 2021). the following month, a 16year-old girl and two young adults were shot and killed at a house party during an incident that social determinants of youth crime 18 undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 left four others injured (wtvd staff, 2021). later that year, a 15-year-old shot another student at new hanover high school (wect staff, 2021). more recently, two boys, a six-year-old and a 16-year-old, along with two adults, were shot while attending a memorial for a victim of gun violence (wect staff, 2022). these instances are but a few examples of how young people in wilmington fall victim to both the effects of youth violence and social factors that influence participation in criminal behavior. the following paper investigates these circumstances. this study compares existing research on the predictors of youth crime with census information and reports of arrests and incidents provided by community partner wpd. to address youth crime, its prevalence, and its consequences, sociologists have turned attention to the different factors that put youth at higher risk for exposure to crime/violence and participation in criminal behavior. this paper first introduces the concept of social determinants by incorporating existing definitions and findings related to the topic. next, parental presence and exposure to crime/violence are discussed as predictors of youth crime. social learning theory, data, methods, and results are then detailed before a discussion on conclusions. literature review social determinants social determinant is an all-encompassing term referring to any social factors correlating with different life outcomes. to explain the concept of social determinants, many cite a metaphor by irving zola, which equates the act of addressing social problems retroactively to pulling drowning people out of a river; the metaphor suggests that in order to adequately address social issues, the focus must be shifted upstream to the causes of negative outcomes (kelly, 2020). the metaphor suggests that confronting social and contextual factors that put individuals at risk for different life outcomes is necessary for combating individual-level issues. the social determinants of health framework (sdoh), introduced by the world health organization, proposes that factors beyond individual decisions, such as social and physical environments and community practices, serve as root causes of negative health outcomes (nation et al., 2021; wang et al., 2021). further, nation et al. (2021) suggest conceptualizing youth violence as a negative health outcome within the sdoh framework exposes social determinants that perpetuate youth violence. in the study to follow, the sdoh framework is applied to conceptualize the social determinants of youth crime in wilmington. parental presence as a social determinant in the current study, parental presence refers to youth parental characteristics. wang et al. (2021) include that youth relationships with parental figures are conclusively recognized as a social determinant of health. many researchers have studied how differences in family structure affect children and adolescents (shroeder et al., 2010; cobb-clark & tekin, 2013; markowitz & ryan, 2016). more specifically, schroeder et al. (2010) assess the relationship between familial transitions and juvenile delinquency, concluding that separation and divorce were not intrinsically linked to major increases in youth delinquency; however, an increase in delinquency was observed among those who transitioned from single-parent to two-parent households. notably, youth belonging to two-parent households during the first wave of data collection had lower offense scores than those belonging to single-parent households (schroeder et al., 2010). other research has focused specifically on the impact paternal presence has on the lives and actions of young people (cobb-clark & tekin, 2013; markowitz & ryan, 2016). for instance, cobb-clark and tekin (2013) assess the relationship between paternal presence and social determinants of youth crime 19 undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 juvenile delinquency, revealing that adolescent males with father figures were significantly less likely to participate in criminal behavior than those without father figures. moreover, paternal presence appeared to be linked to decreased violence and gang affiliation in young males (cobbclark & tekin, 2013). in addition, markowitz and ryan (2016) found paternal departure to be linked to increased delinquency and posed that this is due to decreases in parental monitoring. youth exposure to crime/violence as a social determinant general exposure for this study, general exposure to crime/violence refers to incidents of direct and indirect exposure regardless of source or location (e.g., home, neighborhood, school, or community). many studies have assessed the relationship between youth exposure to crime/violence and negative outcomes (chen et al., 2016; goldner et al., gorman-smith et al., 2004; 2015; peterson et al., 2019; shukla & wiesner, 2016). furthermore, in a study on youth exposure to crime/violence trends, finkelhor et al. (2015) found that more than a third of the sample had experienced assault and roughly a quarter had witnessed violence within the year. importantly, exposure to crime/violence has been associated with the externalization of problems, especially in cases where young people are directly victimized (fowler et al., 2009). exposure to crime/violence has been conclusively recognized as a predictor of delinquency and other negative outcomes in many studies (chen et al., 2016; goldner et al., gorman-smith et al., 2004; 2015; peterson et al., 2019; shukla & wiesner, 2016). exposure within the family the specific effects of exposure to criminal activity within the family/household have been considered by researchers. shukla and wiesner (2016) found victimization and crime/violence exposure that occurs within the home to be especially predictive of delinquency. furthermore, research conducted in the field of criminology suggests that generational transmission of criminal behavior occurs within families (aaron & dallaire, 2009; cobb-clark & tekin, 2013; hashimi et al., 2021; shukla & wiesner, 2016). for instance, aaron and dallaire (2009) found parental incarceration to be predictive of youth delinquency. other research, such as hashimi et al. (2021), has investigated exposure to crime/violence among siblings. the authors explain that siblings essentially socialize each other, and sibling delinquency has the potential to encourage participation in delinquent behaviors among non-delinquent siblings (hashimi et al., 2021). moreover, the researchers found that gang affiliation substantially increases the likelihood of sibling gang involvement, as does having a sibling that was previously but is no longer involved in gang activity (hashimi et al., 2021). literature summary the findings summarized above are supportive of parental characteristics and exposure to crime/violence both in and out of the home as predictors of delinquent behaviors. notably, much of the previous research on family context aims to assess and summarize findings on many different family characteristics in single studies. therefore, it could be beneficial for researchers to focus on individual family characteristics as predictors of crime rather than attempting to assess many factors at once. the study on sibling transmission of gang violence conducted by hashimi et al. (2021) demonstrates the scope described above, as their findings appear more organized and succinct than other research on family and delinquency. social determinants of youth crime 20 undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 social learning theory many researchers who have investigated exposure to crime/violence and a determinant of youth delinquency reference social learning theory as a possible explanation for the transmission of deviant behavior. akers (2002) explains that social learning theory, which is characterized by the notion that all human behavior is learned from others, suggests that people participate in criminal actions as a result of exposure to criminal activity. according to the social learning perspective, normalization and reinforcement of deviant behaviors can result in an increased likelihood of participation in deviant acts (akers, 2002). the current study examines youth and adult arrests and incidents at the tract level with the assumption that youth were exposed to crime/violence in areas with high numbers of adult arrests and incidents, and some of the arrests and incidents occurred within the family and/or household. this research considers the social learning perspective when developing research questions involving youth arrests along tracts with more overall arrests and incidents. it was hypothesized that tracts with more youth exposure to crime/violence would contain more youth arrests. community-based participatory research specific information the wilmington police department served as the community partner for this research project and provided data on all adult and youth arrests and incidents in wilmington, north carolina between the years of 2000-2019. researchers aim to benefit the community partner and the city of wilmington by providing both parties with accurate and insightful information on youth arrests and the various factors that may contribute to youth participation in crime. it is recommended that these findings be used to develop community-centered programs that benefit populations most affected by crime in wilmington, specifically programs utilizing upstream approaches to preventing youth delinquency. methodology this study examines predictors of youth crime relative to 19 years of archival information on youth and adult arrest and incident reports from wilmington, north carolina. data on arrests and incidents were provided by wpd for examination. under the supervision of course instructors, a team of 11 student researchers was divided into groups and assigned specific social determinants as the research foci. the students first examined the literature on community-based participatory research (cbpr), sdoh, neighborhood effects, and other subjects relevant to the research project. students then explored proximal, distal, and intermediate-level social determinants and reported their interests to the instructor, who divided the class into groups according to personal interests. student groups then narrowed the wpdprovided data according to their group's research objectives. finally, students studied the existing literature on social determinants and incorporated census demographic information on wilmington households to further examine chosen social determinants relative to the wpd data. units of analyses arrests and incidents involving both youth and adults and the location of female-headed households with children were analyzed to assess parental presence and exposure to crime/violence as social determinants. wilmington police department data on arrests and incidents at the individual and tract levels were used, as was tract-level census data on heads of households. social determinants of youth crime 21 undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 variables table a displays information on the variables, units of analysis, data sources, and programs used to analyze and examine the data. as shown in table a below, census data on female-headed households with children were included in addition to wpd arrests and incidents data. table a. variable unit of analysis source software program youth arrests (#) arrest wpd arrest spss ages of youth involved arrest wpd arrest spss youth arrests type arrest wpd arrest spss adult arrests (#) arrest wpd arrest spss adult arrests type arrest wpd arrest spss adult arrests tract wpd aggregate arrest arcgis youth arrests tract wpd aggregate arrest arcgis exposure to crime/violence victim or witness tract wpd aggregate incidence arcgis female head of household tract census data arcgis wpd arrests data arrest-level data were analyzed using spss software. the data contains information on youth arrest characteristics, including the total number of arrests, age information (as recorded by the arresting officer), and the documented arrest type. data on adult arrests at the arrest level include information on the number and type of adult arrests in wilmington during the same period (2000-2019). information on youth and adult arrest locations and incidents of exposure to crime/violence as a victim or witness between 2000-2019 was examined at the tract level using arcgis software. census demographic information tract-level census data on female-headed households with children in wilmington was accessed and analyzed using arcgis software. the data consisted of 2010 census information on female-headed households with children. sampling data included n=3,261 youth and n=237,884 adults at the arrest level and n=726,359 at the incidents level. no sampling was performed as existing statistics and archival data on the entire population of incidents and arrests over the 19-year period were examined. data analysis data were generated, accessed, and/or analyzed using spss and arcgis software. arrest level information such as the number of arrests, age information, and arrest types for both youth and adults were accessed and compared using spss software. arcgis software was used to map and compare arrest and incident data aggregated to the tract level and census demographic social determinants of youth crime 22 undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 information. these analyses include adult arrests along tracts with youth exposure to crime/violence as a victim or witness, youth arrests along tracts with youth exposure to crime/violence as a victim or witness, and youth arrests along tracts with female-headed households with children. results arrest level findings youth arrests wilmington police department arrest data indicates that 13,261 youth were arrested between 2000-2019. the ages of those arrested range from 0 to 17, with 17 being the most frequently reported age of youth arrested over the 19-year span. accordingly, 74.5% of the arrests were categorized as misdemeanor-level offenses while 26.5% were regarded as felony offenses. property offenses accounted for the majority of youth arrest types, followed by violent offenses and drug offenses. table b contains descriptive statistics of the wpd youth arrest data discussed above. table b. descriptive statistics of wpd youth arrest data (2000-2019) variables valid % n total youth arrests 13261 ages 0-5 .3 31 6-11 3.9 513 12-16 61.2 8096 17 34.8 4621 arrest types property 42.1 5581 violent 13.7 1819 drug 7.9 1052 other 36.3 4809 charge type felony 26.5 3507 misdemeanor 73.5 9744 as shown in table b, most of the youth arrested were between the ages of 12 and 17. however, the data shows that 31 children between the ages of 0 and 5 were arrested throughout the 19-year span and 513 children between the ages of 5 and 11. social determinants of youth crime 23 undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 adult arrests wilmington police department arrest records show that 237,884 adults were arrested between 2000-2019. the data shows that most adults were arrested for failure to appear, failure to comply, warrants, and pretrial violations (21.5%), followed by property offenses (14.2%) and drug offenses (12.6%). figure 1 below displays the percentages of adult arrests by felony or misdemeanor charge type. as shown in figure 1, most adult arrests were considered misdemeanor-level offenses. notably, percentages of misdemeanor and felony charges for youth and adult arrests between 2000 and 2019 are comparable. 76.7% of adults, compared to 73.5% of youths, were charged with misdemeanor offenses, while 23.3% of adults and 26.5% of youths were charged with felony offenses. youths were charged with 3.2% more felonies than adults over the 19-year span. incidents of the incident data provided by wpd, which contains information on incidents involving both youth and adults throughout the 19-year span, a reported 37,944 incidents involved youth victims or witnesses. it is assumed that during these incidents, the youth involved were exposed to crime and/or violence. importantly, 2,932 (7%) of the incidents involved youth victims directly impacted by crime/violence. tract level findings wilmington police department data on arrests and incidents were examined at the tract level to assess parental presence and youth exposure to crime/violence as social determinants of youth crime. the following maps display wpd data on youth and adult arrests and incidents between 2000-2019 and 2010 u.s. census demographic information on female-headed households. adult arrests and youth exposure to crime/violence social determinants of youth crime 24 undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 adult arrests and youth exposure to crime/violence were inspected at the tract levels with the assumption that youth in areas with high numbers of adult arrests would be subjected to more exposure, with some exposure occurring within the family and/or household. figure 1 below shows adult arrests and occurrences of youth exposure to crime/violence as a victim or witness. tract shading signifies the number of adult arrests, with darker shading representing more arrests. occurrences of youth exposure to crime/violence as a victim or witness are signified using circles, with larger circles representing more youth exposure. as shown below, more exposure took place along tracts with higher adult arrests, with some exceptions. however, many youths were exposed to crime/violence along tracts with the most adult arrests. figure 1. adult arrests and youth exposure to crime/violence (wpd arrest and incidence data 2000-2019) youth arrests and youth exposure to crime/violence youth arrests and youth exposure to crime/violence were examined at the tract level with the assumption that exposure could influence youth delinquency. further, researchers chose to analyze these variables with the assumption that youth may be exposed to crime/violence by a parent or sibling. figure 2 below displays youth arrests and youth exposure to crime/violence as a victim or witness. the darker shaded areas represent tracts where more youth arrests occurred. the larger circles represent higher numbers of youth exposure to crime/violence. as shown below, high numbers of youth arrests occurred along tracts with more youth exposure to crime/violence. nearly all tracts where the majority of youth arrests occurred also show the highest youth exposure to crime/violence. social determinants of youth crime 25 undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 figure 2. youth arrests and youth exposure to crime/violence (wpd arrest and incidence data 2000-2019) youth arrests and female-headed households. youth arrests and female-headed households with children were evaluated at the tract level to test the assumption that parental presence has the potential to influence youth participation in delinquent behaviors. the research sought to determine whether more youth arrests occurred along tracts with high numbers of female-headed households. figure 3 below displays census information on female-headed households and wpd data on youth arrests. darker shaded tracts represent higher numbers of female-headed households. the larger circles are representative of tracts with more youth arrests. it appears that more youth arrests occurred along some tracts with high numbers of female-headed households, but the pattern is not consistent. high numbers of youth arrests took place along tracts with relatively low numbers of female-headed households. notably, the majority of female-headed households and youth arrests appear to be clustered along the tracts located near the downtown wilmington area. social determinants of youth crime 26 undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 figure 3. youth arrests and female headed households (wpd arrest data 2000-2019 and 2010 census information) discussion as shown in figure 1, aggregate incident data reveals that many youths were exposed to crime/violence as victims or witnesses along tracts with high numbers of adult arrests. further, many of the tracts containing high numbers of exposure incidents also contain the majority of youth arrests (see figure 2). it is assumed that in areas with high arrests and youth exposure to crime/violence, some youth were exposed to criminal activity and/or violence within the family/household. these findings support previous literature on exposure to crime/violence as a predictor of youth crime, as many youth and adult arrests occurred along tracts with high youth exposure. tract-level analyses also show that many youth arrests occurred along tracts with high numbers of female-headed households (see figure 3). although previous research supports the notion that parental presence is a social determinant of youth crime, it is worth mentioning that increased crime in areas also containing high numbers of female-headed households could indicate several different social factors. it was discovered that most female-headed households were situated along tracts in the downtown area. most youth and adult arrests were also clustered along tracts closest to downtown. it is recommended that future research explore the demographic and geographic characteristics of downtown wilmington to gain additional insight into why both crime and female-headed households are concentrated in the area. regarding future action, it is suggested that the city of wilmington invest in youth centers and implement prevention programs focused on youth who reside near the downtown region. in a meta-analysis of 39 studies on juvenile prevention programs, vries et al. (2015) found prevention programs to be widely effective in mitigating criminal behavior among youth. moreover, the authors found behavioral-oriented programs that focus on behavioral modeling, behavioral contracting, and parenting skill training associated with the largest reductions in social determinants of youth crime 27 undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 youth criminality. providing support to youth and parents of youth in high-crime areas could foster development and serve as a barrier between youth and exposure to crime/violence both in and out of the home. implementing an upstream approach to managing the various factors influencing criminal behavior could aid early life development, curtail youth delinquency, and reduce adult offending. strengths and limitations this research has multiple limitations. data on criminal history within the family/household could not be accessed at the time of this study. one of the original goals was to examine data on youth and parent crime in each household. the goal was to assess intrafamilial transmission of criminal behaviors due to exposure to crime/violence within the home. the focus was shifted to youth and adult arrests and incidents at the tract level with the assumption that youth are exposed to crime/violence during incidents involving youth as victims or witnesses, and general exposure occurs along tracts with more youth and adult arrests. in addition, this research assumes that some exposure to crime/violence occurs within the family and/or household, but this cannot be proven. results cannot be used as a representative sample because data was limited to wilmington, north carolina, and population findings are only relevant to the area studied. further, arrest and incident information was limited to that which police officers reported. for this research, the crime data analyzed was solely provided by wpd. reporting arrest and incident characteristics were the responsibility of the officers on duty, and selfreported information has the potential to be incomplete or inaccurate because it is obtained from a single person or a small group of persons of the same status. it is worth mentioning that mack et al. (2007) found an increased significance regarding the relationship between family structure and youth delinquency when official data, rather than self-reported data, are analyzed. this is relevant to the previous research on family structure as multiple studies utilize self-report measures. lastly, high numbers of arrests in areas with more female-headed households could be influenced by other social factors such as neighborhood economic characteristics. many of the tracts containing the most female-headed households are in poorer areas of wilmington. specifically, poverty is concentrated in neighborhoods in the downtown region. previous literature on poverty and crime indicates a link between the two (hsieh & pugh, 1993; pare & felson, 2014; tonry, 2015). thus, the prevalence of poverty could have a positive impact on crime which is reflected in the number of arrests along tracts with high numbers of femaleheaded households. although there are some limitations, this study has the potential to be beneficial to wpd and the community of wilmington. outside assessment of arrest and demographic information is useful because researchers are capable of detecting patterns in data that often go unnoticed by the untrained individual. findings were presented to wpd and will be utilized as they see fit, though it is suggested wpd discuss the above findings with the city of wilmington and encourage the development of behavior-oriented prevention programs for youth and parents of youth in highcrime areas. social determinants of youth crime 28 undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 references aaron, l., & dallaire, d. h. 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(2016). relations of delinquency to direct and indirect violence exposure among economically disadvantaged, ethnic-minority mid-adolescents. crime & delinquency, 62(4), 423–445. https://doi.org/10.1177/0011128713495775 tonry, m. (2015). crime and justice, volume 44: a review of research. university of chicago press. u.s. census bureau (2010). 2010 u.s. census demographic information. retrieved from https://services.arcgis.com/p3eplmys2rvchkjx/arcgis/rest/services/usa_tracts/featur eserver vries, s. l. a., hoeve, m., assink, m., stams, g. j. j. m., & asscher, j. j. (2015). practitioner review: effective ingredients of prevention programs for youth at risk of persistent juvenile delinquency recommendations for clinical practice. journal of child psychology & psychiatry, 56(2), 108–121. https://doi.org/10.1111/jcpp.12320 wang, k., zhang, a., zheng, h., kim, y., & padilla, y. (2021). proximal social determinants of adolescents’ health: the importance of everyday life circumstances. youth & society, 53(6):913–933. wect staff. (2021, august 30). 15-year-old charged in shooting at new hanover high school. wect news. https://www.wect.com/2021/08/30/large-law-enforcement-presencerespond-area-near-new-hanover-high-school/ https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-682x.2010.00351.x https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-682x.2010.00351.x https://doi.org/10.1177/0011128713495775 https://www.wect.com/2021/08/30/large-law-enforcement-presence-respond-area-near-new-hanover-high-school/ https://www.wect.com/2021/08/30/large-law-enforcement-presence-respond-area-near-new-hanover-high-school/ social determinants of youth crime 32 undergraduate journal of community-based research and service learning, vol. 13 issue 2, winter 2023 wect staff. (2022, february 6). 6-year-old among four injured in sunday shooting at memorial for homicide victim. wect news. https://www.wect.com/2022/02/07/police-respondshooting-wilmington/ wtvd staff. (2021, april 3). 3 dead, 4 hurt after shots fired during wilmington house party, police say. wtvd news. https://abc11.com/wilmington-shooting-house-party-4-dead-inkidder-street-nc/10478751/ wway staff. (2021, march 9). some say uptick in teens involved in violent crime likely connected to covid-19 [video]. wway. https://www.wwaytv3.com/some-say-uptickin-teens-involved-in-violent-crime-likely-connected-to-covid-19/ https://www.wect.com/2022/02/07/police-respond-shooting-wilmington/ https://www.wect.com/2022/02/07/police-respond-shooting-wilmington/ https://abc11.com/wilmington-shooting-house-party-4-dead-in-kidder-street-nc/10478751/ https://abc11.com/wilmington-shooting-house-party-4-dead-in-kidder-street-nc/10478751/ https://www.wwaytv3.com/some-say-uptick-in-teens-involved-in-violent-crime-likely-connected-to-covid-19/ https://www.wwaytv3.com/some-say-uptick-in-teens-involved-in-violent-crime-likely-connected-to-covid-19/ examining the efficacy, longevity, and impact of the kids first 1 examining the efficacy, longevity, and impact of the kids first i-cope program allison kuriloff and jordan payne bowdoin college preface this article presents a modestly edited final report presented to kids first, a portland, me non-profit that asked us to assess their intensive co-parenting education program (i-cope). icope is a unique nine-week court-mandated course for high-conflict, litigating parents. we presented this report orally and in writing in may 2012 to members of the staff and board of directors of kids first. it was not our goal to make recommendations for change for the i-cope program, but rather to explore and examine evidence about the effectiveness of the nine-week course for parents and their ongoing relationships with each other, their children, and the courts. we were pleased to report that kids first’s overall mission and its nine-week i-cope course in particular are enormously helpful for the right families, at the right moment in their divorce/separation. moreover, the methods that i-cope employs to help co-parenting partners communicate better and put their kids first and their own hurt second appear to be highly valued by co-parenting partners. still, as our paper indicates, we were challenged to bring to the program’s attention problem areas where small changes might offer large improvements in the outcome of the course for future participants. as students of sociology, government, and gender studies, we benefited enormously from having been able to undertake field research and to work closely with an organization that has taken remarkable strides to affect real change in the adversarial process of divorce and separation. kids first gave us the unusual chance to work as research partners and consultants, as well as the opportunity to speak candidly with program participants, attorneys, judges, magistrates, and kids first staff about challenging issues in the state of maine and around the country. we will draw from the invaluable lessons that we have learned from the experience of applying our research skills in a policy and practice setting as we pursue future careers as policy makers and legal advocates. introduction separation and divorce can be painful, time consuming, and financially draining for all involved parties. as destructive as the dissolution of a relationship can be for parents, it is often the children who pay the highest price for the conflict and strife that come from continual court battles and custody disagreements. as a result, forty-six states now offer parent education programs (schaefer 2010). according to legal scholar tali schaefer (2010), the meteoric increase in judicial requirements for divorcing parents to attend parenting classes exemplifies several interesting tensions in contemporary family law. for example, schaefer lists, “the frustration of the judiciary with domestic relations litigation, exacerbated by a deeply felt sense of urgency as judges are incessantly exposed to the most acrimonious divorces; and emphasis on individual responsibility […] and the enduring underlying belief that […] it is wrong to divorce, at least when minor children are involved” (2010, 143) these tensions are certainly apparent in the maine court system. underlying these tensions is the use of the “love hate model” in family courts of maine; the adversary process of courts creates a binary atmosphere of love and hate, wherein there is only one “winner” and one “loser.” in this way, court processes can actively harm existing family connections, greatly diminishing the opportunity for repair in familial relationships. operating 2 under this type of “love-hate model,” most family court cases in the united states serve only to “reinforce the acrimony between former family members, especially in the context of divorce and child welfare” (huntington 2008). faced with these tensions and problematic procedures, judges and courts seek ways to mitigate the problems of harmful divorce litigation in an accessible, costeffective way, particularly with a focus on the wellbeing of the children involved. for 14 years, the kids first center in portland, maine has provided one approach to mitigation, operating under the belief that the hurt and stress of separation or divorce can be managed in ways that protect children and foster appropriate co-parenting skills and communication along the way. the kids first center, founded in the 1980s, provides a variety of classes and group sessions for parents that are designed to help them prioritize the needs of their children while dealing with the emotional, legal, and financial stress of divorce and separation. one such program, the intensive co-parenting education program (i-cope), is a nine-week education class that brings high-conflict parents into a group setting to learn about and practice strategies for jointly raising children while reducing or avoiding the damaging effects of divorce/separation. according to the kids first center, “psycho-educational programs such as this are predicated on the understanding that conflict resolution is about changing behaviors and actions, not about changing feelings.”1 parents attending i-cope must be ordered to do so by either a judge or magistrate and must attend the program together. unlike several other programs that kids first offers, i-cope begins with a session in front of a judge, who challenges the parents to work hard and take on the responsibility of putting their childrens’ needs before their own interpersonal conflict. i-cope encourages parents to develop at minimum a business-like relationship that will offer their children support, stability, and protection from hostility. an article published by two i-cope facilitators attests that “it is common for parents in this group to not have spoken to each other in years. the process of desensitizing them to hearing each other’s voices, sharing the same space and being in a safe and neutral setting begins [on the first day]” (french and wiggin 2006, 5). throughout the course, the facilitators’ keep the focus on the children by employing conflict resolution models and various communication strategies. some of these strategies involve completing “homework” and mandatory phone conversations about the children between weekly class meetings. ultimately, french and wiggin note that, “success is difficult to measure and the outcomes are not always superior […] the highly emotional and financial cost of the judicial battle zone are difficult for some parents to set aside during the program; however with the support of the entire group and co-facilitators, there are always stories of success for the children and their parents” (5). given this difficulty of assessment, the facilitators and administrators of the kids first center approached us, as two recommended students of government, sociology, and gender studies, seeking an outsider’s perspective on the efficacy of i-cope. from october 2011 to may 2012, we thus developed a combined qualitative and quantitative approach to data collection in collaboration with kids first staff, which allowed us to examine the impact that the kids first’s high conflict program has from the perspective of the individuals in the course and the judicial officers who require it.2 we analyzed the i-cope program using personal interviews with program participants, referring judges and magistrates, and kids first staff members. we incorporated an analysis of data collected in kids first’s own records but not previously analyzed, including information about class 1 intensive co-parenting education program (formerly known as kids first program for parents in high conflict). kids first center: supporting families of separation and divorce. http://www.kids firstcenter.org/services_parents.html. 2 our research protocol was submitted to the institutional review board of our institution and approved. 