juliet sutherland, and the online distributed proofreading team afghanistan and the anglo-russian dispute by theo. f. rodenbough bvt. brigadier general, u.s.a an account of russia's advance toward india, based upon the reports and experiences of russian, german, and british officers and travellers; with a description of afghanistan and of the military resources of the powers concerned [illustration: afghanistan: england versus russia] [illustration: the ruler of afghanistan, abdurrahman khan, ameer of kabul] * * * * * with three maps and other illustrations * * * * * contents. i. through the gates of asia ii. on the threshold of india iii. the british forces and routes iv. the russian forces and approaches v. review of the military situation list of authorities index list of illustrations. _maps_. afghanistan and the surrounding territories (drawn for this work and corrected by the latest military surveys--end of vol.) the asiatic territories absorbed by russia during the past two centuries, with the dates of the various annexations the russian lines of advance from their base of supplies _cuts_. abdurrahman khan, ameer of kabul (frontispiece) mahaz khan (a tajik), khan of pest bolak jehandad (lohanir), from ghazni wullie mohammed, a dahzungi hazara pozai khan, a shinwarri (musician) khan baz, a khumbhur khel afreedi tooro baz, a kookie khel afreedi zool kuddar, an adam khel afreedi mousa, a kizilbash, born in peshawur the city of kandahar, afghanistan castle of zohak, first march from bamian, irak road to kabul an afghan post-chaise; going to the front gate of the bazaar at kabul major-general, sir f. s. roberts, v.c., k.c.b. khelat-i-ghilzi, between kandahar and ghazni elephant with artillery; on the road to ali musjid detail of elephant saddle noah's valley, kunar river watch tower in the khaiber pass fort of ali musjid, from the heights above lala cheena, in the khaiber pass fort of dakka, on the kabul river the ishbola tepe, khaiber pass entrance to the bolan pass, from dadur entrance to the khojak pass, from pishin, on the road to kandahar the order of march in central asia gorge in the tirband-i-turkestan, through which the murghab flows jelalabad, from piper's hill [illustration: map showing the advances of russia towards india 1734-1884.] afghanistan and the anglo-russian dispute i. through the gates of asia. in universal history there is no more interesting subject for the consideration of the political student than the record of russian progress through central asia. in one sense this advance is a practical reestablishment or extension of the influence of the aryan race in countries long dominated by peoples of turki or mongolian origin; in another sense it has resulted in a transition from the barbarism or rude forms of asiatic life to the enlightenment and higher moral development of a european age. in a religious sense it embodies a crusade against oriental fanaticism; and it is a curious feature of the anglo-russian dispute, that upon a question of temporal gain, the greatest christian nation finds itself allied with the followers of buddha and mahomet against russia under the banner of the cross. the descendants of the great peter have opened up in central asia a new region which, if as yet it has not been "made to blossom as the rose," has nevertheless profited by the introduction of law, order, and a certain amount of industrial prosperity. russia commenced her relations with central asia as early as the sixteenth century. not only through embassies sent, but by military expeditions; these, however, at that time were private ventures by roving cossacks and other inhabitants of southern russia. authorized government expeditions commenced with peter the great, who in 1716-17 sent two exploring parties into the central asian deserts--bekovitch to khiva, and likhareff to the black irtish. these expeditions were undertaken in search of gold, supposed to exist in those regions, but failed in their object; the detachment under bekovitch being entirely destroyed after reaching khiva. peter next turned his attention to the country bordering upon the southern shores of the caspian sea; taking advantage of persian embarrassments, with the consent of the shah and of the sultan he acquired, in 1722-3, the provinces of gilan, mazanderan, and asterabad; but the great expense of maintaining a large garrison so remote from russia, and the unhealthiness of the locality, induced the russian government, in 1732, to restore the districts to persia. in the same year abul-khair, the khan of the little kirghiz horde, voluntarily submitted to russia. twenty years later a small strip of the kingdom of djungaria, on the irtish, was absorbed, and toward the commencement of the reign of catharine ii, russian authority was asserted and maintained over the broad tract from the altai to the caspian. this occupation was limited to a line of outposts along the ural, the irtish, and in the intervening district. during catharine's reign the frontier nomads became reduced in numbers, by the departure from the steppe between the ural and volga of the calmucks, who fled into djungaria, and were nearly destroyed on the road, by the kirghiz. the connection between russia and central asia at this time assumed another character, that of complete tranquillity, in consequence of the development of trade through orenburg and to some extent through troitsk and petropaulovsk. the lines along the ural and irtish gradually acquired strength; the robber-raids into european russia and western siberia almost entirely ceasing. the allegiance of the kirghiz of the little and central hordes was expressed in the fact that their khans were always selected under russian influence and from time to time appeared at st. petersburg to render homage. with the central asian khanates there was no connection except that of trade, but as regarded the turcomans, who, it is said, had frequently asked for russian protection, intercourse was discouraged, as they could not be trusted "within the lines," being simply bandits. the emperor paul imagined that the steppes offered a good road to southern asia, and desiring to expel the english from india, in the year 1800 he despatched a large number of don cossacks, under orloff, through the districts of the little horde. at the time a treaty was concluded with napoleon, then first consul, by virtue of which a combined russo-french army was to disembark at asterabad and march from thence into india by way of khorassan and afghanistan. the death of the emperor of russia put an end to this plan. during the reign of alexander i, central asia was suffered to rest, and even the chinese made raids into russian territory without interruption. in the third decade of the present century, however, several advanced military settlements of cossacks were founded. "thus," says m. veniukoff, "was inaugurated the policy which afterward guided us in the steppe, the foundation of advanced settlements and towns (at first forts, afterwards _stanitsas_ [footnote: cossack settlements.]) until the most advanced of them touches some natural barrier." about 1840, it was discovered that the system of military colonization was more effectual in preserving order in the orenburg district than by flying detachments sent, as occasion required, from southern russia; and in 1845-6 the orenburg and ural (or targai and irgiz) forts were established. in 1846 the great kirghiz horde acknowledged its subjection to russia on the farther side of the balkash, while at the same time a fort was constructed on the lower yaxartes. in 1847 the encroachments of russia in central asia had brought her upon the borders of the important khanates of khiva and khokand, and, like some huge boa-constrictor, she prepared to swallow them. in 1852 the inevitable military expedition was followed by the customary permanent post. another row of forts was planted on the lower yaxartes, and in 1854 far to the eastward, in the midst of the great horde, was built fort vernoye--the foundation of a new line, more or less contiguous to natural boundaries (mountains and rivers), but not a close line. between perovsky and vernoye there were upwards of four hundred and fifty miles of desert open to the incursions of brigands, and between the aral and caspian seas there was a gap, two hundred miles in width, favorable for raids into the orenburg steppe from the side of khiva. finally, under the pretext of closing this gap, a general convergent movement of the siberian and orenburg forces commenced, culminating under general tchernayeff in the capture of aulieata and chemkent in 1864, and of tashkent in 1865. here, m. veniukoff says: "the government intended to halt in its conquests, and, limiting itself to forming a closed line on the south of the kirghiz steppes, left it to the sedentary inhabitants of tashkent to form a separate khanate from the khokand so hostile to us." and this historian tells us that the tashkendees declined the honor of becoming the czar's policemen in this way, evidently foreseeing the end, and, to cut the matter short, chose the russian general, tchernayeff, as their khan. the few central asian rulers whose necks had so far escaped the muscovite heel, made an ineffectual resistance, and in 1866 hodjeni and jizakh were duly "annexed," thus separating bokhara and khokand. here we may glance at the method by which russia took firmer root on the shores of the caspian, and established a commercial link with the khivan region. in 1869 a military post and seaport was planted at krasnovodsk, on that point of the east shore of the caspian, which presents the greatest facilities for shipping, and as a base of operations against the turcomans, who were at that time very troublesome. several military expeditions set out from this point, and every year detachments of troops were despatched to keep the roads open toward khiva, the kepet dagh, or the banks of the attrek. within five years (1870-'75) the nomads living within the routes named had become "good turcomans," carried the czar's mails to khiva, and furnished the krasnovodsk-khivan caravans with camels and drivers. but the colonization scheme on the lower caspian had once more brought the russians to the persian boundary. in 1869 the shah had been rather officiously assured that russia would not think of going below the line of the attrek; yet, as colonel veniukoff shows, she now regrets having committed herself, and urges "geographical ignorance" of the locality when the assurance was given, and the fact that part of her restless subjects, on the attrek, pass eight months of the year in russian territory and four in "so-called" persia; it is therefore not difficult to imagine the probable change on the map of that quarter. the march continued toward khiva, and after the usual iron-hand-in-velvet-glove introduction, general kaufmann in 1873 pounced upon that important khanate, and thus added another to the jewels of the empire. nominally, khiva is independent, but nevertheless collects and pays to russia a considerable contribution annually. in 1868 russia seized samarcand, and established over the khanate of bokhara a similar supervision to that in khiva. as the distinguished russian already quoted remarks: "the programme of the political existence of bokhara as a separate sovereignty was accorded to her by us in the shape of two treaties, in 1868 and 1873, which defined her subordinate relation to russia. but no one looks at these acts as the treaties of an equal with an equal. they are instructions in a polite form, or programmes given by the civilized conqueror to the conquered barbarians, and the execution of which is guaranteed by the immediate presence of a military force." the district of khokand, whose ruler, khudoyar khan, submitted himself to russia in 1867, was for a number of years nominally independent, but becoming disturbed by domestic dissensions, was ultimately annexed under the name of the fergana province. to this point we have followed colonel veniukoff's account of the russian advance. it will doubtless interest the reader to continue the narrative from an english view, exceptionally accurate and dispassionate in its nature. in a lecture before the royal united service institution in london, may 16, 1884, lieut.-general sir edward hamley, of the british army, discussed the central asian question before an audience comprising such indian experts as sir henry rawlinson, lord napier of magdala, and mr. charles marvin, and many distinguished officers, including lord chelmsford, sir f. haines, and colonel malleson. among other things, general hamley said: "probably england has never been quite free, during the present century, from some degree of anxiety caused by the steady, gradual approaches of russia through central asia toward india. it was seen that where her foot was planted it never went back. it was seen that with forces comparatively small she never failed to effect any conquest she was bent on, and that the conquest, once effected, was final. this security in possession was owing in great measure to the fact that the governments she displaced were bad governments, and that she substituted one far better in itself and of a simplicity which was well adapted to the people with whom she was dealing. she aimed mainly at three things--the establishment of order and of confidence and the obtaining of some return for her own heavy expenses. from the establishment of order and of confidence sprang a prosperity which enabled her to obtain a certain revenue, though entirely inadequate to her expenditure. thus we beheld her pressing solidly on, and we knew not where she might stop. pretexts, such as it was difficult to find a flaw in, were never wanting on which to ground a fresh absorption of territory. and seeing behind this advance a vast country--almost a continent--which was not merely a great asiatic power, but a great european state, under autocratic, irresponsible rule, with interests touching ours at many points, it is not to be wondered at that we watched with anxiety her progress as she bore steadily down toward our indian frontier." general hamley says that england became particularly suspicious of russia in 1867 when she absorbed turkestan, and this feeling was intensified in 1878, while the treaty of berlin was still pending. general kaufmann assembled a small army of about 12,000 men and thirty-two guns on the frontier of bokhara, and although upon the signing of the treaty all threatening movements ceased, yet the british commander then operating in afghanistan knew that kaufmann had proposed to march in the direction of kabul, and menace the british frontier. it has ever been the practice of russia, in her schemes of aggrandizement, to combine her diplomatic with her military machinery; but, unlike other nations, the ambassador has generally been subordinate to the general. at the time that general kaufmann sheathed his sword under the influence of the treaty of berlin, in 1878, there remained another representative of russia--general stolietoff--who had been quietly negotiating with the ameer of afghanistan, shere ali, the terms of a "russian treaty," whose characteristics have already been described. hearing of this, the english ambassador at st. petersburg questioned the russian minister, who answered him "that no mission had been, nor was intended to be, sent to kabul, either by the imperial government or by general kaufmann." this denial was given on july 3d, the day after stolietoff and his mission had started from samarcand. after the envoy's arrival at kabul, another remonstrance met with the reply that the mission was "of a professional nature and one of simple courtesy," and was not, therefore, inconsistent with the pacific assurances already given. the real nature of this mission became known from papers found by general roberts at kabul in 1879. these showed that shere ali had been invited to form a close alliance with the russian government. general kaufmann had advised shere ali to try and stir up disaffection among the queen's indian subjects, promising to aid him, eventually, with troops. finding that this scheme was impracticable at the moment, russia dropped the ameer, who fled from the scene of his misfortunes, and died soon after. for the moment england breathed more freely. there were still great natural obstacles between the empires of russia and of india. not only the friendly state of afghanistan, but on its northwestern border the neutral territory of merv, hitherto an independent province, and inhabited by warlike tribes of turcomans difficult to reach through their deserts and likely to harass a russian advance to herat to an embarrassing extent. it was seen that the possession of this territory would at once free russia from much difficulty in case of an advance and give her the means of threatening herat as well as kabul from her base in turkestan, and even to some extent to carry forward that base beyond the oxus. on the part of russia, the success of general skobeleff in capturing the fortified position of geok tepe, january 24, 1880, marked the beginning of negotiations with the turcomans for the acquisition of merv. for a long while these were unsuccessful, but early in 1884 it was cabled to london, that "the queen of the world" had