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A Comparative Study of Locative, Source, Goal and Instrumentive Thematic Relations
in English and Sindhi
Zahid Ali
Associate Professor, Faculty of Languages and Literature, Lasbela University fo Agriculture, Water
and Marine Sciences, Uthal, Lasbela, Balochistan, Pakistan
zahiimahii85@gmail.com
Samiullah Khan
Assistant Professor, Faculty of Languages and Literature, Lasbela University fo Agriculture, Water
and Marine Sciences, Uthal, Lasbela, Balochistan, Pakistan
samiluawms@gmail.com
Gul Khanda
Lecturer, Department of English, Noshki Campus, Sardar Bahadur Khan Women’s University,
Quetta, Balochistan, Pakistan
Gulsbk100@gmail.com
Abstract
This research aims to determine the argument/thematic structure of Sindhi verbs. In English
and Sindhi, it examines the Locative, Source, Goal, and Instrumentive Thematic Relations. The
argument/thematic structure of Locative, Source, Goal, and Instrumentive thematic relations in
English and Sindhi has been compared in this study. The data are in oral Sindhi: daily life
conversation. The information have been gathered via means of unstructured interviews.
Thematic Structure has been applied to analyse Sindhi verb phrases in order to determine the
Locative, Source, Goal, and Instrumentive thematic relations in the two languages. The theory
of 'Theta Roles and Thematic Relations' (Carnie, 2006; Radford, 2009; Ouhalla, 2010) was
employed to analyse the data both theoretically and analytically. It is discovered that Sindhi
Locatives, Sources, Goals, and Instrumentives are all connected in some way. In terms of
function and importance, they are similar to the English ones. Furthermore, the above-
mentioned thematic relations in Sindhi are the same as those in English in the written form of
the language; they have a set placement/position in a sentence, e.g. initial, middle, or final.
However, the semantic/thematic relations in Sindhi are different from those in English in terms
of the position/placement in the oral form. Sindhi Sources, Goals, and Locatives are more
flexible in terms of placement than English Sources, Goals, and Locatives. Goals and locatives
in Sindhi sources are more flexible in terms of location and position than in English; they can
be employed at the beginning, middle, or end of sentences.
Keywords: thematic relations, argument structure, sources, goals, locatives,
instrumentives, English, Sindhi
Introduction
The structure of a language differs from the other langauge in many ways; some utilise
SVO, while others use SOV, VOS, and so on (Veesar, Kadhim & Baggudu, 2016). The main
aim of languages all over the world is to communicate, share, and transfer information from
one source to another (Yule, 1996). They cannot, however, have the same structure; each
language has its unique structure. The structure differs from one language to the next. The
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mailto:zahiimahii85@gmail.com
mailto:samiluawms@gmail.com
mailto:Gulsbk100@gmail.com
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structure of Arabic, for example, differs from Hebrew, Sanskrit an other languages as well.
The structure of Sindhi (language) is likely to differ from the structure of English (language),
and vice versa. The subject, verb, and object (SVO) structure is used in English. Every language
has its unique set of forms, sounds, and structural characteristics that distinguish it from others
(Chomsky, 1982). Sindhi is one of the subcontinent's most phonologically, morphologically,
and structurally diverse languages (Jokhio, 2012; Fahmida, 2012; Zahid, 2016). Almost every
language nowadays utilises at least two scripts: its local script and the Roman script. Sindhi,
on the other hand, with same vocal form uses three scripts (phonology and lexis): The Arabic-
Sindhi script is being used in Pakistan, the Devanagri script is used in India, and the Roman
Sindhi script is often used in Pakistan (used on the internet, mobile phones, and tablets). (Jatly,
2011; Veesar, Z. A., Kadhim, K. A., Shah, S. A. & Khuhro, R. A., 2016; Tarachandani, 2013).