3 members and the written responses of participants to i-cope questions about satisfaction with the course. overall, the response to the program from all parties has been positive. still, the interviews we conducted provide new perspectives that may help i-cope with self-assessment. the testimony we heard indicates that although the program’s strategies and lessons are seen as valuable and well crafted, upholding the practices learned through i-cope in everyday life can be difficult in the long-term. furthermore, kids first depends on the maine district courts to refer parents to their program. as a result, the overall success of the i-cope program depends upon good communication between the organization and the court system about the program’s goals and the most suitable program participants. methods qualitative to understand the long-term effects of the i-cope course, we knew that we had to consider the reports and subjective experiences of participants, the individuals whom the program is designed to help. in order to do this, we began by reaching out to individuals who had previously given consent to be contacted after completion of the course for follow-up information gathering. we only contacted participants who had completed the i-cope program between 2009 and 2011. we sent two mailings to each of these participants requesting their consent to be interviewed confidentially for our project. in the span of about six months, we sent letters to forty-six people and received eleven consent forms in return. we proceeded to contact each of these consenting participants by phone and were able to schedule interviews with eight of them – three interviews were conducted in-person and five were conducted over the phone. we were disappointed at the relatively low response rate and cannot claim that the interview results are representative of the experience of all i-cope participants. however, the range of responses and their richness do provide a consistent picture of the benefits of the program and raise important questions about program design. each interviewee signed a consent form indicating their agreement to be interviewed, as well as to have their interview tape-recorded, with the condition that their identities remain entirely confidential. throughout this report, we use pseudonyms when quoting from the interviews. our interviews were informal but guided by a set of pre-determined questions. these questions were specifically designed to explore the participants’ perceptions of i-cope’s impact on relationships with their co-parenting partners, their children, and the court system in general. during the interviews, we emphasized that responses could be either positive or negative and should simply be candid. as noted above, we recognize that the comments of our interviewees represent subjective perceptions influenced by a number of variables, including the individual’s own level of engagement, the level of perceived engagement of their co-parenting partner, and the status of their ongoing litigation. the purpose of these interviews was to get a sense of how participants responded (and likely would continue to respond) to the strategies and methods proposed by the facilitators: whether they actively utilized the i-cope tools, and whether they felt positively or negatively about the overall experience. we as researchers inevitably bring our own biases and experiences to the table in the interview context, and despite our best efforts to remain objective it should be noted that this is a project of human interaction and therefore can never be truly objective. in addition to these interviews with program participants, we conducted interviews with judges, magistrates, and one kids first staff member in order to explore the way the program is 4 perceived by those who mandate the i-cope course and administer it. most importantly, we wanted to examine how the kids first organization interacts with the family courts in maine, and the reasons why judges and magistrates refer co-parenting partners to the i-cope program. we used a snowball sampling method, focusing only on judges and magistrates who we knew had dealt with kids first before, either by mandating that couples take the i-cope course and/or by presiding over kids first graduation ceremonies. our interview request letters were follow-up mailings to an initial letter that came directly from the kids first center. all of these interviewees were similarly encouraged to speak honestly – but not confidentially – about their dealings with and opinions of kids first. it proved to be very difficult to contact and schedule in-person interviews with judges and magistrates. therefore, while we interviewed two judges, one magistrate, and one kids first staff member, only one of these interviews was conducted in person, and the rest took place over the phone. in the case of the legal officials, the interviews focused on what judges and magistrates understand to be the purpose and goal of the i-cope course. we were especially interested in the specific criteria referring judges and magistrates use to determine whether a couple might be well suited for this program. we also asked whether judges and magistrates noticed any change in the courtroom behaviors of individuals who had taken the course, and whether they thought the course could be improved or expanded, and how to go about doing so. by interviewing the programming coordinator for kids first, in her post since 2008, we were able to get a clearer picture of whom the program facilitators and organizers hope to see in their classes, and what they expect judges and magistrates to be looking for when they refer parents to i-cope. it was additionally illuminating to hear about the challenges of filling i-cope classes during the summer months, given families’ evening time constraints. hearing both the administrative and judicial sides of the participant recommendation process was crucial in examining the criteria for referral that kids first intends and how referral works in practice through judges and magistrates. quantitative in addition to the perspectives of our interviewees, we reviewed and coded data from icope case files beginning in 2010 through september 2012 for all 103 participants into an excel file. we chose to include several free form responses in our quantitative break down as well, derived from various assessment forms given to participants by their kids first facilitators. our biggest challenge in compiling the quantitative piece of our research stemmed from inconsistencies in the records on the part of kids first. we narrowed our materials down to the following pieces: class payment sheets indicating how much each participant paid for the course, two different descriptive intake forms, the mid group self assessment, preand post-tests for self-evaluating attitudes and behaviors, and the final self-evaluation form. with the exception of the preand post-tests, we found that each class’s file had varying levels of organization, with certain forms missing from some files and present in others. furthermore, participants themselves answered questions inconsistently, leaving many sections blank. the only intake form, which required participants to indicate their income and race, for example, was missing in about 75% of the case files. without this intake document we have incomplete data about these demographic characteristics. due to this inconsistency either on the part of facilitators or the participants themselves, there are several pockets of missing data. this is not unexpected or uncommon for a non-profit organization like kids first. once completed, we converted our coded excel file into statistical package for the social sciences (spss) in order to do statistical analysis. 5 presentation and discussion of data who are the i-cope participants? according to the data we collected from the 2010-2011 i-cope classes, a few demographic trends emerged that allowed us to create a picture of who attends i-cope. not surprisingly, about 93% of responding i-cope participants indicated that their race was “white” or “caucasian.” in terms of level of income distribution, which we collected from one of the kids first in-take forms, 41% of responding participants reported having an annual income of less than $30,000. these data indicate that i-cope serves mostly middle to low income individuals in maine. we found that none of the participating parents had more than three children with their respective co-parenting partner, and 60% of individuals reported that they only had one child. further, 48% of participants reported that the age of their oldest child fell between one and five years old at the time of the course. though the following data measure was difficult to gauge (given the free-form responses on the in-take forms), the majority of i-cope participants report that their reason for attending i-cope concerned on-going child support litigation, custody and residency issues, and divorce agreements that were “contingent upon completing kids first.” given the ongoing state of litigation for almost all of the 2010-2011 i-cope participants, it is not surprising that about 75% of responding individuals reported having an attorney at the time of the course. lastly, there were several kids first intake questions that gave participants the opportunity to report any type of abuse either during their relationship with their co-parenting partner or at present. these reports included: emotional, verbal, physical, sexual abuse; protection from abuse order on your partner or protection from harassment on your partner. given these categories, only 19% of participants reported absolutely no form of abuse. of the roughly 80% of individuals who reported some type of abuse, 43% reported that the abuse was either emotional or verbal. it should be noted that all of these statistics stem from self-reported intake surveys, and are thus susceptible to “reporter bias.” nonetheless, these statistics shed some light on the individuals that i-cope serves in terms of income level, number of children, reasons for attending the program and levels of conflict in the relationship. i-cope is working although much of our research will point to the ways in which i-cope can be improved, almost every participant that we interviewed agreed that the course was a highly valuable and important program for co-parents in conflict situations. the retrospective interviews tell the same story by and large as do the final self-assessment forms and the preand post-test data. our interviewees agreed that the i-cope program is a necessary program for high-conflict parents, and no one failed to see the benefit of their work with kids first during the nine-week seminar. several parents indicated that the intensive, in-class “hot seat” sessions were particularly memorable and fostered an atmosphere of accountability and, ultimately, trust. the psychological impact of hearing other co-parenting couples’ work through their issues deeply and positively affected several participants. one mother commented, “it’s nice when you are hearing some people experiencing the same thing as you. it’s almost like alcoholics anonymous, you know? non-alcoholics can’t really relate to what it’s like being an alcoholic.” thus, the group process offered opportunities for learning that would not be available in individual or couples counseling sessions. according to our quantitative data, 97.6% of responding parents answered, “yes” on their final in-class evaluation forms when asked if the i-cope course had allowed them to learn from other couples in the group. additionally, 94% of participants affirmed that i-cope had “helped overall” with their co 6 parenting partnership, and 88% of participants report feeling “hopeful about working together” on their final i-cope self-evaluations. although the largest disadvantage of i-cope appears to be its lack of follow-up procedure(s), past participants noted that the interpersonal strategies and communication tools that the facilitators discussed during the course have had lasting impact. jake anderson, who completed the i-cope program in 2010, two years after filing for divorce, agreed that the ways in which the facilitators emphasized personal accountability really stuck with him. he recalled, “[the facilitators said] ‘you can only control what you can control.’ so, the biggest thing i have learned from kids first is not to engage and to just relax when you get that big long dissertation via email or something. i used to engage and now i don’t.” wanda cleary, who also completed the i-cope program in 2010, highlighted a specific conflict resolution technique that she has tried to implement after the course. “as part of the toolbox of communication strategies,” wanda said, “they gave us a little card; basically steps to resolve conflict. this little card you could carry in your wallet or purse wherever you went, and take it out whenever you and your ex were trying to resolve something and are getting to a dead end or getting heated.” two years later, wanda says the card remains in her wallet. although both of these individuals reported a drop-off in communication with their former spouse at some point after the course, their responses here indicate that the i-cope strategies had some lasting effect, even if they did not solve all of their problems. the preand post-test self-assessments also provide consistent and credible evidence of positive change during the course itself. comparisons of participants’ responses on the preand post-tests (self-ratings of 1 to 5 with 5 most positive) show a consistent evidence of positive improvement. table 1 reports that the scores of over half of program participants increased on six of the eight self-assessment items, and over 70% improved with respect to “listening to my coparenting partner” and openness “to hearing my co-parenting partner’s views.” participants who recorded the lowest scores (1’s or 2’s) on pre-test questions such as “i am open to hearing my coparenting partner’s views,” and “i am able to raise an issue in a non-blaming way,” showed the largest amount of improvement. table 1: percentage of participants with higher self-ratings in post-test than in pre-test for example, 90% of respondents who rated themselves a “2” on the pre-test question “i am open to hearing my co-parenting partner’s views” rated themselves as either “4” or “5” on the same posttest question. this improvement speaks to i-cope’s ability to affect change during nine weeks of test assessment responses % “listening to my co-parenting partner” 72% “open to hearing my co-parenting partner’s views” 70% “remain calm when conflict arises” 65% “focus on a common goal for my children” 62% “raise issues in a non-blaming manner” 56% 7 learning co-parenting communication strategies. additionally, we noticed a similar trend of improvement in the pre/post test question, “i am able to remain calm in conflict.” for example, 83.3% of participants who rated themselves a “2” on the pre-test for this particular question, improved to either a “4” or “5” on the post-test. these measures of improvement provide a significant gauge of the efficacy of the course itself on the level of improvement in relationships that co-parenting partners enjoy during their nine weeks in i-cope. justice andrew horton, who has presided over many i-cope induction and graduation ceremonies, noted that acquiring tools for appropriate co-parent communication is essential for reducing hostility and, in his view, for keeping families out of the courts. in his experience, justice horton noted that: “a lot of trouble that people get into and the conflict that spills over into the courts stems from improper communication. often, people have difficulty just articulating their feelings; people just have such a hard time discussing their issues in a way that isn’t confrontational. and, that’s really what kids first does. kids first gives parents the communication tools they need to be in each other’s lives and raise a child.” however, extenuating circumstances and deeply rooted legal and relationship conflict can often trump just nine weeks of effective communication strategies. in the following portions of this discussion, we will address the various issues that problematize the effectiveness of the i-cope program and these conflict resolution models. the effects of i-cope on children many past participants in i-cope are happy to report that their children are doing well despite the fact that co-parenting partnerships may have disintegrated after the completion of the course. the concept of keeping children “out of the middle” remains highly salient to participating parents after the i-cope program. however, it is undoubtedly difficult for them to acknowledge that their adult relationships and arguments may be hurting their own children. thus, we recognize that asking parents to assess the ways in which their divorce or separation has affected their children can be extraordinarily problematic. though we directed many of our interview questions towards participants’ relationships with their children, individuals were often reluctant to speak about their kids. in the pre-test question, “i know that conflict damages my child,” 96% of responding participants answered either “4” or “5,” indicating that they did recognize the stress of high conflict divorce on their children. however, our interviews suggested that one of the major hurdles that the i-cope program faces may be the fact that parents resist accepting how their conflict affects their children. of the people who did address the concern that constant court battles and custody fights impacted their children, most agreed that i-cope strategies made their children’s lives easier over the course of nine weeks. for example, sam olsen, whose teenage boys were thirteen and sixteen when their parents attended i-cope, recalled that his sons were noticeably “satisfied […] that my co-parent and i were speaking and having productive conversations and that kind of thing and […] started to come out of their shell when we had better communication all around.” unlike sam, many parents don’t recall noticing specific changes in their children based on the strategies taught by i-cope. concerning her fifteen-year-old son, debora best remarked, “during the class i guess i could see some relief in [him], but we had so much court time before the class it’s hard to know.” this mother’s observations illuminate the situation that most families find themselves in when they begin i-cope after years of litigation. another father stated that it was 8 impossible to know whether i-cope had any real impact on his six year old son: “during and after the course,” the father recalls, “there were just so many ups and downs, ups and downs for [him], so right now he is doing better […] but that has nothing to do with kids first.” the general pattern in our interviews was that individuals, if they noticed a change in their children at all, did not attribute it to the i-cope program specifically. rather, as was the case with debora, the culmination of court proceedings was perceived to be the most important turning point for children who felt stressed or anxious during their parents’ divorce or separation. this is an important reminder that continued litigation has an independent effect both on relationships between co-parents and on children that icope cannot control. accountability all i-cope participant interviewees were asked about the quality and frequency of communication between themselves and their co-parenting partner before, during, and after completing i-cope. every single respondent had extremely positive things to say about their experience during the nine weeks of the course. as noted previously, 88% of i-cope participants reported feeling hopeful about working with their co-parenting partner after completing the course. however, the free response data on the self-evaluation form for this particular question showed that a few respondents took the time to note concerns like, “i am afraid that we will fall into old ways,” or “i don’t think [he’ll] stick to this…” these concerns emerged as a powerful theme in the interviews done weeks and months after the course concluded. six out of eight interviewees experienced a significant drop-off or decrease in communication after the course ended. not only did these individuals feel as if it was much more difficult to implement i-cope strategies after the course was completed, but they also suggested a higher degree of follow-up by kids first, and greater accountability of parents for a longer period of time. one father commented: “communication improved during the course, but immediately fell apart after the course [...] every week we had to make a phone call which was kind of scripted. so, we did that and then my ex just literally stopped after the last class. literally the night after the class my ex sent me an email that said, ‘i will only be communicating in writing from now on.’” this father’s experience was not atypical. one mother remarked, “the calls stopped the week we graduated,” and another father said, “it was days after we graduated, we completely fell backwards.” although these participants did feel that the program really was useful and helped them improve their co-parenting and communication skills, they had trouble continuing their good behavior without a facilitator, a judge, or a room full of fellow parents to answer to each week. more specifically, many interviewees wished they had had more time under the auspices of the program during which to practice their communication and cooperation skills. another father noted, “as far as the kids first functionality part of it, it was good while it lasted but, you know… the lack of follow up is the thing. it works. it does work. it works while you’re there. but the follow up, must be incorporated into the mandated part.” similarly, bonnie clark said, “i definitely think they should do a monthly follow-up, court ordered.” gerald merman added, “it would almost be nice if you left one last session, and the court can call you back in six months and see how things are going[…] we would have practiced what we said we would practice for another year[…] otherwise you fall off the cliff with the kid first and you land on top of the kid.” overall, the issue of extended accountability and follow-up was most relevant for the parents who felt that the course did have something valuable to offer. for these individuals, the skills they learned and the desire to improve were not enough once the course itself ended. instead, they hoped to be held responsible for their behavior towards one another and towards their children 9 for more than nine weeks. according to these interviews, the dissolution of communication was not really a reflection on the quality or usefulness of specific i-cope strategies and tactics for communication and co-parenting. rather, the problem stemmed from a decreased commitment to implementing these strategies, falling back into old habits, and feeling less pressure to uphold the positive and constructive behaviors that the program fosters. with no prospect of being held accountable for these actions in the foreseeable future, continued communication became more difficult. the specific methods and messages of i-cope the evidence of learning and growth in the course is consistent and powerful. by and large participants embraced the specific methods, tactics, or messages of i-cope. however, there were two notable exceptions. first, some participants admitted discomfort with the notion that both coparenting partners should always share blame and responsibility equally. for example, one father commented, “there’s an understanding that both parties share the blame and there’s some truth to that, but it’s not always representative of the situation; it’s not always both people instigating things. i couldn’t always get behind that.” second, the notion that the past must always stay in the past also caused some participants problems. a father mentioned, “the theme was that what’s in the past is in the past, but how far back does the past go? last week i think should count […] it was difficult to talk in the context of that [theme] and not be able to bring up a lot of the significant issues that were still going on at the time.” there is certainly great value to both of these lessons, but what these individuals were most likely really picking up on was the lack of individualized, situation-specific support. it is impossible to say whether the experiences of these two fathers were in fact exceptions to the basic tenets that co-parents share responsibility and that past conflicts should stay in the past – more personalized, private analysis of their unique situations would likely have been required to figure that out. this kind of one-on-one work, as far as we understand, is not a part of kids first’s mission. instead, the benefits of group work must come at the expense of intensive one-on-one work, which is more appropriate in marriage or couples counseling, with guardians ad litem and attorneys for example. ultimately, this may suggest a disconnect between some of the specific goals and methods of the icope course, and the participants’ perception or understanding of these goals and methods. a logical solution might be to spend more time at the outset explaining exactly what the course is and what the course is not. the more explicit this information can be to participants, the better equipped they will be to handle what i-cope asks of them. “faking it” for nine weeks although interviewees indicated that the course was very helpful and valuable, some also believed that it was possible to “fake it,” or simply to answer questions and complete homework assignments without truly believing in or caring about the messages of the program. of course, “faking it” may be an occasional though inevitable by-product of court-mandated class participation, but some interviewees felt that lengthening the amount of time spent accountable to higher authorities – kids first or the court – would decrease the likelihood that someone could merely “fake it.” according to one father, “[…] it’s almost like some of the people just did it to play the game […] because it was court ordered […] if we were called back there now, it would be a totally different story.” bonnie clark added, “you can be good for nine weeks. that’s not the rest of your life.” these complaints are not shocking or unique to i-cope – there will always be some individuals who lack the commitment or the engagement necessary to be honest program 10 participants. however, the desire for an extended period of obligation to the program provides an intriguing analysis of this common problem. the comments about faking it also gave rise to concerns among some participants that their co-parenting partners graduated “in good faith” despite lack of a real commitment to change. good faith? despite the fact that kids first facilitators and judges emphasize that i-cope is a difficult and intensive nine-week course, several of our interviewees indeed believed that “faking-it” was the name of the game for their respective co-parenting partners. through our interviews, we found that some individuals were surprised and frustrated at the grade that their co-parenting partner received in front of the judge. due to the fact that a parent’s i-cope grade is thought to affect his or her standing in custodial legal proceedings, several parents felt that the facilitators were too lenient in the end with their partners. after several weeks of “faking it […] and barely participating except to attack me,” one father commented that he felt frustrated when his co-parenting partner “received good faith even though at the last session there with the judge she wouldn’t even sit with me.” debora best, who completed the course in 2011 after three years of parental rights litigation, firmly noted that the worst part about i-cope was the fact that her co-parenting partner “passed […] even though he didn’t do his homework […] and the facilitators said he was not going to ‘cut it.’” indeed, she indicated a sense of betrayal by the facilitators who she believed “said one thing and did another” when it came time to stand in front of the judge. furthermore, debora was frustrated that her co-parenting partner had passed in good faith because she knew he would use the grade as leverage in court. debora’s comments speak to the depth of suspicion and disaffection between coparenting partners during i-cope and the problems arising from a court-mandated program, despite learning to disregard the past and look beyond emotions. understandably, the opportunity to present oneself in the best possible light in front of a judge is extremely important to litigating co-parents who attend the i-cope course. unfortunately, it seems that the litigation context and perception of the importance of i-cope grades may at times foster an atmosphere of resentment after the fact that can only result in the breakdown of communication and conflict resolution strategies postgraduation. how late is too late? in order to make i-cope as beneficial as possible, and to make its effects as lasting as possible, kids first already employs an extensive co-parent selection process. the graph below shows the distribution of years since filing for divorce or parental rights (based on year docketed in court) in relation to when a couple attended i-cope. a substantial majority of i-cope participants attended i-cope between three and five years after their initial litigation. nearly a quarter of the cases for which we had data began six or more years before i-cope participation. the heavy investment in litigation may lead to referral to the program, but poses significant barriers to successful translation of course concepts into relationships with the parenting partner. 11 figure 2: number of years between initial litigation & icope attendance beret skorpen-tifft, programming coordinator for the kids first center, indicated that the i-cope program is being much more “picky about referrals, so we have more healthy classes. we’re looking for people who are in a high conflict situation, but they’re not so far over that they can’t be helped by us.” the question then becomes, how far along in the litigation process should a couple be before they are ordered to attend kids first? one woman, who had been divorced for nearly 15 years before she and her co-parenting partner attended i-cope, insisted that regardless of the effectiveness of the program, it was “way too late in the game” for her and her ex-spouse. she emphasized that i-cope “can work, but it just didn’t work for us. it was never gonna work for us. we were too far gone.” indeed, in some judges’ opinions, i-cope is a “last resort” program. for better or worse, parents are often ordered to attend i-cope after they have exhausted all other resources. judge keith powers commented, “i think in theory it would be nice to catch them earlier [in litigation] but i usually catch them later. there’s a lot of water under the dam by the time i usually see these people.” judge powers’ comments indicate that although, ideally parents should be pushed to attend i-cope early in their litigation, they often spend years litigating and building up resentment, hostility, and poor communication habits before starting a course. throughout our research, we could not help but wonder, after a certain number of years in litigation, when is it ‘too late’ to attend i-cope? concerning the appropriate timing for parents to attend i-cope, skorpen-tifft laments, “it’s kind of a catch-22 because the reason they’re being ordered [to attend] is because they’ve been in the courtroom too often […]” skorpen-tifft’s “catch22” is supported by judge susan oram’s recommendation that attending i-cope post-divorce may be the lesser of two evils. oram notes that if couples are referred too early during the early litigation process, it not only “bogs down the courts,” but also can inhibit participants from fully embracing series1, 0-2 years, 17 series1, 3-5 years , 17 series1, 6-8 years , 8 series1, 9 + years, 4 n u m be r of c ou p le s years since divorce or separatation number of years between initial litigation & i-cope attendance data based on docket #s from i-cope classes 2010-2011 12 the tenets of co-parent harmony and communication. still, it may also be that late referral is particularly problematic. conclusion kids first’s overall mission and its nine-week i-cope course in particular are not only unique in maine, but are enormously helpful for the right families, at the right moment in their divorce/separation. moreover, the methods and tactics that the i-cope program employs to help coparenting partners communicate better and put their kids first and their own hurt second effectively teach skills that co-parenting partners value. still, there are a few areas where small changes might offer large improvements in the outcome of the course for future participants. below is a summary of the more salient problem areas we encountered and some initial ideas for responding to them that either our interviewees suggested or we wondered about ourselves. accountability and follow-up the single most prevalent critique of the program that we heard from participants and judges alike has to do with accountability and follow-up. most participants felt that after the course ended, despite their overwhelmingly positive nine-week experience, many of the lessons they came away with were difficult to uphold in their post-kids first lives. according to participants, this was not a result of the quality of the tools with which i-cope equipped them, but had more to do with the fact that, as one father put it, “no one was holding our feet to the fire anymore.” the overall length of the course and time spent involved with kids first might be considered in an effort to remedy this problem. for example, the course could perhaps be extended to 18 weeks, meeting only once every other week with increases in homework assignments to keep participants engaged in the interim weeks. this lengthening would not cost kids first any additional resources, and would help to keep parents accountable to the program facilitators and classmates for a longer period of time. further, in this modern age of technology, it seems reasonable to expect every participant to have access to a computer with e-mail capability – though that is in issue the kids first program would need to address. as a result, perhaps homework assignments could be submitted via e-mail during the two week intervals to further ensure engagement outside of the kids first classroom. this latter suggestion, however, has the potential to induce a socioeconomic bias against those without the means to access a computer, and the extended course period could potentially drag out already protracted court processes, a concern raised by judge oram. as justice andrew horton puts it, “what the course really aspires to do is to teach new habits, to teach respectful communication. and, 9 weeks is a very short time to acquire new habits. so the fact is, a lot of these people need court oversight and need the pressure and the stress and the coercion, frankly, that the court can bring to bear to keep them on the straight and narrow. so, i would whole-heartedly support a regular check-in.” here, justice horton advocated not only for a longer course time period, but also regular check-ins after the course has been completed. although it may be difficult to require this kind of court participation once litigation is over, the benefits of requiring weekly or monthly court check-ins could be significant. horton acknowledges that ongoing litigation after the course has been completed could increase “backsliding,” but also make possible mandatory check-ins which would be nearly impossible for parents who are no longer beholden to the legal system in any way. of course, all considerations such as these must be weighed in light of the financial and logistical constraints that all non-profit organizations face and that the participants themselves worry about 13 with regard to limited time and money. still, it is possible to imagine ways of reshaping the system that could improve longer-term outcomes for course participants. who is right for the i-cope course? one of the most difficult tasks on the part of kids first administrators as well as the courts is to identify co-parents who will reap the most benefit from i-cope. there appears to be some discrepancy in the ways that judges and i-cope faculty members understand the course participation criteria or what to look for when referring candidates to the course. in our discussion with beret skorpen-tifft, she mentioned that i-cope has served a fairly wide range of individuals in the past, including some parents whose children resulted from a one-time relationship. in her opinion, i-cope could be “perfect for that population because they’ve got a long road ahead of them, and we want to give them tools they can walk out with and be educated about how to coparent.” indeed, these parents may have less investment in conflict as well as a significant need for co-parenting skills and communication. however, such participants would not meet a prominent court criterion for referral – repeated appearance before the court. certainly, there are a variety of factors that contribute to the assessment of a couple’s “readiness” to attend i-cope. judge susan oram notes that while it would be ideal to order people to attend i-cope before they are “dug in” to their legal battles, sometimes attending i-cope too early in the divorce or separation process, while litigation is still pending, can be detrimental to the success of the program. she contends, “while you’re pending a trial you’re in full out litigation mode […] you’re trying to keep your guard up and knock the other person down.” thus, judge oram concedes that it is “slightly more helpful to people if they were sent to [i-cope] as a final disposition on a case rather than while the case was pending.” however, at final disposition of an initial divorce – before post-divorce litigation – there is no hold by the court over the parties, unless perhaps participation in i-cope was required in the final divorce decree. finally, it will be important to consider the ways in which the goals of the maine courts and the goals of the kids first center sometimes conflict. even clear and regular communication may not be enough to reconcile conflicting purposes. based on our interviews with legal officials, a primary goal of the courts and the judges and magistrates who refer individuals to i-cope is to reduce overall litigation and keep couples out of the courtroom as much as possible. while this is an important goal, it is not the same as kids first’s objective of helping parents deal with divorce/separation in a way that will not damage their children. these are certainly not irreconcilable endpoints, but the ways that they diverge must be considered while exploring ways to improve i-cope. ultimately, it will be the job of the kids first center to think about which individuals, specifically, they want in their programs. while there is certainly more than one correct answer and more than one demographic group that could benefit from something like i-cope, the most important challenge will likely be good, regular, and clear communication between kids first and the maine courts. concrete and realistic guidelines could be useful for helping judges and magistrates decide who to send to i-cope, and who might not benefit or might even be detrimental to other members of a class. the dangers of failing to create this kind of high quality communication are real, and two of the judges we interviewed expressed some frustration about their perception of a lack of apparent consistency in who gets admitted to the kids first program and who is turned away. as long as a court mandate is required for entry into the course, the court’s understanding of who is right for i-cope is about as important as i-cope’s own methods and strategies in-class. 14 we would like to thank our fearless guide and incisive editor, professor craig mcewen. his wisdom, patience, and generosity are truly unmatched, and we speak for all of his students when we say that bowdoin college is enormously lucky to have had him. finally, we would like to thank the amazing staff of the kids first center in portland, maine, particularly executive director peg libby and programming coordinator beret skorpen-tifft. we are endlessly grateful for their faith in us, their kindness, and their commitment to their important work. references huntington, clare. 2008. “repairing family law.” duke law journal 57: 1245-1319. french, jed, and susan wiggin. 