accepted the white czar as her future liege lord. the immediate cause of this event was the effect produced upon the minds of the turcoman deputation to moscow by the spectacle of the czar's coronation. the impression created by the gorgeous ceremonial was heightened by the presence of so many asiatic chiefs and kinglets at the ancient and historic capital of russia. the tales they brought back were well calculated to influence the minds of a wild and primitive people; and when the khan of khiva proffered his services for the settlement of their relations with russia, that section of the tekke tribe in favor of peace accepted them. the chiefs tendered their formal submission to the czar, and promised to allow russian merchants to reside among them, and pledged themselves to maintain the security of the routes from the oxus to the tejend; also accepting the responsibilities of russian subjects by rendering tribute either in money or by military service. to all intents and purposes it is equivalent to the establishment of a russian garrison in merv. the thorough way in which russia seeks to bind her asiatic subjects is shown in the fact that in 1884, at the request of the khan of khiva, a russian tutor was selected to instruct his children. soon after it was reported that the russians had established themselves at sarakhs on the direct road to herat and just over the persian boundary of afghanistan. these later movements again aroused the distrust of england, and a joint commission of russian and english officials was appointed early in the year 1885. while the english members of the commission under sir peter lumsden were awaiting the convenience of their foreign colleagues, the presence of russian troops was reported on the disputed territory in the vicinity of herat. this action alarmed the afghans, and a collision seemed imminent. the english government considered m. de giers' explanation of this encroachment unsatisfactory. pending an adjustment of the new complication both nations prepared for the worst. here we will leave the subject of the russian advance through the gates of asia and pass to the consideration of the present neutral ground of afghanistan. [illustration: outline map showing russian-caucasian and trans-caspian territory, and new odessa-herat route.] ii. on the threshold of india. from the amu daria and the turcoman steppes to the deserts of beloochistan, from persian khorassan to the valley of the indus, stretches the country of the afghans. men of renown and events of world-wide interest have been connected with its history. its records tell of the murder of cavagnari in recent times; of the tragedy of elphinstone's command (1838-42); of shah nadir, the butcher of delhi (1738-39); of baber khan, the founder of mongolian rule in india (1520); of timur, the assailer of the world (1398); of genghiz khan, the annihilator of the civilization of ancient asia (1218-24); of the great ruler, sultan mahmoud (a. d. 1000); and yet earlier, of alexander, "the divinely favored macedonian." afghan history dies away, in the hymns of the indian vedas, eighteen hundred years before the birth of christ. the territory of afghanistan--which is destined to be the arena of a great international duel--covers an area of 12,000 square miles, or a tract measuring from north to south 688 miles, and from east to west 736 miles. it is a mountainous country; a high plateau, 6,000 feet above the sea, overlooked by lofty mountain ranges which open out and sink toward the west and south. on the north it is bordered by the western ranges of the himalayas, which reach to the amu daria; by the wall-like range of the hindu kush, some of whose peaks are 19,000 feet high; and by several smaller ridges. between the kabul and kuram rivers rises the snow-capped sufeid koh, the principal peak of which, to the south of jelalabad, attains an altitude of 15,000 feet. to the south of this, in southern afghanistan, the suleiman range, of an average height of 9,000 feet, falls rapidly toward the valley of the indus. between the hindu kush and the suleiman ranges there are several lesser ones stretching toward the southwest, including the auran mountains (7,000 feet). of the principal rivers noted here (the helmund, har-i-rud, kabul, kuram, and the gomal) the helmund alone is navigable. the helmund terminates in the swamps of seistan, as also do the kash, farrah, and herat rivers, running parallel to the helmund across the kandahar-herat roads, at 80, 150, and 200 miles, respectively, to the west of it. these rivers are without bridges, but (with the exception of the helmund--provided with ferry at girishk) are fordable, save in the months of april and may. the country is otherwise open and easily traversable, but only on the main routes can water be readily obtained, and forage is scarce in the winter. the turnuk valley, running northeast from kandahar, is followed by the great route to ghazni and kabul skirting the guikok range--separated from the hazaristan to its west by the parallel valley of the argandab. the latter valley is also followed by a route which enters it from mooktur, the source of the turnuk. this debouches upon the herat road about ten miles west of kandahar, and there is no communication west of it between herat and kabul, save by impracticable mountain routes across the hazaristan. three routes from kandahar to herat separate at girishk on the helmund, cross the kash at different points, and meet at sabzawar (280 miles from kandahar) on the herat; both of the southernmost passing by the town of farrah, which is 230 miles from kandahar. from girishk also a road follows the helmund to seistan and lash jowain, where it joins the herat road at farrah on the river of that name, or at sabzawar on the herat. the southernmost of the routes to farrah also branches from kash down the river named kash, joining the seistan route at lash. the general aspect of afghanistan is that of a series of elevated flat-bottomed valleys, in the vicinity of the streams, somewhat under cultivation. the scenery is often wild and beautiful, and some of the defiles to the north of the hindu kush are said to be of appalling grandeur, while the soft, still loveliness of the sheltered glens on the southern slope of that range strongly impresses the traveller who visits them. some of the ranges in the north and northeast are well timbered with pine and oak. the eastern half of afghanistan is generally cold and rugged, but sustains innumerable flocks and herds, and abounds in mineral wealth, especially lead and sulphur. in the more sheltered valleys considerable fruit is grown, but only grain enough for the actual consumption of the inhabitants. water and fodder abound, but fuel is deficient; a serious matter, as the cold in the winter is extreme. the western part of afghanistan is a more fertile region, interspersed, it is true, with lofty ranges, but comprising many pleasant valleys and pastures. the population is approximately estimated at eight millions. afghanistan is a genuine society of different nations, although the greater part are of persian descent. the strongholds of the german self-protecting federations are here produced on a large scale. thus the duranis, tajiks, yusafzais, ghilzais, eimaks, hazaris, kaffirs, hindus, jats, arabs, kizilbashis, uzbeks, biluchis, are near neighbors; of these about 3,000,000 may be real afghans who profess the suni faith and speak indo-persian puchtu. there are over four hundred inferior tribes known. the duranis are numerically strongest and live in the vicinity of kandahar. next in importance are the ghilzais, estimated at 30,000 fighting men living in the triangle--kabul, jelalabad, khelat-i-ghilzai; until 1747 they furnished the rulers of afghanistan. to the south of the ghilzais live the puchtu-speaking races who chiefly defend only their own territory; the mountainous eastern border is inhabited by the momunds, afridis, arakzais, zymukts, waziris, who have never been subdued. their sense of independence, however, does not prevent them from selling their friendship for ready money to the highest bidder. on the watershed of the helmund and indus dwell the independent pathans and biluchis. the persian-speaking kizilbashis in kabul, comprise 3,000,000 of shiahs, who are not afghans, many of whose 30,000 fighting men are in the ameer's regular army. the tajiks--about 10,000 men--are chiefly in the kabul and ghazni districts. the hazaris and eimaks are in the central section of afghanistan, known as the hazaristan, extending east and west from the koushan pass over the hindu-kush range to marchat on the turcoman frontier, and north and south from sirpool in turkestan to girishk, between kandahar and herat; they are the descendants of the military settlers left by the tartar hordes that swept central asia under genghiz khan, and still maintain a quasi-independence; they cordially detest the afghan government, but pay an annual tribute in money to its support. finally there is a million of foreign nationalities, including turks, persians, indians, armenians, and kaffirs; the last-named are hindus, and violent antagonists of the mohammedans living around them. [illustration: mahaz khan (a tajik), khan of pest bolak. jehandad (lohanir), from ghazni.] thus it is seen that modern afghanistan comprises three great districts--herat in the west, kabul in the east, and kandahar in the centre, with the seat of government at the cities of the same names respectively. within each district are, as already described, a large number of tribes occupying sub-districts, closely connected like the cells of a honey-comb, but each with its destinctive manners and customs and irregular military forces, in no instance numbering less than 6,000 men, and often twice that number, divided about equally into horse and foot. many of these render military service to the ameer, many are bandits in the worst sense. the nomadic tribes--like the eimaks peopling the heratic region--live principally in tents, encamping in winter in the valleys, and in summer on the table-lands of the mountain ranges. they are ignorant, hospitable, and brave and ardent hunters. their principal trade is with herat, and consists of woollen and camel-hair fabrics and clarified butter. [illustration: wullie mohammed, a dahzungi hazara. pozai khan, a shinwarri (musician).] the farming population all live in small hamlets. the better classes of these live in villages surrounding or joined to the castle of a khan. these castles are encompassed by a rude wall, having frequently turrets at the corners, and occasionally armed with swivel-guns or wall-pieces. the principal gardens are always on the outside of the castle, and the herds of horses and camels belonging to the khan are kept at distant pastures and attended by herders, who live in tents. in the bori and ghazgar valleys the houses are of wood. in the ghazgar valley they are all fortified, as already described; the doors are generally mere man-holes, and the top of the towers are loopholes. the better class, and more modern of these, have flat roofs, from which the water is carried by spouts; the walls surrounding are at least twelve feet high, and cover nearly an acre of ground. three or four such houses usually constitute a village. these semi-barbarians are noted for the length and ferocity of their feuds. sometimes two branches of a family who are neighbors become enemies. the distance between their "fortlets" may be two hundred yards, and on that space no one ventures. they go out at opposite gates and walk straight from their own fort in a line protected by its walls from the fire of the other, until out of range, then they turn around to their fields. broadfoot relates that "once in zurmat i saw a fort shut by rolling a stone against the door, instead of with the usual heavy chain. on inquiring as to the cause of such carelessness, the malik, a fine old man with a plump, good-humored face, stretched his arms out toward the line of distant forts, and said: 'i have not an enemy!' it was a pleasing exception to the rule." [illustration: khan baz, a khumbhur khel afreedi. tooro baz, a kookie khel afreedi.] these feuds are a system of petty warfare, carried on by long shots, stealing cattle, and burning crops. samson, burning his neighbor's corn, acted just like an afghan. when the harvest is nearly ripe, neither party dare sleep. the remedy is sometimes for both to fight until an equal number are killed on each side, when the neighbors step in and effect a reconciliation; another method is to pay forfeit of a feast and some sheep or cloth; in exceptional cases, a few afghan virgins are substituted for the sheep, but they are given in marriage, and are well treated. our space does not permit an extended reference to the manners and customs of this primitive people but a few characteristics may be briefly noted. the love of war is felt much more among afghans than by other eastern peoples, although but little effort has been made by them to augment the means of resistance and aggression. pillage, fighting, and disturbances are at times necessary to their very existence, and are followed by long days of idleness, during which they live on the fruits of their depredations. there is no shade of difference between the character of the nomad and the citizen; a town life does not soften their habits; they live there as they live in a tent, armed to the teeth and ready for the onslaught. though full of duplicity, one is nevertheless liable to be taken in by their apparent frankness. they are hospitable to strangers, but only because this is an ancient custom which has the force of law and is not a virtue which springs from the heart. the pride of the afghans is a marked feature of their national character. they boast of their descent, their prowess in arms, their independence; and cap all by "am i not a puktan?" the afghan people, occupied with the defence of their homes, have failed to assist the ameer in the formation and maintenance of that indispensable instrument--an organized, well-equipped, easily mobilized army. in regular battle the afghans can have but little hope of success; their strength lies in the petty warfare peculiar to a wild, mountainous country. as auxiliaries, as partisan troops in their own country, they would be of great value to their allies and extremely troublesome to their enemies. for outpost, courier, and scouting purposes, they would doubtless be most efficient. the strength of the organized army in the service of the ameer of afghanistan is about 50,000 men of all arms. the traveller vambery, who visited herat in 1863, says: "the afghan's national costume consists of a long shirt, drawers, and dirty linen clothes; or, if he is a soldier, he affects a british red coat. he throws it over his shirt, while he gets on his head the picturesque indo-afghan turban. others again--and these are the _beau-monde_--are wont to assume a half-persian costume. weapons are borne by all. rarely does any one, whether civil or military, enter the bazar without his sword and shield. to be quite _a la mode_ one must carry about one quite an arsenal, consisting of two pistols, a sword, poniard, hand-jar, gun, and shield." m. vambery also describes a drill of some afghan regulars. "the men had a very military bearing, far better than the ottoman army that was so drilled forty years ago. these might have been mistaken for european troops if most of them had not had on their bare feet the pointed kabuli shoe, and had not had their short trowsers so tightly stretched by their straps that they threatened every moment to burst and fly up above the knee." the adventurous o'donovan thus describes an afghan cavalryman whom he met unexpectedly, near herat, in 1880: "he wore a dark-colored turban, one end of the cloth pulled up in front so as to resemble a small cockade. his uniform was blue-black, and he wore long boots. a broad black leather cross-belt, with two very large brass buckles, crossed his breast. he had sabre, pistols, and carbine." [illustration: zool kuddar, an adam khel afreedi. mousa, a kizilbash, born in peshawur.] the actual fighting strength of the army of afghanistan cannot be definitely stated. major lumsden, who has represented the british government in that country in various diplomatic capacities, stated (some years since) that the regular army of the ameer consisted of sixteen regiments of infantry, three of cavalry, and seventy-six field guns. the infantry regiments numbered about 800 men each; the men were obtained by compulsory levy. their uniform consisted of english cast-off clothes purchased at auction. the pay, about five rupees per mensem, was paid irregularly and often in kind; two months' pay was deducted for clothing. the cavalry and artillery were badly horsed; and the horses were sent to graze in summer. a russian report of 1868 estimates the infantry at 10,000 men. the armament, equipment, and instruction of the troops have doubtless improved since that time, as ten years later the british government supplied the afghan government with 10,000 enfield and 5,000 snider rifles and one field battery, and very recently (1885) it was announced that a present of martini-henry rifles and improved field guns had been sent to abdurrahman by the indian authorities. besides the