The phonology, morphology, grammar, and especially the Sindhi parts of speech have
all been studied on by the authors. Sindhi syntax and semantics, on the other hand, are still
overlooked in current linguistics. There is no detailed study of syntax in sindhi available (Pitafi,
2009; Fahmida, 2011; Zahid, 2016). Sindhi is one of the oldest and most widely spoken
languages in the subcontinent(Fahmida, 2012; Zahid A., 2016). The major portion syntax, on
the other hand, is completely ignored. There is a lot of study on Sindhi grammar, however there
is very little work on syntax with perspective of modern linguistics. Adwani (1926) solely
focused on Sindhi morphology, grammar, and parts of speech, and put Sindhi syntax on the
back burner. Syntax and semantics have been ignored for a long time, or the writers of the past
were unaware of these current language words (Veesar, Z.A., Kadhim, K. A. & Sriniwass, S.,
2015). Modern witters, in the same vein, continue to ignore it; Fahmida, 2009; Rahman, 2009;
Rashdi, 2009; Pitafi, 2010; Jokhio, 2012; 2013 & 2014. In the light of the above, the current
research aims to determine the thematic structure of Sindhi verbs in terms of Source, Goal,
Instrumentive, and Locative Thematic Relations.
Sindhi Verbs
Verbs are significant in sentences because they show what the sentences are doing. The
Argument Structure is determined by a language's verbs, and it depicts the numerous arguments
that the verbs take. The verbs of a language assign roles and thematic relationships to arguments
(Dowty, 1991; Oltra-Massuet & Castroviejo, 2014). Verbs can be transitive or intransitive,
depending on their nature. Arguments' nature is determined by the character of verbs. A
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transitive verb, as generally known, is a two-place-argument verb, meaning it takes two
arguments; an intransitive verb, on the other hand, is a one-place-argument verb (Carnie, 2006;
Radford, 2009). The body of a sentence is said to be a verb (Jokhio, 2012a). The verbs
demonstrate the actions of sentences. Verbs are classified in languages on the bases of their
patterns. According to Jokhio (2012), Sindhi verbs are classified into two categories: auxiliary
verbs and main verbs. Sindhi main verbs are classified into two types: regular and irregular.
Auxiliaries are also found in tow forms: free auxiliary and linking auxiliary verbs. Verbs in
sindhi are derived from imperatives, which are the basic form of Sindhi verbs (Baig, 2006;
Zahid A., 2016). According to Baig (2006), Sindhi imperatives are nouns that serve as verbs.
He goes on to say that the imperative forms also determine situations like nominative,
accusative, and state cases. In Sindhi, the objects of irregular verbs appear indirectly in phrases
(Adwani, 1926 & 1985). Verbs in sindhi form two further types such as transitive and
intransitive verbs, which are further subdivided into subtypes (Khoso, 2005; Rashidi, 2007;
Agmon, et.al., 2013).
Argument Structure
The concept of argument structure is employed in modern linguistics to characterise the
relationship between the predicate and its arguments. The structure of an argument is made up
of both syntactic and semantic elements, with the former presenting participants or arguments
and the latter displaying occurrences. Verbs offer thematic roles to the arguments of a phrase
(Agmon, 2013). The syntactic sentence structure is identified by the forms of the sentence, that
led to the formation of meaning of the sentence ( Ackerman, 2013). Structure depicts the
hierarchy of arguments (Levin, & Hovav, 2015; Acua-Faria, Meseguer, & Carreiras, 2014).
The discussion about verb in a sentence is determined by the argument structure. However,
thematic structure, is what decides which thematic functions are ascribed to the arguments in a
sentence. Arguments are adopted by a verb based on the action or circumstance it expresses;
from its meaning. (Haegeman, 1994; 2013). The predicates of the sentences create the
argument structure of the verbs; predicates take claims based on the action or state conveyed
by the verbs. Two different types of predicates occur: one-place predicates and two-place
predicates. Two-place predicates, or transitive verbs, require two arguments to establish the
meaning of a phrase. Intransitive verbs are predicates that only take one act in one place. The
verbs'/predicate's arguments are realised in sentences through prepositional phrases (PPs) and
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noun phrases (NPs). The argument structure of every predicate identifies the arguments and
theta roles they play in the statement. As a result, Rude (1996) of the view that outward
justifications are structurally less than applicable arguments, whereas inner arguments are
technically higher. (1996). (Fabregas, 2014; Saab, 2015).
The argument pertaining to the verb structure leads to theta roles. The relation of
thematic works on theta roles, which are semantic categories (Ouhalla, 1999). The link between
syntax and semantics is demonstrated by the Theta- Criterion Theory. The verbs indicate the
argument and thematic framework, which are one and the same. Theta roles are assigned to
arguments by verbs in a phrase/clause/sentence. Structures of thematic are lexical features that
lie within the Projection Principle Theory umbrella. Argument structure, according to Sadler
and Spencer (1998), connects syntax and morphology. They term morpholexical operations
"meaning-changing" because they affect the semantic content or predicate. Morpho - syntactic
procedures change the syntactic presentation of a schema, particularly how it is placed on
grammatical links. (Sadler & Camilleri, 2013; Harley, 2013).