2006. “the kids first program for parents in high conflict.” association of family and conciliation courts news, fall: 5. http://www.kidsfirstcenter.org/documents/afcchi-carticle.pdf. schaefer, tali. 2010. “saving children or blaming parents? lessons learned from mandated parenting classes.” columbia journal of gender and law 19: 491-537. examining the efficacy, longevity, and impact of the kids first i-cope program preface introduction methods qualitative quantitative presentation and discussion of data who are the i-cope participants? i-cope is working table 1: percentage of participants with higher self-ratings in post-test than in pre-test the effects of i-cope on children accountability the specific methods and messages of i-cope “faking it” for nine weeks good faith? how late is too late? conclusion accountability and follow-up who is right for the i-cope course? references huntington, clare. 2008. “repairing family law.” duke law journal 57: 1245-1319. undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 media portrayal of ex-offenders in singapore part 1 of a 2-part project in collaboration with the singapore corporation of rehabilitative enterprises (score) daniel lopez ng yunn jia nur haziqah binte mohd yazib rachel tay kai teng national university of singapore abstract this paper is a review of the media portrayals of ex-offenders in local news media platforms such as the straits times, today, and channel newsasia. this paper analyzes the voices represented in the media on the issue of the reintegration of ex-offenders into society. from the analysis of n=182 media articles, three key themes arise in local media discourse that emphasizes the role of key players — the government, the ex-offender, and the community — in reintegrating exoffenders into society. these themes raise several questions on the media framing of ex-offenders, the order of prioritization in voices, and the erasure of some voices from the discourse. through delving deeper into the questions, this paper offers valuable insights into the media discourse of ex-offenders in singapore and the fundamental question of what ‘reintegration’ means. media portrayal of ex-offenders in singapore studies have identified the powerful influence of the media as an important source of information, which can then shape people’s opinions and attitudes towards issues (chomsky & herman, 1988). that said, there are potential biases in the construction and reporting of news stories (hamborg et al., 2018). little empirical research has been conducted in singapore on how the local media influences people’s perception of ex-offenders. as such, we are interested in examining and analyzing how the ex-offender community is portrayed on local media outlets such as channel newsasia, today, and the straits times. through qualitative content analysis of local online newspapers over the past ten years, we analyze the different voices represented in the media and the distribution of these voices on the issue of reintegration of ex-offenders. we would extract several recurrent themes in the exoffender population through systematic coding of the news articles from these platforms. through analysis of these themes, we hope to better comprehend the socio-political context in which exoffenders in singapore inhabit. 23 media portrayal of ex-offenders in singapore undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 literature review on media and society weitzer and kubrin (2004) said that “the field of communication studies has increasingly regarded the reception of media messages as a dynamic process in which viewers actively interpret and perhaps reconstruct those messages in light of their personal backgrounds and experiences”. the social construction of reality thus begins when the producer decides what story to cover and continues all the way to the consumer’s living room, where social reality is (re)constructed. people are often exposed to an abundance of information and news media outlets can be considered part of the journalistic cultural field (benson, 2006) that shapes our consumption and representation of knowledge (bourdieu & bourdieu, 1993). this is because the news is taken to be factual, objective, and not swayed by the subjective opinion of the reporter (rogers, 2019). as such, the media has become a tool that can shape public attitudes through entrenching naturalized perceptions (hall, 1980), reaffirming the dominant social, political, and cultural discourses in society. due to the multi-faceted nature of news reporting, it is pivotal that the news aims to provide an objective, factual account of events in their report. from the information reported, the audience would form their own opinion on the matter. however, there are still potential biases in the construction and reporting of news stories (hamborg et al., 2018). gramsci’s notion of ‘hegemony’ (1971) is a cultural and ideological process of domination based upon marxian bourgeois values (çoban, 2018). in contemporary times, ‘hegemony’ is mobilized as a ‘tool’ (briziarelli & hoffmann, 2018) to understand mass media. in this ‘age of media hegemony’ (block, 2013), the extensive influence of media or ‘mediatization’ has the power to impact every aspect of social life (mazzoleni, 2008b) and construct our social reality (gamson et al., 1992; yan, 2020). news media outlets can cast the spotlight on particular issues, ‘frame’ them in various ways, and ‘portray’ actors in certain lights (druckman & parkin, 2005, p. 1030). representations of social groups that do not have control over the means of producing information in mass media are often perpetuated and ‘naturalized’ (gerth & siegert, 2012) through mass media according to each media outlet’s ‘media logic’ (altheide & snow, 1979). lipschultz and hilt (2002) propose that there are two levels to the social construction of reality with regards to news media. at the first level, producers construct reality through the bureaucratic decisions they make about which events to report and how they will report them (chermak 1997). in this process, biases are inevitable where the news media imposes selfcensorship of certain undesirable notions that deviate from the standard civic discourse. this suggests that there are a series of value judgements that have been imposed in the selection and censorship process. the second level suggests that viewers construct their own reality based on how they understand and interpret the news. not everyone receives and processes news in the same way; audience characteristics and experiences can be influential. opinions about the media may be generalized (e.g., the media is liberal; lee, 2005), or targeted to the way that specific topics are covered by the news media. as the ex-offender community is a vulnerable population, there needs to be sensitivity in media reporting about exoffenders. news articles and media representations are a potent force in shaping the mindsets and attitudes of the general population toward ex-offenders (mccombs & reynolds 2009). however, news media in singapore are subject to a host of legislation (tey, 2008) that invokes a culture of self-censorship through ‘calibrated coercion’ (george, 2007). reigning in the media has thus 24 media portrayal of ex-offenders in singapore undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 allowed the people’s action party (pap) to consolidate its power over the singaporean public and maintain its political legitimacy (chua, 2017). the media’s ability to assign labels onto certain populations makes it worthwhile to study the implications of these categorizations on the labeled. labeling theory states that people come to identify and behave in ways that reflect how others label them (crossman, 2020). this theory is associated with the concepts of self-fulfilling prophecy and stereotyping. for example, describing someone as a ‘criminal’ can cause others to treat the person more negatively, and, in turn, the individual acts in a manner that is consistent with the expectations that others have of him. ex-offenders are referred to by various labels through the news media. often, the narrative of ex-offenders’ history of incarceration portrays them as distrustful. the ex-convict who returns to society is at once labeled an outsider and is regarded as ‘one who cannot be trusted to live by the rules agreed on by the group’ (becker, 1973). this label has severe ramifications since consumers of the media may internalize such notions of ex-offenders, thereby impeding the exoffender’s ability to reintegrate into society. on the issue of reintegration in singapore, the issues of recidivism, reintegration, and rehabilitation are key concerns of the criminal justice system concerning ex-offenders (ganapathy, 2018). before we dissect the complex issue of reintegration, it is imperative to define the term ‘reintegration’. due to the subjectivity of media frames (reinerth & thon, 2016) and the possibility that these representations are agenda-driven, we would be adopting an academic definition of ‘reintegration’ for reference. specifically, the concept of ‘reintegration’ is always seen through a binary lens, where an ex-offender is either reintegrated socially or not (sommers et al, 1994), but fox (2014) asserts that there is a fundamental difference between ‘rehabilitation’ and ‘reintegration’ — the former is psychological while the latter is social in nature. recidivism, or re-offending, is often overattributed to the lack of rehabilitation because there is an imperative for ex-offenders to change their ways, even if compelling evidence shows that high recidivism could be due to a lack of ‘reintegration’ opportunities (pratt, 2000). singapore has been statistically successful in reducing the recidivism rates which refers to ‘the percentage of local inmates detained, convicted and imprisoned again for a new offense within two years of their release’ (singapore prison service, 2017). despite this, reintegration remains a significant challenge faced by many ex-offenders today and this is attributed to several factors, owing to the complexity of the issue. this is confirmed by the recurring theme of reintegration in the pool of articles collated. consistent with the heavy investments that singapore has made in the ex-offender space seen in the provision of financial aid and awards (liu, 2019) and the emphasis on employment and job preparation in reintegration efforts, laub & sampson’s (2001) definition of integration fits best. they defined integration as the transitional phase from incarceration to community life, where ex-offenders are expected to adjust to mainstream society and maintain a crime-free lifestyle. the maintenance and adjustment suggested here hints at a degree of being watched closely such that ex-offenders adequately conform themselves in reintegration to the larger society. while this definition can be said to be representative of the reintegrative efforts in singapore, it lacks the allocation of responsibility and insufficiently encapsulates representation. the inadequacies of these definitions can be complemented by maruna’s (2006) postulation that residents should be the main agents of integration. he says, “if reintegration is not communitybased it is not re-integration, frankly”. yet, whereas resettlement is typically characterized by an 25 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/self-fulfilling_prophecy https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/stereotype media portrayal of ex-offenders in singapore undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 insular, professionals-driven focus on the needs and risks of offenders, restorative reintegration would instead seek to draw on and support naturally occurring community processes through which informal support and controls traditionally take place. citizens, not professionals, would be the primary agents of reintegration”. maruna further defines reintegration as one that transcends physical co-existence but is a “restorative terrain” where forgiveness, reconciliation, and acceptance are experienced by ex-offenders and society. uggen et al. (2006) have a more structural focus on reintegration. they postulate that reintegration should also include adequate and representative political participation of exoffenders in state matters. they mention, “felons and ex-felons face disadvantages arising out of incomplete citizenship and the temporary or permanent suspension of their rights and privileges. it thus makes sense to ask whether political participation and community involvement, as well as work and family factors, are central to successful reintegration”. the academics invite us to think beyond the interpersonal encounters but how societal change and progression can include exoffenders. for this project, although we acknowledge the validity of laub and sampson’s definition, we propose that this definition can be complemented by the other definitions cited above. beyond successfully habituating the ex-offender into adopting a conventional lifestyle, this project will highlight how the underrepresentation of ex-offenders’ voices limits the extent to which reconciliation — as mentioned by maruna — is possible. additionally, the definition by uggen et al. (2006) will also aid us in critiquing if the representation of ex-offender voice is adequate amidst other powerful structures in society. due to the salience of reintegration discussed in the media, this research project is interested in analyzing the different voices represented in the local media and the distribution of these voices on the reintegration of ex-offenders. as such, this paper will go in-depth into how the local media discusses the reintegration of ex-offenders into society through the voices represented in the media and the distribution of these voices. thus, our central question in this paper is: how does the mainstream press discuss the responsibility of the reintegration of ex-offenders in singapore society from 2004 to 2019? the theoretical framework that guides our analysis is interpretive framing. attributed to the works of erving goffman, the framework focuses on how social issues, ideas, and norms are presented to the larger society (matthes, 2009). acknowledging that communication through the media is an avenue for organizations and governments to present social issues in a certain light, our team has decided to employ frame amplification and extension (snow et al., 1986). media representations of reintegration are amplified with a keen focus on the attributes, personalities, and ideas conveyed. meanwhile, frame extensions necessitate questioning if these representations do justice to the issue of re-integration and encapsulate the breadth of symbolic experiences of exoffenders involved eclectically. method as the focus of the research was on understanding how the media reports and discusses exoffenders, all the articles were collected from major media outlets in singapore such as the straits times, today, and channel newsasia. a total of 182 articles were sourced through the database, factiva, using the keywords “ex-offenders”, “ex-convicts”, “ex-inmates”, “excriminals”, and “ex-prisoners”, filtering articles since 2004, the year when the term “yellow ribbon” was first introduced in singapore. the term “yellow ribbon” was chosen as it has become synonymous with how the community can offer a second chance to reformed ex-offenders. 26 media portrayal of ex-offenders in singapore undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 we used qualitative content analysis as a theoretical framework. qualitative content analysis is a research method in which features of textual, visual, or aural material are systematically categorized and recorded so that they can be analyzed (borah, 2011). this method was well suited to the study’s exploratory intent of dissecting the media frames used to portray exoffenders in the local media. central to the content analysis is the process of coding. coding was conducted for the first ten percent of articles by two researchers. the coding process began with open coding of each sentence — the unit of analysis used in this study — to identify salient keywords to be further analyzed. axial coding was then used to identify how these open codes related to one another, with patterns, eventually distilled via the process of selective coding into broader categories related to the discussion of ex-offenders. this coding process progressed iteratively, with the two researchers gathering to resolve any differences in opinion before returning to recode the articles again. eventually, a common codebook was established to guide the coding of future articles. subsequently, all four investigators then performed open and axial coding for all articles to identify quotations in support of the themes earlier identified in the codebook. the data was then actively discussed to produce three large themes about the research question of ex-offender reintegration. these themes reflect the inherent nuances and complexities of news reporting in singapore, as well as the tensions that exist between state and civil society. the coding process reflected a high level of inter-rater agreement — as reflected by the satisfactory κ = .83 obtained during the development of the initial codebook — which attests to the reliability of the coding process. quantitative count a quantitative count was performed to determine the amount of representation that each player received across the 182 news articles. a total of 9 players were identified – ex-offenders, family members of ex-offenders, the government, non-governmental organisations (ngos), employers, researchers, prison officers, volunteers, and members of the public. out of the 182 articles, the number of articles that each actor was featured in is summarized in the following chart: table 1: distribution of actors in the sample of media articles. as shown above, the government is represented most heavily, having been quoted in a total of 87 (47.8% of total) articles. the amount of representation is closely followed by that of exoffenders and ngos, who are each respectively represented in 30.8% and 17.6% of all articles. 27 media portrayal of ex-offenders in singapore undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 nevertheless, while the percentage of articles featured is useful in gauging the consistency of a player’s appearance in the news media across time, it is not as precise in revealing the actual amount of coverage that each player receives. if a single actor were represented multiple times in the same article, the figures quoted above would underestimate the actual coverage that this actor receives. conversely, if a player were merely quoted in passing but across a wide spread of articles, the figures above would overestimate the representation of this voice. to resolve this issue, a second quantitative count was performed on the number of unique representations received by each player. here, a player would receive repeated counts even in a single article if multiple examples of the same player were quoted, for example, if two different ex-offenders spoke. the results of this count are summarized as follows: table 2: a pie chart of the percentage of unique representations per actor. the dominance of the state voice in the news coverage of ex-offenders is again revealed by the fact that government actors received the highest number of unique representations. interestingly, ngos (25%) received more unique representations than ex-offenders (17%), despite the latter’s coverage across a greater spread of articles. this observation suggests that while the ex-offender voice was represented more frequently, there were much lesser ex-offenders that could speak in the media as compared to the number of ngos that could do so. qualitative analysis from the media articles, three key themes surfaced about the issue of reintegration. they are, the state as the central actor, ex-offenders as individually responsible, and the synergistic collaboration between agencies and partners for ex-offender reintegration into society. each theme includes supporting sub-themes, summarized as follows: state as central actors state as initiator state as gatekeeper ex-offenders as individually responsible 28 media portrayal of ex-offenders in singapore undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 explicit instruction for eos to change for the better role model eos as a normative example for others eos’ acknowledgement of their individual responsibility eos’ conventional success earns them the ‘right’ to callfor others’ help synergistic collaboration for eo reintegration the need for statesociety collaboration help for eos is framed as conditional on their individual resolve to change community being called out for creating roadblocks that hinders eos’ reintegration table 3: a summary of the themes and sub-themes covered in the content qualitative analysis. 1) state as central actor — bringing eos back into society the voices of state actors are represented heavily in media sources because of the state's centrality in facilitating ex-offender reintegration, a phenomenon that is elucidated through the following subthemes. a. state as initiator the media has heavily featured the plethora of initiatives that various state actors have introduced to meet the multifaceted needs of ex-offenders. in fact, many news articles encountered often functioned as factsheets introducing readers to programs such as the following: [73] …the yellow ribbon community project, which provides assistance and guidance to families of newly-admitted offenders for their financial, education, housing, or employment needs, has grown from 8 to 61 participating divisions with more than 580 grassroots volunteers. (tan, 2014) the yellow ribbon’s series of initiatives is helmed by the singapore corporation of rehabilitative enterprises (score), a statutory board under the ministry of home affairs (mha). nevertheless, even where the state was not the direct provider of services to ex-offenders, its active role as the central hand that congregated and coordinated the multitude of non-state service providers was still evident, described in the media as follows: [91] aftercare professionals and volunteers working with ex-offenders will get more training and guidance under a new framework that will be ready later this year… drawn up by care network, an umbrella organization that assists ex-offenders, and will have training programs that include specialized counseling for drug addiction as well as befriending skills… care network is made up of eight core members, which include the ministry of home affairs, the singapore prison service, and the singapore corporation of rehabilitative enterprises. over 100 other agencies have also become network partners. (spykerman, 2013) here, the state’s regulation of non-state actors is demonstrated on two fronts. firstly, while the care network was conceived as an integrated “umbrella organization” enabling state and society to meet the needs of ex-offenders in collaboration, its classification of the few state agencies as “core” and other non-state agencies as “partners” alludes to a central-peripheral 29 media portrayal of ex-offenders in singapore undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 distinction that reveals the dominance of the state within the ex-offender space. secondly, in producing a training framework for new helpers, the state could orientate newcomers of the space into adopting its same priorities for ex-offender reintegration. hence, while society is welcome to contribute towards helping ex-offenders to reintegrate, the state clearly sets the agenda. state leadership in the realm of ex-offender reintegration is further elucidated by society’s regard of the government as the default go-solution provider. in tackling the difficulties exoffenders face in seeking employment, for example, the government is seen as the central actor that must first be involved before other non-state players can be driven to action. in the words of a social enterprise owner dedicated to the reintegration cause: [57] the government should come out and start the ball rolling by hiring ex-offenders themselves. (channel newsasia, 2015) where state involvement is lacking, society also readily calls out these absences. pointing to the public sector’s own conservative hiring of ex-offenders, an employer in the private sector states: [167] government agencies should lead the way by accepting more ex-offenders into the public sector… i think government agencies can do more to hire ex-offenders. it is easier for them to get jobs in the private sector currently. (yin, 2005) from the above sentiments, it is evident that where ex-offender reemployment is concerned, the state is valued not simply as another alternative employer of ex-offenders; it is further expected to provide moral leadership to other employers in the private sector by modeling the hiring of ex-offenders as normatively right. that the state is expected to take on such an influential role reveals the extent of its clout within the ex-offender reintegration space. yet, in approaching the state for leadership, non-state actors also further entrench the dominance of the state within this domain. over time, the state’s centrality in the reintegration of ex-offenders is thus maintained in this cyclical fashion. b. state as gatekeeper the state’s influence over the reintegration effort is also manifested in its direct control of the types of ex-offenders that may re-enter society. for the select few who — having completely left their lives of crime behind them — exemplify the model ex-offender, the state generously allocates resources towards helping them return as dignified members of society. the yellow ribbon project, for example, organized an award ceremony that [83] … saw 140 ex-offenders being recognized for staying crime-and-drug-free since their release. (channel newsasia, 2013) as a concrete testimony of an ex-offender’s successful redemption, such an award reinstates the ex-offender as a legitimate member of society while conferring upon him an honor that may discount the stigma that his past attracts. for other ex-offenders, whose misdeeds are considered too severe, however, the state is equally powerful in withholding their ability to fully blend back into society. state policy, for example, finely differentiates ex-offenders whose criminal records may be considered as ‘spent’ – and hence not declarable – from those who must be permanently marked by their past as follows: 30 media portrayal of ex-offenders in singapore undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 [53] … to qualify for a record to be spent, ex-offenders must satisfy certain criteria, such as fulfilling a five-year crime-free period and having been sentenced to no more than three months imprisonment or s$2,000 in fines. (channel newsasia, 2016) beyond deciding which ex-offenders are eligible to return as full members of society, the state also tightly regulates the extent to which the overall community of ex-offenders may participate in society. what roles or functions that ex-offenders may or may not fill upon their release is carefully delineated at the policy level. on numerous occasions, the state has indeed exercised its authority to bar ex-offenders from occupations it deems them unsuitable for. in the public sector, for instance, the mha has declared that: [23] different government agencies impose restrictions on ex-offenders for some jobs "to protect the interests of the public” (seow, 2018) since the state’s regulatory powers extend into the private sector, neither are occupations in this area fully accessible to ex-offenders. the land transport authority (lta) justifies its refusal to license ex-offenders as taxi drivers as follows: [65] this calibrated approach is needed to maintain public confidence in the safety of our taxi services, especially as it is common for taxi passengers to travel alone and sometimes late in the night. (channel newsasia, 2015) from these statements, it is evident that in the eyes of the state, the stain of an ex-offender’s past would always render them different from other members of society. they are a risk that must be guarded against, and whose reentry into society must be carefully managed to avoid jeopardizing the safety of the law-abiding majority. in sum, the state’s role as gatekeeper thus allows it to selectively include or exclude ex-offenders from society as it sees fit. through different policies, the state in effect contributes both towards and against the reintegration effort. 2) eos as individually responsible — seeking acceptance to rejoin society ex-offenders as individually responsible refer to how the mainstream media portrays the agency of the ex-offenders in facilitating their reintegration into society. their agency however seems to be compromised by being spoken for through state actors. through this, the media portrays a didactic approach adopted by civil society actors to determine and prescribe ex-offender agency. a. explicit instruction for eos to change for the better across the articles, state actors seem to be explicitly instructing ex-offenders to be responsible for their own reintegration. this is seen in the following where key state actors are directly asking for ex-offenders to take an active role: [119] 'as we encourage more employers to offer employment opportunities to exoffenders, we also want to release inmates to play their part and show commitment to staying employed,' deputy prime minister teo chee hean said yesterday at the international corrections and prisons association's (icpa) annual conference, which is being held here for the first time (spykerman, 2011). 31 media portrayal of ex-offenders in singapore undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 from the above, a minister in singapore is directly asking for-ex-offenders to “play their part”. as this is a large-scale event, it was deliberately intended by the state actor to explicitly call on the role of ex-offenders to contribute to their reintegration. the state actor asserts that while the government lends its support to encourage employers to provide job opportunities to ex-offenders, it emphasizes how ex-offenders also need to play their part. this is further reinforced by other state actors who also explicitly emphasize the crucial responsibility of the ex-offender. [82] senior minister of state for home affairs masagos zulkifli said: “we want to help ex-offenders in our society break the cycle of re-offending and come together as a community to help them rebuild their lives. “we will work closely with the community to support the rehabilitation and reintegration of ex-offenders into society. however, it is ultimately the responsibility of the individual not to re-offend. if he does, he will be dealt with swiftly and strictly by the law” (channel newsasia, 2013) the recurring state actors portrayed in media that emphasize eo responsibility reflects the government’s stance that centralizes eo agency for their reintegration into society. b. role model eos as a normative example for others also, ex-offenders who have successfully reintegrated into society through their active role are taken to be a normative example for other eos to emulate and follow. this implies that those who follow the government’s prescription to reform are not only rewarded but also hailed as an example for fellow ex-offenders to emulate. with the prerequisite that the ex-offenders are provided opportunities to change and reintegrate into society, they are expected to make full use of the opportunities given. this underscores the crucial role of the ex-offenders in leveraging the opportunities given and playing an active role in their reintegration. that said, it also highlights the foundational role of government initiative and support for their reintegration. below is an excerpt by a state actor who praises ex-offenders and highlights positive qualities in ex-offenders that are needed for their reintegration: [26] dr. yaacob said he was glad to see how the trainees were determined to start afresh and make a living for themselves. “with their passion for cooking and their determination to master a new skill, i am confident that they will bring cheer to the people they cook for, and brighten their own lives in the process," he said (lai, 2018). dr. yaacob highlights positive qualities such as passion and determination in the exoffender and a desire to change as crucial for ex-offenders to be reintegrated into society. through intrinsic motivation, the ex-offender can both facilitate and catalyze his reintegration into society as he can “bring cheer to people”. yaacob also mentions the bidirectional effect of the positive qualities on people on the receiving end as well as to the giving ex-offender, where the ex-offender stands to benefit by doing their part. the media also lauds initiatives such as the yellow ribbon project that rewards exoffenders who have reformed and contribute to society. in one instance, an ex-offender who was recognized and awarded recounted the following: [83] reuben narain, who received the certificate of outstanding achievement, said: “it’s been described that people like us belong to the rubbish heap of society. even in rubbish, you find house flies hovering around them. but for drug addicts, even the houseflies do 32 media portrayal of ex-offenders in singapore undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 notwant to hover around them. when i hear a statement like that, it made me realize where i am, and how far i have spiraled down” (channel newsasia, 2013) from the above, reuben had made a comparison of ex-offenders, including himself as “rubbish” and drew an image of ex-offenders as undesirable such that even houseflies do not hover around them. this refers to the notion that ex-offenders who return to society are labeled as an outsider and regarded as someone who “cannot be trusted to live by the rules agreed on by the group’ (becker, 1973). this notion is one that has been internalized in society and his reflection on his journey illustrates his willingness and determination to change for the better. reuben’s voice has been represented in the media and through his own effort, he was able to achieve the award and be taken as a normative example for other ex-offenders to emulate to be able to reintegrate into society even amidst the stigmatization which can be a barrier for many others. these ex-offenders who express individual responsibility are the role models that are handpicked by the state through presumably selective representation since their voice affirms the stance of the government in emphasizing eos’ individual responsibility for their reintegration. furthermore, the awarding of certificates for presumably role-model ex-offenders is a form of validation of a certain behavior, where those who perform that behavior are rewarded. in a way, this prescribes a certain formula for ex-offenders to be ‘reintegrated’, which may lead to a form of prescribed agency. in a way, this then undermines the agency of ex-offenders, which belies the government’s calls for ex-offenders’ responsibility for their reintegration. c. eos’ acknowledgment of their individual responsibility whilst the government actively pushes for the responsibility of ex-offenders, the voices of ex-offenders are also represented in the media articles that also agree and openly acknowledge their individual responsibility to reform themselves towards becoming acceptable members of society. [132] ex-offender jumat tawil said: "this kind of organization really helps ex-offenders but it all boils down to us also where we individually must come out and try new things. we must come out in public and show society that we can do jobs and maybe even do them better" (channel newsasia, 2010) that the sentiments expressed by ex-offenders are congruent with the government’s calls for eo responsibility suggests that ex-offenders truly believe that they are responsible for their own reintegration. while the sentiment might be genuine, we cannot rule out the possibility that eos may have internalized the official narrative of reintegration that has been institutionalized by the government. it is important to acknowledge how the media amplifies the positive attributes of exoffenders, but the tension lies insofar that these attributes are represented only among the selective few ex-offenders represented in the media. while we accept that the government has been actively initiating actions for eo integration, we also acknowledge the role of eos who themselves may have their own intrinsic motivation to change for the better, which is validated and reaffirmed by the government. even with all the community support given, the eos themselves need to show their abilities and capabilities to seek community acceptance. [153] "i think what is important for the ex-offender is to help prepare themselves for reintegration. preparing has to do with attitude. attitude has to change and then ultimately if 33 media portrayal of ex-offenders in singapore undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 the person can prove themselves, they can go back to society. we don't expect society to accept you if you are not doing anything. so i think it's always first thing first we change our attitude first and then we go back to society. when you prove yourself, i think the society will accept you," said freddy wee, ex-offender and director of breakthrough halfway house (channel newsasia, 2006) from the above, wee accounts for how ex-offenders should not even expect society to accept them, which reiterates the underlying notion of how ex-offenders are viewed as outsiders and should not be accepted into society due to their history of incarceration leading to distrust in the community. this notion is further reinforced by other accounts of ex-offenders who agree with this were [6] former inmate mohamed salleh used to feel that he was the “trash of society”, but now he has an opportunity to contribute back to society every day (goh, 2019). this reaffirms the notion of how ex-offenders are viewed as outsiders since the comparison of ex-offenders as ‘trash’ suggests that ex-offenders are perceived as useless and worthless to society. as such, ex-offenders see it as their responsibility to challenge ― through their own efforts ― existing societal perceptions of them as “defective”. hence, they regard redemption not as a right but a privilege to be earned. d. eos’ conventional success earns them the ‘right’ to call for others’ help eos have to attain some form of conventional success that complies with the narrative of the government for their voice to be represented in the media. this narrative is referring to how ex-offenders accept government initiatives and support and have attained success in their endeavors. this can be seen in the following: [57] chef benny se teo is pessimistic about the acceptance of others like him in singapore because he is an ex-offender. "in my lifetime, i will never be able to see singapore society really helping ex-offenders, hiring them, helping them integrate, giving them a chance," mr. se teo told 938live on the record on friday (oct 16). "the government should come out and start the ball rolling by hiring ex-offenders themselves” ... more employment avenues are also opening for ex-offenders, thanks to the government’s tightening of the foreign labor inflow. yet he struck a note of pessimism when he said that such employers had “no choice” but to hire exoffenders (channel newsasia, 2015) from the above, mr. benny teo is doubtful of community acceptance of ex-offenders and thus calls for the government to “start the ball rolling” by hiring ex-offenders themselves. this points to three things: (1) that mr. benny teo has been hailed as the classic success story for exoffenders since he started his own restaurant that hires ex-offenders and from reaping his success, his voice has been represented in the media and he takes this opportunity to call out the government to do more, (2) his pessimism for the community’s lack of acceptance to ex-offenders reinforces the notion how ex-offenders are viewed as the othering, which will be discussed in greater detail in the discussion portion, and (3) mr. benny teo’s calling the government to hire ex-offenders suggests a tension where the government has been actively encouraging employers to hire exoffenders, yet they do not model hiring ex-offenders itself. this is supported by another account where in article [167], there is a lack of state involvement in the hiring of ex-offenders where the government imposes limits on the opportunities that ex-offenders can access. not only that, but mr. benny teo also highlights how 34 media portrayal of ex-offenders in singapore undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 despite the greater employment opportunities given to ex-offenders, he emphasizes how these employers are “forced” to hire them as instructed by the government. this relates to the government’s dominant role in initiating ex-offender’s reintegration and the power structure involved. there exists a tension whether the employers who hire ex-offenders are genuine in hiring ex-offenders or were instructed by a higher authority that prescribes a formula for ex-offender reintegration. 