regular army there is a paid irregular mounted force of about 20,000 men, active and formidable in "hill operations," and known as jezailchis. the late general colin mackenzie, in an account of his experiences in the elphinstone disaster of 1842, says: "the jezailchis are so called from their jezails or long rifles. the afghans are said to be among the best marksmen in the world. they are accustomed to arms from early boyhood, live in a chronic state of warfare with their neighbors, and are most skilful in taking advantage of cover. an afghan will throw himself flat, behind a stone barely big enough to cover his head, and scoop a hollow in the ground with his left elbow as he loads. men like these only require training to make first-rate irregular troops. "as a trait of afghan character, i must mention that whenever the jezailchis could snatch five minutes to refresh themselves with a pipe, one of them would twang a sort of a rude guitar as an accompaniment to some martial song, which, mingling with the notes of war, sounded very strangely." the russian general staff have also estimated the ameer's force, exclusive of the irregulars, at 66,400 men with 30 guns. the efficiency of this body, by reason of their peculiar surroundings, must vary with the character of the operations. for defence--particularly of their own section--they form an important consideration; for aggressive purposes their strength lies in partisan operations, in small detachments, requiring great mobility. just as it is difficult to understand the rapidity with which large numbers are assembled in afghanistan for fighting purposes, so the dispersing of an afghan army together with its attendant masses of tribal levies in flight is almost beyond comprehension; men who have been actually engaged in hand-to-hand combat dispose of their arms in the villages they pass through, and meet their pursuers with melons or other fruit in their hands, while they adopt the _role_ of peaceful inhabitants. a brief description of some of the more noted cities of afghanistan may be appropriate here. sir henry rawlinson gives the following details respecting the so-called key of india--the city of herat: "that which distinguishes herat from all other oriental cities, and at the same time constitutes its main defence, is the stupendous character of the earthwork upon which the city wall is built. this earthwork averages 250 feet in width at the base and about 50 feet in height, and as it is crowned by a wall 25 feet high and 14 feet thick at the base, supported by about 150 semicircular towers, and is further protected by a ditch 45 feet in width and 16 feet in depth, it presents an appearance of imposing strength. whether the place is really as strong as it looks has been differently estimated. general ferrier, who resided for some time in herat, in 1846, states that the city is nothing more than an immense redoubt, and gives it as his opinion that, as the line of wall is entirely without flanking defences, the place could not hold out for twenty days against a european army; and m. khanikoff, who, although not a professional soldier, was a very acute observer, further remarks that the whole interior of the city is dominated from the rising ground 700 yards distant and covered with solid buildings at the northeast angle, while the water supply both for the ditch and the city would be at the mercy of an enemy holding the outside country; the wells and reservoirs inside the wall, which could then alone be available--being quite inadequate to the wants of the inhabitants: but on the other hand, all experience testifies to the defensibility of the position. "not to speak of the siege which herat sustained at the hands of genghiz khan, of timur, and of ahmed shah, we have only to remember that in 1837 the afghans of herat, under major eldred pottinger, beat off the continuous attacks, for nearly ten months, of a persian army of 35,000 regular troops supported by fifty pieces of artillery, and in many cases directed and even commanded by russian officers. the truth seems to be that herat, although in its present state quite unfit to resist a european army, possesses great capabilities of defence, and might by a skilful adaptation of the resources of modern science be made almost impregnable. major saunders, a british engineer officer, calculated in 1840 that, at an outlay of l60,000, which would include the expenses of deepening the ditch, clearing the glacis and esplanade, providing flanking defences, and repairing the walls throughout, herat might be rendered secure against any possible renewal of the attack by persia." the location of this city upon the principal thoroughfare between india, persia, and turkestan gives it a special importance in a military sense. it is also the principal mart of western afghanistan, and comprises extensive manufactures in wool and leather. the natural fertility of the country near herat has been enhanced by irrigation. "the valley, or _julgah_ (as the persians say), in which the city lies is rich in the possession of a river. this valley is about thirty miles long by sixteen in breadth, exclusive of the ground taken up by the fortress and the walls. four of these miles separate the town from the northern and twelve from the southern hills, while at one quarter of the greater distance runs the her-i-rud or herat river, which, rising near the kuh-i-baba, pursues a westerly course till, passing the city, it sweeps, first gradually, then decidedly, to the north, eventually to lose its identity in the environs of sarakhs. it is of political as well as of geographical importance, for it passes between the persian and afghan frontier posts of kahriz and kusun respectively, and may be considered to mark the perso-afghan boundary at the western paropismus. the plain, south of the walls, is watered by a net-work of eight or nine large and many minor ditches. the aqueducts are stated to be superior to those of bokhara, samarcand, and ispahan. the grain produced is abundant--beyond the requirements of town and suburbs together. the bread, the water, and the vines have the merit of special excellence. yet, with all this wealth of means and material, capable of subsisting an army of 150,000 men for some time, much of the legacy of past ages is disregarded and nullified by the supineness of a present generation. the ruins visible on all sides are not all useless or obsolete works. as one conclusive instance may be cited the neglected 'pul-i-malan.' this bridge, of twenty-three arches, can scarcely be considered void of purpose or practical benefit. it is, however, rapidly falling into decay, and as the river has changed its bed, part of it remains, barren of object, on dry land. on the rising of the waters this state of things is inconvenient; for the river, at such time, is no longer fordable, and the kandahar caravans, going to and fro, have difficulty in crossing." [footnote: sir f. j. goldsmid, "journeys between herat and khiva."] in 1830 conolly was of opinion that the city was one of the dirtiest in the world, being absolutely destitute of drainage; and vambery, thirty-three years afterward, when the city was captured by dost mohammed, says the city was largely a heap of rubbish, having suffered the horrors of a long siege. the city of kabul, from which the surrounding territory of eastern afghanistan takes its name, stands in lat. 34 degrees 30' n., and long. 69 degrees 6' e., near the point where the kabul river is crossed by three bridges. its altitude is 6,400 feet, and, within a short distance to the north, is overtopped by pinnacles of the hindu kush about 14,000 feet higher. the winters are severe, but the summers are very temperate--seldom going above 80 degrees. kabul is fortified without and within; being separated into quarters by stone walls: the bala hissar, or citadel proper, being on the east, while the persian quarter of the city is strongly protected on the southwest. in the days of sultan baber, kabul was the capital of the mogul empire. in modern times, it has been the scene of many anglo-indian struggles. it was taken by the british in 1839, and lost by them, through treachery, in 1841; in the following january, 4,000 british soldiers and 12,000 camp-followers were massacred while retreating. kandahar, the capital of central afghanistan, is about two hundred miles s. w. of kabul, and three hundred and seventy-one miles e. of herat. it is said to have been founded by alexander of macedon. the city is laid out at right angles, and is watered from the neighboring rivers through canals, which send to every street an ample supply. sir michael biddulph describes the surroundings: "kandahar stands on the western side of a plain, which was originally a barren skirt of the mountain. exactly opposite to the city, and two miles to the westward, there is a wide break in the dividing ridge, through which the road to herat leads, and by which are conducted the many canals and watercourses, taken from the argandab, to supply the town and fertilize its environs. the energy and skill displayed in these extensive water-works cannot be too highly extolled. brought from a point many miles distant in the argandab valley, the chief canal, with its offshoots, conducts a vast body of water, which is dispersed along the contours of the declining plain in innumerable channels, spreading a rich fertility for many miles in a fan-like form to the southeast of the gap. villages cluster around the city on three sides; cornfields, orchards, gardens, and vineyards are seen in luxurious succession, presenting a veritable oasis within the girdle of rugged hills and desert wastes all around. and if we turn to the aspect of the country beyond the gap, we see in the argandab valley, along the canals and the river banks, a fair and beautiful landscape of village and cultivated ground, stretching for many miles in each direction. this productive character of the immediate neighborhood of kandahar, and its commanding position within reach of other fertile districts, would give to this place, under a strong, stable, and just government, as much prosperity and happiness as falls to the lot of any place in the world." [illustration: city of kandahar, afghanistan.] jelalabad stands on the kabul river, about half-way between kabul and the khaiber pass. it was the scene of the stubborn defence by sir robert sale in 1842, referred to elsewhere. it has a floating population of about three thousand souls. our engraving is taken from the south and west. the stream in the west is the kabul river. the jati gate in the south wall is the exit from the hindu quarter. the kabul exit is on the west, while the road to peshawur commences at the gate of that name on the east wall of the city. the northern gate is known as the pheel khana, or elephant quarter. the walls of the town and of its houses are of mud, and the roofs generally of wood. the city is laid out in the form of a parallelogram intersected by two main streets crossing in the centre. the town of ghazni (the ancient ghizni) is another historical landmark in a region famous for its evidences of former grandeur. it stands about 230 miles northeast of kandahar on the road to kabul; it is literally "founded upon a rock" at an elevation of 7,726 feet, and its base is 280 feet above the adjacent plain. it has walls thirty-five feet high, and a wet ditch, but is not considered in any sense formidable by modern engineers, as it is commanded by neighboring heights; it will always be a rendezvous for the natives, and forms a station or an important line of communication between the indus and the murghab. in the tenth century it was the seat of an empire comprising the present territory of afghanistan, and which had in the space of seventy years absorbed thirty-eight degrees of longitude and twenty degrees of latitude. its decline dates from the twelfth century, when the seat of government was transferred to lahore. from 1839 to 1880 it has been occupied alternately by the british and the afghans. the climate is not exceptionally severe, although in winter the mercury drops to 25 degrees below zero at times. the population averages about ten thousand. peshawur is one of the most important towns, both in a military and commercial sense, in the _derajat_. it is the capital of a province of the same name on the n. w. frontier of india, eighteen miles from the khaiber pass and one hundred and fifty miles s.e. of kabul. it has the usual bastioned defences, besides some detached works of more importance. it was once a rich and populous city, but has, like many other like places in that region, fallen from its high estate. it is garrisoned by the british, and can boast of fair trade and a population of about fifty thousand. it is the centre of a fruitful district containing more than one million inhabitants. the fruitful valley and pass of bamian lie on the road leading from kabul to turkestan. the pass, at an elevation of 8,496 feet, is the only known defile over the hindu kush practicable for artillery. this valley was one of the chief centres of buddhist worship, as gigantic idols, mutilated indeed by fanatical mussulmans, conclusively prove. bamian, with its colossal statues cut out in the rock, was among the wonders described by the buddhist monks who traversed central asia in the fourth century. the statues are found on a hill about three hundred feet high, in which are a number of cells excavated in the rock, not unlike those found in the zuni country in the western part of the united states. the male figure is about 160 feet, the female 120 feet, in height; they are clothed in light drapery, and a winding stair may be ascended to the head. eight miles eastward of bamian lies the ancient fortress of zohak, attributed to the fabulous persian serpent-king of that name. it is still used as one of the defences of the pass. [illustration: castle of zohak, first march from bamian, on the irak road to kabul.] the animals of afghanistan adapted to military transport purposes are the camel, the _yabu_ (mountain pony), and the donkey. from certain professional papers, on the camel, by captain yaldwyn and other officers of the indian army, we learn that this beast of burden has been often utilized by the british in afghanistan, and the supply of camels raised in that country has generally been augmented by drafts from india, although the last mentioned do not thrive under the transition. the camel is docile, capable of abstinence in an emergency, well adapted for the imposition of loads and for traversing over flat or sandy ground, adapts itself to rough roads, has acute sight and smell, and, during progression, moves both feet on one side, simultaneously. its flesh and milk are wholesome articles of food. it is deficient in muscular power behind, and cannot readily climb hills. those found in afghanistan are of the arabian species. they are strong, thickset, with abundance of hair; are short in the leg, better climbers, and more accustomed to cold than others of the species. their feeding requires as much care as that of cavalry or artillery horses; they are fond of green food, and certain trees and shrubs. in grazing, camels brought from india sometimes are poisoned by eating the oleander bush and other plants which the native camel avoids. elphinstone's ill-fated expedition in 1841 lost 800 out of 2,500 camels from this cause alone. on the march, or where grazing does not abound, they are fed with grain and _bhoosa_ [footnote: chopped straw.]; this is given them in one ration at the end of the day. the theory that camels do not require much watering is declared a fallacy; the arabian species can take in five or six gallons, sufficient for as many days; they will not drink cold running water; but, where water can be had, they should be watered daily. the load of the camel varies from 300 to 450 pounds, depending upon its condition. it is admirably adapted for carrying long articles, as ladders, tent-poles, and even light mountain guns. the marching power of camels depends on a number of conditions. they are good goers in loose sandy soil, and even over stony ground, if the stones are not too large and sharp; in slippery places they are useless, as they have no hold with their feet. they are very enduring, making the longest marches at an average speed of two miles an hour, and can ford deep rivers with ease if the current is not too rapid. when the bottom of the ford is shifting sand, the passage of a number of camels renders it firm. a string of 500 camels covers about one mile of road; 1,250 mules, carrying the same weight of supplies, occupy double the distance. camels must be unladen at ferries. for military purposes these animals are purchased between the ages of five and nine years, and may be used up to the age of sixteen. they average about one thousand pounds in weight, seven feet in height to the top of the hump, and eight feet in length from nose to tail. in camp and when not at work they are arranged in lines facing each other, or in circles heads inward; the latter plan is the favorite formation at night. the allowance of spare camels on service is ten per cent. [illustration: an afghan post-chaise; going to the front. ] lieut. martin, r. e., states that his company, of sappers and miners, was able to