According to Luuk (2009), natural language's predicate/argument form is far more
advanced than first-order deductive reasoning. A language has fossils, and according to
Jackendoff (1999), a language has five fossils; he refers the structural principles of the text as
language fossils. In linguistics, the contrast between predicate and external argument (subject)
is well-known. A link between linguistic argument (LA) and language predicate can be
established (LP). He offers eleven reasons why LAs are more important in expressions than
LPs. In natural language syntax, the linguistic predicate/argument structure has a universal
approach. Determiners, possessors, and word order restrictions are all over the place in
linguistic arguments, while voiec asepect, mood and tenese, and contrains of word order are all
over the place in linguistic predicates (Lu, 2014; Borik, 2014; Adger, 2007).
The argumentative strategy, according to Winterstein (2012) is limited by his inability
to handle circumstances in which the internal structure of the items entering the argumentation
calculus is directly exploited: psydo "semantic opposition" element such scenario, a finer
version of the basic difference technique is required. The level of construction of the arguing
purpose is where this susceptibility to structure is found, rather than at the level of the
argumentative purpose's formation.Only situations of semantic contrast and rejection of
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anticipation were examined in this study. According to him, at least two other meanings of but
are commonly considered: corrective and monadic.
Harley (2013) also investigates external arguments (subjects) as well as the Mirror
Principle. He poses the following two research questions: 1) What is the definition of an
argument? 2) How are they kept in check? Morphological derivations are syntactic derivations,
according to Mirror Principle (Baker, 1985), which means that morphology leads to syntax.
External and internal arguments are sandwiched between applied views. The benefited
arguemnts are often accompanied by specific verbs obseved in Hiaki. External arguments are
introduced via causative verbs, and interior arguments are introduced by applicative
morphemes in Hiaki.
On 3 tiers, semantic positions are probed: participant roles, theme roles, and syntactic
relationships. Theta allocation of responsibilities based on the clause's phrase structure.The
arguments cannot be analysed in isolation; they are linked to other elements and can bear one,
two, or three thematic relationships (Lehmann, 2005). Thematic linkages and their explanations
make up the theme structure, which is a partial depiction of meaning. (Wechsler, 2005). The
languages' arguments are arranged in a hierarchical order:
Instrument>Patient/Theme>Place>Agent>Recipient>Experiencer/Goal> (Bierwisch, 2006).
Theta Roles and Thematic Relations
A theta-role (-role) is a set of thematic relationships associated with a certain point of
view (Carne 2007). Thematic linkages and theta roles are exemplified in the following
sentence:
1 Sara gave me a book.
In the first example, the argument 'Sara' is an agent who gives 'a book' to 'me.' The
argument 'a book' becomes a source in the statement as it passes from 'Sara' to 'me.' As a result,
it's possible to claim that 'Sara' is also the sentence's action source.
'A book,' which is brought to 'me,' is the direct object, or theme of the sentence.
According to the logic, 'Me' is the recipient of a book from 'Sara.' As a result, the book stated
in the statement helps to support this viewpoint. It is also the sentence's aim; a book goes from
'Sara' to 'me,' indicating the book's final destination. Therefore, keeping this short analysis in
view, it can be argued that the example (1) has three arguments (She (NP), a book (NP) and
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me (NP) ) carries three roles of theta (recipient, theme and agent) and five thematic relations
(agent, source, theme, recipient and goal).
A semantic link between the argument and the predicate is known as a theme relation
(Carnie, 2006). It is verbs that demonstrate theta roles and thematic relationships, as well as
their relationship to the sentence's predicate. The semantic roles of participants are described
using theta roles and thematic linkages (Radford, 2009; 2013). The following examples
demonstrate this.
2 The students bunked the class.
(Agent) (Theme)
The agent of the example (2) is the argument ‘students’, which does an action of
bunking the class. The second argument ‘the class’ is a theme goes through a process which is
bunked by the students. Carnie (2006) claims that the usage of so-called theme relations is one
means of conveying selectional constraints. These are specific semantic phrases that manifest
the part of argument performs in relation to the argument. The titles of the participant roles
connected with a predicate are theta roles and thematic relations.