3) synergistic collaboration — meeting each other halfway synergistic collaboration between the various stakeholders refers to the idea that the collaboration of community partners and agencies to bring about ex-offender reintegration would be much greater than each sole individual agency effort. the media places responsibility on the community for the successful reintegration of ex-offenders. it emphasizes collaboration among employers and the various agencies to facilitate ex-offender’s reintegration. a. the need for state-society collaboration in the media, it has been explicitly mentioned and actively emphasized by various stakeholders that there is a need for state-society collaboration. this is especially important because the ex-offender has several contact points from the point of exit from prison, and as such, these contact points need to work together with the collective goal of reintegrating the ex-offender. this is reaffirmed by a state actor below: [5] senior parliamentary secretary for health and home affairs amrin amin said at the launch: "what they (the former offenders) need is a strong ecosystem, so that they can have that support network, so that they can bounce back and rebuild their lives and rejoin society (goh, 2019) mr. amrin emphasizes that ex-offenders in what he aptly terms as a strong “ecosystem” where the different systems in society need to interact with one another and work together to help ex-offenders rebuild their lives. with a strong ecosystem, the ex-offender can tap on various resources to be reintegrated into society. b. help for eos is framed as conditional on their individual resolve to change the media also portrays that help given to ex-offenders to be conditional insofar that the ex-offenders need to take active responsibility and that only with their active involvement and willingness to change would help be given to them. this is echoed in the voices of a state actor, notably by the prime minister: [143] "if you have made a mistake, if you have offended, then there has to be punishment. but if you have taken the punishment and you are prepared to correct yourself and make good and come back onto the right path if you make the effort, we should give you the second chance," said pm lee (channel newsasia, 2017) the prime minister emphasizes how ex-offenders need to take the lead in their reintegration. when the ex-offenders are accountable for their actions and have decided to change for the better, the government and the community would be willing to give them the second chance. this is similar to the “help me help you” notion where for ex-offenders to receive help, they have to first help themselves, which sets the condition for help to be given. by helping themselves, the ex-offenders make the process of their reintegration easier which emphasizes the crucial of the eo responsibility in taking the initiative to change. 35 media portrayal of ex-offenders in singapore undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 c. community being called out for creating roadblocks that hinder eos’ reintegration in the media, the wider singapore community is called out for creating mental roadblocks that impede the repentant ex-offender’s genuine desire to change. in a way, this shifts the blame to the community for hindering ex-offender’s reintegration into society because it is their mentality towards ex-offenders that led them to their non-acceptance of ex-offenders. noticeably, the media portrays state actors to be calling out the community for having such roadblocks. [127] mdm. halimah said: “the minute you hear that somebody was an ex-offender or was in jail before, that creates a lot of mental blocks. that perhaps this person is not trustworthy, not sincere, not honest, or cannot be trusted (chan, 2010). from the above, mdm. halimah, now the president of singapore, has called out the community for creating mental roadblocks in their mind due to their tainted associations with the term “ex-offender”. she rationalized that this mental roadblock is linked back to the notion of exoffenders as someone who cannot be trusted due to their history of incarceration. people’s mental cognitive biases hinder their acceptance of eos into society and this is partly shaped by the media presentation of ex-offenders. another state actor, minister wong has also highlighted —as noted by the media — that whilst the statutory board under the government, score, has initiatives such as employment training to assist in ex-offender reintegration, he asserts that ex-offenders fundamentally need to be given the opportunity for their reintegration. [71] at the event, culture, community and youth minister lawrence wong said that while score can train inmates to help them reintegrate into the workplace and community, they must first be given that opportunity to do so (channel newsasia, 2014). minister wong acknowledges that even though ex-offenders are supported in their reintegration, a factor that hinders their full reintegration is how some ex-offenders are deprived of access to opportunities for reintegration. this hindrance can be brought about by the community’s reluctance in accepting reformed ex-offenders back into the community. an alternative perspective raised by a spouse of an ex-offender: “people say to accept an ex-offender, it’s very difficult. but, for them (ex-offenders) to accept us, it is also very difficult for them. because of the way they handle things they must learn it the new way” (channel newsasia, 2013). this is a novel and interesting viewpoint as it challenges the conventional notion of how the community should accept ex-offenders, but instead posits whether the ex-offenders would be able to accept the community and their readiness to do so. this hinges on the flipside of community acceptance from the perspective of the ex-offender and the idea of the community being flawed instead of the ex-offender, which has not been considered previously. discussion media framing of ex-offender agency ex-offenders are portrayed as ‘partially-agentic’ individuals who are individuallyresponsible for resisting the temptations to go back to a life of crime but are also limited in their agency because they are at the receiving end of aid from the government and the community. however, this portrayal of ex-offenders’ ‘partial’ agency might actually be serving the larger 36 media portrayal of ex-offenders in singapore undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 purpose of maintaining the moral boundaries of society by using the news media to propagate ‘non-integration’ under the guise of ‘reintegration’. ex-offender voices are commonly featured under circumstances that: (1) emphasize their agency in restraining themselves from reoffending and contributing back to the community or economy, or (2) highlight their gratitude for any help received and expressing remorse for their past misdeeds. the ‘reintegration’ of ex-offenders and their reacceptance into society is conditional on some form of economic or social contribution as evidence of contrition. these help to outline the state’s ‘model’ ex-offender, providing ex-offenders to work towards to attain ‘reintegration’. this curated caricature of a model ex-offender in turn creates a cultural environment that worsens the problem of ‘reintegration’ rather than rectifies it. by framing ex-offenders as being prone to reoffending and locating the problem of recidivism within the individual ex-offender, state intervention into the ex-offender’s private life becomes justified. the success of these interventions is reinforced through the ex-offender voices that express gratitude for the help received, further justifying the need for these interventions, and undermining the individual capability of ex-offenders to help themselves. this cyclical manner of portraying the ex-offenders as members of society with a limited agency in fact helps to solidify the societal perception of exoffenders as ‘lesser’ members who need to be helped and are themselves responsible for their own plight. ‘benevolent othering’ (grey, 2016) of ex-offenders, which disguises exclusion through welfare (carroll, 2016), occurs when the state has a ‘claim to superiority’ and is in a power position to ‘give’ to the ‘others’, and this is consistently observed from the quotes that show how the state is the initiator of ‘reintegration’ programs for ex-offenders and is the default ‘go-to’ for solutions. other quotes such as the ones that show how the ex-offenders are grateful for the help rendered to them also reflect the ‘weaker’ power position of ex-offenders who are on the receiving end of help. in fact, the common usage of the words such as ‘help’ and ‘give’ points to the one-way beneficiarybenefactor relationship between the state or community and ex-offenders as a result of the power differential between the two actors involved. for instance, in quote [71], culture, community and youth minister lawrence wong asserts that ex-offenders must ‘be given that opportunity’ to ‘reintegrate’ into the workplace. in quote [132], jumat tawil, an ex-offender himself, mentioned how organizations ‘help ex-offenders’ but need to be supplemented by ex-offenders’ individual efforts. far from eliminating discrimination towards ex-offenders, such a media portrayal of them is actually continuously maintaining the gulf that separates ex-offenders from mainstream society by emphasizing their limited agency, in turn promoting ‘non-integration’ behind the facade of ‘reintegration’. the state is likely to benefit the most from the portrayal of ex-offenders as having limited agency because it serves the practical function of deterring potential criminality and maintaining social order. ex-offenders’ limited agency that stems from their ‘lower’ social status in society is perceived as the ‘retribution’ for their past crimes. being of ‘lower’ social status, exoffenders are portrayed as needy and require assistance from the ‘higher’ echelons of society with the power to offer help. redemption is also not earned after incarceration; ex-offenders need to constantly renew their ‘right’ to be ‘reintegrated’ by being ‘model’ ex-offenders and making contributions to society. future felons plotting to commit crimes would thus be compelled to think twice before stepping foot into criminal life because of the potentially life-long exclusion from society. as such, the portrayal of ex-offenders as having limited agency is crucial for the state to maintain social order and deter potential criminals from crossing the boundaries of the law, albeit 37 media portrayal of ex-offenders in singapore undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 at the expense of ex-offenders who are led to engage in a futile chase with the hope of being ‘reintegrated’. exposure to both media and societal influences, it is very likely that ex-offenders are also ‘internalizing’ the narrative about them and performing their scripted role in the hope of being reaccepted into their society. based on the quote [83] by an ex-offender, reuben narain, who received a certificate of outstanding achievement by the yellow ribbon project, he describes how mainstream society perceived drug offenders like him as the ‘rubbish heap of society’ that ‘even the houseflies don’t want to hover around’. the certificate awarded to him validates his contribution back to society borne from his repentance, in turn positively reinforcing (jones et al., 2011) his identification with the ‘model’ ex-offender propagated by the news media and the notion of ‘reintegration’ that is prescribed for him. treat them the same as us treat them differently they have turned over a new leaf and the past is the past their record means they will always be a safety risk need to maintain moral boundaries of what is right and wrong; deterrence of other potential criminals they need to be treated as one of us before they can turn over a new leaf to instill in them the motivation to prove themselves and turn over a new leaf. remind them that they were responsible for their plight, thus the onus in on them to redeem themselves they are agentic individuals like any one of us they need help because they are needy table 4: characteristics identified in the treatment of ex-offenders based on table 4, there is a salient tension between how ex-offenders are portrayed in the news media. on one hand, they are expected to actively adapt to social norms and prove their worth as reliable, law-abiding citizens after incarceration; on the other hand, ex-offenders are also the ‘lesser other’ whom one should be ‘benevolent’ to and offer help. it is evident that the government’s definition of ‘reintegration’ propagated through the news media is more aligned with that of laub & sampson (2001)’s because ‘reintegration’ is viewed in a binary manner whereby one has either successfully transitioned into community life, or not. yet, the structural and psychosocial facets of ‘reintegration’ are not addressed here. ex-felons are systematically excluded from society because of their ‘labeled’ status as wrongdoers who deserve to have their rights and privileges suspended as punishment. ordinary citizen involvement in the ‘restorative’ 38 media portrayal of ex-offenders in singapore undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 process of ‘reintegration’ is also not the center of attention in the media but is instead attributed to the ex-offenders’ individual efforts and the duty of organizations to extend ‘reintegrative’ welfare. as such, the analysis reveals a lack of dimensionality in the existing definition of ‘reintegration’ and calls for a definitional expansion. greater prioritization of ex-offender voice the representation of voice is an essential point of analysis in understanding the responsibility of re-integration in singapore. from the quantitative analysis of this research, the state has an upper hand in framing the voices of ex-offenders in mainstream media. the state has 27% presence but ex-offenders 17%. with a combined readership of more than 1.5 million (singapore press holdings, 2019) and following chemak’s analysis of the role of media in social construction, mainstream media is largely influential in formulating and labeling the ex-offender population. the media affirms ex-offenders who have displayed resilience to change themselves for the better. such representations amplify inherent positive attributes such as “passion” and “determination” to highlight the strengths of the ex-offenders, which emphasize the individual exoffender responsibility in their reintegration. however, while the media affirms the good qualities and achievements of ex-offenders, these representations are often in tandem with state-funded-orled initiatives. this begs one to question if the reintegration of these ex-offenders is primarily driven by the ex-offender through their positive attributes or the support from the government. for example, across the 55 articles filtered that have direct quotes from ex-offenders, only about 12% of the articles can be said to be representations that focus on ex-offenders’ entrepreneurial and community service efforts and life difficulties. this limited representation of ex-offenders who are seemingly dependent on government support is unable to paint a representative picture of the exoffender community. concurring with lipschultz and hilt’s (2002) postulations, the media is a medium for social construction through the reporting of bureaucratic decisions and civic attitudes. however, the overbearing presence of the state in the representation of ex-offenders becomes concerning as what civil society understands and learns about the ex-offender population from the media can be seen to be subjected to how the state determines to represent them. representation of ex-offender voices tends to be viable only when recognized actors such as the government, organizations, and employers are present. as earlier discussed, such a method of representation can be seen to influence society to perceive ex-offenders as a select group that needs to be instructed, further relegating ex-offenders to the status of the powerless other in the very society they rightfully belong to. studying these representations through frame extensions (snow et al., 1986) highlights how the state has the prerogative to decide the definition of ‘reintegration’. the lack of independent social-political representation is a barrier to the civil integration of ex-offenders. ‘reintegration’ cannot stop at ensuring that ex-offenders do not re-offend seen in the emphasis to “show commitment to staying employed”. instead, ‘reintegration’ needs to be gainful: the voices of ex-offenders in the social and political realm need to be heard. in this manner, ex-offenders can voice out their concerns and needs and help to co-create processes and outcomes for ‘reintegration’. furthermore, the effects of stigmatization, even after many years of campaigning and community engagement seem to have an indelible grip on ex-offenders seen through the narration of their unfavorable experiences in society, even referring to themselves as “trash”. from the lack of representation as discussed, the pervasiveness of stigmatization that ex-offenders feel could be said to be an effect of a one-dimensional representation of ex-offenders in the media. for example, the frequent perpetuation of ideas that ex-offenders need to “be accepted” creates a dialectical 39 media portrayal of ex-offenders in singapore undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 tension with the concurrent motive of destigmatizing. as the labeling theory suggests, people tend to identify with the ‘label’ that is marked on them. hence, with the emphasis on the need to be helped, such lopsided representations of ex-offenders in the media can have a disabling effect on their perception of self and agency. as the news media propagates these ideas, public opinion is likely to be swayed such that the public unconsciously views and identify ex-offenders through these ‘labels’, creating a psychosocial barrier for ex-offenders’ re-acceptance into society. ex-offenders expressing the distance between them and society in the media further confirms the lack of an equitable social standing for them as a community in singapore society. the discrepancy in social standing is an effect of structural, social, and emotional isolation and the ‘labels’ placed on ex-offenders, leading to a ‘de-prioritization’ of the ex-offender voice in civil and political discourse. as freire (1968, p. 90) puts it, “dialogue, as the encounter among men to “name” the world, is a fundamental precondition for their true humanization”. freire emphasizes the necessity of authentic exchange between individuals for the purpose of co-creating reality, which he terms “name the world”. from these exchanges, the parties involved can engage in mutual understanding, without imposing their assumptions and labels on each other and the voices of ex-offenders can be represented in these exchanges and not be deprioritized. for a more holistic approach to the ‘reintegration’ of ex-offenders such that the transitional process, structural limitations, and psychosocial aspects are taken care of, there is a need to create a representative space for discussion and debate about ‘reintegration’ that incorporates the exoffenders’ perspectives. the representations of ex-offenders cannot be limited to showing how they have benefited from existing programs, stereotyping of salient characteristics, or framing exoffenders as being helpless individuals. true representation requires the communication of the person and not what the person has to do, has done, or needs. therefore, before allocating responsibility to any actor, representations of the ex-offender space need to inform members of the public holistically. here we must ask ourselves, whose voice should be heard the most in the processes and systems of integration. in the articles read, there was much emphasis on society’s collaborative role for the ‘reintegration’ of ex-offenders. however, for society to be adequately equipped, the voices of ex-offenders should be prioritized over or alongside the need to publicize initiatives for the space. alternative viewpoints of common exoffenders, those who have yet to achieve predetermined or expected success, those whose interests and desires are different from the norm, and those who face many struggles to self-forgive, love themselves, and receive love can be more intentionally pursued, hence humanizing the representations of ex-offenders. erasure from discourse according to the spiral-of-silence theory (noelle-neumann, 1974), the homogeneity of information across various media outlets can eliminate diversity of opinions, like the statecontrolled news media space in singapore. this not only reduces the audience’s capability to source for contradictory information, but it also reinforces the audience’s tendency to be ‘selective’ when consuming information from the news media such that the information ‘confirms’ their preconceived views (westerwick et al., 2017). based on the quotes analyzed, there is a consistent pattern in the types of ex-offenders and circumstances in which they are represented in the media. ‘model’ ex-offenders who (1) achieved some form of material success or contributed to society, or (2) are repentant and grateful for the help they received, are given a voice in the news media to express their sentiments. ex-offender voices also tend to be pegged to the presence of other recognized actors such as organizations before they can be heard, as explained in the point above. yet, what is more, striking is in fact the 40 media portrayal of ex-offenders in singapore undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 voices of ex-offenders that have been erased from news media coverage. this omission misrepresents the whole population of ex-offenders because not all ex-offenders are given a voice to define the terms of their ‘reintegration’. from the qualitative analysis earlier, although exoffender voices are represented quite extensively across the 182 articles analyzed, the spread of ex-offender types that are put on the pedestal of the news media is limited. on the contrary, the erasure of ‘non-model’ ex-offenders’ voices serve the purpose of putting forth the state’s prescribed definition of ‘reintegration’. the erasure of information is also evident in other areas and serves the purpose of helping the state to consolidate its one-dimensional definition of ‘reintegration’. the hegemonic presence of the state’s voice in the news media effectively crowds out the ex-offenders’ voices. ‘reintegration’ is thus likely to be more aligned with the state’s definition while excluding other facets to ‘reintegration’, resulting in a lack of dimensionality in the definition. at the same time, although the initiatives introduced to benefit ex-offenders are wide-ranging and do respond to their needs in some ways, the state-controlled news media tends to misrepresent the ex-offender population typologically. this mode of erasure of ex-offender voices is likely to neglect the complex needs of ex-offenders across society for the sake of propagating the narrow definition of ‘reintegration’ prescribed by the state. limitations and future research our findings are limited by the range of news sources being used for analysis. despite the wide-reaching impacts of the three media outlets chosen because of their prevalent usage across society, there are also many other alternative news platforms and sources of information about exoffenders such as blogs, books, and journals that future research should consult that people are exposed to in this technological age. turning our attention to the alternative forms of media can be useful in understanding a fresh and more personal perspective of the ex-offender population. the research team also lacked the bandwidth to conduct an in-depth quantitative content analysis in addition to the qualitative content analysis in this paper, leading to a shortfall in research robustness. additionally, in this research field, there also exists an opportunity to do a sentiment analysis of representations and how it affects the layman on the street. this would help in thematizing the general public’s understanding of responsibility and reintegration. future qualitative research should attempt to capture the understandings, needs, and aspirations about ‘reintegration’ from the ex-offenders. nevertheless, the qualitative content analysis still provides deep insights into the news media representation of ex-offenders in singapore and problematizes the very fundamentals of ‘reintegration’ that has been adopted and circulated through various media platforms over many years. conclusion in conclusion, this paper has dissected the news media representations of the voices distributed on the issue of ‘reintegration’ from three state-controlled news sources in singapore. it is clear from both the qualitative and quantitative data of this research paper that the representations are largely determined by the state who has a ‘hegemonic’ presence in the media. in the analysis, three main themes surfaced: the focus on the role of the state as the main actor in driving ex-offenders’ reintegration, the ex-offenders’ individual responsibility, and the synergistic collaboration between the various stakeholders involved. these were the key messages of how the responsibility of ‘reintegration’ should be shared. through the discussion, however, it was highlighted that the media tended to frame exoffenders in a one-dimensional manner while emphasizing model caricatures that all ex-offenders 41 media portrayal of ex-offenders in singapore undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based research, vol. 10, fall 2020 should conform to. compounded by the effects of underrepresentation of ex-offender voices in the media, it then becomes problematic and difficult to understand the multi-faceted, inter, and intrapersonal elements of ex-offenders and their conception of ‘reintegration’. erasure of information from news media may also neglect the diversity of opinions and understate the complex needs of ex-offenders. these themes indicate that the responsibility of ‘reintegration’ is a shared pursuit that is led and directed by the state. the state’s presence makes it an influential player in determining the modes, methods, and expected outcomes, much like laub and thompson’s definition as earlier discussed. however, through the analysis, we see that this very influence and similarity in messaging has unintended consequences such as the systemic erasure of other equally important viewpoints. there must be more efforts to represent a diversity of voices, which would then provide a more holistic and encompassing definition of ‘reintegration’. finally, this underscores the need to also broaden the definition of ‘reintegration’ to include inter-systemic aspects such as mutual reconciliation and legitimate platforms for ex-offenders to influence processes in ‘reintegration’. 42 media portrayal of ex-offenders in singapore undergraduate journal of service learning and community-based 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(2013, october 19). channel newsasia. retrieved 24 february 2020. 46 literature review on media and society on the issue of reintegration quantitative count qualitative analysis 1) state as central actor — bringing eos back into society 2) eos as individually responsible — seeking acceptance to rejoin society 3) synergistic collaboration — meeting each other halfway synergistic collaboration between the various stakeholders refers to the idea that the collaboration of community partners and agencies to bring about ex-offender reintegration would be much greater than each sole individual agency effort. the media p... discussion media framing of ex-offender agency greater prioritization of ex-offender voice the representation of voice is an essential point of analysis in understanding the responsibility of re-integration in singapore. from the quantitative analysis of this research, the state has an upper hand in framing the voices of ex-offenders in ma... erasure from discourse limitations and future research the effect of education and stress reduction programs on 1 the effect of education and stress reduction programs on feelings of control and positive lifestyle changes in cancer patients and survivors stacy grimes beaty northampton community college on a biological level, cancer is defined as a disease caused by an uncontrolled division of abnormal cells in a part of the body (american cancer society 2012). the psychological impact of living through a cancer diagnosis can be just as profound as the biological cancer growth and the physical changes it may create in an individual. survival is just as much an emotional task as it is a physical one. fear, uncertainty and helplessness are all emotions that can occur before, during and even after treatment and can cause a person to feel they have lost control over their daily lives and their future. this paper suggests that community programs can be effective in helping individuals affected by cancer regain their sense of control over their lives by encouraging positive lifestyle changes through a strong focus on education and stress reduction. in the fall of 2011, i was given an opportunity to conduct a service-learning project through an introductory biology course at northampton community college in bethlehem, pa. i was able to carry out this independent service-learning project at a local non-profit organization known as the cancer support community (csc) of the greater lehigh valley. the csc is part of a larger national non-profit organization that offers support groups, stress reduction programs and educational programs free of charge to anyone with a cancer diagnosis as well as their friends and family members. one program in particular that the csc offers is healthy cooking, a monthly cooking class that showcases nutritious and delicious foods, and allows program participants to create the meal themselves. these classes introduce participants to healthy foods and recipes while enabling them to connect with others who share similar experiences. because of my culinary background and personal passion towards food and nutrition, i was given the opportunity to assist with the program and draw from this experience for my service-learning project. the foundation of nutrition is the biological and chemical components that make up the foods we eat each day to nourish and support our bodies. numerous studies have been published documenting the relationship between lifestyle changes and cancer, though much of the data is inconclusive, with many contradictory results, and with results differing with the different forms of cancer. a review of the current state of research on nutrients and diet can be found at the american cancer society website (american cancer society 2011). a newly diagnosed cancer patient has an overwhelming amount of information available through the internet and mass media, some of which can be contradictory or derived from unreliable sources. despite the lack of clearly defined cancer nutrition guidelines, many people do in fact change their diets after diagnosis. in collaboration with the healthy cooking program’s instructor, gale maleskey r.d., and the cancer support community’s program director, jennifer sinclair m.s.w., we formulated an original service-learning project based around the healthy cooking classes. my time spent with the program allowed me to observe, communicate, and develop relationships with individuals whose lives have been impacted by cancer. for the project we developed a survey that would enable us to observe and document the dietary changes made by individuals affected by cancer, particularly those who had attended the 2 csc’s healthy cooking program. we could then compare and contrast these answers to those given by non-participants. we hypothesized that the healthy cooking program participants, in contrast to those who had not participated in this particular program, would provide answers demonstrating a stronger belief in the relationship between diet and cancer and would indicate they had made personal dietary changes. to test the hypothesis, the survey was created and distributed to cancer support community participants. it contained a series of questions related to personal diet and nutrition choices. seventy total surveys were mailed to csc program participants. half of the surveys were sent to the experimental group consisting of people who had previously attended the csc healthy cooking class. the other half were sent out to people in the control group, csc members who had not previously participated in the healthy cooking class. past research had been conducted at the csc so we followed the organization’s established protocol by clearly disclosing to the survey participants the voluntary nature, use, intent and confidentiality of the research project. due to the fact that not only cancer patients and cancer survivors are allowed to participate in csc programs, but their friends and family members as well, we were not able to discriminate when sending out the surveys. to remedy this, the first question on the survey was designed to distinguish whether or not the survey participant was a person with cancer/cancer survivor, spouse/partner, friend, or family member. twenty-seven surveys were returned from the experimental group, twenty of which were indicated as cancer patients/survivors, and the remainder indicated to be a spouse/partner, friend, or family member. to properly compare results, the twenty participants indicating they were cancer/cancer survivors, were labeled as experimental group #1. the entire group as a whole, including the twenty cancer patients/cancer survivors, four spouse/partners, two family members and one friend were labeled as experimental group #2. because the control group contained nine cancer patients/cancer survivors and only one spouse/partner, the group as a whole was simply labeled as the control group. results from the surveys were tallied and expressed as a percentage of total participants for each group as displayed in the following data tables. exp 1 exp 2 control what is your main source for nutrition information? (with option to choose up to three) books/literature 80% 74% 70% doctor/physician 30% 30% 60% family/friends 30% 26% 30% tv/news media 20% 15% 20% support groups 5% 11% 10% registered dietitian 30% 26% 20% holistic nutritionist 5% 15% 0% internet 30% 33% 20% hcsc-glv healthy cooking class 50% 52% 0% 3 how much of a role do you believe diet plays in cancer survivorship? (very little) 1 0% 0% 0% 2 0% 0% 10% 3 5% 11% 20% 4 35% 26% 40% (greatly) 5 60% 59% 30% how drastically have you changed your diet since you or your loved one's diagnosis of cancer? (very little) 1 5% 4% 10% 2 0% 4% 10% 3 35% 30% 20% 4 40% 37% 60% (greatly) 5 20% 22% 10% in what ways have you altered your diet? (indicate all that apply) less animal products 45% 44% 50% vitamins/supplement 50% 48% 50% more dairy 5% 4% 0% more protein 45% 41% 20% more veggies 90% 85% 70% more fruits/berries 75% 74% 70% less dairy 35% 33% 30% less red meat 65% 63% 60% more whole grains 60% 56% 70% juicing/smoothies 25% 22% 20% fish oil 30% 30% 40% more fish 40% 37% 20% less carbs 35% 33% 30% low fat 40% 30% 40% less sugar/sweeteners 60% 59% 30% hormone-free milk 20% 15% 0% more organic produce 40% 33% 20% how often do you prepare meals at home? (very little) 1 0% 0% 0% 2 10% 11% 20% 3 5% 4% 10% 4 15% 19% 10% (frequently) 5 70% 63% 50% 4 how comfortable are you with cooking and/or trying new and different foods? (not comfortable) 1 0% 0% 0% 2 0% 4% 10% 3 10% 11% 30% 4 15% 15% 30% (very comfortable) 5 70% 63% 20% there were some obvious differences between the experimental and control groups, which illustrated a greater level of changes in dietary habits. for example, 60% of participants in the experimental 1 group versus only 30% of the control group reported a 5 (greatly) when asked “how much of a role do you believe diet plays in cancer survivorship?.” the same was true for the reduction of sugar and sweeteners between the experimental and control groups, with 60% versus 30%. sucrose, or table sugar, is a disaccharide and part of the carbohydrate family (campbell and reece 2008). though there are many different types of sugar, this one seems to come under fire the most. consumption of this tasty food additive has become a hot topic in the cancer community with claims that it possesses cancer causing and cancer promoting qualities. although there is no definitive ruling on its ability as a substance to cause or promote cancer, the overconsumption of sugary foods has been associated with other conditions such as "sugar consumption" obesity, which may be linked to some types of cancer (taubes 2011). 