get an exceptional percentage of labor from the camels under his charge by attention to certain details; and says further, that "camels are very quarrelsome and bite each other badly when grazing. they can ford four feet of moderately running water, easily, if the bed is good; but a yard of greasy mud, a few inches deep, will throw many camels and delay a convoy for hours. camel-bridges were carried on the leading camels, with a few shovels and picks, in every convoy of the kandahar field force, and all small cuts or obstructions were thus bridged in a few minutes; the camels remaining by their bridges (two gang-boards eight by three feet) until the last baggage camel had passed. in perfectly open country, such as kandahar to girishk, it was found possible to march the camels on a broad front, the whole convoy being a rough square; camels starting at 3 a.m. have been known to arrive at camp ten miles off as late as 5 p.m." captain yaldwyn says: "a camel's carrying-power is equal to that of two and a half mules or ponies, whilst his ration is only about that of one mule or pony. thus 500 camels only eat as much as 500 mules or ponies, and whilst the latter can only carry 1,000 _maunds_ [footnote: a _maund_ is 80 pounds.] the former can carry 2,500. again, 500 camels only require 125 attendants to be paid, clothed, and fed, whilst 500 mules or ponies require 167 attendants." but, on the other hand, the immense losses of camels from excessive heat or cold, or over-exertion in mountainous or rough roads, and other causes, greatly neutralize the force of this comparison. the _yabu_ is a hardy mountain pony used by the afghans for the saddle and packing purposes; they are very strong, active, and sure-footed, and have been frequently used by the british forces in their military operations. in 1839 captain (afterward general) outram relates that his _yabu_, "although but thirteen hands high, carried me and my saddlebags, weighing altogether upward of sixteen stone, the whole distance from kalat in seven days and a half (an average of nearly forty-seven miles a day), during which time i had passed 111 hours on its back; there was no saddle on the pony, merely a cloth over his back." they will carry from four to five _maunds_ with perfect ease, making journeys of thirty miles a day. those which are ridden and which amble, are called _yurgas_. the afghans tie a knot in the middle of the long tails of their horses, which, they say, strengthens the animal's backbone! the afghan donkey was severely tested in 1880 during the operations of sir donald stewart between kabul and kandahar, and this class of carriage was found very useful in the conveyance of provisions. afghan donkeys will march with troops and carry loads of grain or flour, averaging ninety pounds, without difficulty. they keep pace with mules or ponies in a baggage column, as they avoid the frequent checks which retard the larger animals; they browse on the line of march, and find their own forage easily in the neighborhood of camp; they are easily controlled and cared for, and are on all accounts the most inexpensive transport in eastern countries. [footnote: lieut.-col. e. f. chapman, c.b., r.a.] the transport animals found in india and turkestan will be described in the parts of this book devoted to the military resources of those regions. in concluding this sketch of the "threshold of india," a mere glance at the military history of the country will suffice. in fact, only so far as it may have a bearing upon the present, has reference to the past any place in this volume. the early periods of eventful interest to afghanistan have been already noted at the opening of this chapter. its purely oriental experiences were beginning to fade with the death of nadir shah--variously termed the "butcher of delhi," and the "wallace of persia," in 1747. his progress toward india, from which he was to tear its choicest treasure and loot its greatest city, reminds one of the arabian nights. a camp-follower from jelalabad reported as follows: "he has 36,000 horsemen with himself . . . after morning prayers he sits on a throne, the canopy of which is in the form of a dome and of gold. one thousand young men, with royal standards of red silk and the lance tops and tassels of silver, are disposed regularly; and, at a proper distance, five hundred beautiful slaves, from twelve to twenty years old, stand--one half on his right and the other on his left. all the great men stand fronting him; and the arzbegi stands between, in readiness to represent whatever he is desired, and everybody has his cause decided at once: bribery is not so much as known here. he has particular information given him of every thing that passes; all criminals, great and small, rich and poor, meet with immediate death. he sits till noon, after which he dines, then reposes a little; when afternoon prayers are over he sits till the evening prayers, and when they are over he shoots five arrows into the _khak tudah_, and then goes into the women's apartments." [footnote: fraser's "nadir shah."] the splendor of the robber king has departed, but his deeds of blood and treachery have often been repeated in the country of the afghans. a succession of struggles between afghan and persian leaders for the control of afghanistan marked the next fifty years. when the project of russian invasion of india, suggested by napoleon, was under consideration in persia, a british envoy was sent, in 1809, to the then shah sujah, and received the most cordial reception at peshawur. but shah sujah was, in 1810, superseded by his brother, mahmud, and the latter was pressed hard by the son of his wazir to such an extent that herat alone remained to him. in 1823 his former kingdom passed to dost mohammed, who in 1826 governed kabul, kandahar, ghazni, and peshawur. the last-named place fell into the hands of runjeet singh, the "lion of the punjab." dost mohammed then applied to england for aid in recovering peshawur, failing in which he threatened to turn to russia. that power was (1837) engaged in fomenting trouble in the western part of afghanistan, encouraging an attack by 30,000 persians, led by russian officers, upon herat. instead of acceding to the request of dost mohammed, the british governor-general--lord auckland--declared war against that potentate, alleging in a proclamation that "the welfare of the english possessions in the east rendered it necessary to have an ally on their western frontier who would be in favor of peace, and opposed to all disorders and innovations." this was the beginning of intrigues relating to afghanistan on the part, alternately, of england and russia, in which john bull has had to pay, literally, "the lion's share" of the cost in blood and treasure. in 1850, sir john cam hobhouse, president of the board of control in india confessed: "the afghan war _was done by myself_; the court of directors had nothing to do with it." the reason already mentioned was alleged as an excuse for hostilities. they were declared, notwithstanding that the british political agent at the court of dost mohammed reported that ruler as "entirely english" in his sympathies. this report was suppressed. twenty years later the facts were given to parliament, russian letters were found implicating the czar's ministers, and the english agent, burnes, was vindicated. the anglo-indian army--consisting of twenty thousand troops, fifty thousand followers, and sixty thousand camels--advanced in two columns, one from bengal, and the other from bombay by the indus. scinde, which had hitherto been independent, like the punjab and lahore, was subjugated _en route_, and nine thousand men were left behind to occupy it. on the 23d of february, 1839, a simultaneous advance from shikarpur, on the bolan pass, commenced. kandahar was occupied april 25th, ghazni july 23d, and kabul august 6th, and shah sujah was proclaimed ameer by british authority. by the following september the greater part of the english forces returned to india. only five regiments of infantry and one of cavalry remained in afghanistan, where suspicious symptoms of discontent with the new order of things began very soon to show themselves. during the summer of 1840 insurrections had to be put down by force in several places. in november of the same year dost mohammed defeated the english in the perwan pass. from that time until the autumn of 1841 a sultry calm reigned in the country. the english commanders, although fully aware of the state of mind of the people, neglected to take the most simple measures of precaution. the local control was vested in a mixed military and civil council, consisting of general elphinstone, unfitted by disease and natural irresolution from exercising the functions of command, and sir william mcnaghten, the british envoy, whose self-confidence and trust in the treacherous natives made him an easy victim. in the centre of an insurrection which was extending day by day under their eyes and under their own roofs, these representatives of a powerful nation, with a small but effective force, deliberately buried their heads in the sand of their credulity, not realizing the nature of the danger which for weeks was evident to many of their subordinates. finally a force of the insurgents, under the direction of the son of the deposed ruler, akbar khan, threw off the disguise they had assumed before the english, and taking possession of the khurd kabul pass near the city, entirely cut off the retreat to india which elphinstone had commenced. as there was no intelligent concert of action among the british leaders, the garrison melted away in detail, the afghan auxiliaries refused to fight, or turned their arms against the europeans. sir william mcnaghten was murdered by akbar, at a council in sight of the garrison. a few attempts to force a passage, or to defend themselves, made by certain brave officers of the beleagured force, failed. on january 6, 1842, an agreement was made by which the afghan leader promised to ensure to the british forces a safe withdrawal to india. this was violated with afghan readiness, and the entire anglo-indian contingent of seventeen thousand souls was destroyed; sacrificed to the murderous brutality of the afghan insurgents, or dying from exposure to one of the most severe winters known to that region. months after, heaps of dead bodies, preserved by the intense cold, obstructed the mountain passes. the horrors of moscow were repeated in the khurd kabul, and the noblest attributes of humanity were exemplified in the acts of the officers and soldiers of the doomed party. only twenty of this entire force survived. the news of this horrible disaster was brought to jelalabad by the only man who penetrated the afghan environment, dr. brydon. on receipt of the news of this overwhelming catastrophe, the indian government endeavored to rescue the garrisons of kandahar and ghazni, as well as that of jelalabad; but the mohammedan troops refused to march against their co-religionists, and the sikhs also showed great unwillingness. the garrison of ghazni, thinking to secure its safety by capitulation, was cut to pieces december 23, 1841. jelalabad, held by 2,400 men under general sale, still withstood the storm like a rock of iron. general nott, the energetic officer commanding at kandahar, on receiving the news of the destruction of the british, blew up the citadel of the town, destroyed every thing not necessary to his object, and started, august 8, 1842, for ghazni, which he also destroyed, september 6th. [illustration: gate of the bazaar at kabul.] another british force of twelve thousand men, under general pollock, was organized at peshawur, to punish the afghans, and, so far as might be, retrieve the errors of elphinstone and mcnaghten. pollock's operations were, in the sense of retaliation, successful. an eminent german authority wrote: "kabul and other towns were levelled with the ground; akbar's troops were blown from guns, and the people were collected together and destroyed like worms." general pollock carried the famous khaiber pass, in advancing to the relief of jelalabad in april, 1842. this was the first time that the great defile--twenty-eight miles in length--had ever been forced by arms. timur lang and nadir shah, at the head of their enormous hosts, bought a safe passage through it from the afridis. akbar the great, in 1587, is said to have lost forty thousand men in attempting to force it, and aurangzeb failed to get through. the misfortune of elphinstone's command, great as it was, would have been much more humiliating to england, had it not been for the firmness of the gallant general pollock, who, ordered to withdraw with his command to peshawur, by lord ellenborough, without effecting one of the objects of the expedition--the deliverance of the english captives in akbar's hands at kabul,--protested against such a suicidal act on the part of any englishman or any administration, and, at great personal risk, gained his point. in the forced march to kabul, which pollock made subsequently, the force of about eight thousand men moved in as light order as possible. after loading the commissariat camels to their utmost carrying capacity, the general discovered that the mounted men had in their kit a spare pair of pantaloons apiece, on which he ordered the legs to be filled with grain and carried by the men in front of them, on their saddles. by the middle of december the british had started on their return march, pursued as far as the indus by the afghans, and by this hurried conclusion to the war lessened their prestige in asia to an enormous degree. as sir henry rawlinson wrote: "it was not so much the fact of our retreat; disaster would have been diminished, if not altogether overcome; but retreating as we did, pursued even through the last pass into the plains by an implacable enemy, the impression became universal in india as well as in central asia, that we had simply been driven back across the mountains." a very able hindu gentleman, very loyal to the british, traced the mutiny of 1857 in a great measure to the afghan campaign of 1842. he said: "it was a direct breach of faith to take the sepoys out of india. practically they were compelled to go for fear of being treated as mutineers, but the double pay they received by no means compensated them for losing caste. the sepoys mistrusted the government from that time forward, and were always fearing that their caste would be destroyed; besides, the kabul disaster taught them that europeans were not invincible." the departure of the english forces was followed by the reestablishment of dost mohammed's authority in afghanistan. once, at the time of the sikh insurrection, the dost crossed the indian border with two thousand horsemen, and narrowly escaped falling into the hands of the british in the affair of gujrat, february 21, 1849, where the speed of his horse alone saved him from capture. in 1855 a better understanding was effected between the son of dost mohammed and his powerful european neighbor. he reconquered balkh in 1850, and gained kandahar by inheritance in 1855, while he lost herat to the persians in 1856. with the aid of great britain, in 1857, persia relinquished all claims to herat, but the dost had eventually to besiege that city, occupied by a rebellious faction, in 1863, and after a siege of ten months reduced the place, only to find a tomb within its walls. after the usual struggle for the throne, peculiar to a change of dynasty in afghanistan, shere ali, one of the dost's sons, prevailed, and was recognized in 1868. the next decade was notable for a series of diplomatic manoeuvres between england and russia for afghan friendship. shere ali now leaned toward the lion, now in the direction of the bear, with the regularity of a pendulum. the advances were received with presents and promises on the one hand, and promises, powerful embassies, and imposing military expeditions on the other. on september 21, 1878, a british ambassador was turned back by the afghan commandant of the frontier fort of ali musjid, and on the 20th of november, of the same year, war was declared against shere ali by the anglo-indian government. at that time the russian general kaufmann was operating on the northern border of afghanistan with a force of fifteen thousand men and sixty guns, and the ameer had reason to think that he could rely on russian cooperation against the english, who, with a force of forty thousand men, promptly invaded his dominion. this force moved into afghanistan in four columns, under the command, respectively, of generals browne, roberts, biddulph, and stewart, with reserves under generals maude and primrose. we shall have occasion later to consider some of the details of the protracted operations which followed. they embraced several admirably conducted marches, exposure to excessively severe winter weather, the successful surmounting of great natural obstacles, the development of the usual weakness in the department of transport, with unnecessary losses in animals, a considerable sick-list, and an inconsiderable proportion of killed and wounded in action. the military benefits were those resulting from a long and arduous field experience in a rough country. the interruption to these actual "field manoeuvres," this "fire-drill," by