Research Methodology
This study employs the qualitative method (Neuman, 2006; Kumar, 2011). The
descriptive and exploratory research designs are used to analyse the data. The study looks at
Sindhi verbs' thematic structure in terms of instrumentive, locative, source and goal and aims
at their thematic relationships in sentences. It examines and investigates the position, function,
and significance of the aforementioned thematic relationships in Sindhi. The study is conducted
on the Sindhi spoken form.
The data were gathered from native Sindhi speakers through unstructured interviews so
that we could get primary data for the study. The data were collected from the upper Sindh
region speakers. The participants were university students, aged between 22-32. The
Conveninet sampling technique was applied to collect the data through interviews. The locals
(participants) were provided the free and open environment to communicate more freely. They
were asked open-ended questions about their education, family, current and previous jobs,
goals and objectives, and so on.
Data Analysis
Carnie proposed the idea of ' Theta Roles and Thematic Relations,' which was used to
analyse the English data (2007). This theory serves as the study's theoretical and analytical
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framework. In Sindhi, the source, goal, locative, and instrumentive thematic relations have
been investigated. The data are analysed to see how Sindhi verbs relate to the thematic
relationships described above. It is also examined to understand how the verbs in Sindhi assign
such thematic relationships to arguments. The research also looks for important parallels and
differences between English and Sindhi source, goal, locative, and instrumental thematic
relations. The current research study examines the Sindhi verbs' Thematic Structure to
determine where, when, and how important such thematic relationships are.
Theta-Criterion
Many linguists and writers believe that each argument has only one theta role, which
means that each theta role is assigned to only one argument, and that a single theta role can
have multiple thematic relations (Bobaljik, Nevins, & Sauerland, 2011; Chomsky, 1981 &
1982; Haegeman, 1994; Carnie, 2007; Radford, 2009; Bobaljik, Nevins, & Sauerland, 2011).
Thematic Relations
Theta roles and thematic relations are a link between semantics and syntax that shows
the connection between assertions (particiants) and situations. There can be multiple theta roles
and thematic relations in a single argument (Davis, 2009). On the other hand, two arguments
cannot have the same theta role at the same period (Dowty, 1991). In English, the theta role of
agent is explained in cases (3) and (4) under (Carnie, 2006).
3 They called Nani.
4 She spoke Chinese.
The subject of the sentence in example (3) is ‘They.' ‘They' make a phone call to ‘Nani.'
In example (4), the character ‘She' performs the action of speaking Chinese. They (They) and
She (She) both have agent-proto characteristics (Dowty, 1991). As a result, they are the agents
of the preceding cases. Let's look at the Sindhi locative, source, goal, and instrumentive
thematic relations and analyse them.
Locative Thematic Relations in Sindhi
Table 1. Locative theta relation in Sindhi example
Example (5)
آُء يونيورسٽي ماليا ۾ پي ايڇ ڊي ڪري رهيو آهيان. ِهتي
Sentence
Description
Sentence
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Roman script Hity aaon University Malaya mei PhD kary rahyo aahiyan.
Transliteration Hity=here; aaon=I; University; Malaya; mei=in; PhD; kary=do;
rahyo=agreement; aahiyan=am.
Translation I am doing PhD here in University Malay.
The very first argument (NP) ' آءُ =aaon=I' is a singular first-person pronoun that can be
used in place of a proper noun (a person). This argument completes a task in the sentence: it
completes a 'PhD' at the University of Malaya. As a result, because it has an operator thematic
relation as well as a nominative case in the sentence, this argument can be considered the
sentence's agent. The second argument, 'PhD,' is a proper noun, a phrase indicating a higher
degree, and hence cannot execute an action by itself. It is, in fact, the one that anyone can do.
This is the argument that the sentence is dealing with (doing). With this in mind, it is possible
to argue that this argument is the object or theme that has a theme thematic relation. 'University
Malaya mein=in University Malaya' denotes the location where the subject 'I' is a PhD
candidate. A noun is usually qualified in a prepositional phrase. The noun in the preceding
prepositional phrase is 'University Malaya,' which is a proper noun identifying a location. As a
result, this argument is classified as locative.
Table 2 shows a Sindhi example of the locative theta connection.