90% of the first experimental group versus 70% in the control group reported adding more vegetables to their diet. adding additional daily servings of fresh fruits and vegetables has been widely publicized as a cancer prevention tool (steinmetz and potter 1996) and even a treatment in some cases, due to the diverse nutrient content found in these types of foods. on the other hand, clinicians sometimes discourage fresh fruits and vegetables in their raw form. some patients undergoing chemotherapy experience a condition known as neutropenia due to a compromised immune system and low white blood cell count. uncooked fruits and vegetables are then avoided because of their ability to carry bacteria (fox and freifeld 2012). the study was extremely preliminary. its main purpose was to utilize the survey and cooking classes as an observational tool rather than to produce usable statistical data. it was not the survey findings that became the ultimate focus of the study, but rather a new hypothesis that was later formulated based on questions that arose after evaluating the initial results. it appears that some people chose to initiate certain types of dietary changes despite the lack of definitive evidence from the scientific community that certain foods can change cancer outcomes postdiagnosis. why? it could simply be because of the hope for a change in health outcomes, or because food is a conceivable controllable area of life. perhaps lifestyle changes created an increase in positive feelings towards their health outcomes, but what causes the desire and perceived ability to move forward with a personal life change? when assisting with the healthy cooking classes, i noticed something about the program participants. they had great enthusiasm and joy. one may not expect such a lively group in a room full of people who had or were currently battling cancer. many participants were very talkative and eager to share the personal changes they had made to their own eating habits, whether it was new ingredients added, or certain types of foods eliminated altogether from their diets. perhaps they did or did not believe that what was put into their bodies would have an 5 effect on their future prognosis, but for the moment it appeared to be an area of life that could be controlled when so many other things were uncertain. upon completion of the service-learning component of the project i decided to continue the study with a psychological focus rather than a biological one. the survey results in conjunction with my direct interaction with program participants during the cooking classes led me to re-evaluate focusing solely on dietary changes and the nutrition mindset. my follow-up research focus would address the root causes and effects of why people affected by cancer embrace healthy lifestyle changes and how those healthy lifestyle changes impacts their lives. this research would be based on the creation of a new psychological control hypothesis and would include healthy diet changes based on the nutrition recommendations of the american cancer society. it would also include the addition of other healthy changes such as initiating or increasing exercise routines, creating and maintaining positive relationships, and practicing meditation (tacón, caldera and ronaghan 2004) which all may lead to the known benefit of stress reduction (aldwin and yancura 2010). lifestyle changes that contribute to stress reduction during cancer could be the difference between life and death. there is significant scientific evidence identifying a link between increased levels of the stress hormone, cortisol, and a weakened immune system. a weakened immune system can lead to a greater rate in the progression of some types of cancer (giesedavis et al. 2006). therefore, theoretically, a reduction in stress obtained through a regained sense of personal control and healthy lifestyle activities could potentially impact an individual’s health outcomes in relation to cancer. i began to speculate that with further research and investigation into the subject, we could develop evidence to support a new hypothesis. the new hypothesis states that community education programs targeted specifically towards individuals affected by cancer and focusing on education and encouraging positive lifestyle changes can be extremely effective in stress reduction and allowing participants to regain a greater sense of control. locus of control is a theory developed by julian rotter which suggests that “behavior or personality is determined by (1) what you expect to happen following a specific action and (2) the reinforcement value attached to specific outcomes” (taylor 2012). it is suggested by rotter (1990) that possessing an internal locus of control may result in greater psychological wellbeing. similarly the health belief model proposed by rosenstock (1974) addresses the causes for a change in health behavior as a result of a “perceived health threat” and a “perceived threat reduction.” the health belief model is not always effective, as can be seen in the example of a person who chooses to be in a destructive relationship. although remaining in a destructive relationship is known as a threat, and it is also known that removing oneself from the destructive relationship can reduce the threat, many still choose to remain a part of the destructive relationship. icek ajzen’s (1986) theory of planned behavior combines the health belief model with a plan of action for changing behavior involving three main components: attitudes towards the specific action, subjective norms regarding the action, and perceived behavioral control. a cancer diagnosis is often a significant catalyst for making personal changes that could have been afforded prior to diagnosis. the difference between people making positive changes that will lead to regained control, stress reduction, and better health outcomes and those who do not can be explained in part by the health belief model and the theory of planned behavior. the cancer support community offers educational programs, matched with a positive supportive community atmosphere, which can reinforce “normative beliefs.” this type of environment acknowledges positive lifestyle changes such as diet and exercise as “acceptable norms.” it also 6 fosters “motivation to comply” through positive peer pressure. lastly, it allows for “perceived behavioral control” in which the individual believes that the changes can realistically be made. these steps allow for a back and forth exchange between making changes and feeling a greater sense of control (taylor 2012). the cancer support community offers many programs that reinforce healthy lifestyle choices such as yoga, meditation, educational seminars, healthy cooking classes, and focused support groups. when participants attend a program, they are asked to complete a workshop evaluation upon conclusion of the program session. these surveys are then compiled and entered into a database. questions asked on these evaluations relate to decreased psychological distress, increased quality of life, new attitude toward the illness and/or treatment, increased feelings of hope, increased feelings of control, feeling less alone, and an increased connection with others who share similar concerns. as a whole, based on 1,256 workshop evaluations from a variety of programs offered by the organization, the results were overwhelmingly positive. individually when analyzing a smaller sample size limited to ten participants after a healthy cooking class, results were similar to that of the overall grouped results. figure 1 healthy cooking workshop evaluation results figure 2 results from 1,256 workshop evaluation surveys 7 in an effort to further investigate lifestyle changes and control, a focus group was organized consisting of seven cancer support community program participants. some were current cancer patients, others were survivors, but all maintained active involvement in the organization. the goal of the focus group was to address times of helplessness, how a sense of control was lost and/or regained, and why, if any, lifestyle changes (diet, exercise, meditation, etc) were made after diagnosis. before the focus group began participants were asked to complete an eighteen question multidimensional health locus of control scale (mhlc). this scale rates an individual’s locus of control which is defined as the “extent to which people perceive outcomes as internally controllable by their own efforts and actions or as externally controlled by chance or outside forces” (myers 2008). this particular scale is used to rate those experiencing a medical condition. the outcomes are categorized as “internal”, “chance”, or “powerful others” (wallston, stein, and smith 1994). in this specific form (form “c”) used for the focus group, powerful others is divided into subgroups of “doctors”, and “other people.” from the seven mhlc’s that were completed, four were scored as “powerful others: doctors”, two were scored as “chance” and only one was scored as “internal,” meaning that most of the participants believed that doctors were in control of the outcomes of their condition and not themselves. the results of the focus group were surprising considering we intended to prove participants possessed an inner locus of control gained by participation in the cancer support community programs. the focus group discussion itself later revealed an exceptional explanation for this. during the focus group most of the participants in the room verbalized past feelings of helplessness, intense fear and hopelessness at the point of diagnosis. it was at this time that all sense of control was lost. powerlessness was also felt for some during treatment in which participants were unable to maintain normal routines and activities due to sickness. everyone in the group shared experiences of times they let go of control in order to cope. some participants did their best to continue routines while others embraced a new life path by engaging in new activities such as traveling, doing volunteer work and reconnecting with friends. what i noticed about this group from my own perspective was that they did demonstrate a highly selective sense of control, based on the things they found that could be realistically controlled. it was an important coping mechanism for them to let go of the things they felt were beyond their control and in the hands of healthcare providers and the healthcare system itself. one focus group participant appropriately stated, “you can only do what you can do.” letting control go in certain areas seemed to enable participants to establish control in other areas of their lives, especially emotional control. figure 3 increased feeling of control 8 to some degree it appeared that most if not all people in the group had altered their diets by beginning to carefully read food labels, cutting out red meat, eating more fresh fruit and vegetables, switching to organic foods and even juicing. participants discussed engagement in various types of physical activity such as walking, jogging, general exercise and quite a few in the group were active participants in the weekly yoga program at the cancer support community. some focus group participants also described the importance of meditation, which the cancer support community also offers as a program, as a way of reducing stress and putting the mind at ease. all participants expressed their profound appreciation and thankfulness for the support groups and programs offered by the cancer support community. many described it as a turning point after their diagnosis, in which they were able to regain control, become educated about their illnesses, and connect with others having similar experiences. they were also able to pass on encouragement and useful information to friends, family members and new csc participants. throughout the duration of the project from the original nutrition survey, through evaluating the workshop evaluations and conducting the focus group, a large amount of meaningful data was collected. though mostly derived from observational data, it could be speculated that a greater sense of personal control can encourage a reduction in stress and vice versa. this may then create a regained level of normalcy and the ability to reclaim pleasure from life. based on the focus group discussion, it is also important to acknowledge the particular areas of life in which control should be exercised and when it should be released. releasing control to outside factors can be a form of control in itself because the conscious decision is being made to allow someone or something else to take over a selective segment of life. a cancer patient cannot control how the healthcare system will process their medical claim, or how a doctor will interpret results of a recent scan, but are able to control personal mindset and outlook. this can be directly impacted by diet, exercise, education, meditation, stress reduction, and effective communication with others. the cancer support community and organizations like it that offer such programs have the ability to empower patients and survivors to take control over their emotional well-being. the initial intent of the biological service learning research project was to observe the dietary changes made by cancer patients. it later evolved into an investigation on the psychological effect that positive lifestyle changes may have on personal control and what enables these changes to occur. i believe this research is an effective preliminary model for additional community based research in service learning. future research in a clinical setting would also be extremely valuable in evaluating the effectiveness these factors could potentially have on physical health outcomes and survivor rates of cancer patients. references aldwin, carolyn, and loriena a. yancura. 2010. “effects of stress on health and aging: two paradoxes.” california agriculture 64 (4): 183-88. http://ucce.ucdavis.edu/files/ repositoryfiles/ca6404p183-79302.pdf. ajzen, icek, and thomas j. madden. 1986. “prediction of goal-directed behavior: attitudes, intentions, and perceived behavioral control.” journal of experimental social psychology 22: 453-474. 9 american cancer society. 2011. “acs guidelines on nutrition and physical activity for cancer prevention.” american cancer society. http://www.cancer.org/healthy/ eathealthygetactive/acsguidelinesonnutritionphysicalactivityforcancerprevention/ac s-guidelines-on-nutrition-and-physical-activity-for-cancer-prevention-diet-cancerquestions. american cancer society. 2012. “what is cancer?” american cancer society. http://www.cancer.org/cancer/cancerbasics/what-is-cancer. campbell, neil a. and jane b. reece. 2008. biology. 8th ed. san francisco, ca: benjamincummings publishing company. fox, nicole, and alison g. freifeld. 2012. “the neutropenic diet reviewed: moving toward a safe food handling approach.” oncology 26 (6): 572-75, 580, 582. giese-davis, janine, sue dimiceli, sandra sephton, and david spiegel. 2006. “emotional expression and diurnal cortisol slope in women with metastatic breast cancer in supportive-expressive group therapy.” biological psychology 73 (2): 190-198. myers, david g. 2008. social psychology. 9th ed. new york, ny: mcgraw-hill. rosenstock, irwin m. 1974. “historical origins of the health belief model.” health education monographs 2: 328-35. rotter, julian b. 1990. “internal versus external control of reinforcement: a case history of a variable.” american psychologist 45: 489-93. steinmetz, kristi a. and john d. potter. 1996. “vegetables, fruit, and cancer prevention: a 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education (abe) room at the center for the homeless clutching a two-page printout in his hands. “look at this!” he eagerly announced, a smile stealing across his lined face as he handed me the papers. giving the pages a quick glance, i noticed that they were a biography of a civil war-era general. i did not understand mark’s excitement until he explained that the nineteenth-century man shared his last name. pointing to the second line, he drew my attention to general arnold hayes’ time as a professor of mathematics at the u.s. naval academy. immediately, the significance became clear – mark believed he had found an ancestor that shared his own passion for math. mark, a 62-year-old guest at the center for the homeless in south bend, indiana, spent many an afternoon upstairs in abe room tutoring fellow homeless men and women as they prepared to earn their ged or complete other math homework. when there were no adults needing assistance, mark would focus on independent learning in mathematics and history, his two favorite subjects. in late winter, he would often arrive holding a stack of books and papers under his arm and settle into his preferred seat in the middle of the room to begin reading and taking notes on voltaire’s candide. a few weeks later, after he had finished the book, he was happy to converse with others about it, even those who knew little about voltaire, proudly revealing his newly-gained understanding. mark’s next project emerged soon thereafter: reworking archimedes’ discovery of pi to see how precise a calculation he could make. i got to know mark hayes while working at the center for the homeless through a community-based learning course called “confronting homelessness” and taught by professor benedict giamo.1 like mark, i tutored in the abe room, and i was able to observe him as both of us moved about our activities. when neither of us was actively tutoring, we would sit and talk about his latest personal projects. in late march, after having lived at the center for a year and a half, mark moved out to live independently once again. i had been intrigued by his intellectual curiosity and his dual role as tutor and guest, so two weeks later, i arranged a time to sit down with him and discuss his past. after observing, interacting, and interviewing mark, i have to come to realize that his life story is marred by a collection of detrimental conditions and experiences that is all too common among the 3.5 million homeless people today (national coalition for the homeless 2009). through the story he tells of his own pathway through poverty and growth at the center, mark reveals himself as a unique and human face of homelessness, demanding that we attend to the prevalence of poverty and destitution today. mark’s life history begins with a disturbing amount of abuse (of a kind he chose not explicitly name). it started when he was a young child and continued for decades thereafter. “it 1 i have changed all names in this paper, with the exception of professor benedict giamo, dr. peter lombardo, and referenced scholars. all information on mark hayes’ life history comes from the interview i conducted on april 16, 2012, at the center for the homeless, as well as the conversations and interactions i had with mark as a fellow adult basic education tutor between january and april of 2012. 2 wasn’t my parents, neither one of them,” he told me, “but it still started when i was one year old.” he was willing to speak openly about only select pieces to this puzzle, and he barely mentioned the perpetrator, simply saying that he had “a bad nurse.” yet the abuse had a clear and profoundly damaging effect on mark’s life, resulting in mental illness that he said began in 1962, when he was twelve years old, and lasted until 1972. as he describes it, “your mind is a tape recorder; it records everything that happens to you. you get the pressure built up and it affects your conscious decisions, your behavior, your attitude.” these traumatic experiences and the memories of them pervaded several decades of mark’s life. beyond the emphasis on abuse throughout his childhood, mark did not tell me much more about that period of his life, jumping instead to his young adult years. after high school he studied mathematics at purdue for two years before dropping out, a decision he says was related to his abusive home life, which made his conditions “just bad.”2 instead of attributing his failure to stay in school exclusively to his mental state, mark shared a somewhat delusional tale of a communist takeover of purdue, complete with joseph stalin and karl marx working in the administration, acting as the impetus for his withdrawal. while he acknowledged that the episode is not widely considered a part of the university’s history, he nevertheless cites it as a primary factor in his decision to leave. this seemed, in part, an effort to create an alternate reality to disguise the monsters of his past and remove some of the responsibility from himself and his history. after leaving purdue, mark served in the navy during the vietnam war, an experience he felt only exacerbated his mental illness. during his wartime service, mark says that he endured constant emotional and verbal abuse, making his time in the military “terrible” at first. “in some ways i feel like a big baby,” he told me, distractedly tapping his black and yellow ball cap against the table, “but there should be limits to abuse.” this abuse in the navy only ceased, mark said, when he began to exhibit signs of his mental illness again, at which point “they finally got off my back.” removing himself entirely from the harmful situation at the end of his five years of service allowed mark an opportunity to recover. the vietnam war veteran astutely understands the abating of his mental illness: “it wasn’t innate to me; i wasn’t born with it. i just got away from all of the abusive people and started growing and having a relationship with god, and mental illness went away.” although mark believes his mental illness has been eradicated, vestiges seem to persist in his hold on conspiracy theories and the sometimes-illogical scenarios that dot his personal narrative, joining him to a large percentage of others in the homeless population who struggle, to various degrees, with the disease.3 mark explained that his prospects began to look up he exited the navy and was able to secure employment at bendix, a tire manufacturing plant in south bend, where he continued working for eleven years. he spent most of the first ten years in the automotive division and a subsequent year or so with the aircraft division. his employment ended abruptly, however, when 2 based on his history of mental illness and the single, short example he gave of a problem he experienced during college, i interpret this to mean that he suffered from volatile mental health and a shaky personal identity. 3 according to the substance abuse and mental health services administration, 20 to 25 percent of the homeless population in the united states suffers from severe mental illness. the total percentage of mentally ill persons, including those like mark, who have less severe mental illness, is even greater (national coalition 2009). 3 bendix left town, and, like so many other poor and homeless individuals, mark fell prey to the widespread phenomenon of deindustrialization. for the next 24 years, despite efforts to apply for work at “probably 2,000 places,” he was gainfully employed only sporadically and for no more than a few months at a time. the sole exception was the 30 months he spent with a transportation yard around the year 2000. despite his difficulties in sustaining employment, mark has consistently taught sunday school at a local methodist church for the past thirty years. given his steady service to the church, one is given pause to wonder why he was unable to secure gainful employment. not having asked him this question directly, i can only speculate, but perhaps he was discriminated against in the job market because of his age or due to the fact that the south bend economy simply did not offer many long-term positions at his skill level. it is also possible that more of the explanation lies with mark’s mental health issues, although this seems less likely given his eleven years working with bendix after leaving the navy. whatever the reason, mark felt safe in his church community, passionate about his teaching, and maintained a strong enough faith in god to stay involved in sunday school for decades. surviving for years without a regular income was not easy for mark. because of his uneven employment history, mark was only rarely able to collect unemployment benefits, since indiana state law stipulates that a person must be employed for at least four of the five calendar quarters before the week he or she files a claim. [the compensation is also limited to 26 weeks of full benefits—the amount being based on previous earnings—in a single 52-week period]. although mark was able to petition for a few extensions on the tier limit for benefits, he struggled to remain afloat financially. when asked how he managed to pay his bills, he responded, “i don’t know – the good lord’s will, i guess. i borrowed money, begged, went to this organization [and] that organization, family members, church.” for mark, life is “a long battle.” mark’s veteran status, past abuse, joblessness, and unstable mental health thus make him a quintessential victim of homelessness. studying the particular susceptibility of vietnam war veterans to homelessness, robert rosenheck and alan fontana write, “vulnerability to homelessness seems to accumulate over time and involves multiple aspects of psychiatric illness, social isolation, and antisocial conduct” (1994, 424). furthermore, veterans are generally overrepresented in the homeless population. in 2011, the proportion of male war veterans in the homeless population was 30 percent higher than that in the general population, and female veterans were overrepresented by a factor of two (fargo et al. 2011). this information is troubling considering that veterans overall have a lower rate of poverty than the general population and have access to an exclusive system of benefits, including healthcare, disability and pension assistance, and homeless services (fargo et al. 2011). when asked why he did not take advantage of this aid, mark simply said, without clarification, “every time i go to a veterans program, it blows up in my face like the war did, so i stay away.” underlying this, mark distrusts the u.s. military because of the abuse he suffered and because of the troubled history the u.s. military has had with involvement in foreign countries. mark was also unmarried and socially isolated after returning from the war, two more factors that rosenheck and fontana conclude also strongly correlate to homelessness (perl 2012). nevertheless, mark had defied the odds for a remarkable 30+ years before he too succumbed to homelessness. perhaps most remarkable, and crucial, in mark’s tenaciousness to hold onto independent living was the relationship he enjoyed with his landlord in the decade before he entered the center. this landlord provided mark with an affordable housing situation, keeping the rent low 4 and allowing him to get behind a payment or two. in fact, mark had never been “homeless” per se, as he always had shelter at night. by the late 2000s, however, he no longer had his job at the transportation yard and his two years’ of unemployment benefits had ran out, so he was once again unable to pay rent. meanwhile, he explained, his landlord “went belly up” in the recession, losing his rental properties and leaving mark without a place to stay. although mark had previously been afraid to enter a homeless shelter for fear of “never making it out,” his landlord encouraged him to investigate the center for the homeless, telling him that he heard it was less stressful than other shelters. without housing for the first time in his life, mark checked into the center for the homeless. it is for people like mark, who have endured poverty and homelessness and want to get back on their feet, that the center for the homeless was created. founded in 1989 in collaboration with the university of notre dame, the center aims to serve the needs of the homeless in a novel and comprehensive way. unlike many “emergency” homeless shelters, the center does not merely give food and temporary shelter to folks on the street; instead it welcomes the homeless in as guests to receive longer-term rehabilitation. the program includes mental health, substance abuse, and relationship counseling; a job readiness class; adult education tutoring to earn a ged or other degree; and debt reconciliation and budgeting support. the center thus addresses the homeless as “victims of perverse macro-level social forces, compounded by their vulnerability” (rossi 1992, 26). for many of the guests, the center becomes a second home, offering the all-important sense of belonging that they often otherwise lack. however, while mark did feel a sense of this camaraderie at the center, he did not build deep relationships with the other guests. when i asked mark if he had experienced a strong sense of community at the center, he responded simply, “i’m kind of a loner.” dr. peter lombardo, director of community involvement at the center, says that “most people we see at the center for the homeless are disconnected in one sense or another from the usual networks of support – friends, family,” etc., and mark was no different (2012). mark did identify the unique reason he felt he was disconnected from society, saying that it was largely due to his unusual behavior, which he believes is the result of having a high-level intellect. “a lot of times you go into trances, you talk to yourself,” he explains. “that’s unacceptable to the public…. that scares people; they get the wrong impressions; they don’t get to know you.” because of this, mark has learned to be wary of others and carefully identifies those with whom he will associate. even in the adult basic education room, mark rarely talked casually to others unless directly tutoring a guest; instead, he read classic historical works, worked on mathematics calculations, and occasionally spoke to volunteers about these favorite subjects. that even the center for the homeless could not fully correct the deep social isolation in mark’s life might seem disheartening. the poignant reality is that mark has accepted a certain level of social distance from the majority of his neighbors (whether at the center or outside it), choosing to place his confidence only in the select few whom he has distinguished as trustworthy. however, his time as a guest at the center for the homeless also helped mitigate his isolation to some degree, as he enjoyed great support from the staff. in fact, when i first asked mark about the welcome he received there, he covered his face with his hands, took a deep breath, and warned me, “you’re going to make me cry now.” slowly raising his head to look back at me, he said, “jasmine parks [a counselor at the center], … she welcomed me with open arms. she’s a very good girl in my life – that intelligence, that heart, that love.” mark continued praising his coach at the center – “she’s probably the best counselor in the building.” indeed, 5 jasmine fought for her client every step of the way, whether she had to battle mark himself or other staff members at the center. mark is quick to cite the time jasmine went to bat for him when he resisted participation in the center’s required star (skilled, trained, able, and ready) program, a set of classes designed to teach guests job skills and assist residents in finding employment. mark displayed an unwillingness to enter the program because of what he felt was a very slim probability that anyone would want to employ him for a single year before his retirement-eligible age of 62, and he believed his time at the center could be better used addressing other goals. jasmine sympathized with mark’s feelings, and she also worried that if mark’s applications were consistently turned down, he might interpret that as a pattern of abuse recurring in his life. with this in mind, jasmine chose to honor mark’s wish not to participate in the star classes. it was decided, instead, that mark would serve as a math tutor. mark carefully explained to me how he believed he embodied the qualifications that the center looks for in tutors: first, they must know the subject area, and second, they must be able to present it. with his 96% average in calculus at purdue and his experience teaching firstand second-graders for over 30 years as a sunday school teacher, he felt that he fully met the criteria to be an effective tutor. “i’m used to breaking it down every week for people at levels way lower than me,” he said. through tutoring, mark found his place at the center for the homeless, and what is more, he participated and gave of himself, rather than only passively taking what the center had to offer him. furthermore, mark’s presence as a tutor in abe gave him a valued position of authority within what is more typically the vertical structure in homeless shelters, where relationships are frequently defined by differences in position and power. mark was determined to emerge from his time at the center a different person, and that meant taking responsibility for decision-making and pursuing his interests, which was evident in his creative dedication to abe. he proudly showed me the addition and subtraction tables he had created with the help of another volunteer. pulling two papers off of a wall of mathematics resources, he described the grids’ similarity to a multiplication table and explained their usefulness to people who are slow to add and subtract small figures. mark did not spend time in the abe room simply to fulfill a requirement set by his coach; he genuinely treasured the opportunity to teach other guests math skills and actively contribute to the center. jasmine, beyond allowing mark to make important decisions about his path at the center, also helped him deal with his past abuse during individual counseling sessions. “i had to cry it out in front of her about all the crap that’s happened to me – i don’t know how many times,” mark told me candidly. (if ever mark was afraid to show emotion, he is no longer. coming close to tears several times during our interview, he also mentioned many former episodes of crying.) what jasmine did for mark during these sessions was to lovingly transform his attitude through sincere support and encouragement. “all my life i’ve been told, ‘you can’t, you can’t, you can’t.’ … over here i’m told, ‘you can, you can, you can.’” mark instructively explained why he felt counseling worked for him: “it’s because the abuses that other people do to you, that’s not your fault, okay? so it’s not your fault, there is a god in heaven, there are second chances, and it’s logical that they can remove that [abuse] from you.” by clearly laying out three rational reasons for the success of his abuse counseling, mark is also reminding himself that he is not to blame for the decades of maltreatment he endured. he praises the counseling sessions with jasmine for teaching him more about mental illness than he ever learned in his health, psychology, and sociology classes in high school and college, particularly the understanding that mental illness could be either a congenital or a traumatically-induced condition. only decades 6 later, when he was finally able to deal with his abuse in a safe setting, did he realize that his mental illness was not something of which to be ashamed and but something that he could move past. another key element in mark’s recovery was his participation in the sosh (starting over, stepping higher) program. in sosh class, one of the center’s premier programs for overcoming abuse, mark confronted his past through discussion with other guests and the use of multimedia materials. watching what mark describes as clips of “unusual circumstances” concerning the maltreatment of people brought guests’ experiences of abuse into the open and helped them confront their own histories. “they gripped my soul quite often,” he says of sosh classes. recounting a segment from the lion king he viewed during the class, he again was moved to tears. he explained a scene in which simba, the young protagonist, speaks to his deceased father’s image in a watery reflection, telling his father that he had given up. the father responds, ‘no, you have to go back, try it again!’ mark saw in simba’s surrender his own personal history and the sense of disillusionment that he developed throughout life. mark explained that he used to “play around” with numbers. as early as age 12, he began to feel that his “mathematical fun” was making his dad an alcoholic, so he stopped doing math except when it was required for homework problems. the reflective and therapeutic work done during sosh class helped mark return to the experience of doing math for enjoyment. this has brought him great joy, as evident in his sense of pure elation at recently using geometry, trigonometry, and fractions to recreate archimedes’ calculation of pi. the sosh classes also enabled mark to establish some level of connection with his peers. while mark self-identifies as a “loner” and may not rely heavily on others or belong to a large social circle, sosh helped him to build meaningful, if only temporary relationships with his peers at the center. mark explained that at the end of the program, group members write letters of support to one another. mark received two uplifting cards telling him that he had proved his peers’ first impressions of him to be wrong that he was different (in a positive way) than they had initially thought. these people had taken the time to get to know mark, to look his past his idiosyncrasies – his way of talking to himself or going into trances – in order to see the good soul underneath. sosh classes have had similar impacts on other guests as well. many times when people enter the center for the homeless, they feel ashamed to be in a homeless center, and their difficult life experiences may have conditioned them to believe that they are not worthwhile. yet miracles happen routinely at the center for the homeless because guests, through sosh class and time with their counselors, are able to shirk their self-identity as “failures” and join a supportive community. after 18 months at the center for the homeless, it was finally time for mark to leave. he had confronted his history of abuse, regained a sense of self-worth, and found a purpose for his mathematics passion through tutoring. the impetus for his departure was his 62nd birthday – since he had become eligible to collect retirement benefits, both social security and his bendix pension, it was time to free up a bunk for the next person. mark has just begun to create a new life outside of the center. he celebrates his newfound opportunity to creatively explore the workings of math and history, though he is still figuring out what his regular routine will be in his independent state. he will not look for a job, but, he says, “i can do math. i can do my own formulas. i can read history.” he remarks that he is enjoying retirement more than most anything else in his life because he is finally doing what he wants to do. “i’m funded to do whatever i want. it’s a great joy to me.” mark has found himself in the delight of learning and has a new a sense of purpose in his life. 7 mark is currently living out of a motel, and he shies away from questions regarding his search for a home, saying in somewhat cryptic terms that although the center tried to assist him in finding long-term housing, “it didn’t work out.” it appears that, since he was pushed out of the center as soon as his first retirement check arrived, he was unable to save up enough money to pay for a more permanent place to call home. mark has hope, however, that he will soon move in with a friend for a while, thus allowing him to save money while he searches for affordable housing. beyond this, he seems to have done little concrete planning for the future. despite the continued precariousness of mark’s situation, he does not discount the transformative effect the center had on him and on other guests. he emphasizes the value of the center’s personalized and rehabilitative approach. for people who are led into homelessness by their poor education, addictions, and abuse, the center is prepared to lift them out. mark thinks the “plan of attack” – which includes tutoring, ged preparation, job searching, counseling, and sosh classes – makes a “big, big difference.” not only do the staff and volunteers address these larger issues, they also deal with small things, like having the requisite math skills to pay a landlord. the center for the homeless serves as tremendous resource for guests looking for support to make changes in their life. as mark puts it, “if you’re serious, the center can help you out.” yet the center did not succeed in one major respect with mark; it did not release him to a stable environment. perhaps the source of the problem was neither mark’s ability (nor inability) to secure housing, nor a lack of resources at the center but that the center simply no longer knew how to help mark. he had dealt with his abuse, had stabilized mentally, and had found a home tutoring at abe. perhaps, in mark’s case, the staff felt they had done all they could do. they might have assumed he was ready to search for housing independently, and that it was their responsibility to move their focus to the next person.4 this leads to an important realization about the nature of homelessness. what the center for the homeless and many other shelters do well is to provide needed, individualized assistance to homeless people through education, job preparation, and support in dealing with conditions of abuse (substance or otherwise), yet too often the attention to homelessness stops there. working with individuals on a purely individual and reactionary level can help alleviate the epidemic but not prevent it. attention must also be paid to addressing the economic and social systems – those “perverse macro-level social forces” – that placed shelter guests in the position of homelessness in the first place.5 a multitude of such forces work against the poor and homeless, ranging from institutional racism to exported manufacturing jobs, and they demand structural fixes. at the same time, the dearth of interpersonal support that homeless people face, as they often lack meaningful, loving relationships, calls for attention as well. to this effect, places like the center for the homeless do great work, as they help their guests reestablish a sense of belonging and community.6 in the end, this is mark’s story. more precisely, this is mark’s story as told to me and filtered through my words, with the connection to “real” historical events at times unclear and dubious. this may not be the whole truth, but ultimately, it does not limit the significance of 4 for a deeper discussion of this phenomenon, see lyon-callo 2000, 328-45. 5 those vulnerabilities include unemployment, social isolation, crime, mental illness, poor physical health, and long-term alcohol and drug abuse (rossi, 1992, 26). 6 for more on the importance of social belonging and community, see sister mary rose mcgeady 1992, 51-70. 8 telling the story. it is, tragically, only one story among many about fellow citizens who face scarce job opportunities, poor education, various forms of abuse, mental illness, limited social networks, and addictions that lead to them to situations of extreme poverty and destitution – oftentimes without the assistance of resources like the center for the homeless. what is most important about this story is that it was one that mark wished to tell me about his life, and it demonstrates critical pathways, turning points, and ideas about his personal experience with homelessness. mark’s story paints him as a face of homelessness in a humanizing way, with a dignity that extends much further. mark is not a one-dimensional “college drop-out” or “veteran” or “homeless man,” but a dynamic human being with a distinctive past and optimistic prospects for the future. it is our responsibility to make sure that he, and every other person in poverty and facing homelessness, has the opportunity to flourish. i would like to express my gratitude to dr. benedict giamo of the university of notre dame, as well as dr. clayton a. hurd of stanford university, for their untiring assistance throughout the writing of this essay. references fargo, jamison, stephen metraux, thomas byrne, ellen munley, ann elizabeth montgomery, harlan jones, george sheldon, and dennis p. culhane. 2011. “prevalence and risk of homelessness among u.s. veterans: a multisite investigation.” national center on homelessness among veterans. http://repository.upenn.edu/cgi/ viewcontent.cgi?article=1161&context=spp_papers. lombardo, peter. “homelessness and human dignity in south bend: a dinner and discussion.” paper presented at university of notre dame, notre dame, in, april 2012. lyon-callo, vincent. 2000. “medicalizing homelessness: the production of self-blame and self-governing within homeless shelters.” medical anthropology quarterly 14 (3): 328 45. mcgeady, sister mary rose. 1992. “the common good.” in beyond homelessness: frames of reference, edited by benedict giamo and jeffrey grunberg, 51-70. iowa city, ia: university of iowa press. national coalition for the homeless. 2009. “factsheets.” national coalition for the homeless. http://www.nationalhomeless.org/factsheets/index.html. perl, libby. 2012. “veterans and homelessness.” federation of american scientists. http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/rl34024.pdf. rosenheck, robert, and alan fontana. 1994. “a model of homelessness among male veterans of the vietnam war generation.” american journal of psychiatry 151 (3): 421-27. rossi, peter h. 1992. “permanence and change.” in beyond homelessness: frames of reference, edited by benedict giamo and jeffrey grunberg, 3-30. iowa city, ia: university of iowa press. mark hayes: the human face of homelessness buying local: an economic impact analysis of portland, maine 1 buying local: an economic impact analysis of portland, maine amar patel bowdoin college introduction as an intern at the maine center for economic policy (mecep) in 2011, i was given the opportunity to work on many projects which exposed me to the variety of economic issues facing the state of maine. one such project was commissioned by the portland independent business & community alliance (pibca), a non-profit organization that supports locally owned, independent businesses in portland, maine. the goal of the project was to collect and analyze data on the economic impacts of buying from these types of businesses in portland. my work on the project started in the summer. during this time, i researched similar projects to develop a methodology and a survey which mecep and pibca distributed. to continue work on the project, i enrolled in an independent study course during the fall semester of 2011. this article is the result of the independent study, which takes a more in-depth look at the data and offers greater analysis which was not possible for pibca due to time constraints. throughout the semester, i met with mecep to discuss the data and analysis as well as to receive general guidance. through this collaboration, mecep and i released a shorter report titled “going local: quantifying the economic impacts of buying from locally owned businesses in portland, maine” (currently available at http://www.mecep.org/view. asp?news=2003). that report uses many of the results which are found in this research article and frames the analysis as a policy decision for maine. this article takes a more academic approach on the issue of mom-and-pop shops versus big box retailers. spirited debate surrounds large national retailers when they target small towns as sites for expansion. more often than not, these debates center on the effects the large retailer would have on individually owned businesses in the downtown areas. consequently, dozens of civic organizations have conducted or commissioned research attempting to demonstrate the economic advantages of purchasing goods and services from locally owned businesses instead of national retailers. their reasoning is straightforward: a greater share of expenses for local businesses will stay in the local economy because they do not remit earning to corporate headquarters in a different economy. local businesses must identify their own suppliers of goods and services such as legal counsel, advertising, and accounting; oftentimes these suppliers are in the same locality. to add to the effects, owners and employees of the local business tend to live in the same economy and are likely to patronize other local businesses, essentially recycling the money. in this model, very little money would leak out of the local economy, thus creating a greater impact for every dollar spent. typically, economic impact is analyzed using an input-output analysis, which yields three intermediate results. the direct effect is the effect that a consumer has when they spend money at a firm. the indirect effect is the effect that consumers have on the input suppliers. for example, a consumer that purchases goods at firm b has an impact on firm a because it supplied firm b with some basket of goods and services to operate. the last result is the induced effect, which is the money put back into the economy when firms a and b pay their employees 2 who are also consumers. the end result is a multiplier, which is the ratio of the total economic impact to the direct impact. however, there is another side to the “buy local” debate. economic theory tells us that consumers want to maximize utility. large national chains are able to provide goods and services to consumers at a lower price because they face lower input prices. consequently, with a fixed budget, a reduction in the price of good x will allow the consumer to either purchase more of good x or purchase the same quantity at a lower price. the latter result would allow the consumer to use the remainder of the budget on other goods, resulting in higher utility. in this sense, large retailers that can sell goods and services at a lower price would be better for the consumer. research conducted by civic organizations has concluded overwhelmingly that buying local has a greater impact on the economy and that is the policy path that should be adopted (civic economics 2004; 2002). however, academic literature examining the impacts of national retailers has yet to reach a consensus. some have found that the entry of wal-mart into a county has a negative impact on employment (neumark et. al 2007); while others have found that there is a small increase in employment (basker 2004). others have found that there are no impacts on the small business sector in the long-run (hicks 2009; sobel and deane 2008). this article seeks to add to the growing literature on the subject by examining the portland, maine economy. it will adopt the basic methodology of civic organizations by using input-output analysis but will also expand the analysis to include concepts from the academic literature. the greater sample size will allow for more precise results and will model how a shift in consumer spending will affect the economy. lastly, the analysis will expand to include adjacent areas to calculate a net economic impact. literature review research on this area is divided into two sources: civic organizations and academic. both sources provide insight into the issue of economic impact, but the results are not unanimous. civic economics (2002; 2004), the leading research group on this question, has conducted a myriad of studies that conclude buying locally is beneficial and big-box retailers are detrimental to local economies. academic literature has approached this question in the context of big-box stores, and their effects on various indicators such as retail and commercial sales, employment, and the presence of other retailers. given the variety of indicators, the overall theme of the academic literature is inconclusive at best. the studies conducted by civic economics tend to use similar methodologies. typically, samples consist of four to five firms from several sectors. these firms provide financial data that is run through an input-output matrix to ascertain how much money stays in the local economy. the first of these studies was conducted in austin, texas in 2002. results showed that for every $100 spent at a local firm, $28-41 stayed in the local economy, as opposed to $8 at a national chain (civic economics 2002). a similar study conducted in the andersonville neighborhood of chicago had a sample size of ten and compared that data to national competitors. the results of this study found that $68 of every $100 would remain in the local economy if consumers spent at a locally owned firm. the figure for a national retailer was $43 for every $100 (civic economics 2004). these two studies provide some valuable insight, but do not provide a comprehensive analysis. the analysis demonstrates the validity of using an input-output model. the model allows us to capture how different sectors of the economy interact, which is crucial in 3 determining the impacts of consumer choices. however, the studies fail to account for a crucial policy implication. if consumers were to shift their spending to locally owned businesses, they could potentially deprive businesses in the surrounding economies that they may have previously patronized. although the local economy in question would benefit, would the net benefit be positive? academic studies have attempted to answer similar questions, and done so with different approaches. the large national retailer of choice for researchers is wal-mart because of its sheer size. if there were to be any impact on an economy if a large national chain entered, it can be clearly demonstrated with a wal-mart entering. contrarily, if one cannot observe an impact due to wal-mart, it is likely that other (smaller) national retailers will not have an impact. effects on employment are covered by neumark et al. and basker. basker (2004) finds that when a wal-mart enters a county, approximately 100 jobs are initially created in the retail sector. however, the number decreases 50% in the subsequent five-year period as other retail establishments close. numark (2007) analyzes county level data for retail employment and payrolls as a function of wal-mart stores per capita, total payrolls, and other scalar parameters. they find that the entry of wal-mart into a county reduces employment by approximately 150 jobs and reduces retail earning in the county by 1.5%. while numark and basker hint at the impacts on locally owned retailers, they do not address that question specifically. two additional studies conducted by hicks and sobel and deane explicitly address the impact on small business sector, which is defined as firms with 1-19 employees. using state level data on self-employment, sobel and deane (2008) demonstrate that there are no statistically significant impacts of war-mart stores on small business activity. similarly, hicks (2009) uses county level data to model the impact of wal-mart on small businesses. his model does not find significant impacts that are attributable to wal-mart. the previous two studies examine the question in a finer detail but fail to disaggregate locally owned businesses from other national small businesses. haltiwanger et al. (2010) overcome this limitation by using data from the longitudinal business database. the data covers all establishments and firms from 1976-2005 and includes payroll, employment, location, and industry data, as well as ownership structure (locally owned, small chain, and large chain). they find that small chains are impacted more than individual chains by the growth and entry of large chains. the locally owned firms that are impacted are usually in the immediate vicinity (1-mile radius) and the negative impact is mainly derived from the increase in the exit of firms from the area. as a whole, the academic literature has found that there is either no impact or a negative impact on the local economy. however, these impacts have been measured in terms of employment, sales, and endurance of firms. despite the various studies, none have explicitly analyzed the impact of purchasing goods and services from locally owned businesses as opposed to national chains. civic organizations have attempted to fill this gap in the literature and have done so to an extent. however, the studies are limited by small samples and a lack of depth in the analysis. this study is modeled on those of civic organizations but seeks to overcome the difficulties. the sample size is double those of previous studies, which will allow for a more precise result for the portland, maine economy. additionally, previous studies only modeled an increase in consumer spending, which is essentially increasing the money in an economy. this study will model a shift in consumer spending, which will reallocate the money in the economy. 4 lastly, the analysis will roughly calculate the net economic impact in portland after accounting for impacts in adjacent economics to determine whether there is a true benefit to buying locally. model: input-output analysis many “buy-local” studies have relied on a method called input-output analysis, or economic impact analysis, using implan software. input-output models are detailed level accountings of transactions that occur in an economy among its industries, institutions, and households (swenson 2006). the models are flexible and can be manipulated to demonstrate the impact of changes in spending patterns. the inputs are the goods and services a firm requires to operate, create goods, and provide services. the output is the market value of the goods and services produced. the standard input-output model offers a detailed view into the production and consumption components of an economy. however, it does not fully account for other transactions that occur between institutions, such as transfers, taxes, and savings. one method used to overcome the incompleteness is the social accounting matrix (sam) – an expansion of the normal input-output matrix. two sub-matrices are added to account for factor disbursements and inter-institutional transfers. the expanded matrix makes it possible to trace income flows from income generation to consumption because it captures all account transactions in an economy (alward 1996). the completeness allows for a detailed examination of economic impacts due to anything from household income change to industry spending pattern changes. implan relies on a modified version of input-output analysis. the software allows users to create models of the economy based on custom data collected through surveys or estimated from other sources. the models are built around quantifying the interactions between industries within an economy and examining how one change in inputs affects output. harmston and lund (1967) offer a concise conceptual approach to the input-output framework. if one were to isolate a geographic area and introduce firms, an economy would emerge. firms with competitive advantages would operate, survive, and eventually specialize. the specialization forces firms to trade, both within and outside of the geographic area. this creates an interdependence of industries, since firms need inputs to create outputs, and the some economic entity must consume those outputs. additionally, harmston and lund assume that inputs must equal outputs, which does not allow for savings or debt. furthermore, in the short run they assume that input patterns and sources are stable for different levels of output. that is to say, firms do not change their spending habits. as an aggregate, the economy is producing for two markets – the one located outside of the geographic area (exports) and one located within the geographic area (local). in order to model how economic activity changes given the assumptions discussed, harmston and lund use the following algebraic argument: 𝑋𝑖 = 𝑌𝑖 where 𝑋𝑖 = total input from the ith firm and, 𝑌𝑖 = 𝑇otal output by the ith firm the total economic system then produces the following equation: 5 �𝑋𝑖 = �𝑌𝑖 or, 𝑋 = 𝑌 this equation represents the fact that total inputs into the economy equal the total output of the economy. given the prior assumption that input patterns and sources are the same, we let 𝑎 represent the input from within the economy or a local source. therefore, 𝑎𝑋 represents the total input from the local system. it follows that 𝐴 = ∑ 𝑎𝑖𝑋𝑖 𝑖 ∑ 𝑋𝑖𝑖 with 𝐴 representing the total local input coefficient for the local economy. since it is a constant coefficient, 𝑋 − 𝐴𝑋 = total nonlocal input and since 𝑋 = 𝑌 𝑌 − 𝐴𝑌 = total exports if z represents total exports, 𝑌 − 𝐴𝑌 = z then the relationship of exports to total output is 𝑌 = (1 − 𝐴)−1𝑍 the term (1 − 𝐴)−1 is the leontief inverse. the equation as a whole makes outputs a function of exports, or, in other words, the model is demand driven and can demonstrate the interdependency of an economy (harmston and lund 1967). the result of the input-output model is a multiplier, which is a numeric summary that indicates the total change in economic activity due to a direct change in one or more economic activities in an economy. for example, a direct change can be an addition of a new factory, the closing of a business, or an increase in imported goods. as mentioned before, the term (𝐼 − 𝐴)−1 is the leontief inverse. a term in this inverse matrix can be multiplied by any size or composition of final demand to obtain the gross output for the corresponding industry (richardson 1972). the focus of this study will be on output multipliers. the output multiplier for an industry 𝑖 is the sum of direct and indirect requirements from all other sectors needed to produce an additional unit of output (richardson 1972). output can be defined in many different ways, but it is appropriate to measure output in monetary terms. input-output analysis has become an accepted method of examining the question of local economic impact. this study will follow the basic model used by civic organizations. it will also use input-output analysis to model a shift in consumer spending. previous studies have modeled an increase in spending – an increase in the size of the economy. however, a shift in spending – modifying the allocation of money – may yield more insightful results. the analysis will also model the net economic impact. previous studies have only focused on the impact on one 6 economy and disregarded the impact on surrounding areas. if buying locally has a deleterious impact on surrounding economies, then the net impact may be negative. data the analysis is done at the county and zip code level in cumberland county, maine. a survey was sent out to local businesses that are a part of the portland independent business & community alliance (pibca) in portland, maine by the maine center for economic policy. the survey asked business owners to detail financial information regarding labor costs, profits, cost of goods and services, and charitable contributions. additionally, they were asked to estimate the portion of expenditures on inputs that was in the county, state, and elsewhere. in total, there were 28 completed surveys. additionally, comparable data for a national chain was needed to assess the claim that buying local is advantageous. after examining the data collected from local independent businesses, dollar tree was chosen as a comparable match based on sales and employment figures. comparable data was derived from public securities and exchange commission filings.1 lastly, this study relied on the u.s. census bureau’s 2007 economic census to find figures for retail sales in cumberland county. data limitations the data used in the analyses are comprehensive, but present two major challenges: representativeness of the entire portland economy and consistency with definitions. portland is home to 2,962 businesses and over 300 members of pibca. the analysis relies on responses from twenty-eight businesses – a fraction of businesses. this presents a challenge because the respondents represent only twenty-one of the 215 industries present in portland. additionally, we do not know the market share of the industries and the businesses; therefore, we cannot make substantiated claims about representativeness of the sample. secondly, the survey given to businesses did not contain comprehensive definitions about the geography of the firms from which they purchased their inputs. the survey explained the distinction between a national and a local firm but did not explain the nuances. for example, a local business can buy from a wholesaler that is located next door and owned by a local family. however, the wholesaler would not technically count as a local firm because only the service is local not the products it sells. the distinction is very subtle but could have a large impact on subsequent analysis. the dollar tree data also presents challenges. primarily, data from 4,104 locations from the 2010 10-k report were averaged. it is impossible to determine if locations in maine perform at or below the average without more detailed information. additionally, dollar tree was chosen as a representative national chain based on average retail sales. using criteria such as sector 1 dollar tree, inc. is a publicly traded company and therefore is required to file quarterly and yearly reports. comparable data for sales, cost of goods sold, and charitable contribution was in the report. however, wages were not. in order to estimate wages using the data, we assumed that a location manager was paid $9/hour and three retail employees were paid $7.50/hour based on information provided by the 2010 10-k report. all annual wages were based on a 2000-hour year. 7 (restaurants, management firms, or grocery stores) would have yielded different data for revenue, cost of goods sold, and wages. outliers four responses had markedly high figures for gross receipts and wages compared to the sample, but they were not removed for two reasons. first, in any given economy there will be firms that outperform others by a wide margin. additionally, the responses with high numbers were the only ones from their respective sector. one sector of the economy may have just a few firms that serve all consumers, which would lead to higher sales. other sectors may have many firms, which serve just a few consumers and have lower sales. since market shares of firms are unknown, it was best to keep all data points. results three different analyses were conducted. the first compared local portland businesses to the average dollar tree establishment using the entire cumberland county geography. as an extension, this study grouped the responses based on naics-3 (north american industry classification system) digit codes to do a detailed analysis. the second analysis used retail sales figures from the u.s. census to approximate what a 10 percent shift in household spending would mean for portland. based on previous reports done by civic organizations, families spend about 60 percent of their budget at national retailers and 40 percent at local retailers; this analysis attempts to model the shift to 50-50. the last analysis was a proxy multi-region analysis. using information from the previous analysis, this study attempted to calculate the effect of the 10 percent shift in household spending on the six adjacent zip codes. survey results the survey results support what advocates of “buy local” campaigns posit – that locally owned firms spend more of their money locally. table 1 demonstrates that on average the twenty-eight firms isolate 60.01 percent of their spending in cumberland county, 23.2 percent in the state of maine, and 16.7 percent of their spending out of state. table 1: distribution of expenses (n=28) expenses cumberland county elsewhere in maine out of state goods 27.6% 13.7% 58.8% salary and wages 69.6% 27.3% 3.1% repairs and maintenance 88.9% 7.7% 3.4% advertising 60.1% 30.1% 9.9% employee benefit programs 70.5% 26.5% 3.0% vehicle costs 77.0% 20.0% 3.0% utilities 52.9% 40.6% 6.5% equipment and supplies 41.6% 33.9% 24.5% professional services 81.1% 16.5% 2.5% other operating expenses 60.0% 0.0% 40.1% insurance 44.0% 10.9% 45.1% charitable contributions 48.0% 51.5% 0.6% average 60.1% 23.2% 16.7% 8 it is difficult to approximate a similar breakdown for a national chain, but one can draw conclusions from publicly available financial statements. as mentioned earlier, the key components of economic impact are wages, profits, cost of goods, and charitable contributions. assuming that 100 percent of wages stay in the local portland, maine economy, the average wage cost for an average dollar tree location is only $63,000. profits are remitted to the headquarters in chesapeake, virginia. according to the business model of dollar tree, only 40 percent of their goods sold are manufactured in the united states; virtually all of these are produced outside of maine. lastly, as reported on their website, charitable contributions are only made to the communities surrounding the corporate headquarters and distribution centers, none of which are in maine. portland v. dollar tree, inc. the level of data provided by the surveys stopped at the county level and did not break down spending within the county. therefore, analysis was done using cumberland county as the geographic level and the portland data as a representative sample. table 2 displays the results from the implan model. the model is set up to assess the impact of a business or a group of businesses in an economy. specifying how the business spends its money allows the model to analyze how the money recirculates. the direct impact is the initial effect of consumer spending, and it is larger for the dollar tree store. this is because national chain stores tend to have higher revenues since they can sell goods at a lower price and attract a greater number of costumers. however, the indirect and induced effects of the local businesses are larger in proportion to the direct effects. table 2: local portland establishments v. dollar tree effect type local portland firm dollar tree direct $937,579.82 $1,500,000 indirect $327,887.25 $145,064 induced $216,182.14 $356,396 total $1,481,649.21 $2,001,460 multiplier 1.58 1.33 the indirect effect is the additional activity supplying firms create in economy when they produce and sell their goods, pay employees, and their other inputs. this second iteration of spending has a smaller effect than the direct because the initial dollar spent has been reduced to about sixty cents in the local economy. those sixty cents go towards paying for inputs but do not cover the full cost. as table 1 demonstrated, local firms spend locally; therefore, portland’s indirect effect is higher. dollar tree has almost no local input; therefore, the indirect impact is smaller. the induced effect is the additional economic activity that occurs when the two sets of firms (direct and indirect) pay their employees who consequently purchase goods and services. the higher indirect and induced effects reflect the fact that local businesses rely on other local 9 businesses and, combined, their wages stay local. dollar tree’s 10-k demonstrates that many employees are paid near minimum wage and not many employees work full time at the locations. employees at the local firms earn about twice as much, on average. the higher wages paid contribute to the higher induced effect. a multiplier ties together the components of impact. the multiplier is calculated by dividing the total effect by the direct effect, which yields a multiplier of 1.58 for local businesses and 1.33 for a representative national chain. the multipliers demonstrate that there is a .25 differential in the two different locations. this represents a 74 percent local advantage. the local advantage calculates how the induced and indirect effects differ – that is, the additional economic activity generated per dollar spent. every dollar spent (direct effect) at a local establishment generates an additional fifty-eight cents (indirect and induced effects) in economic activity. on the other hand, every dollar spent at a national chain generates an additional thirty-three cents in economic activity. an additional model was run after categorizing the businesses based on the naics-3 digit system. the results are presented in table 3. note that restaurants are analyzed separately. they belong in the naics 7 group, but the revenue from the restaurants and the other establishments were extremely different. they were separated to reduce distortion on the impact. table 3: multipliers by industry industry multiplier n naics 3 manufacturing 1.464 2 naics 4 wholesale and retail trade 1.591 9 naics 5 information, finance and insurance, real estate, professional, scientific, and technical services 1.425 8 naics 7 arts, entertainment, and recreation 1.642 2 naics restaurants 1.424 4 naics 8 other services 1.565 3 the table shows how different industries impact the economy and which industries provide the most “bang for the buck.” the naics 7 group has the highest multiplier and that is most likely because they are simple service oriented businesses. they tend to be very cost effective meaning they require little input for great output. consequently, they have a large direct effect, and the ratio of the direct effect to the total effect is large. table 3 also shows that restaurants have the least impact of the group. restaurants tend to be input-intensive, as they require a lot of labor, goods (namely ingredients), and equipment (kitchen and dining). as a result, the indirect and induced will increase disproportionately to the direct effect, thus diluting the ratio of direct to total impact. 