the enemy, was comparatively feeble,--as a rule, stimulating the anglo-indian force to put its best foot foremost. under this system, at the end of the two years' campaign, all departments of the army had become moulded into the efficient machines essential to success in any military venture. politically, the campaign had been a failure. the fate of the gallant major cavagnari and his mission, murdered at kabul, september 3, 1879, made a deeper impression on the afghan mind than the british occupation of afghan cities or the afghan losses in battle. in the same year the british secretary for india, in london, wrote to the governor-general that: "it appears that as the result of two successful campaigns, of the employment of an immense force, and of the expenditure of large sums of money, all that has yet been accomplished has been the disintegration of the state which it was desired to see strong, friendly, and independent, the assumption of fresh and unwelcome liabilities in regard to one of its provinces, and a condition of anarchy throughout the remainder of the country." early in the year 1880, the british government prepared to make a dignified withdrawal from afghanistan. that volcanic region was by no means tranquil, although the chief rebel, yakoub khan, had been driven out of kabul by general roberts, and had retired to the distant country of the her-i-rud. at this time appeared the exiled abdurrahman khan, who had long resided at tashkend, and who was welcomed warmly by the local sirdars on the northern frontier of afghanistan. as he approached kabul his authority and influence increased, and the british political officers, acting under instructions, formally recognized him as ameer of that district. in the meanwhile yakoub advanced westward from herat with a strong force, encountered a british brigade, under general burrows, near the helmund, and utterly routed it. the remnant of the european force took refuge in kandahar, where general primrose was in command. surrounding the city, yakoub succeeded in effectually "bottling up" the british garrison for some time. sir frederick roberts, however, made a rapid march from kabul on kandahar, and after a successful and decisive battle with the afghans, completely dispersed the native force, and relieved the beleaguered garrison. soon after, abdurrahman was formally installed as ameer of afghanistan, and the british army withdrew from the country. iii. the british forces and routes. a sketch of the military resources of great britain, more especially those available for field service in afghanistan, with notes upon the strength and composition of the forces, means of transport and supply, nature of important lines of communication, and of certain strategic points in the probable theatre of operations, will be attempted in this chapter. _organization_.--the military system of great britain is based upon voluntary enlistment instead of the usual european plan of universal liability to service. recruits may enlist either for the "short-service" or "long-service" term; the first being for six years in the ranks and six on furlough, and the last for twelve years in the ranks; the furlough of short-service men is passed in the army reserve, and then, in consideration of liability to be recalled to the colors, the men are paid sixpence a day. the troops of the standing army, (united kingdom,) march, 1885, were proportionately distributed as follows: forty-three per cent. in england, two per cent. in scotland, twenty-five per cent. in ireland, and thirty-five per cent. abroad, not including india. [illustration: major-general, sir f. s. roberts, v.c., k.c.b.] available british land forces. [footnote: approximately, from late returns (1885), but short of authorized "establishment" by 90,000.] england. ================================================================== army army militia yeomanry volunteers reserve ================================================================== class: engineers officers 423 men 4,762 cavalry officers 559 men 11,840 11,441 royal horse artillery officers 108 men 2,426 royal artillery officers 690 men 18,351 infantry officers 2,862 men 80,324 aggregate ------ ------ ------ ----- ------ all ranks 122,345 44,503 108,462 11,441 209,365 ================================================================== grand aggregate 469,116 ================================================================== india. [native contingents, independent states of india, [2] about 349,831.] ================================================================== army (e'r'p'n) (native) ================================================================== engineers officers 436 men [3] 232 3,109 cavalry officers 198 304 men 4,086 18,071 royal horse artillery officers men royal artillery officers 453 19 men 10,809 1,842 infantry officers 1,400 1,068 men 44,106 102,648 ------ ------ aggregate all ranks 61,488 127,263 ================================================================= grand aggregate 188,751 ================================================================= [footnote 2: cashmere 27,000, nepaul 100,000, hyderabad 44,000.] [footnote 3: sappers and miners.] for purposes of administration, instruction, and mobilization, great britain and ireland are partitioned into thirteen military districts commanded by general officers. these are sub-divided as follows: for the infantry one hundred and two sub-districts under regimental commanders; for the artillery there are twelve sub-districts, and for the cavalry two districts. the brigade of an infantry sub-district comprises usually two line battalions, two militia battalions, the brigade depot, rifle volunteer corps, and infantry of the army reserve. of the line battalions one is generally at home and one abroad. in an artillery sub-district are comprised a proportion of the royal artillery and artillery of the militia, volunteers, and army reserve respectively. in like manner a cavalry sub-district includes the yeomanry and army reserve cavalry. the officers on duty in the adjutant-general's and quartermaster's departments of the british army are, as a rule, detailed for a term of five years from the line, but must rejoin their regiments immediately upon orders for foreign service. the royal engineers then were and are organized into forty-three companies. the cavalry is divided into the household cavalry and cavalry of the line. the first named comprises the 1st and 2d life guards and royal horse guards,--three regiments. the line is composed of twenty-eight regiments, as follows: seven of dragoon guards, three of dragoons, thirteen of hussars, five of lancers. the strength of regiments varies from 450 to 625 men with from 300 to 400 troop horses each. the artillery--under the title of the royal regiment of artillery--is divided into three classes; the royal horse artillery of two brigades of twelve batteries each, making a brigade total of sixty guns; the field artillery of four, brigades of seventy-six batteries, and the garrison artillery of eleven brigades. for the non-professional reader it may be well to say that, in the horse artillery, all the _personnel_ of a battery is mounted, the better to act with cavalry or mounted infantry; under the general term "field artillery" may be classed mountain batteries (only maintained in india), field batteries proper, in which the guns are somewhat heavier, and served by gunners who are not mounted, but on occasion are carried on the limbers and on seats attached to the axles, and in an emergency may be carried on the "off" horses of teams. under the class "field artillery," also, would come such large guns as are required in war for siege or other heavy operations, and which in india or afghanistan would be drawn by bullocks. the infantry is composed of the guards, the line, and the rifles. the guards consist of three regiments--grenadier guards, coldstream guards, and scots fusilier guards; in all seven battalions. the line comprises 102 regiments (204 battalions); the rifles four battalions. besides these there are two regiments of colonial (west india) colored troops. the militia is intended for local defence, but can be ordered anywhere within the united kingdom, and is available for garrison duty in the mediterranean. enlistment in the militia is for six years. the officers are commissioned by the queen, and, as before noted, all the details of control and recruitment are entrusted to district commanders. for instruction this force may be called out, for a period not to exceed eight weeks annually, with regular officers as instructors. there are 212 battalions of infantry, 25 brigades of garrison artillery, and 3 regiments of engineers comprised in this force. the militia reserve, limited to one fourth of the active militia, is liable to army service in case of an emergency, and for the term of six years is entitled to l1 per annum. the volunteers represent "the bulwark" in case of invasion; they are organized principally as garrison artillery and infantry. the officers are commissioned by the county lieutenants, subject to the approval of the queen. the men are recruited, armed, and instructed by the government. recruits are required to attend thirty drills, and afterward not less than nine drills annually. the volunteer force is composed of 278 battalions of infantry, 46 brigades of garrison artillery and 15 battalions of engineers. the yeomanry cavalry are equipped as light cavalry, drill eight days per year, and are subject to call in case of riot and insurrection, when each man with a horse receives seven pence a day. there are thirty-eight regiments. the army of india differs from that of the united kingdom, not only in its composition, but in the character of its organization. this organization dates from 1858, when the government passed from the east india company to the crown. the european regiments serving in india are in all respects organized and maintained, as in england. in each presidency forming the three political subdivisions, and among which the anglo-indian army is distributed, exists a staff corps which supplies all european officers, permitted to serve with native troops. these officers must pass certain examinations before they can be assigned to any of the following vacancies in any native regiment. indian regiment. europeans 1 commandant, 1 second-in-command and wing officer, 1 wing-officer, 2 wing-subalterns, 1 adjutant, 1 quartermaster, 1 medical officer. natives 2 subadars (captains), 1st class, 2 " " 2d " 4 " " 3d " 4 jemandars (lieuts.), 1st " 4 " " 2d " 1 havildar (sergt.-major), 40 havildars (sergeants), 40 naicks (corporals), 16 drummers, 600 sepoys (privates). the duties of the commandant of a native regiment correspond in general to those of a similar officer in a european corps. three times a week he holds a "durbar," for the trial of offenders and transaction of general regimental business. the men are paid by the native officers in presence of the european "wing-officer," who is responsible for all public property issued to his half battalion, or wing. the native officers are commissioned by the indian government, and, as a rule, are promoted from the ranks, and are of the same caste as the privates. certain native officers of the engineers and artillery may be eligible to appointment in the corresponding european corps; one is always assigned as an aide-de-camp to the viceroy. when on detailed service, a native officer is allowed to command his company, but "no battalion parades should take place without the presence of a british officer." [footnote: indian army regulations.] in each regiment there is a drill-sergeant and drill-corporal, who receive extra pay for their services. corporals are promoted from privates who know how to read and write in at least one character, or who have displayed extraordinary courage. the pay per month of a sepoy is equal to $3.50; havildar, $7; jemandar, $17.50; subadar, $33.50 to $50. european officers with native regiments: commandant, $620; wing-officers, $302 to $322; adjutant, $237.86; quartermaster, $187.86; medical officers, $300, monthly. the annual pay-roll of a native regiment of 720 combatants and 45 non-combatants amounts to about $69,114. in consideration of the pay each sepoy is required to provide his rations and clothing, except one coat and one pair of trousers issued by the government every two years; in consequence, each regiment is accompanied by a native village called a bazaar, containing tradesmen of all kinds; this bazaar is under strict discipline and is managed by the quartermaster. the entire outfit follows the regiment into the field. colonel gordon of the indian army testifies: "with regard to native troops under a cannonade i may say that i saw our native infantry twice under the fire of the afghan mountain guns, and they behaved very steadily and coolly. ammunition was economically expended. i attributed much the small loss sustained by the troops in afghanistan to our excellent straight shooting." the cavalry of india has in certain instances borne an excellent reputation for efficiency in action, is well set up, and in its instruction and discipline is modelled after the british system. the artillery comprises well-instructed native organizations, but its principal experience has been with light field guns against irregular troops. the achilles heel of the indian army consists in this, that there are but eight european officers to each regiment, and of these but six would be available to lead in battle: the quartermaster and surgeon being at such a time otherwise engaged. the native officers, seldom having an opportunity to command in peace, would be unreliable leaders in such an emergency. at the action of ali musjid, november 21, 1878, the day before the occupation of that fort, six british officers of a native battalion were placed _hors de combat_, so that on the first day after crossing the afghan frontier there was but one european officer to manage the regiment. besides the regular establishment there are about 10,000 european volunteers (including 4,000 railway officials and employes) available for local defence. the feudatory chiefs of india enjoy an aggregate revenue of some l15,000,000, equal to more than one third of the income of the british government of india. they maintain forces aggregating 350,000 men with 4,000 guns to perform the duties of court ceremonial, garrison, military police, guards, and escorts, throughout territories aggregating nearly 600,000 square miles with 50,000,000 of inhabitants. these forces are unreservedly held at the disposal of the crown by the native princes. _transport and supply_.--this essential feature of all wars will be briefly considered in the light of the anglo-afghan war of 1879-80. large quantities of supplies were transported from the main base of operations on the indus, and distributed to the troops in the field over four or five distinct lines of communication, and over roads, and mountain paths of varied degrees of ruggedness. the country on both sides of the indo-afghan frontier was severely taxed to furnish the necessary animals. part of the transport was hired--and as in the case of the brahuis camels--with the services of the owners, who were easily offended and likely to decamp with their property in a night. during the first year the system was under the direct control of the commissariat department; but as this proved unsatisfactory, in the subsequent campaign it was entirely reorganized and superintended by an officer of engineers, with a large number of officers from the line to assist. this gave better satisfaction. immense numbers of camels died from heat, [footnote: of a train of eighteen hundred unloaded camels on the road from dadur to jacobabad, for six days in june, six hundred died of exhaustion. in march, 1855 col. green, c.b., lost one hundred and seventeen horses out of four hundred, from the heat, during a march of thirty miles.] overwork, irregular food, and neglect. owing to the dryness of the climate and intense heat of the summer the bullock-carts were perpetually falling to pieces. the mules, donkeys, and ponies gave the best results, but do not abound in sufficient quantities to enable an army in afghanistan to dispense with camels. a successful experiment in rafting, from jelalabad to dakka, was tried. the rafts consisted of inflated skins lashed together with a light framework; between june 4-13, seven thousand skins were used, and, in all, 885 soldiers and one thousand tons of stores were transported forty miles down the kabul river, the journey taking five hours. a great deal of road-making and repairing was done under the supervision of the transport corps. a system of "stages" or relays of pack-animals or carts was organized, by which a regular quantity of supplies was forwarded over the main lines, daily, with almost the regularity, if not the speed, of rail carriage. the great number of animals employed required a corresponding force of attendants, inspectors, and native doctors, all of whom served to make up that excessive army of "followers" for which anglo-indian expeditions are famous. drivers were required at the following rate: one driver for each pair of bullocks, every four camels, every three mules and ponies, every six donkeys. [footnote: the average carrying power of certain kinds of transport, in pounds, is as follows: _bullock-carts_ (with two pairs), on fairly level ground, 1,400; on hilly ground, 1,000; (with one pair) on fairly level ground, 850; on hilly ground, 650; _camels_, 400; _mules_, 200; _ponies_, 175; _men_, 50.] [illustration: khelat-i-ghilzi, between kandahar and ghazni.] the great obstacle to the satisfactory operation of the transport system was its novelty and experimental character, and that its organization had to be combined with its execution. besides which, cholera broke out in june and swept away three hundred employes. grazing camps were established in the neighborhood of the bolan pass for the bullocks, and aqueducts built for the conveyance of a water supply; one of these was of masonry, more than a mile in length, from dozan down to the bolan. it has been stated that grazing was scarce in the region of the bolan: in 1879 more than four thousand bullocks were grazed there during the summer, and large quantities of forage were cut for winter use. any prolonged military operations in afghanistan must, to a certain extent, utilize hired transport, although there are many objections urged. sir richard temple said (1879): "that the amount of transport required for active service, such as the late campaign in afghanistan, is so great that to hire transport is synonymous to pressing it from the people of the district from which it is hired, and impressment of the means of transport must lead to impressment of drivers, who naturally (having no interest whatever in the campaign in which they are called upon to serve) render the most unwilling service and take the earliest opportunity of rendering their animals unserviceable in hopes of escaping a distasteful duty. this service is frequently so unpopular that, sooner than leave the boundaries of their native country, the impressed drivers desert, leaving their animals in the hands of the transport authorities or take them away with them. . . . for the above reasons i should recommend that all transport for a campaign should be the property of government." in commenting on this subject, lord wolseley relates that when serving in china with indian troops he "awoke one morning and found that all our drivers had bolted. our transport consisted of carts supplied by the chinese government, by contractors, and by the country generally. i do not think that the carts had been carried away, but all the mules and men had disappeared except three drivers who belonged to me. i was very much astonished that these men had not bolted also. i had a small detachment of cavalry with me and a very excellent duffadar in charge of it. i asked him how he had managed to keep these drivers--having some time before said that unless he looked after them well he would never get to pekin. he replied, with some hesitation: 'i remember what you told me, and the fact is i tied the tails of those three men together, overnight, and then tied them to the tent pole, and put a man over them.'" the elephant, like the stage coach, finds his field of usefulness, as a means of transport, growing smaller by degrees. he is still a feature in india, and has been used for military purposes to some extent in the eastern part of afghanistan. he will doubtless form part of the means of transportation employed by the british forces near their present base, and in rear of the kabul-kandahar line, and for that reason is noticed here. [footnote: the use of elephants in transporting field guns in afghanistan is emphatically discouraged by those who served with it last; very few flankers were employed to protect the elephant artillery used in the kuram valley, and its success can only be interpreted by supposing the direct interposition of providence or the grossest stupidity to our feeble enemy.] the superintendent of the government elephant kheddahs at dakka has given us, in a recent paper, much information concerning the elephant in freedom and captivity. he does not claim a high order of intelligence, but rather of extraordinary obedience and docility for this animal very large elephants are exceptional. twice round the forefoot gives the height at the shoulder; few females attain the height of eight feet; "tuskers," or male elephants, vary from eight to nine feet; the maharajah of nahur, sirmoor, possesses one standing ten feet five and one half inches. the age varies from 80 to 150 years, according to the best authorities, and it is recorded that those familiar with the haunts of the wild elephant have never found the bones of an elephant that had died a natural death. in freedom they roam in herds of thirty to fifty, always led by a female; mature about twenty-five. in india the males only have tusks; in ceylon only the females. they are fond of the water, swim well, [footnote: elephants have been known to swim a river three hundred yards wide with the hind legs tied together.] but can neither trot nor gallop; their only pace is a walk, which may be increased to a _shuffle_ of fifteen miles an hour for a very short distance; they cannot leap, and a ditch eight by eight feet would be impassable. [illustration: elephant with artillery; on the road to ali musjid.] in bengal and southern india elephants particularly abound, and seem to be increasing in numbers. in the billigurungan hills, a range of three hundred square miles on the borders of mysore, they made their appearance about eighty years ago; yet prior to that time this region was under high cultivation, traces of orchards, orange groves, and iron-smelting furnaces remaining in what is now a howling wilderness. elephants are caught in stockades or kraals. the government employs hunting parties of 350 natives trained to the work, and more than 100 animals are sometimes secured in a single drive. new elephants are trained by first rubbing them down with bamboo rods, and shouting at them, and by tying them with ropes; they are taught to kneel by taking them into streams about five feet deep, when the sun is hot, and prodding them on the back with sharp sticks. the total number of elephants maintained is eight hundred, of which one half are used for military purposes. they consume about 400 pounds of green, or 250 pounds of dry fodder daily, and are also given unhusked rice. an elephant is expected to carry about 1,200 pounds with ease. in the abyssinian expedition elephants travelled many hundreds of miles, carrying from 1,500 to 1,800 pounds (including their gear), but out of forty-four, five died from exhaustion; they are capable of working from morning to night, or of remaining under their loads for twenty hours at a stretch. [footnote: there is no "elephant gun-drill" laid down in the imperial regulations, but when the gun goes into action the elephant is made to kneel, and long "skids" are placed against the cradle upon which the gun rests, so as to form an inclined plane to the ground. the gun is then lifted off the cradle and down the skids by levers and tackle.] an elephant's gear consists of a _gaddela_, or quilted cloth, 1-1/2 inches thick, reaching half-way down his sides and from the neck to the croup. on this is placed the _guddu_, or pad, 6x5 feet and 9 inches thick, formed of stout sacking stuffed with dried grass. the whole is girthed with a long rope passed twice around the body, round the neck as a breast-strap, and under the tail as a crupper. the whole weighs 200 pounds. an improvement upon this has been made by our authority (mr. sanderson), which seems to bear the same relation to the old gear that the open mcclellan saddle does to the ordinary british hunting saddle. it consists (see illustration) of two pads entirely detached, each 4 feet long, 15 inches wide, and 6 inches thick, made of blanket covered with tarpaulin, and encased in stout sacking. one is placed on each side of the elephant's spine, and retained there by two iron arches. there is no saddle-cloth, the load rests on the ribs; the breast-strap and crupper hook into rings on the saddle; there are rings to fasten the load to; it weighs 140 pounds. with foot-boards it is convenient for riding; a cradle can also be attached for carrying field guns. recent experiments have shown the practicability of conveying elephants by rail in ordinary open cattle-trucks; they were indifferent to the motion, noises, or bridges; it is said that 32 elephants could be thus carried on one train. [illustration: detail of elephant saddle.] the excellent railway facilities for moving troops and supplies to the indo-afghan frontier were described in 1880, by traffic manager ross, of the scinde, punjab, and delhi railway, before the united service institution of india. he stated that experiments had been made by the military and railway authorities in loading and disembarking troops and war _materiel_, and that much experience had been afforded by the afghan operations of 1878-9. the movement of troops to and from the frontier commenced in october, 1878, and ended june, 1879. during that period were conveyed over his road 190,000 men, 33,000 animals, 500 guns, 112,000,000 pounds of military stores. the maximum number carried in any one month was in november--40,000 men, 8,000 animals, and 20,800,000 pounds of stores. the greatest number of special trains run in one day was eight, carrying 4,100 men, 300 animals, and 800,000 pounds of stores. as an instance of rapid loading, when the both bengal cavalry left for malta, 80 horses were loaded on a train in 10 minutes appears to have been clean forgotten. the politicals were by no means silent, and the amount of knowledge they possessed of border statistics was something marvellous. did any step appear to the military sense advisable, there was a much better, though less comprehensible, _political_ reason why it should not be undertaken. the oracle has spoken and the behest must be obeyed. an enemy in sight who became afterwards hostile, must not be kept at a distance; through political glasses they appear as 'children of nature,' while the country out of sight must not be explored, the susceptibilities of the sensitive 'tammizais' having to be respected. that much valuable service was performed by political officers there can be no doubt, but that they caused great exasperation among soldiers cannot be denied, and the example of the war of 1839-40 causes them to be looked upon as a very possible source of danger. _anglo-afghan operations_.--the observations of a participant [footnote: lieut. martin, r. e. (_journal u. s. i. of india_).] in the last british campaign in afghanistan will be found of value in the study of future operations in that country. of the afghan tactics he says: "the enemy (generally speaking, a race of highlanders) vastly preferred the attack, and usually obtained the advantage of superior numbers before risking an attack; . . . being able to dispense (for the time) with lines of communication and baggage and commissariat columns, the afghan tribes were often able to raise large gatherings on chosen ground. they could always attack us; we were rarely able (except when they chose) to find them at home." this observer says the regular troops of the ameer were not so formidable as the tribal gatherings. the presence of a tactically immovable artillery hinders the action of an asiatic army. the mounted men are usually the first to leave when the fight is going against their side in a general engagement. one of the best specimens of their tactics was at ahmed-kheyl, on the ghazni-kandahar road, when the british division was one hundred miles from any support. the afghans assembled a force outnumbering the british ten to one. the attack was made in a series of rushes, twice dispersing the british cavalry, and once driving back the infantry. exposed to a constant fire of field guns, the afghans stood their ground, although poorly armed with a variety of obsolete weapons--from an enfield to a handjar or a stick. trouble may always be expected from the night attacks of certain tribes like the alizais and waziris. the english infantry formation was an objectionably close one, and lieut. martin says that the bayonets and rifle-barrels of the front rank were sometimes struck and jammed _by bullets from the rear rank_. the action of the english cavalry, as at ahmed-kheyl, was suicidal in receiving the enemy's charge--practically at a halt. occasionally shelter trenches were used, but disapproved. in the kuram valley column, under general roberts, the cavalry (principally native, with one regular squadron and a battery of horse artillery) formed a brigade, but was never used independently, nor was it instructed (although well equipped) for modern cavalry work. the opposition to dismounted cavalry duty is still so great, in the british army, that the mounted arm is paralyzed for effective service. very little was done by the horse artillery with the kuram column. in the case of the field artillery it was found necessary on two occasions to transfer the ammunition boxes from the bullock-carts to the backs of elephants, on account of the steepness of the hills. the mountain artillery (native) was the most serviceable; a gatling battery, packed on ponies, and in charge of a detachment of highlanders, was never used however. the armament of the infantry included both martini and snider rifles, requiring two kinds of ammunition, but, as the service by pack-mules was ample, no confusion ensued, although lieut. martin says: "in one case i heard a whisper that a regimental reserve of ammunition was found to be _blank cartridges_, but this must be a heavy joke." intrenching tools were carried on camels. a mixture of military and civil-engineer administration and operation is mentioned as unsatisfactory in results. there was great difficulty in getting tools and materials at the opening of the campaign--particularly those required for road and bridge work, although a railroad within two hundred miles had a large stock on hand. [illustration: noah's valley, kunar river.] the art of camping and rough fortification was well practised. the best defended camp was surrounded by bush abatis and flanked by half-moon _sungas_ of boulder-stone work, which held the sentries. the most approved permanent camps or "posts" were mud _serais_ flanked by bastions at the alternate angles and overlooking a yard or "kraal." these were established about ten miles apart, to protect communications, and furnished frequent patrols. during the latter part of the campaign these outposts were manned by the native contingents of the punjab who volunteered. the rapid march of general roberts from kabul to kandahar in august, 1880, and the final dispersion of the forces of ayoub khan, illustrated british operations in afghanistan under the most favorable circumstances. the forces included 2,800 european and 7,000 indian troops; no wheeled artillery was taken; one regiment of native infantry, trained to practical engineering work, did the work of sappers and miners; for the transportation of sick and wounded 2,000 doolie-bearers, 286 ponies, and 43 donkeys; for transport of supplies a pack-train of 1,589 yabus, 4,510 mules, 1,224 indian ponies, 912 donkeys--a total of 10,148 troops, 8,143 native followers, and 11,224 animals, including cavalry horses; 30 days' rations, of certain things, and dependence on the country for fresh meat and forage. the absence of timber on this route rendered it difficult to obtain fuel except by burning the roofs of the villages and digging up the roots of "southern-wood" for this purpose. the manner of covering the movement rested with the cavalry commander. usually the front was covered by two regiments, one regiment on each flank, at a mile from the column, detaching one or more troops as rear-guard; once movement had commenced, the animals, moving at different gaits were checked as little as possible. with such a number of non-combatants the column was strung out for six or seven miles, and the rear-guard leaving one camp at 7 a.m. rarely reached the next--fifteen to twenty miles distant--before sundown. [illustration: watch-tower in the khaiber pass.] _routes_.