Example (6)
.۾ رهون پيا اسان اُن ڳوٺ
Sentence
Description
Sentence
Roman script Assan una goth mein rahon paya.
Transliteration Assan=we; una=that; goth=village; mei=in; rahon=live;
paya=agreement.
Translation We live in that village.
Example 6 shows a noun phrase and a prepositional phrase in the verb phrase "rahoon
paya=are living." The agent theta role is played by the noun phrase 'assan = we'. The sentence's
prepositional phrase is " una ghoth mein = in that village," indicating the location of the
sentence's action.
For plural pronouns, the second person plural argument 'assan = we' is used. In the
sentence, the prepositional phrase ‘una ghoth mein = in that village' is employed as an object
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complement, which completes the statement. It is an object complement, not a direct or proper
object, that completes the phrase. The prepositional phrase indicates the area of the subject's
location. In the prepositional phrase, the common noun ‘goth = village' indicates the place or
location where the subject resides. As a result, this argument can be categorized as a locative
with the locative theta role and locative thematic relation, as well as the locative case in the
phrase.
Source Thematic Relations in Sindhi
Table 3. Source theta relations in Sindhi example
Example (7)
.۽ مان بيسيڪلي پاڪستان مان آهيان
Sentence
Description
Sentence
Roman script Ain basically maan Pakistan maa aahiyan.
Transliteration Ain=and; basically; maan=I; Pakistan; maa=from;
aahiyan=am.
Translation And basically I am from Pakistan.
The verb phrase in Example 7 is 'aahiyan = am,' which includes a noun phrase and a
prepositional phrase to consider. The noun phrase is ' مان = maan = I,' and the prepositional
phrase is 'Pakistan maan = from Pakistan.' The design of the following case implies that it fits
the PP, EPP, and theta-criteria. The argument 'maan = I,' the very first statement, is a first-
person singular. The prepositional phrase 'Pakistan maan = from Pakistan' has 3 functions: it
accomplishes a sentence, it indicates the subject's source (identifies origin of subject), and it
also suggests the subject's location or location in the sentence. The subject travels from Pakistan
to some other place and shows his loction of orgin. It is also locative in the phrase since it
reveals the location of the subject. As a result, the proper noun ‘Pakistan' can be considered to
be both the source and locative of the sentence.
Table 4. Source theta relations in Sindhi example
Example (8)
ته جڏهن مان مدرسي کان ڪجهه ٽائيم جي الِء موڪل تي آيُس ڳوٺ آيُس موڪل تي.
Sentence
Description
Sentence
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Roman script Ta jadahin maan maderse khan kujh time je lai
mokal ty ahyus ghoth aayus mokal ty.
Transliteration Ta=that; jadahin=when; maan=I;
maderse=madrasa; khan=from; kujh=some; time;
je=of; lai=for; mokal=leave; ty=on; aayus=came;
ghoth=village; aayus=came; mokal=leave; ty=on.
Translation So when I came to the village on vacation for a few
days from the madaresah.
Example 8 is represented in table 4 by the verb phrase 'aayus = came', shows two noun
phrases 'maan = I' and 'goth = village', and three prepositional phrases 'maderse khan = from
Madersah', 'kujh time lai=for some time', and 'mokal ty = on vacation'. The initial noun phrase,
'maan = I' performs the action of' ‘coming’ to the village. As a result, this argument is valid
and has an agent theta role in the sentence.
In the first prepositional phrase 'maderse khan=from religious school,' the common
noun 'maderse=religious school' exposes the sentence's 'source' of action. This argument has
an ablative case in the sentence because it demonstrates source in the sentence; the subject
(agent) returns home from the madarisa (school). As a result, this argument (maderse=religious
school) can be deemed a source of the statement because it serves the role of the source.
Furthermore, this argument depicts a location known as a "religious school." As a result, it is
possible to say that the sentence carries theta relation of locative theme.
Goal Thematic Relations in Sindhi
Table 5. Goal theta relation in Sindhi example
Example (9)
اُنهيء کان پوِء وري هليا وينداهون آفيس ۾.
Sentence
Description
Sentence
Roman script Unhe khan poi wari halya wenda hon office mei.
Transliteration Unhe=that; khan=from; poi=then; wari=again; halya=go;
wenda=will go; hyon=are; aafice=office; mei=in.
Translation Then (we) go back to the office.