10 a 10% increase in local spending buy local campaigns also consider the benefits of the effect of a shift in consumer spending. increasing local spending increases demand for local goods. based on previous studies, 10 percent was selected as a benchmark for a shift in consumer spending. to reiterate, a shift on consumer spending means consumers will change the amount of their budget spent at a local or non-local shop – the size of the pie stays the same but the proportion of the slices change. to answer the question of “what would the impact be if consumers spent 10 percent more of their budget at local establishments and 10 percent less at national chains,” the study uses a model to reflect a change in household spending. based on information from the 2007 economic census, if consumers spent 60/40 at chain/local shops, a 10 percent change (to 50/50) would amount to $127 million. that shift would increase output by $113 million dollars in the local economy, with approximately $14 million leaking out. net impacts although a shift in consumer preferences increases local economic activity by $113 million, it is important to take into account the loss in other communities that would have otherwise benefited from the spending. to do this, a new model demonstrated the impact on the five towns surrounding portland. the analysis assumes that the shift in spending increases local goods consumption in portland and decreases chain consumption only from the surrounding areas. however, that this zip code level analysis has a significant flaw. certain zip codes from neighboring towns spill over into portland, therefore blurring boundaries. for example, the zip code 04105 contains parts of portland as well as falmouth, so the portland economy cannot be strictly separated from its surrounding economies. by examining the membership of pibca, it was determined most of the member businesses were not in the zip codes in question. therefore, the following results are a fair approximation. the five towns adjacent and surrounding portland are: south portland, cape elizabeth, scarborough, westbrook, and falmouth. the implan database had detailed records of household spending patterns, which allowed for the creation of a new model that reflected a total decrease of $127 million. there was also a control for the relative size of the economies. if a certain economy accounted for 33% of output, the model attributed 33% of the decrease to that area. an implan analysis demonstrated that shifting $127 million out of those economies would result in a total loss of $109 million in economic output. the previous analysis demonstrated that shifting consumer spending by $127 million into portland would result in a total economic impact of $113 million with $14 million leaking out. the above analysis demonstrates that $127 leaving the five adjacent economies reduces output by $109 million, leaving $18 million unaccounted. the fact that portland gains more than the surrounding areas lose provides some insight into those communities. it demonstrates that portland imports less and the surrounding areas import more. this conclusion makes sense because portland is a larger economy with more industries that produce goods, so local spending should be slightly higher by default. for example, portland has a non-upholstered wood household furniture manufacturing industry and the surrounding areas do not. this is just one of the many examples. due to the complicated interand intra-economy relations, it is difficult to account for every dollar and its impact on the economy. however, the critical point that warrants discussion is the fact that the loss in the five towns is not dollar for dollar. for every dollar the leaves those 11 economies, local output is reduced by only $0.85. for every dollar that comes into the portland economy, local output increases by $0.89. hughes et al. (2008) proposed the net impact of a shift is two-thirds of the gross shift. he reaches this conclusion by examining the impact of buying from farmers markets, then examining the cost benefit of not buying from farmers markets. he accounts for the transportation costs of getting goods to the market, the wages, the cost of the building and materials, and almost every other cost associated with operating a retail establishment. this is an extreme analysis that accounts for almost every cost and represents the extreme minimum of net impact. policy implications policy makers focus on recruiting and retaining businesses that lead to an inflow of dollars and jobs, as signified by maine’s recent “open for business” motto. however, the question then becomes about quality over quantity. dozens of big-box stores can come to the economy, create jobs, and provide affordable goods and services. to achieve a similar economic impact, only a handful of local businesses would be needed. jobs would abound directly with both types of businesses, but locally owned businesses in portland, maine have stronger indirect and induced effects. the results of this study point to a preference in supporting local businesses, as they can produce greater economic impacts in a more efficient manner. additionally, we see that portland gained more economic activity than its surrounding economies lost when $127 million was shifted. this is contrary to what neumark et al. (2007) found – the entry of wal-mart into a county reduces retail earnings by 1.5%, a net loss for the county. perhaps investing in and fostering locally owned businesses may be a more efficient way, dollar per dollar, to increase economic activity. conclusion this article examined whether buying locally in portland, maine had a greater economic impact than buying from big box retailers. different analyses using implan software show that dollar for dollar, there is more economic impact if consumers buy from locally owned firms. beyond that, the net impact, accounting for surrounding economics, is not negative. this suggests that policy makers in the region should consider focusing on locally owned businesses to help the local economy. the study seeks to add to the growing literature on the local versus big-box debate. future studies would do well to have greater sample sizes for rigorous results. every economy is different, resulting in potentially conflicting conclusions. however, this methodology provides insightful trends and a fine level of detail. i would like to express my gratitude to the mckeen center for the common good at bowdoin college for helping me connect with the maine center for economic policy, to garrett martin (mecep) for allowing me to undertake the project, to professor john fitzgerald at bowdoin for his encouragement and insightful guidance, and the roberts fund at bowdoin college for financial support. 12 references alward, gregory s. “deriving sam multiplier models using implan.” paper presented at the 1996 national implan users conference, minneapolis, mn. basker, emek. 2004. “job creation of destruction? labor-market effects of wal-mart expansion.” review of economics and statistics 87 (1): 174-83. civic economics. 2002. “economic impact analysis: local merchants vs. chain retailers.” civic economics. http://civiceconomics.com/app/download/5841748704/ lamar+retail+analysis.pdf. civic economics. 2004. “the andersonville study of retail economics.” civic economics. http://civiceconomics.com/app/download/5841713404/andersonvillestudy.pdf. dollar tree, inc. 2010. form 10-k annual report. securities and exchange commission. haltiwanger, john, ron jarmin, and cj krizan. 2010. “mom-and-pop meet big-box: complements or substitutes?” journal of urban economics 67: 116-34. harmston, floyd k, and richard e. lund. 1967. application of an input-output framework to a community economic system. columbia, mo: university of missouri press. hicks, michael. 2009. “wal-mart and small business: boon or bane?” the review of regional studies 39 (1): 73-83. hughes, david w., cheryl brown, stacy miller, and tom mcconnell. 2008. “evaluating the economic impact of farmers’ markets using an opportunity cost framework.” journal of agricultural and applied economics 40 (1): 253–65. neumark, david, jenfu zhang, and stephen ciccarella. 2007. “the effects of wal-mart on local labor markets.” iza discussion paper no. 2545. richardson, harry w. 1972. input-output and regional economics. new york, ny: wiley. sobel, russell s., and andrea m. dean. 2008. “has wal-mart buried mom and pop?: the impact of wal-mart on selfemployment and small establishments in the united states.” economic inquiry 46: 676–95. swenson, david. 2006. “buying local in marshall county and marshalltown, iowa: an economic impact assessment.” iowa state university. http://www2.econ.iastate.edu/research/webpapers/paper_12590.pdf. buying local: an economic impact analysis of portland, maine introduction model: input-output analysis data data limitations results survey results portland v. dollar tree, inc. a 10% increase in local spending net impacts policy implications conclusion references “i am clear in who i am”: cultural identity, racialization, and being cuban in the bronx 1 “i am clear in who i am”: cultural identity, racialization, and being cuban in the bronx lauren sepanski fordham university every saturday, as i arrived at st. stephen’s united methodist church in the marble hill neighborhood of the bronx to assist with spanish and english as a second language (esl) classes, i became used to a routine. i would enter through bright red doors that needed a stern yank to open and walk into a large room, sectioned off with a floor-to-ceiling divider from the church’s worship area, that served as a greeting area. there would be a table where several women and sometimes their children would be chatting. i would greet them, sign in, and sit on a long bench nearby, where others who had come for the classes were waiting. sitting there i could hear the sound of drums coming from the church’s worship area, the sound of voices coming from the people who were conversing in the general area, and the sound of a jazz saxophone and piano playing coming from the balcony upstairs. eventually, the sound of the piano would stop, and tina1, the esl and spanish language instructor, would descend the stairs, arms outstretched and smiling, greeting us in both languages. from there we would try to find a room that was unoccupied and relatively quiet, which was not always easy. there were voice lessons, baby showers, and birthday parties held downstairs, and sometimes the conference room on the first floor was being used for homework help. occasionally we even held our esl classes in a broom closet, because that was the only place available. the church was a lively place on saturdays. regardless of where we were, tina always made the lessons fun and memorable. she was an enthusiastic teacher, cheering the students on when they conquered a challenging phrase, and using humor to keep our attention. she readily taught two hours of language classes in exchange for a thirty-minute piano lesson. playing the piano, i learned, was something that she had loved as a child in cuba but had given up playing when she moved to the united states. i was drawn to her energy and enthusiasm, and the interesting stories she would tell about herself during the language lessons. as time went on i learned more about her life. i learned that she was born in cuba in 1950, something that surprised me because she seemed to be much younger than that. i learned that she had taught as a bilingual teacher in the bronx for over 30 years, and when she agreed to let me record her oral history, i learned just how important her cuban heritage was to her. as she told me about her childhood in cuba, her immigration to the united states in 1970, and her time of teaching in the bronx, i quickly realized that the theme of the interview was one of her asserting her cuban national identity while downplaying the importance of racial identity. though by doing this she left a few gaps in her life story, she used the interview as an opportunity to represent herself in the way she wished to be identified. during the interview, she emphasized how important cuba and being cuban is to her life. tina is dark-skinned, but insists that america’s preoccupation with race “is so crazy”2 because in cuba skin color “didn’t make any difference.” the contention that america’s preoccupation with race “is crazy” demonstrated 1 name changed to protect anonymity. 2 tina [pseud.]. 2012a. interviewed by lauren sepanski. transcript. april 14. bronx african american history project, fordham university, bronx, new york. 2 to me that she had indeed felt the pressure of american racial categorization yet had not been swayed under its weight to change how she self-identified. by comparing american racism with her experience of cuba, it showed that she still views the world through a cuban lens and has not accepted the racialization she found upon coming to the united states. this paper will explore tina’s resistance to american racial interpellation as presented in her oral history. how has her cuban upbringing affected her self-identification? has her experience in new york challenged her value of national/cultural identity over racial identity, and if so, how has she responded? finally, is her attempt to ignore race a successful way of combating racism? drawing from tina’s oral history interview, my field notes from time spent at st. stephen’s, scholarly sources on race in cuba and the united states, as well as from valerie yow’s recording oral history, i contend that tina’s childhood experience in cuba and the historical context of her move to the united states allowed her to maintain her national/cultural form of self-identification and avoid forming a racial consciousness, and that she has been able to maintain this way of self-identification by living and working in multicultural environments throughout her life, which diverted racism. while this approach to race has been successful for tina individually in that she has been able to maintain the self-identification and world-view that she desires, it is not a solution to combating racism systematically, as it seems to merely sidestep the issue. literature review: racism in cuba and the united states the topic of racism in cuba is a complicated subject. the cuban government has declared racism eradicated by the revolution; while some scholars agree, others say racism is still present as strongly as before. both claims are hard to back up, however, given that the cuban government does not use racial categories in collecting data in areas including employment, housing, health care, criminal justice, and political participation, and many cubans think that the very discussion of race brings about racism and therefore do not like to talk about it. in fact, any expressed racial group consciousness is determined racist and illegal (lusane 1999). still, scholar de la fuente says, “when someone hears about a robbery in cuba, the customary comment is: ‘it was probably a negro’” (1995, 162). even jonetta b. cole, who in “race toward equality” claims that “racism in its institutionalized forms has been eliminated in cuba,” admits that it still exists in attitudes and “periodic individual behavior” (1980, 2). the overall consensus, then, is that the revolution did not eradicate racism. even though it is officially banned, racism is still present on (at least) an individual level. the racialization of black cubans in the united states is just as complicated. in “normalizing cuban refugees: representations of whiteness and anti-communism in the usa during the cold war,” scholar cheris brewer current describes in detail the peculiar attitude the united states government had towards cuban immigrants during the cold war, which was when tina and her mother immigrated to the united states. at that time, taking in cuban refugees was seen as a crucial component of foreign policy (2008). every cuban who left cuba was seen as a vote for the united states and capitalism and against communism. in order to avoid an anticuban backlash, which would soil its image as the “utopian refuge for all seeking freedom” (current 2008, 52), the u.s. government and the press made a concerted effort to generalize all cuban immigrants as being white, well-educated, anti-communist, and the upper class elite of cuba. while this was true for the very first group that left cuba immediately after the revolution, it was definitely not accurate in describing the immigrants who continued to come to america 3 throughout the 1960s and 1970s. though the propaganda was not always successful, the u.s. government’s warm acceptance of cubans during the cold war ultimately provided cuban immigrants with unusual access to citizenship, education, and economic and political power in the united states for first generation immigrants. this does not mean, however, that all cubans in the united states have become part of the white population. things are complicated by time and location. for example, currently in miami, which has a large cuban population, light-skinned cubans have for the most part merged seamlessly into mainstream white miami, while dark-skinned cubans face racial discrimination from whites (including from light-skinned cubans) they feel they did not experience in cuba. “best of friends, worlds apart,” written by mirta ojito for the new york times in june 2000, explores the lives and friendship between two men—one dark-skinned, one light-skinned—who immigrated to miami from cuba in 1994. in cuba, their different skin colors had not mattered to them. they had grown up in the same neighborhood, attended school together and played on the same sports teams. “color was not what defined them. nationality, they had been taught, meant far more than race. they felt, above all, cuban.” but in miami, the large cuban population has absorbed american racism and practically every aspect of the two men’s lives is determined by the color of their skin. mr. ruiz, who is dark-skinned, feels now that, though still cuban, being black is what defines him. he identifies as afro-cuban now, prefers african american clothing, food, and music, dates black women, and has experienced racial discrimination in white neighborhoods and establishments enough to where he now avoids them as much as possible. mr. valdes, who is light-skinned, lives in an all-white neighborhood, has white cuban friends and rarely thinks about race. when he does, “it is in terms learned from other white cubans: american blacks, he now believes are to be avoided because they are delinquent and dangerous and resentful of whites. the only blacks he trusts, he says, are those he knows from cuba.” new york city, however, is not miami. cubans immigrating to new york do not have the expectation of joining a dominant ethnic group upon their arrival. new york, in particular the bronx, where tina and i are located, is a city of immigrants, and as such, is a city marked with racial and ethnic tension. the major waves of immigration to the bronx consisted of irish, german, jewish, italian, and later african american and puerto rican immigrants. relationships between these dominant groups were not always friendly. tensions ran high between the germans, jews, and italians during world war ii. gangs formed and fought between the established italian and irish populations and the newly arrived puerto rican population. as white flight and planned shrinkage struck the bronx, the puerto rican and african american communities struggled with each other for political power while their neighborhoods crumbled around them (jonnes 2002). upon arrival, immigrants like tina, who do not fit into one of the predominant ethnic groups, face the struggle of negotiating how they previously self-identified with how they are categorized by the people around them. into this entanglement of race, ethnicity, and politics of identity fall tina and myself. for, alone in the st. stephen’s broom closet, where we found the only quiet and unused place in the church, racial politics are still present. tina is black and i am white. in recording oral history, valerie yow says that power and race are inseparable, and the racial dynamics of an interview can infringe on what the narrator will say during the interview. a black narrator, therefore, is more likely to speak more truthfully to a black interviewer than a white interviewer (1994). how this plays out, and whether this has an impact on what tina shares in her interview, will be explored in the next section. 4 self-identity, diversity, and the bronx as tina and i were settling in for our second interview (our first interview had been cut short), tina informed me that she had looked over the consent form more closely and had seen that it was about racial inequality. i told her no, not exactly: i wanted to know about how her travels, which had inevitably brought her to places with distinct racial and ethnic tensions, had affected how she saw herself.3 “oh,” she told me, “that’s easy. i never experienced any of that. people have always been very nice to me. i am clear in who i am. if anybody doesn’t like it they don’t have to like me.” she said it in a way that was very matter-of-fact, yet there was a tone in her voice that sounded as if that was all she had to say on the subject of race, and all she wanted to say. this worried me, as the previous interview session had been about her childhood in cuba, and for this session, i was planning to question her about her experience in new york, particularly regarding racial tension and identity. i was caught off-guard, unsure if i should proceed with my agenda, but told her i was looking forward to hearing all about it as i turned the recorder on and began the second part of the interview. after all, it was her story to tell, and i wanted to hear it. what followed was a portrait of new york, and indeed, every place that she had been, as a place that was welcoming and accepting. however, there were a few times that it appeared tina was avoiding certain topics. her outright denial of experiencing any racism was still fresh in my head, and i was sure it still was in hers as well. this made me uncomfortable with probing for more information whenever she hinted that things were not quite as she was presenting them. i felt that if i did so, i would be overtly showing that i did not trust or believe her, which might then have a negative effect on our relationship and the rest of the interview, not to mention the rest of our time teaching esl at st. stephen’s! for example, in this part of the interview she is telling me about her experience in brooklyn, where she first moved when she immigrated to the united states: [laughs] it was very nice. my, and i say, “thank god.” my first five or six years, when i was getting to know the country, when i needed it! because now if i meet a nasty person i know how to deal with that nasty person! [laughs] you know. but, um, but at the beginning, at the beginning when we were learning the city, and then, you know, after my, my, my cousin got married and my uncle moved to puerto rico, so you know. and, so, we had a lot of support from everybody. everybody was very nice4. i remember this moment explicitly during the interview because i remember hearing what she said, wondering about it, and then deciding not to act on it. instead of asking what she meant by “nasty,” or if she could give me an example of when someone was “nasty,” i shied away from probing and continued to ask about her life chronologically, saying: “that’s good. um, so you moved to park slope.” unfortunately that is not the only moment in the interview where a call 3 the exact phrasing on the informed consent form is: “you are invited to take part in an interview that will supplement a paper written by the interview conductor about the effects of migration on racial self-identification.” 4 tina [pseud.]. 2012b. interviewed by lauren sepanski. transcript. april 21. bronx african american history project, fordham university, bronx, new york. 5 for clarification from me could have made the interview a more accurate description of her life. knowing this, i decided to ask her some follow-up questions at a later date. two weeks after the final session of our interview, i gave tina the interview transcription and recording, and told her that i had a few follow-up questions i needed to ask just to clear up some things for my paper. there, in the ease of a casual, unrecorded conversation, she told me that the reason she always looked for multicultural neighborhoods to live in was because she had been turned down from some buildings because she was black. i asked her if she identified with the term afro-cuban,5 and she said, “no, the term afro-cuban is totally wrong. it is for music, not people.” she said that she is “black—black cuban.” she then told me again that she thinks the focus on race in america “is crazy,” and almost repeated verbatim what she had told me in the interview about racial identity: “people look at you and they know. you shouldn’t have to keep going on and on explaining yourself.” this seemed to suggest that she does not see race as something from which to draw identity, rather only as a physical trait. so, why was tina prompted to tell me that she never had problems with racism before we started our interview, and then tell me later that she has indeed encountered racism, and takes steps to avoid it? i have ruled out her feeling uneasy about our racial difference during the interview process, because that would have affected our conversation outside of the interview, which it did not do. valerie yow quotes judith modell when she writes about the oral history narrator: “as informant, the individual self-consciously unravels a plot and presents a character [she] has been constructing and coloring all along” (1994, 118). i believe tina saw the interview as an opportunity to assert her own identity. the taped interview provided her the opportunity to present herself, on record, as she desires to be seen, as more than a racialized being. though scholars agree that racism was and is still present in preand post-revolutionary cuba, tina says she felt none of that. in fact, her account of cuba is exactly the same that the cuban government asserts: that in cuba, all races coexisted peacefully and skin color did not matter. my point is not to discount tina’s experience of racial harmony as unbelievable or to claim that she must be lying and therefore her oral history is useless, but to instead focus on tina’s (perceived) experience in cuba, and how it affected how she still views others and herself. when i asked her about the neighborhood she grew up in, she told me this: t: and black and white, ya know, chinese-americans, ya know, chinese-cubans, ya know, very mixed. l: did everyone… was it a nice place to live? did everyone get along? t: oh, absolutely! absolutely. that’s one of the things that i miss so much, when i came to live in the united states, because we were like, our neighbors were like our relatives… l: no matter race, ethnicity… t: no, because we lived in the same, let’s say for example, everybody took care of the little kids. whoever, ya know, this is so-and-so’s son, you know all those little kids, if you see them doing something wrong, something happening, you know, you took care of those kids. regardless. because they were the kids on your block…. so they were like your kids, and with the older people it was the same thing. i mean, there was no question, 5 in “from black cuban to afro-cuban,” scholar clarence lusane points out that “a broad acceptance of the term ‘afro-cuban’…would indicate a mature race consciousness that has not existed in almost a century among black cubans” (1999, 75). i wanted to see if she similarly had a racial consciousness. 6 if you saw an older person immediately you stand right by them and walk with them, even if they could walk by themselves, but you walk with them. ya know, just to make sure they were okay. l: so… t: so your neighborhoods were very, very strong. that’s what, they were very, very strong. the diversity of her neighborhood was reflected in who her classmates and friends were at school. she recalled a particularly touching story of herself and her two best friends in junior high school: we were like the three sisters, always together. one was chinese-cuban. her mother was black, her father was chinese. so she had dark skin and all the other chinese features and hair. and she could not have any style with her hair because her hair was just down and here [holds hands up to represent bangs] and that’s it.…and there was another girl who looked also very different. a red-headed. but totally red. so we were the three friends! you know how different we looked. …and now, every time i look back, we didn’t think we were different, i mean, the others may think—but we, we got along great! we didn’t think anything…and we were like this [clasps hands together] and then, the teachers, you know, you know how in junior high you have different teachers every 45 minutes or 50 minutes, the teachers would go, “betty, [tina]!” [holds hands up and moves them apart]…they would separate us! because if we were together—forget it!—we were talking, talking and interrupting. and that, and we were the three [inaudible]… and years later i found out she left, she was jewish, of jewish parents. she was born in cuba of jewish parents. and my friend betty, which i knew, because i had gone to her house and i met her father who was chinese, and me! so you know, we were…you know, like the three musketeers! you know, looking very different, and yet feeling, you know, very good with each other. in her multiracial neighborhood and school, skin color, she says, “didn’t make any difference.” in her description of her friends, different racial characteristics have only physical manifestations. she does not refer to her friends as inherently different types of people because they are of different racial backgrounds. her experience in cuba formed the basis for her worldview in which racial identifiers like latino and afro-cuban have no meaning to her. at the same time that she was growing up in a racially diverse environment, another force was solidifying her distinctly cuban identity. right after she finished telling me about her best friends in junior high, we began talking about the changes that took place under the new communist government. t: all the old books were thrown out. see, because marxism and leninism took over. so everything, books were thrown out, teachers would teach with a piece of paper because all curriculum was really, uh, none of, you know, they were trying so hard to erase everything. erase everything. the national holidays were changed, everything was changed. this is the part that many people that did not live through they do not understand: how traumatic it is that everything that you know, like, let’s say for 7 americans now, if they say to you, “no more 4th of july,” not only the 4th of july, you know there are many things that are attached to that. l: mhmm. t: you go here, you go there, you…there are many things attached to that particular day and that celebration. l: right. your customs, family gatherings, everything you’re used to is… t: everything is. so that’s what happened to us. everything was changed. everything. it was very sad. and people in my age group suffered a lot because we were growing up to do this, and then—doom!—it’s not done anymore. for example, the sweet, here they celebrate the sweet 16. in cuba it was los quinces. the fifteenth. and it was a very nice party, you had rehearsals and you know, you did this and, and i was, my brother was older than me and he was involved in all of that so i was like, waiting for my time. well, when my time came, forget it. that was out! so [laughs sadly] you know, that did not exist anymore. but these things would drop from day to day, from month to month, from year to year! those changes, you know, and a lot of the social things were changed tremendously. and then people leaving. you know, you’ll have in a neighborhood four people left. this is your neighbor from across the street, the person that we loved. you know. when we left we heard, i wrote to one of my neighbors and she was telling, she told me the little girl across the street for five years old how she cried and called my mom’s name. because she liked my mother a lot, so she kept saying, “where is celia? where is celia? where is celia?” you know, she was five years old, she could not understand that one day to the next my mother disappeared. … so it was really, 15, 16, 17 that were very tough years because none of the things that i was prepared for took place.… then my brother went into military service and my mom used to, you know, cry every night, i mean, you know we went through all of this different, incredible changes. it was, it was too much….and there were tremendous changes. the division of the family, because half the family would be pro-castro, the other one against, and i mean, i don’t even want to go there. l: okay t: i, i, and it’s too much. i don’t want to go there. it was too much. l: okay t: and it marked my, my, i was going to have a wonderful, you know, coming out of age, and my 16, 17 years old were going to be wonderful. and they were not. l: well, okay. let’s move on to when you come to new york, then. let’s move on to the u.s. let’s leave that…alone. i’m sorry for bringing up that… t: no, it’s okay. l:…horrible memory. t: it’s okay. we relive it all the time when we get together [laughs]. talking about it is still difficult for tina, but these are the moments that she relives when she gets together with her cuban friends. these are the experiences, for tina, that make cubans unique and bind them together. this is the basis for her saying, “i do not like the word latino….latino doesn’t mean anything, it’s a made-up word….a mexican kid that had to cross the border is very different a kid from ecuador that got on a plane and came with both his parents in the same plane. it is not the same. it is not the same.” her unique experience as a cuban, to her, is what makes her different from everyone else, and also makes her more sensitive 8 to other people’s ethnic/national backgrounds. this was apparent during our interview process. when talking about others, she barely referred to them racially. if she did so, it was only in response to me saying it first or to describe physical characteristics (e.g., her childhood friend had dark skin because her mother was “black”). instead, she uses ethnic/national identifiers: “chinese-cuban,” “mexican,” “albanian,” “colombian,” “african american,” etc. how she identifies others is reflective of how she identifies herself. when she first moved to new york, tina was able to maintain her cuba-born worldview instead of adapting u.s. racial categorization by initially being accepted and welcomed as a cuban. at that time, new york did not have a large cuban population, but was familiar with spanish-speaking immigrants thanks to the large puerto rican community. it was also during the cold war, when americans were acutely aware of the global politics surrounding cuba. when tina moved to new york in 1970, she lived in brooklyn and attended brooklyn college. at that time, she says, “people were more aware of the political issue,” and “there was a lot of sympathy” to her as a cuban. a professor was sensitive to her struggles with english and american-style exams, and gave her a different type of test when she failed the first one. a conedison telephone operator was patient with her as she spoke broken english in an attempt to adjust an electricity bill that was the wrong amount. italian and irish store owners aided her mother though she could only speak spanish. though the people she encountered could have very well been acting on their own personal moral convictions, the sympathy and encouragement tina received correlates with scholar cheris brewer current’s claims that cubans were seen as “good immigrants” and uniquely welcomed by the u.s. government and population because of the political implications their immigration had during the cold war (2008). two years after graduating from brooklyn college and being hired as a bilingual teacher, tina moved with her mother to the bronx to shorten the commute to the school where she taught, which was in the south bronx. there, the schools where she would spend the rest of her career as a teacher had diverse ethnic and racial student and teacher populations. here she describes her good fortune of being in a “multicultural” work environment: that was very lucky for me because other schools were not. my girlfriend from panama, she went through a lot because when these people that were puerto ricans, they found out that you were not, that you were spanish-speaking but not puerto rican, they gave you the second look. and then they would watch and observe. if you did not, sort of, join them they felt that you wanted to join the others. you had not joined the others but, and then the others would look at you with distrust because you were spanish-speaking and you were contacting the parents and so on and so forth. at her school, she said, “the staff was multicultural so we felt it less.” in one school in which she taught, she told me that there were cuban, african american, puerto rican, jewish, and irish teachers. there was even a honduran teacher and a “teacher of japanese background.” she went on to tell me about her students: you know, i remember that i had—was it in that school? no it was in another school that i did it—but you know, everything was multicultural. i will talk to this. oh in that school i had a map. i was a math teacher, but you know i, the kids were with my home room, and you know in home room we talk about everything else. so i had the map of the 9 americas and i had next to that one it said, “south of the border,” because that year we had kids from twelve different countries. in her classroom she was able to share her own national pride and promote it among her students. because i always, this is another personal thing to me, i always told them that your country is like your family. if you don’t love your family, don’t tell me you love other people. and it’s the same thing and i used to say them there’s nothing wrong with loving your country and loving the united states. i said i love my country very much and i love the united states. so, and, you know, i always used to tell them, be proud of who you are. tina’s experience in the bronx has been one of diversity—sometimes circumstantial, at other times, planned. the bronx neighborhoods in which she lived were always multicultural, because she looked specifically for that trait before moving to a new place. talking about her current neighborhood, she told me: l: okay. do you like that area? t: i do. because it is also multiculture. you know, my neighbors from, i have a cuban neighbor, from chile, from honduras, from haiti, native americans, puerto ricans, you know. l: wow, wow! t: yeah, i always look for, that’s why i told you i never had a problem, because i look for multicultural neighborhoods. l: mhmm t: and multicultural people. so then, you know. the “problem” tina refers to in the dialogue above is racial discrimination. she later revealed to me that the reason she prefers multicultural neighborhoods is because she feels more comfortable in them. she finds them more accepting. she has experienced being denied tenancy to a building because she is black. as tina’s experiences show, though the bronx can in no way be considered a haven from racism, it has offered her opportunities to live and work in diverse communities where racism is less of a problem for her. if she had lived somewhere else, somewhere with less ethnic/racial diversity, she may not have been so lucky. for tina, then, her ability to maintain her cuban-born self-identification in u.s. society has depended on her reliance on her uniqueness as a cuban and avoiding racial conflicts by escaping into multicultural communities where racism is diverted. for tina individually, this method of resisting racism can be seen as successful—she has, after all, resisted what mr. ruiz and mr. valdes in “best friends, worlds apart” could not. however, it can really only be seen as a partial success on the individual level, and on the social level, it does not combat racism at all. on the individual level, simply asserting her identity as she sees it does not guarantee that others will accept and acknowledge it. ultimately it is up to the people around her to decide whether they will accept her self-identification or uphold their own categorization of her. take, for instance, tina’s example of how she asserts her identity: 10 l: and so, would you, do you identify as black, do you identify with african americans at all or do you feel pressured at all to… t: no, as i was telling you in the beginning that i am not. i tell people, yeah i say to them, “what do you see?” and they say a black person. and then they hear me talking and say, “you have an accent.” and i say, “i am from cuba.” l: okay t: and for me that is enough. while for tina, “that is enough,” she is not guaranteed that other people will accept her declaration of cuban-ness as enough to change their preconceived categorization of her. though to her it may seem that she is maintaining her cuban identity, it is only internally, as it is ultimately out of her control how others identify her. racist apartment managers did not agree with tina that only her cuban national identity mattered, as she was turned down because she was black, not cuban. on the social level, ignoring or avoiding race and racism will not make it go away. tina’s avoidance of apartment buildings with racist managers will not prevent other black people from confrontations with the very same managers. and by avoiding a racial identity, she passes up the opportunity to use it as a resource for positive social change. this is not to say that national/cultural identity cannot also be a source for positive social change, but that a racial identity can be positive as well. if racism is to be fought, race itself cannot be ignored. conclusion scholars are divided on whether immigrants successfully resist or absorb their new country’s racial categorizations. through the use of an oral history narrative—with attention paid as much to what was said as to what was not said—this paper demonstrates the process of one cuban-born immigrant’s self-identification and the role it has played in her life. what was found is that this immigrant, tina, has maintained an approach toward racial and national identity that is very similar to her native cuba’s national policy. to tina, race is best ignored; national identity—cuban identity—is all that matters. her experience in cuba—the racially diverse classroom, the traumatic events she experienced after the revolution—is the foundation of how she identifies herself and has shaped how she sees others. in new york city, by being respected for being cuban when she first arrived and living and working in multicultural environments, she has maintained her cultural/national self-identification and encouraged her students to express their own. but, similar to in cuba, ignoring race can be dangerously disempowering. in cuba, when racism occurs, the victims are left defenseless, as organizing around race is deemed racist and illegal by the government. for tina in the united states, she may make a case against her own racialization, but it is still ultimately up to others to decide whether they will accept it. so far, she has had mostly positive results in her approach, but it may nevertheless be egregious to propose that racism can be ignored out of existence. i would like to express my gratitude to dr. oneka labennett, who showed me the beauty and importance of oral history and ethnographic research, and never stopped supporting me. i would also like to thank the subject of this paper, tina, whose warm friendship and moving oral history made this paper possible. 