--for operations in afghanistan the general british base is the frontier from kurrachee to peshawur. these points are connected by a railway running east of the indus, which forms a natural boundary to the indian frontier, supplemented by a line of posts which are from north to south as follows: jumrud, baru, mackeson, michni, shub kadar, abazai, and kohut; also by fortified posts connected by military roads,--thull, bunnoo, and doaba. from the indus valley into the interior of afghanistan there are only four lines of communication which can be called military roads: first, from _peshawur_ through the khaiber pass to _kabul_; second, from _thull_, over the peiwar and shuturgurdan passes to _kabul_; third, from _dera ismail khan_ through the guleir surwandi and sargo passes to _ghazni_; fourth, by _quetta_ to kandahar and thence to _herat_, or by ghazni to _kabul_. besides these there are many steep, difficult, mule tracks over the bleak, barren, sulimani range, which on its eastern side is very precipitous and impassable for any large body of troops. [illustration: fort of ali musjid, from the heights above lala cheena in the khaiber pass.] the peshawur-kabul road, 170 miles long, was in 1880 improved and put in good order. from peshawur the road gradually rises, and after 7 miles reaches jumrud (1,650 feet elevation), and 44 miles further west passes through the great khaiber pass. this pass, 31 miles long, can, however, be turned by going to the north through the absuna and tartara passes; they are not practicable for wheels, and the first part of the road along the kabul river is very difficult and narrow, being closed in by precipitous cliffs. as far as fort ali musjid the khaiber is a narrow defile between perpendicular slate rocks 1,460 feet high; beyond that fort the road becomes still more difficult, and in some of the narrowest parts, along the rocky beds of torrents, it is not more than 56 feet wide. five miles further it passes through the valley of lalabeg 1-1/2 miles wide by 6 miles long, and then after rising for four miles it reaches the top of the pass, which from both sides offers very strong strategical positions. from thence it descends for 2-1/2 miles to the village of landi khana (2,463 feet), which lies in a gorge about a quarter of a mile wide; then on to dakka (altitude 1,979 feet). this pass, 100 to 225 feet wide and 60 feet long, is shut in by steep but not high slopes, overgrown with bushes. [illustration: fort of dakka, on the kabul river.] on the eleven miles' march from dakka to hazarnao, the khurd khaiber is passed, a deep ravine about one mile long, and in many places so narrow that two horsemen cannot pass each other. hazarnao is well cultivated, and rich in fodder; 15 miles farther is chardeh (1,800 feet altitude), from which the road passes through a well-cultivated country, and on through the desert of surkh denkor (1,892 feet altitude), which is over 8-1/2 miles from jelalabad. from this city (elsewhere described) onward as far as gundamuck the route presents no great difficulties; it passes through orchards, vineyards, and cornfields to the surkhab river; but beyond this three spurs of the safed koh range, running in a northeastern direction, have to be surmounted. [illustration: the ishbola tepe, khaiber pass.] between jelalabad [footnote: the heat at jelalabad from the end of april is tremendous--105 degrees to 110 degrees in the shade.] and kabul two roads can be followed: the first crosses the range over the karkacha pass (7,925 feet alt.) at the right of which is assin kilo, thence through the kotul defile, and ascending the khurd kabul [footnote: the khurd kabul pass is about five miles long, with an impetuous mountain torrent which the road (1842) crossed twenty-eight times.] (7,397 feet alt.) to the north reaches the high plateau on which kabul is situated; the other leads over the short but dangerous jagdallak pass to jagdallak, from which there are three roads to kabul--the northernmost over the khinar and the third over the sokhta passes; all these, more difficult than the khaiber, are impassable during the winter. it was here, as already related, that the greater part of elphinstone's command, in 1842, perished. there is a dearth of fuel and supplies by this line of communication. the second, or thull-kuram-kabul, route, was taken by general roberts in 1878-9. it extends from thull, one of the frontier posts already mentioned, some forty miles into the kuram valley, and then inclining towards the west leads to the kuram fort (mohammed azim's), a walled quadrangular fortress with flanking towers at an elevation of 6,000 feet. the kuram valley is, up to this point, well cultivated and productive; wood, water, and forage abound. winter only lasts with any severity for six weeks, and the spring and autumn are delightful. a short distance above the fort commences the ascent toward the peiwar pass (8,000 feet alt.), twenty-four miles distant. the road, thickly bordered with cedar and pine trees, is covered with boulders and is very difficult, and from the village of peiwar--one of many _en route_, of the usual afghan fortified type--it leads through a winding defile to the top of the pass. here the road is confined by perpendicular chalk rocks, the summits of which are covered with scrub timber and a luxurious growth of laurel. on the farther side of the pass the road ascends to the height of the hazardarakht, (which is covered with snow in the winter), and then climbs to the shuturgurdan pass (11,375 feet alt.), reaching a plateau on which the snow lies for six months of the year; thence it descends into the fertile logar valley and reaches akton khel, which is only fifty-one miles from kabul. the total length of this route is about 175 miles. the third, or dera-ismail-khan-sargo-ghazni, route passes through a region less frequented than those mentioned, and is not thought sufficiently difficult for detailed description. passing due west, through seventy miles of mountain gorges destitute of supplies or forage, it debouches, through the gomal pass, into a more promising country, in which forage may be obtained. at this point it branches to ghazni, kandahar, and pishin respectively. a road exists from mooltan, crossing the indus at dera-ghazi-khan, mithunkot, rajanpur, rojan, lalgoshi, dadur to quetta, and was utilized by general biddulph, from whose account of his march from the indus to the helmund, in 1879, is gleaned the following. the main point of concentration for the british forces, either from india or from england via kurrachee is thus minutely described. "the western frontier of india is, for a length of 600 miles, bounded by biluchistan and territories inhabited by biluch tribes, and for 300 miles biluch country intervenes between our border and afghanistan. the plains of the punjab and sind run along the boundary of biluchistan, and at a distance of from 25 to 50 miles the indus pursues a course, as far down as mithunkot, from north to south, and then winds south-west through a country similar to that of egypt. a belt of cultivation and beyond that the desert . . . this line of hills (the eastern sulimani) extends as a continuous rampart with the plains running up to the foot of the range, and having an elevation of 11,000 feet at the tukl-i-suliman, and of 7,400 near fort munro (opposite dera-ghazi-khan), gradually diminishes in height and dwindles away till it is lost in the plains near kusmore, at a point 12 miles from the indus. the strip of low-land country on the west bank of the indus up to the foot of the hills is called the _derajat_. it is cut up and broken by torrents, the beds of which are generally dry wastes, and the country is, except at a few places where permanent water is found, altogether sterile and hot. if we view the physical aspect looking north and north-west from jacobabad, we notice a wide bay of plains extending between the broken spur of the sulimani, and a second range of hills having a direction parallel to the outer range. this plain is called the kachi, extends in an even surface for 150 miles from the indus at sukkur, and is bounded on the north by successive spurs lying between the two great ranges. the kachi, thus bounded by barren hills on all sides but the south, is one of the hottest regions in the world. except where subject to inundations or within reach of irrigation it is completely sterile--a hard clay surface called _pat_,--and this kind of country extends around to the east of the spur of the suliman into the derajat country. subject to terrific heats and to a fiercely hot pestilential wind, the kachi is at times fatal even to the natives." [illustration: entrance to the bolan pass, from dadur.] the range of mountains bounding the kachi to the westward is a continuous wall with imperceptible breaks only, and it bears the local names of gindari, takari, and kirthar. through this uniform rampart there are two notable rents or defiles, viz.: the _mulla_ opening opposite gundana, leading to kelat; and the _bolan_ entering near dadur, leading to quetta, kandahar, and herat. the bolan is an abrupt defile--a rent in the range,--the bottom filled with the pebbly bed of a mountain torrent. this steep ramp forms for sixty miles the road from dadur, elevation 750 feet, to the dasht-i-bedowlat, elevation 6,225 feet. this inhospitable plateau and the upper portion of the bolan are subject to the most piercingly cold winds and temperature; and the sudden change from the heat of the kachi to the cold above is most trying to the strongest constitutions. notwithstanding the difficulties of the road, the absence of supplies and fuel, and the hostile character of the predatory tribes around, this route has been always most in favor as the great commercial and military communication from persia, central asia, and khorassan to india. the causes which led to the establishment of a british garrison at quetta are not unlike those which are urged as good russian reasons for the occupation of territory in certain parts of central asia. briefly stated, it seems that after the conquest of the punjab, the proximity of certain disturbed portions of biluchistan, and the annoyance suffered by various british military expeditions, in 1839-1874, from certain tribes of biluchis--notably the maris and bugtis,--made it desirable that more decisive measures should be adopted. in 1876 a force of british troops was marched to kelat, and by mutual agreement with the khan a political agency was established at quetta, ostensibly to protect an important commercial highway, but at the same time securing a military footing of great value. but the character of the lords of the soil--the maris, for instance--has not changed for the better, and the temporary general european occupation of the country would afford an opportunity to gratify their predatory instincts, which these bandits would not hesitate to utilize. the maris can put 2,000 men into the field and march 100 miles to make an attack. when they wish to start upon a raid they collect their wise men together and tell the warriors where the cattle and the corn are. if the reports of spies, sent forward, confirm this statement, the march is undertaken. they ride upon mares which make no noise; they travel only at night. they are the most excellent outpost troops in the world. when they arrive at the scene of action a perfect watch is kept and information by single messengers is secretly sent back. every thing being ready a rush of horsemen takes place, the villages are surrounded, the cattle swept away, the women and children hardly used--fortunate if they escape with their lives. the villagers have their fortlets to retreat to, and, if they reach them, can pull the ladders over after them and fire away from their towers. dadur is an insignificant town at the foot of the bolan. from here the kandahar road leads for sixty miles through the pass--a gradual ascent; in winter there is not a mouthful of food in the entire length of the defile. quetta, compared with the region to the south, appears a very garden of eden. it is a small oasis, green and well watered. from quetta to pishin the road skirts the southern border of a vast plain, interspersed with valleys, which extend across the eastern portion of afghanistan toward the russian dominion. a study of the pishin country shows that it is, on its northwestern side supported on a limb of the western sulimani. this spur, which defines the west of the barshor valley, is spread out into the broad plateau of toba, and is then produced as a continuous ridge, dividing pishin from the plains of kadani, under the name of khoja amran. the barshor is a deep bay of the plain, and there is an open valley within the outer screen of hills. a road strikes off here to the ghilzai country and to ghazni. though intersected by some very low and unimportant hills and ridges, the pishin plains and those of shallkot may be looked upon as one feature. we may imagine the shall valley the vestibule, the kujlak-kakur vale the passage, the gayud yara plain an antechamber, and pishin proper the great _salle_. surrounded by mountains which give forth an abundant supply of water, the lands bordering on the hills are studded with villages, and there is much cultivation; there is a total absence of timber, and the cultivation of fruit-trees has been neglected. the lora rivers cutting into the plain interferes somewhat with the construction of roads. [illustration: entrance to the khojak pass, from pishin, on the road to kandahar.] the plain of pishin possesses exceptional advantages for the concentration and rendezvous of large bodies of troops, and has already been utilized for that purpose by the british. from the khoja amran, looking toward kandahar, the plains, several thousand feet below, are laid out like a sea, and the mountains run out into isolated promontories; to the left the desert is seen like a turbulent tide about to overflow the plains. the rivers on the quetta-kandahar route do not present much impediment to the passage of troops in dry weather, but in flood they become serious obstacles and cannot be passed until the waters retire. the ascent from the east through the khojak pass is easy, the descent on the west very precipitous. a thirteen-foot cart road was made, over the entire length of twenty miles, by general biddulph in 1878-9, by which the first wheeled vehicles, which ever reached khorassan from india, passed. from kandahar (elsewhere described)--which is considered by general hamley and other authorities, one of the most important strategic points in any scheme of permanent defence for india--diverge two main roads: one a continuation of the quetta-herat route bearing n.w., and one running n.e. to kabul. gen. biddulph says: "the position of kandahar near to the slopes of the range to the westward of the city renders it impossible to construct works close at hand to cover the road from herat. the high ridge and outlying hills dividing kandahar and its suburbs from the argandab valley completely command all the level ground between the city and the pass. beyond the gap a group of detached mountains extends, overlooking the approaches, and follows the left bank of the argandab as far down as panjwai, fifteen miles distant. positions for defensive works must be sought, therefore, in front of that place on the right bank of the river. to the n.e. of kandahar the open plain affords situations for forts, well removed from the hills, at a short distance, and at akhund ziarut, thirty miles on the road to ghazni, there is a gorge which would, if held, add to security on that quarter." the country between kandahar and the helmund has the same general characteristics--plains and mountain spurs alternately,--and while generally fit for grazing is, except in a few spots, unfit for cultivation. according to the eminent authority just quoted, the great natural strategic feature of this route is the elevated position of atta karez, thirty-one miles from kandahar. he says: "on the whole road this is the narrowest gateway, and this remarkable feature and the concentration of roads [footnote: the roads which meet at atta karez are: the great herat highway passing through kokeran and crossing the argandab opposite sinjari, whence it lies along the open plain all the way to atta karez; the road which crosses the argandab at panjwai; and the road from taktipul towards herat.] here, give to atta karez a strategic importance unequalled by any other spot between india and central asia." general biddulph examined this position carefully in 1879, and discovered a site for a work which would command the valley of the argandab and sweep the elevated open plain toward the west and northwest. abbaza is a village at the crossing of the herat road over the helmund, forty-six miles west of atta karez. on the west bank lies the ancient castle of girishk. the country between the argandab and the helmund is rolling and inclining gradually from the hills toward the junction of these rivers. the plateau opposite girishk is 175 feet above the river, which it commands. the helmund has already been described. there are numerous fords, but, at certain times, bridges would be required for military purposes. the land in the vicinity of the helmund is very fertile and seamed with irrigating canals. from girishk a road _via_ washir runs through the hills to herat; this is said to be cool, well supplied with water and grazing, and is a favorite military route. a road, parallel, to the south, goes through farrah, beyond which both roads blend into one main road to the "key." still another road, by bost, rudbar, and lash, along the course of the river, exists. although not so direct, it is an important route to herat; upon this road stand the ruins of the ancient city of bost in a wonderful state of preservation; here, as elsewhere in this region, the remains of fortifications testify to the former military importance of the spot. the citadel of bost is built on the debris of extensive works and rises 150 feet above the river. _british generals_.