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The table 5 shows a sentence 9 having a verb phrase ‘هون ويندا halya wenda=هليا
hon=go/get in/get back/get inside’. This verb phrase carries one argument to review. Its
argument is in the prepositional phrase ‘آفيس ۾=affice mei=in office’.
The argument ‘aaffice=office' indicates subject's action's destination/goal. It
demonstrates the acts of 'going/getting back' is completed. Thus, the noun 'aaffice=office' in
the prepositional phrase ‘in the office’ shows the goal of the sentence along with goal thematic
relation. Afore-mentioned simple noun too indicates subject's placement in the phrase. As a
result, the argument ‘aaffice=office' can be considered a locative of the phrase, as well as
having a locative thematic relation in the sentence. Thus, in above example, the argument
‘office' has one theta role of goal and two thematic relation of goal and locative.
The subject of the statement is omitted in the surface structure; we do not know who
the subject is unless we check the sentence's basic/deep structure, since this surface structure
does not convey a clear subject. In the verb 'wenda=will go,' the phonological inflection
'aa=agreement' shows that the subject is a first person plural masculine (we).
Table 6. Goal theta relation in Sindhi example
Example (10)
واپس اچي گهر پوِء بس ماني جو وارو هوندو آهي.
Sentence
Description
Sentence
Roman script Wapis achi ghar poi bus maani jo waro hoondo aahy.
Transliteration Wapis=back; achi=come; ghar=home; poi=then; bus=indeed;
maani=meal; jo=of; waro=turn; hoondo=happen; aahy=is.
Translation Having come back home then it is my turn to cook meal.
A complex phrase with void elements at the subject and object places is shown in
Example 10 in Table 6. The context sentence is used to deduce the concealed subject sentence,
which is spoken in passive form.
The phrase 'hondo aahy=is' is displayed in Example 10. It has a prepositional phrase
'maani jo waro=meal turn' and a having clause 'wapis achi ghar=having returned home', which
specifies the subject and object positions. As a result, this statement demonstrates how the
projection principle and criterion are reflected through reasoning and sentence construction.
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In the prepositional phrase 'maani jo waro=meal turn', the common noun 'maani=meal
(dinner)' manifests cooking in the sentence 'dinner.' The word 'maani=meal (dinner)'
emphasises the sentence's thematic relation. This is the only argument that is considered and
focused on in the statement. The following supplied sentence is to be interpreted as follows:
'having arrived home, I cook meal (dinner)', where 'I' signifies the agent or subject and 'meal'
denotes the topic or theme, but 'home' denotes the sentence's location.
In the clause 'wapis achi ghar=come home', the common noun 'ghar=home' is used. The
words ‘come’ and ‘cook’ denote the subject's purpose, as well as the subject's aim. Therefore,
the arguemnt goal oreinted which also sense the role of theme in the given sentence however,
it shows the location too. Coming back and cooking meal means shows purpose and theme of
the sentences, and it also works as a locative in the given sentence. So, the arguemnt is built
that home shows the role of goal along with thematic and locative relation in sentence.
Instrumentive Thematic Relations in Sindhi
Table 7. Goal theta relation in Sindhi example
Example (11)
اُن جو اسان کي جواب ڏيو ايميل جي ذريعي.
Sentence
Description
Sentence
Roman script Una jo assan khy jawab dio email je zarie.
Transliteration Una=that; jo=of; assan=we; khy=have; jawab=answer;
dio=give; email; je=of; zarie= through.
Translation Give us its reply through an email.
In table 7, example 11 offers a verb phrase 'dio=give' with three arguments to discuss
(two noun phrases and one prepositional phrase). The noun phrases are ‘una jo jawab=its
answer/reply' and ‘assan khy=us,' whereas the prepositional phrase is ‘email je zarie=through
an email.'
Direct object of argument is the first argument 'una jo jawab=its answer/reply'.
Somebody asked the speaker to answer them through email, as per the speaker. This is the
argument that is subjected to the sentence's action: it is being presented. As a result, with the
theme theta role and accusative case, this argument is the direct object in the sentence.
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The second argument, ‘assan khy=us,' is the possessive form of the second person
plural. It shows the ability to hold something. This argument is the sentence's object
complement/indirect object so it accomplishes the assertion. The argument 'assan khy=us'
shows to whom the answer is given. It is neither the sentence's centre nor its theme. As a result,
this argument cannot be considered to reflect the sentence's actual object or theme. However,
because it specifies the recipient of the answer (from the second person to the argument 'us'),
this argument might be deemed the sentence's goal. As a result, it can be said that it serves as
the sentence's goal theta role with goal thematic relation. This argument has an ablative case
since it is an indirect object in the statement.