11 references cole, johnetta b. 1980. “race towards equality: the impact of the cuban revolution on racism.” black scholar 11: 2-22. current, cheris brewer. 2008. “normalizing cuban refugees: representations of whiteness and anti-communism in the usa during the cold war.” ethnicities 8: 42-67. de la fuente, alejandro. 1995. “race and inequality in cuba, 1899-1981.” journal of contemporary history 30: 131-68. jonnes, jill. 2002. south bronx rising: the rise, fall and resurrection of an american city. new york, ny: fordham university press. lusane, clarence. 1999. “from black cuban to afro‐cuban: researching race in cuba.” souls 1: 73-79. ojito, mirta. 2000. “best of friends, worlds apart.” the new york times. june 5. http://www.nytimes.com/2000/06/05/us/best-of-friends-worlds apart.html?pagewanted=all&src=pm. yow, valerie. 1994. recording oral history: a practical guide for social scientists. thousand oaks, ca: sage publications. literature review: racism in cuba and the united states self-identity, diversity, and the bronx conclusion references organizing in the somali community: the implementation of a tenant’s rights program for minnesota’s somali renters 1 organizing in the somali community: the implementation of a tenant’s rights program for minnesota’s somali renters joe praska university of minnesota minnesota is home to the one of largest refugee populations in the united states (batalova 2006) and, according to singer and wilson (2007), minnesota is home to the largest metropolitan area for somali resettlement. since civil war broke out in the late 1980s in somalia, over one million somalis have been displaced as refugees throughout the world, a majority coming to the u.s. (cia 2010). as of 2005, up to 35,000 minnesotans identified as being of somali descent (gillaspy 2004). however, key members of the somali community, as well as donald yamamoto, principal deputy for the state department’s africa bureau, dispute these figures and claim the national and local population figures are significantly higher and steadily increasing (stratis health 2012). the majority of somalis and many other immigrating east africans are sunni muslims. practicing islam in a primarily western and christian culture can prove challenging. negotiating time to pray five times during the day (facing mecca), requesting permission to wear the hijab, and confronting confusion from outsiders when they fast from dawn to dusk during ramadan are just some of these challenges. specific to this project, however, is the principal islamic belief that the acceptance of specific interest or fees for loans or money is strictly forbidden (hadjiyanni 2007). this belief prohibits the population from entering into the typical american housing market with traditional mortgages or bank loans, thus creating a higher demand for rental housing units. the u.s. census bureau (2000) reflects this sentiment as it indicates the rate of homeownership in somali households as being only 5.9% compared to the national average of 66.2%. with the growing population of somalis in minnesota, the need for more adequate housing has increased. with so many somalis confined to the rental market, chambon et al. (1997) suggest a greater challenge in finding adequate housing is due to the culture’s emphasis on the importance of hospitality and the honor of hosting guests. this gives way to greater concerns among landlords who worry that somali families will double up on a permanent basis, leading them to attempt to implement several “non-visiting” policies. according to home line (2011), under minnesota law, tenants have the right to invite any guests over, unless the lease specifically states that the landlord has control over every guest who is on the property. aside from hospitality, landlords are sometimes concerned that somali families are considerably larger than most traditional american families; somalis have approximately a 73% larger household size than the average minnesotan household (dischinger 2009). this percentage only indicates family size, and most likely underestimates the commonality of extended family members living in the same household. a more accurate representation would be much larger than this number. according to research done by shio (2006), several organizations and members of the minneapolis somali community have noted that there is a lack of shared knowledge regarding housing norms and tenant’s rights. some organizers and individuals have gone as far as to suggest an open forum to educate somali immigrants on these issues (shio 2006). for these reasons, the author has put together a program that partners two existing non-profits, one a locally-based tenant rights organization and the other a more nationally recognized teaching and 2 social services provider, to formally educate this rising rental population on how to intelligently traverse minnesota’s rental housing market. the tenant rights organization (organization a), is a locally-based nonprofit organization that aims to provide free legal, organizational, educational, and advocacy services to tenants around the state so that they can find the tools necessary to solve their own rental housing issues. organization a also works to improve public and private policies through advocacy and community outreach involving affected tenants in the process. from 1999 to 2011, organization a has spread the scope of its services through a free tenant hotline to reach all of minnesota with the exception of minneapolis. as of 2012, organization a has begun to take on minneapolis clients due to the closure of a separate tenant hotline organization that was specific to the state’s largest city. due to a lack of staffing and funds, organization a has had to charge minneapolis tenants for services and thus has had troubles fully reaching out to the city, especially the rapidly growing pockets of somali renters. the second organization (organization b) is a nationally recognized organization with branches running throughout the united states. the minnesota chapter was first organized in the late 1800’s with a mission of social reform for the american people. organization b offers numerous services ranging from youth services and adult education to mental health, housing and legal services. the specific branch of organization b contributing to this project is an education center, opened in 2000, operating as an alternative high school and providing evening adult education services. this education center has become one of the core resources for somali and other east african immigrants to receive help through high school and adult education. organization b has the established groundwork and resources to reach out to the somali community that organization a lacks. however, organization b lacks the intense specificity and attention to detail when it comes to rental housing laws and behaviors that organization a can provide. through collaboration and gained partnerships in creating an interactive smart housing workshop, the two organizations have been able to combine their resources and tools to greatly benefit the local somali community. the focus of this study will be on current housing research at a broader, more universal level, as well as specific to the somali community, in order to understand the basic need for tenants’ rights education targeting this population. the author has also incorporated an added element of community engagement to successfully reach out to the somali community. this study will highlight other successful methods of community outreach, as well as combining them with the author’s methods to examine the process of community organizing and successful project implementation. literature review community organizing and outreach ferguson and stoutland define community development as “building a capacity to improve the quality of life among residents of low – and moderate – income neighborhoods” (1999, 65). they assert that community development, as a whole, is loosely configured with no central blueprint or set of guidelines to lead one towards a definitive end goal. these authors describe certain elements that are generally found in community development settings, such as critical exchange partners, sources of funding, regulatory groups, professional or trade associations, non-local as well as local connections, and other sources of influences. ferguson 3 and stoutland emphasize the importance of many strong alliances in order to further community development. gittell and videl (1998) emphasize social capital as an important factor in community development and community organizing by highlighting the success of the lisc (local initiatives support corporation) demonstration program. their work describes the importance of building stronger internal ties and capacity in low-income communities and building bridges among the community members within the greater metropolitan support area. taking a more ‘boots on the ground’ approach, they lay out five key factors of program strategy and implementation: communication, consistency, congruence, counterbalancing, and context. stemming from these factors, gittel and videl (1998) infer that success in community organizing does not simply rely on a single activity or program element, but in the combination of all these factors. on implementation of community action programs, perry et al. (2000) describe the consistent success and community support of the drug abuse resistance education (d.a.r.e.) program in elementary schools, despite criticism from the research community. the study focuses on the addition of the d.a.r.e. plus program that attempted to extend drug education into middle school. this was then implemented in 24 random schools and communities in minnesota. the d.a.r.e. plus program was enacted to improve the overall success rate of the current d.a.r.e. program taking place in elementary schools. the conclusions of the study find that the factors contributing to greater success included the implementation of strategies similar to those pointed out in the previously cited community development studies. specifically, the d.a.r.e. plus program highlighted greater communication with parents and community members, as well as stronger alliances with the outside community and other organizations with similar interests by creating a “community-level goal and vision.” housing norms, deficits and barriers ytrehus (2001) describes four approaches for looking at housing needs: spatial physicalnormative tradition; cultural relativist approach; the market oriented position; and the universal standards tradition. the spatial physical-normative tradition takes on an objective and scientific lens and focuses on housing needs as defined by “physical and spatial terms.” the cultural relativist approach dismisses the objective lens and judges housing needs based on historical and cultural traditions and norms. the market oriented position takes a stance based on economic theory and definies housing needs through the preferences of actors, such as homeowners, in the market. this approach argues that the most rational way to approach housing needs is through the traditional rules of supply and demand. the universal standards tradition incorporates the three other apporaches into a comprehensive definition reflecting overall societal goals and is thus considered to be the best approach. it states that “the basic needs of all humans must be satisfied in order to give equal opportunities.” shio (2006) critiques these four approaches in his comprehensive study of somali housing needs in the twin cities, dismissing them in favor of moris and winter’s (1978) theory of family housing adjustment. through the housing adjustment model, morris and winter (1978) developed a set of norms that measure standards for housing. these norms are not based on the minimal housing needs set up by the government, but reflect measurements through cultural and social aspects of housing in the united states. this led to six determined norm categories: housing space norms, tenure norms, structure type norms, quality norms, expenditure norms, and neighborhood norms. 4 while these norms reflect the housing needs and activities within america, they may not reflect the exact needs of of the emerging somali population (shio 2006), but are able to provide a good starting point. it is when the housing conditions of a household are lower than the standards and norms, or adversely, when there is an excess in a certain category that there is a housing deficit. morris and winter listed with three ways to reduce any percieved deficit: housing adjustment (moving someplace new or changing the current household unit), household adaptation (needs reduction, constraint reduction, or reallocation of current resources), and household regeneration (regenerating the households’ descision making abilities and joining in on social action with others). robert murdie (1999), a professor at york university in toronto, has been a leader in research on immigrant and refugee housing demand, specifically in the toronto area; however his findings can be universally applicable. in his research, he focuses on several barriers of the polish and somali community in toronto, however for consistency purposes, this study will concentrate on his findings relating to the somali community. through surveys of 30 somali men and 30 somali women, murdie found that the most important factor for the majority (60%) of the respondents when searching for their first permanent residence was the proximity to social networks such as relatives and friends. this correlates with the fact that 80% of the somali respondents reported family members and other friends as their primary source of housing information when initially searching. in subsequent housing searches, priorities shift as affordability becomes more and more important. this is most likely because many somali refugees are only eligible for low skilled work positions, and even if they come with skills or a degree from overseas, they are not recognized in the united states or canada (hadjiyanni 2007). the length of time it took for somalis to find their residences may be an indicator of looking for the best quality, or more likely, the general difficulties experienced in the search (murdie 1999). over 50% of the somali respondents to murdie’s research questions indicated that it took longer than a month to find their first rental residence. chambon et al. (1997) point to family size and increased hospitality as a major issue for somalis when searching for housing. this sentiment is echoed by shio (1996) as he points out that many leaders and organizations believe that there is no housing issue among somalis due to low homelessness rates within the community. however, several somali respondents featured in shio’s study note that there is no homelessness problem because of the way that somalis help each other – many share dwellings with family and friends under crowded conditions to avoid forcing anyone to live on the street. the research done by murdie (1999) builds off of findings from chambon et al. (1997) in which, through focus group sessions, several immigrant populations identified 11 key barriers to finding adequate housing, which may contribute to the difficulties in the search for housing that murdie had identified. they are: level of income, color of skin, source of income, ethnicity/culture/religion, knowledge of housing system, gender, language/accent, household type and size, knowledge of institutions and culture, and overall experience with the dominant culture. putting all of this data together and looking at the morris and winter models of housing norms and deficits, most new somali refugees should expect to regularly see deficits in housing tenure. this notion is solidified by chambon et al. (1997) when describing the challenge to find stable housing through indirect discrimination and lack of stable incomes. the majority of 5 households also experience deficits in space and structure type norms as murdie (1999) found in his research, specifically with affordability becoming more and more important when searching for housing; households must settle for smaller and smaller homes. murdie’s findings also indicate deficits in expenditure; if somali households cannot generate enough income to pay for their current residence, they must continue to downsize and search for more affordable locations (1999). together, all of these findings also indicate deficits in quality and neighborhood norms; with continuous downsizing and moving, somalis are forced into homes of lesser quality and are forced to separate from the neighborhoods they wish to be a part of and the people to whom they want to be near. as stated formerly, these findings can be seen elsewhere and are not exclusive to the specific case studies. relating back to minnesota specifically, home line (2011) indicates some of the top reasons minnesota renter’s seek rental assistance: repairs, evictions, security deposits, landlord foreclosures, breaking a lease, notice to vacate, lease questions, infestation, privacy/intrusion, fees, and housing discrimination. this displays a lack of basic tenant’s rights knowledge in minnesota’s general population. on top of that, due to a barrier created by a lack of proficiency in english, the ability of immigrants to understand the legal binds of rental contracts and the knowledge of housing resources is significantly limited (shio 2006). research agenda this study first aims to frame the challenges in the minnesota rental market, specifically relating somali renters. as stated previously, and according to the models created by morris and winter and ytrehus, the somali population faces many housing deficits that stand in the way of them living in adaquate housing conditions. with chambon et al. (1997) and murdie (1999) outlining many of the challenges somali renters have faced in various housing markets outside of minnesota, and home line describing rental housing barriers locally in minnesota, one can form an ample picture of the direct problems facing minnesota’s somali renters. this study then will create an individualized community outreach plan, taking cues from various organizing resources in order to reach out to the community. ultimately, the project will create a method for outreach that will bring members of the somali community together for a workshop on rental housing laws and tenant’s rights. the author along with three non-profit organizations will then host this workshop. finally, the community outreach steps will be evaluated through the results and turnout of the workshop and compared to other examples of community organizing. methods through examining the findings of ferguson and stoutland (1999) as well as perry et al. (2000), this study established a unique step-by-step outline for community organizing and outreach as it relates to this project. it goes as follows: preliminary research and establish a basis of need (through ethnography and interviewing); create critical exchange partnerships; seek funding; extend partnerships and internal ties; create ties within the community; and secure the end goals. beginning with the first step, this project had to first determine a basis of need through preliminary research involving demographic searches, ethnography, and interviews. it was already established through hadjiyanni (2007) that the majority of somali residents cannot pay interest, thus ruling out most traditional mortgages and loans that would involve owning a home, 6 confining the majority of somalis to the rental market. with that in mind, ethnography research was done around rental properties within the cedar-riverside and east phillips neighborhoods of minneapolis. the cedar-riverside neighborhood has seen a sizeable wave of somali immigrants to the area since 2000, and out of nearly 3,000 housing units in the area, over 2,500 are renteroccupied (corn and domansky 2009). the east phillips neighborhood also has served host to a growing somali population, as described by the east phillips improvement coalition (2011), stating that the number of african americans (a majority being somali and oromo) currently makes up 20.4% of the total population of the area. within these targeted areas, interviews were then conducted, to which the results painted a similar picture of housing barriers as described by murdie (1999), chambon et al. (1997), and morris and winter (1978). the next step was then to create critical exchange partnerships, as explained by ferguson and stoutland (1999), between organization a and organization b. this was done by capitalizing on prior connections the author had with both organizations, and by facilitating collaboration and communication between the established contacts. the partnership was then approached as a mutually beneficial project to both organizations; for organization a, it would assist in expanding and networking into minneapolis, and for organization b, it would help in providing a service to an already targeted population that they had not been able to previously provide. emphasizing gittel and vitel’s key components to community organizing, modes of contact between the two organizations and regular communications on the various happenings and advancements of the project were established to keep both parties up-to-date (1998). as the initial critical exchange partnerships were set in place, the next step was to find a source of funding for the project. ideally, this would consist of various grants and donations, however due to limited resources, this was not the case. this project suffered from time constraints as well as an initial lack of knowledge concerning local grant options. because of this, the project relied on spare funds from both organizations to assist in paying for various expenses such as flyers to distribute within the somali community (see figure 1). after a basis of funding had been established, this project then set out to extend partnerships as well as strengthen internal ties. with this, the author worked closely with organization a to secure an on-staff housing attorney to help facilitate the project, as well as to assist with putting together essential presentation materials and creating a curriculum. the author also worked closely with a refugee behavioral health group through organization b to determine how best to structure the workshop while drawing off of the morris and winter models of reflecting and respecting cultural and social identity yet still remaining informative on legal grounds (1978). through discussions with the representatives from organizations a and b, it was agreed upon to extend the partnership with a non-profit somali community organization (organization c), in order to expand the reach of this project and strengthen bonds within the community. organization c is a low-staffed organization that plays host to various events (i.e. plays, speakers, and holiday celebrations) geared toward the somali community – specifically the cedar riverside neighborhood – as well as others interested in the community. creating the extended partnership between the first two organizations and organization c helped provide a seamless transition into the next step of this community organizing process, which is creating ties within the community. in order to achieve this goal, this project had to be made aware to other organizers within the community, as well as various community leaders and businesses. the d.a.r.e. plus program (perry et al. 2000) served as a precedent for this portion of the organizing process. perry et. al. state that much of the success of their program hinged on 7 direct communication with the community as well as stronger alliances within the program. given this observation, the details of the program were then communicated via flyer distribution amongst businesses and community groups, word of mouth discussions, and mass e-mail campaigns targeting somali organizations statewide. finally, this project was able to enter into the last outlined step and ultimately following through to its end result. for this project, the ending goals were to educate and inform the somali community, as a growing population, of their rights as tenants in minnesota’s rental market. project and results during initial interviews and observations amongst members of the somali community, several individuals cited a lack of awareness regarding tenant’s rights as a common problem. as stated by abdirizak1, a recent immigrant, “immigrant families renting houses need to know that they have rights.” this sentiment was echoed by mohamed who furthered abdirizak’s point by arguing that somali immigrants are aware of the expectations regarding their role in the rental process but not the role of the property owner: “most immigrant renters are aware and careful of their responsibilities as to paying their rent on time and so on. however, they need to know that they, as renters, have the right to live in a clean and safe place.” another issue cited by immigrants was the challenges of language and cultural differences. for example, abdiasis, an immigrant who has been in minnesota for the last ten years, suggests the following: “barriers fall under such categories as language, different cultural expectations, different rules and laws about housing, different expectations of standards of upkeep, different concept of time, different family size and social norms, different concepts of privacy and authority.” this, again, shows a need for increased cultural and social awareness on the part of property owners, as suggested by morris and winter (1978) when describing housing norms and outlining methods for reducing housing deficits. finally, michael, a career advocate and immigrant behavioral health specialist, pointed out that even renters who are aware of their rights are often not aware of how to demand improvement in their living conditions: “most somali renters may not know who to contact if they are having an issue.” with that, charles, the attorney from organization a, and the author worked together to create an outline of what should be addressed at the workshop. taking cues from home line, it was decided that the focus would be on several of the top problems that renters have faced in minnesota, such as repairs, general lease information, evictions, and intrusion policies. to address some of the issues outlined by chambon et al. (1997), murdie (1999), and the various concerns brought up by the interviewees, the workshop also incorporated visiting policies, discrimination and retaliation, how to best communicate with landlords, and where to find tenant’s rights information after the workshop (i.e. minnesota state legislature website, legal aid departments, non-profits, as well as organization a itself). through various collaborative efforts between the three organizations, a site for the workshop was secured in a community center that organization c operates out of, located in the cedar-riverside neighborhood. the group had established the mutually convenient date of tuesday, april 24th, and settled on a time frame of 6:00pm – 8:00pm so as to accommodate individuals finishing school and work hours. a translator was also secured to have on hand. through discussions with the behavioral health director at organization b and representatives from organization c, we determined that 1 all names have been changed for confidentiality. 8 it would be beneficial to have a translator in case a language barrier existed between older members of the community or if there were any misunderstandings of the legal terminology. on april 24th, the final product of this research project was concluded as the workshop began at 6:00pm. there were a total of nine people in attendance: the author, the attorney, two other organizers, two college-aged somali renters, one college-aged ethiopian renter, one twenty-nine year old somali renter (who was also on hand to assist with translations if needed), and one elder in the somali community. the workshop began as a presentation from the attorney, but as time went on the attendees spoke up and it transformed into more of a discussion than the author had initially imagined. while unexpected, adding a discussion component to the body of the workshop seemed to be more helpful in accomplishing the goals of this project than a straight presentation followed by a question and answer session. the translator had to speak up once in order to clarify certain terminology as it applied to units versus number of tenants, otherwise the language appeared to be clear to everyone throughout the workshop. in the end, the entire session did not last for the entire two hours that was planned for, but went on for about an hour an ten minutes. evaluation and moving forward initially after the end of the workshop, the author concluded that the endeavor was a failure due to the low number of attendees. however, after some discussion with the community partners and some careful examination, the author’s position was reevaluated and it was determined that the effort was a success, though in a different way than what was initially planned for. while this project may not have reached the population it aimed to, word spread to several individuals in the non-profit and public sectors who possess better means to assist an idea such as this move forward in the future. one of the most prominent setbacks in the process was a limited access to resources and funds. with a larger budget, the project could have attracted more attendees with the promise of food and/or created a more sophisticated presentation. initially, the hope was to market this workshop to the entire east african community in minnesota, including, aside from the somali community, members of the oromo and swahili communities as well. unfortunately, the lack of funding resources created too many obstacles to achieve this goal. aside from funding, this project was weak in establishing ties within the somali community. what was initially thought of as outreach (i.e. handing out flyers) did little to actually engage many community members. one workshop attendee, nadifa, who described himself as an elder in the community, spoke up at the end of the workshop, proclaiming, “this was a very good presentation, very informative. . . . i believe it needs to reach more renters . . . many who needed to hear this were not here today.” nadifa, along with the other attendees provided valuable feedback at the end of the session on how to improve for future events. abdi, the twenty-nine year old renter who also was on hand as the translator, offered this advice, “many members of the somali community are reached by word of mouth. only after that will the flyers work as a reminder.” yet as the flyers had failed to attract much of the somali community, they had succeeded to reach others in a way that was not previously expected. in the week leading up to the workshop, as well as the weeks after, the author received multiple emails and calls from various organizers, city employees, as well as a city councilman who had all come across the flyer for this event and were interested in discussing the process and possibly assisting in similar events in the future. nadifa, who had actually been to the workshop, had come on behalf of a charter 9 school he worked for. they had received the flyer via email. from the direct responses to the flyers, it appears that they had succeeded in reaching various organizers, organizations, and officials, however were unsuccessful in reaching the individual community members. this led to the discovery that the step in the organizing process regarding strengthening bonds within the community required an added sub step of first reaching out to community leaders, and working with them to ultimately reach individuals. this project succeeded in the former sub step, but failed to accommodate the latter. the newly found connections to various organizers and officials that had occurred within the weeks prior to, and following the workshop led the author to also realize the necessary creation of an additional step at the end of the organizing process: facilitate sustainable relationships. for any future additions to this project, or any reevaluations, research into partnerships and continued collaboration between organizations as well as communities is necessary. it was quickly apparent after the workshop that, in order to truly secure the end goals, this could not simply be a one-time event. the partnerships created as well as the outreach already established must be sustained – and expanded on in the future – through continued communication, planning, and collaboration. the steps outlined in this project are very specific to the conditions they were designed for. as ferguson and stoutland (1999) explained, there is no definitive way to define the outreach process; therefore these steps are best applied when working with the somali population relating to rental housing issues. these steps have added to the current body of literature of community outreach by simply giving another suggestion on how to reach a select population. in order for these steps to apply to another project, they must be amended to suit the specific conditions of said project. however, this project invites replication; the suggested addendums as well as the initial step-by-step process laid out can be applied to further outreach with minnesota’s somali population regarding tenant’s rights education. optimistically, further research and replication of this project would, in itself, strengthen the bonds created by the author’s initial efforts and follow through with the final suggested step of sustaining lasting partnerships. conclusion this study examined a process of community outreach while studying the current housing barriers facing minnesota’s growing somali community and ultimately created a workshop similar to shio’s recommendation of putting together an open forum to educate somalis on housing resources. the results of initial interviews and ethnographic research displayed housing disparities facing somalis in the rental market. these challenges proved similar to the models laid out by chambon et al. (1997) and murdie (1999). building off the research of ferguson and stoutland (1999), gittell and videl (1998), and perry et al. (2000), this study asserted six basic steps for community outreach to apply to this workshop: preliminary research and establishing a basis of need (through ethnography and interviewing); creating critical exchange partnerships; seeking funding; extending partnerships and internal ties; creating ties within the community; and securing the end goals. these steps proved to be inadequate, leading the author to insert additional steps in this process for future endeavors specific to this topic. specifically, creating ties within the community needs to be broken up into two sub steps; first forging relationships with community leaders and then, with their help, reaching out to individuals within the community. next, in order to fully sustain the overarching goals of the project, the established outreach connections and partnerships must 10 remain continual in order to further expand on the completed actions and research and ultimately move forward. the findings show, in accordance with ferguson and stoutland (1999), that community outreach is not based on a defined step-by-step process. the steps created in this study were unique to this case, and, if used as a reference, must be amended to suit the specifics of the project. nevertheless, this project welcomes, and hopes to inspire, replication and further research in order to test the initial laid out steps and addendums. by doing this, the bonds created through sustained community relationships will be strengthened and potentially solidified. deep community connections and ties are a must in order to pave the way for lasting relationships and to find success in future outreach endeavors. i would like to express my thanks to kristen haltinner and katie peacock of the university of minnesota, as well as organization leaders tracey goodrich and david schuchman for all the guidance, wisdom, and optimism. 11 12 references batalova, jeanne. 2006. “spotlight on refugees and asylees in the united states.” migration 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(17): 166-74. organizing in the somali community: the implementation of a tenant’s rights program for minnesota’s somali renters literature review community organizing and outreach housing norms, deficits and barriers research agenda methods project and results evaluation and moving forward conclusion references