The common noun 'email' does not perform any action in the sentence other than being
used as a tool to accomplish the action of 'giving' the answer/reply in the prepositional phrase
'email je zarie=hrough an email.' As a result, in the prepositional phrase, the common noun
'email' is used as an instrument in the sentence to perform the action of replying, and it has both
the instrument theta role and an instrumental case.
Table 8. Goal theta relation in Sindhi example
Example (12)
بائيڪ تي ويندا ها سين بابا سان گڏ ِسڌو اسڪول.
Sentence
Description
Sentence
Roman script Bike ty wenda haa sein baba saan gad sidho iskool.
Transliteration Bike; ty=on; wenda=will go; huyaa=were; sein=agreement;
baba=father; saan=with; gad=together; sidho=direct;
iskool=school.
Translation (We) along with father used to go direct to the school on bike.
Example 12 is shown in Table 8 with the verb phrase ‘weend huyaa sein=used to go'.
It has two prepositional phrases and one noun phrase. In the statement, the noun phrase
'iskool=school' plays the goal theta role. The prepositional phrases 'bike ty=on the bike' and
'baba saan=with father' include nouns in the sentence that are utilised as instruments to carry
out the action.
The initial noun phrase or argument 'iskool=school' is the sentence's object complement
because it neither performs nor experiences a sentence action. It's only used to finish a sentence
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and show where the subject is headed. It does not refer to the sentence's theme; instead, it refers
to the subject's goal or destination. On the other hand, because it illustrates the sentence's
destination or objective, this argument could be deemed the sentence's goal.
The subject is removed from the sentence's surface structure. According to Bur'ro
(2004), Sindhi subjects are usually inferred and comprehended from verb inflections. In the
verb phrase 'weend huyaa sein=used to go,' the inflection 'sein=agreement' is used to denote
the first person plural subject 'assan=we'. The inflection 'sein' is used with the verb phrase to
denote the first person plural subject 'we' in Sindhi. As a result, in the Phonetic Form/surface
structure of the sentence, the subject of the sentence can be considered to be eliminated.
The argument 'baike=bike' illustrates that it is a sentence instrument in the prepositional
phrase 'bike ty=on the bike.' It does not perform or undergo an action; rather, the hidden subject
uses it as a tool to carry out the action of 'going' to school. To get to and from the school, the
argument 'baike=bike' is used exclusively. As a result, this argument can be thought of as an
instrument in the sentence, with an instrument theta role and an instrumental case.
Findings and Discussion
The data fo the study reveal that Sindhi, like English, uses the same pattern of locative,
source, goal, and instrumentive theta relations. ‘Sources' are supposed to be at the beginning
of an action in a sentence; ‘goals' are the ending points or destinations of action; ‘intruments'
are used to conduct an action; and ‘locatives' show places or locations where actions take place
in English. Sindhi 'sources,' 'goals,' 'instrumentives,' and 'locatives' show a starting point, a
destination, a place or a location, and an instrument of an activity in sentences, just as English.
In prepositional and adverbial phrases, English ‘instruments,' ‘sources,' ‘goals,' and ‘locatives'
are employed as adjuncts (Haegeman, 1994). Adjuncts are always inserted in the middle or at
the end of a sentence in English. However, in rare circumstances, such adjucnts can be used at
the beginning of a sentence (Carnie, 2006). Sindhi ‘sources,' ‘goals,' ‘locatives,' and
instruments, on the other hand, are employed at the end, middle, and beginning of a phrase
(Allana, 2010). They do not have any fixed locations; in comparison to English, they are more
flexible in terms of placement and position. Agents, themes, and adjuncts (prepositions,
adverbs, and adjectives), as we know, have three set locations in sentences: the first, middle,
and last (Carnie, 2006). In both written and spoken English, the same pattern of place and
position of the argument is used. In English, the positions of arguments are only moved in the
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active and passive forms. Sindhi's written form, which is the standard form of the language,
includes defined placements for various arguments at subject, object, and adjunct positions. In
the written form of the language, it follows the same pattern of employing locatives, sources,
aims, and instrumentives. Sindhi, on the other hand, is distinguished by its spoken form of
language, which does not adhere to the place and position of arguments. It employs the above-
mentioned thematic relations in a variety of sentences. The locations of arguments in spoken
Sindhi are violated at the subject and object positions, as well as with their adjuncts. Thematic
relations (arguments) in spoken Sindhi are more flexible in their placement in sentences.
We can see many places where spoken Sindhi does adhere to the placement rules for
‘sources’, ‘goals’, ‘locatives’ and ‘instruments’; it places them at initial, middle and even at
the end of a sentence. There are many places where adverbs follow agents which otherwise
should be reverse (Baig, 2006). Example 9 in table 5 shows that an adverb of time ‘then’ is
placed at the initial position of the sentences followed by the rest of constituents of the sentence.
Adverbs are to be used after agents and verbs in sentences; may be at middle or final places. It
can be seen that the palcement of agents and adverbs is violated in the above mentined example.
However, such placement violations do not affect form and meaning of sentences in the spoken
Sindhi; it is equally well accepted and grammtically correct.
Example 5 in table 1 shows that the prepositional phrase ‘۾ University=يونيورسٽي ماليا
Malaya mein=in University Malaya’ is used before the verb of the sentence. The verb is used
at the final positon in the sentence. There are certain places where agents and themes are placed
at the middle position of the spoken Sindhi sentence, which must not be placed in the written
Sindhi. We can see the example 8, 9, 10, 11 and 12 where placements of subjects and objects
are violated without affecting form and meaning of the sentences. On the other hand, example
11 uses instrument (an email) after the verb (give) which must be used before the verb. Example
12 uses instrument at the initial position of a sentence which must not be used in written Sindhi.
Initial position is supposed to be used for agents and middle or final for instruments.
It can be seen that the examples 9, 10 and 11 use Null subjects in their surface structure
or Phonetic Form (PF) of the sentence. However, the null subjects and objects can be infered,
identified or recovered via verbal inflections (INF) and agreement (AGR) (Chomsky, 1982;
Haegeman, 1994). It can also be seen that the placement of thematic relations in Sindhi is
almost always violated in the spoken form, but followed in the written form. However, the
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interesting finding of the study is that these placement and position violations of sources, goals,
locatives and instrumentives do not affect form and meaning of sentence.
As can be seen from the samples and analysis above, different thematic relations have
distinct functions to execute. The purpose of locatives, for example, is to place something or
to show the position of an action in a sentence. Sources display the action's origin or beginning
location. In sentences, goals show the target, destination, or end point of actions. Instruments
do not perform functions; instead, agents employ them to carry out actions in sentences. To
show the source of action, destination, location, and an instrument used to do something in
sentences, the English thematic relations of sources, goals, locatives, and instruments are
utilised. The study of the preceding cases reveals that the above-mentioned Sindhi theme
linkages function similarly to English. The fundamental difference between Sindhi and English
thematic relations is their placement and location; English has a definite placement and
location, whereas in Sindhi they can be employed at the beginning, middle, or end of a sentence
without impacting structure or meaning.
Conclusion
Every language, according to Carnie (2006), has a variety of thematic relations; the
number of thematic realtions varies from langague to langague. This study aims to describe
and analyse the thematic relations and theta roles of locatives, sources, goals, and
instrumentives in the Sindhi language. In terms of place/position, functions, and relevance, the
Sindhi stated thematic relations are compared to the English ones. The data in this study are
analysed using the notion of 'Thematic Relations and Theta Roles' (Carnie, 2006). According
to the findings, Sindhi follows a nearly identical pattern of utilising the above-mentioned
thematic relations as the English language. In the written form of the language, English and
Sindhi sources, aims, locatives, and instrumentives are placed in their established positions
(final for English and middle for Sindhi) (standard sentence). In both written and spoken
English, the placement/position of such thematic relations follows the same pattern. Sindhi, on
the other hand, differs from English in this regard, having a defined spot (i.e. the middle) in
written form for the aforementioned thematic relations. In spoken form, it does not follow any
defined positions for the above-mentioned thematic relations. Thematic relations in spoken
Sindhi are more flexible in terms of location; they can appear at any point in the sentence.
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However, the key finding of the current study is that such errors in the arrangement of thematic
relations in spoken Sindhi have no effect on the sentence's form or meaning.
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