--perhaps the most prominent of modern british commanders, next to lord wolseley--is the young and successful soldier, lieutenant-general sir frederick roberts, g.c.b., c.i.e., commanding the anglo-indian army of the madras presidency. he has already seen service in afghanistan and elsewhere, and has been appointed to the command of one of the principal divisions of the british forces intended to oppose the threatened advance of the russians on herat. it was said of him by one of the most brilliant military leaders of the age,--skobeleff: "for general roberts i have a great admiration. he seems to me to possess all the qualities of a great general. that was a splendid march of his from kabul to kandahar. i think more highly of him than i do of sir garnet wolseley, but there is this to be said of _all_ your generals, they have only fought against asiatic and savage foes. they have not commanded an army against a european enemy, and we cannot tell, therefore, what they are really made of." the commander-in-chief of the army of india, general sir donald m. stewart, g.c.b., c.i.e., to whom has been intrusted the conduct of the british forces in afghanistan, is also a very distinguished and experienced officer--probably more familiar with the nature of the probable field of operations than any other in her majesty's service. like the united states, the great latent power of england is indisputable, and so long as superiority at sea is maintained, time is given to render that latent power active. for the first year of the coming struggle england must lean heavily upon her navy. nearly all the regiments of infantry are below the average peace limit, and if filled up simultaneously to a maximum war strength will include more than fifty per cent, of imperfectly trained men, and as the practice has been to fill up those corps ordered abroad with men transferred from other small regiments, it may come to pass that so-called "regular" regiments will consist largely of raw material. colonel trench of the british army says "the organization of the regular cavalry is very defective," and especially complains of the maladministration we have just noted. demands for cavalry for the soudan were met by a heavy drain on the already depleted strength of regiments in england. the fifth dragoon guards, which stood next on the roster for foreign service, gave away nearly two hundred horses and one hundred men. colonel trench says that the reserve cavalry have no training, and that there is no reserve of horses. it is doubtful if more than seventy per cent. of the enlisted strength and fifty per cent. of the horses, on paper, could be put in the field now. allusion has already been made to the notorious weakness of the british transport system. [footnote: captain gaisford, who commanded the khaiber levies in the afghan campaign, recommended reforms in the system of transport and supply. he advocated certain american methods, as wind and water-mills to crush and cleanse the petrified and gravelled barley, often issued, and to cut up the inferior hay; the selection of transport employes who understand animals; and more care in transporting horses by sea.] if this has been the case in the numerous small wars in which her forces have been engaged for the last twenty-five years, what may be expected from the strain of a great international campaign. on the other hand, great britain can boast of an inexhaustible capital, not alone of the revenues which have been accumulating during the last quarter of a century, but of patriotism, physical strength, courage, and endurance, peculiar to a race of conquerors. iv. the russian forces and approaches. a mere glance at the ponderous military machine with which russia enforces law and order within her vast domain, and by which she preserves and extends her power, is all that we can give here. no army in the world has probably undergone, within the last thirty years, such a succession of extensive alterations in organization, in administrative arrangements, and in tactical regulations, as that of russia. the crimean war surprised it during a period of transition. further changes of importance were carried out after that war. once more, in 1874, the whole military system was remodelled, while ever since the peace of san stefano, radical reforms have been in progress, and have been prosecuted with such feverish haste, that it is difficult for the observer to keep pace with them. [footnote: sir l. graham (_journal royal u. s. institution_).] the military system of russia is based upon the principles of universal liability to serve and of territorial distribution. this applies to the entire male population, with certain exemptions or modifications on the ground, respectively, of age or education. annually there is a "lot-drawing," in which all over twenty, who have not already drawn lots, must take part. those who draw blanks are excused from service with the colors, but go into the last reserve, or "opoltschenie." the ordinary term of service is fifteen years,--six with the colors and nine with the reserves; a reduction is made for men serving at remote asiatic posts; the war office may send soldiers into the reserve before the end of their terms. reduction is also made, from eleven to thirteen years and a half, for various degrees of educational acquirement. exemptions are also made for family reasons and on account of peculiar occupation or profession. individuals who personally manage their estates or direct their own commercial affairs (with the exception of venders of strong liquors) may have their entry into service postponed two years. men are permitted to volunteer at seventeen (with consent of parents or guardians); all volunteers serve nine years in the reserve; those joining the guards or cavalry must maintain themselves at their own expense. the total contingent demanded for army and navy in 1880 was 235,000, and 231,961 were enrolled; of this deficit of 3,039, the greater number, 3,000, were jews. _organization_.--the emperor is the commander-in-chief, who issues orders through the war ministry, whose head is responsible for the general efficiency of the army. there is also the "imperial head-quarters," under a general officer who, in the absence of the war minister, takes the emperor's orders and sees to their execution. the war council, presided over by the war minister, supervises all financial matters in connection with the army. there are also a high court of appeals, and the head-quarters staff, who supervise the execution of all military duties. commissariat, artillery, engineer, medical, military education, cossack, and judge-advocate departments complete the list of bureaus. the military forces are arranged into nineteen army corps: five comprise three divisions of infantry; one, two divisions of cavalry; the remainder, two divisions of cavalry and one of infantry; with a due proportion of light artillery and engineers the war strength of an army corps is 42,303 combatants, 10,755 horses, and 108 guns. when war is declared an army is formed of two or more corps. the general commanding exercises supreme control, civil and military, if the force enters the enemy's country. his staff are detailed much as usual at an american army head-quarters in the field. there are in the active army--_infantry_: 768 battalions (192 regiments, 48 divisions), 54 batt. riflemen. _cavalry_: 56 regular regiments (4 cuirassiers, 2 uhlans, 2 hussars, 48 dragoons); 29 regt. cossacks, divided into 20 divisions, kept in time of peace at 768 men (864 with sub-officers) per regiment. _artillery_: 51 brigades, or 303 batteries of 8 guns each; 30 horse-batteries of 6 guns each; besides 14 batteries with cossack divisions. fifty "parks" and 20 sections of "parks" supply each infantry brigade and cavalry division with cartridges. the land forces of russia. [footnote: approximately from latest (1884-85) returns. (combatants only.)] europe. field troops peace. engineers. 21,335 cavalry. 52,902 infantry. 49,581 artillery. 323,701 total. 447,519 horses. 71,565 guns. 1,188 war. total. 821,243 horses. 155,149 guns. 2,172 reserve, fortress, and depot troops peace. engineers. cavalry. 10,504 infantry. 23,704 artillery. 54,995 total. 89,203 horses. 8,703 guns. 144 war. total. 891,404 horses. 109,822 guns. 1,236 caucasus. field troops peace. engineers. 1,548 cavalry. 12,364 infantry. 8,442 artillery. 59,254 total. 81,608 horses. 15,927 guns. 198 war. total. 150,313 horses. 31,700 guns. 366 reserve fortress troops peace. engineers. cavalry. 5,480 infantry. 2,860 artillery. 2,270 total. 10,610 horses. 6,137 guns. 8 war. total. 51,776 horses. 36,862 guns. 12 turkestan. peace. engineers. 496 cavalry. 6,744 infantry. 2,468 artillery. 12,522 total. 22,230 horses. 8,246 guns. 48 war. total. 34,125 horses. 12,780 guns. 76 siberia. peace. engineers. 244 cavalry. 2,606 infantry. 1,273 artillery. 7,752 total. 11,875 horses. 3,412 guns. 24 war. total. 29,779 horses. 14,745 guns. 58 _grand aggregate of the empire_. peace. engineers. 23,623 cavalry. 90,600 infantry. 83,328 artillery. 460,494 total. 663,045 horses. 113,990 guns. 1,610 war. total. 1,978,640 horses. 367,089 guns. 3,920 during 1884 the engineer corps was reorganized. henceforward the peace establishment will consist of seventeen battalions of sappers; eight battalions of pontoniers; sixteen field-telegraph companies, each of which is mounted, so as to maintain telegraphic communication for forty miles, and have two stations; six engineering parks or trains, each ten sections, carrying each sufficient tools and material for an infantry division; four battalions of military railway engineers; four mine companies; two siege trains, and one telegraph instruction company. the whole is divided into six brigades, and provisions are taken for training recruits and supplying the losses during war. the fortress troops, for the defence of fortresses, consist of forty-three battalions of twelve hundred men each in time of war, and nine companies of three hundred men each. the depot troops, for garrison service, consist of thirteen battalions and three hundred detachments. the reserve troops supply 204 battalions of infantry, 56 squadrons of cavalry, 57 batteries of artillery, and 34 companies of sappers. if mobilized, they are intended to supply 544 battalions, 56 squadrons, 144 batteries, and 34 companies of engineers. the second reserve, or "zapas," consists of "cadres" for instruction, organized in time of war. the training of the russian infantry comprises that of skirmishing as of most importance; the whistle is used to call attention; the touch is looser in the ranks than formerly; squares to resist cavalry are no longer used; [footnote: a british officer, who has had good opportunities, says the infantry drill is second to none.] the berdan breech-loader is the infantry arm; sergeant-majors wear officers' swords, and together with musicians carry revolvers. a great stimulus has been given to rifle practice in the russian army, with fair results, but complaint is made of want of good instructors. the dress and equipment of the infantry is noted for an absence of ornament, and hooks are substituted for buttons. every thing has been made subordinate to comfort and convenience. woollen or linen bandages are worn instead of socks. the entire outfit of the soldier weighs about fifty pounds. the guards, alone, are yet permitted to wear their old uniform with buttons. the arms of the turkestan troops are mixed berdan and bogdan rifles. the field clothing is generally linen blouse with cloth shoulder-straps, chamois-leather trousers, dyed red, and a white kepi. officers wear the same trousers in the field. cossacks wear gray shirts of camel's hair. the artillery is divided into field artillery and horse artillery, of which the strength is given elsewhere. the horse batteries have the steel four-pound gun. col. lumley, of the british army, says: "in russia it is believed that the field artillery is equal to that of any other power, and the horse artillery superior." lieut. grierson, r.a., from his personal observation, confirms this opinion. it is not too much to say that, in any european conflict in the near future, the russian cavalry will be conspicuous and extraordinarily effective. in a war with england, in asia, the use of large bodies of cavalry, organized, instructed, and equipped after the american plan, must become the main feature. from the wonderful reforms instituted by russia in her huge army of horsemen, which have put her before all other nations, not excepting germany, we may expect to hear of wonderful mobility, stunning blows at the enemy's depots, and the appropriation of choice positions under his nose: of stubborn contests with the anglo-indian infantry, the only weapon a berdan carbine; of communications destroyed by high explosives: especially, of the laying waste smiling afghan valleys, inexpedient to occupy:--these are a few of the surprises to which we may be treated if russia gets the chance. in this manner she is doubtless prepared to take the initiative in her next war. [footnote: the bold operations of general gourko in the russo-turkish war of 1878, afford the best illustration of the versatile qualities of the progressive military horseman since the american war, 1861-5. an austrian officer says: "the russian cavalry reconnoitred boldly and continuously, and gave proof of an initiative very remarkable. every one knows that russian dragoons are merely foot soldiers mounted, and only half horsemen: however, that it should come to such a point as making dragoons charge with the bayonet, such as took place july 16th near twardista, seems strange. cossacks and hussars dismounted on the 30th, formed skirmishing lines, coming and going under the fire of infantry, protecting their battery, and conducting alone an infantry fight against the enemy. at eski zagra, july 31st, the dragoons did not leave the field until all their cartridges were exhausted. on the other hand, the _offensive_ action, and the spirit of enterprise and dash, which are the proper qualifications of cavalry, were not wanting in the russians."] the whole of the regular cavalry of the line has been converted into dragoons armed with berdan rifle and bayonet; the guard regiments must adopt the same change when ordered into the field, and the cossacks have been deprived of the lance (excepting for the front rank); new musketry regulations have been prescribed. great stress is now laid upon the training of both horses and men in the direction of long marches, and the passage of obstacles. forced marches are also made to cover the greatest possible distances in the shortest possible time. [footnote: among other experiments are noted that of 7 officers and 14 men of the orenburg cossacks who in november last in bad weather travelled 410 versts between niji novgorod and moscow in 5 days--about 53 miles a day; then covering 685 versts from moscow to st. petersburg in 8 days--56 miles a day; on arrival an inspector reported horses fresh and ready for service; the party was mentioned in orders, and presented to the czar. a month before, in snow and intense cold, 7 officers and 7 men of the cavalry school covered 370 versts in 4 days--60 miles a day. it is asserted that the best russian cavalry can travel 70 miles a day, continuously, without injury. general gourko recently inspected two sotnias of don cossacks who had cleared 340 versts in 3 days, or 74 miles a day.] swimming was practised in the warsaw, odessa, and moscow districts, the horses being regularly taught with the aid of inflated bags tied under them. the suprasl was crossed by the entire 4th cavalry division swimming. in order to acquire a thorough knowledge of pioneer duty, both the officers and non-commissioned officers of cavalry are attached to the engineer camp for a short course of instruction. in one division a regular pioneer squadron has been formed for telegraphic and heliographic duty. the mounted force, provided for in the russian establishment, comprises twenty-one divisions of 3,503 sabres and 12 guns each, or an aggregate of 73,563 men and 252 field guns. a feature of the russian cavalry equipment is the pioneer outfit, consisting of tools for construction or destruction, as they desire to repair a bridge or destroy a railroad; this outfit for each squadron is carried on a pack-mule; dynamite is carried in a cart with the ammunition train. the cossack (except of the caucasus) is armed with a long lance (front rank only), a sabre without guard, and a berdan rifle. those of the caucasus have in addition pistol and dagger, besides a _nagaska_ or native whip. the uniform is blue, high boots, fur cap, cloak with cape. the snaffle-bit is universally used, even by the officers, although the average russian troop-horse is noted for his hard mouth. in the mounted drill of the cossacks there is a charge as skirmishers (or "foragers") called the "lava," which is executed at a great pace and with wild yells of "hourra!" lieut. grierson, of the british army, writes that: "a big fine man mounted on a pony, with his body bent forward and looking very top-heavy, always at a gallop, and waving his enormous whip, the cossack presents an almost ludicrous appearance to one accustomed to our stately troopers. but this feeling is dashed with regret that we possess no such soldiers." _transport and supply_.--the russian system of transport is in a very experimental and unsatisfactory state. it is the only army which provides regimentally for the _personnel_ and _materiel_ of this department. in each regiment is a non-combatant company, in which all men required for duty without arms are mustered. all military vehicles required for the regiment are under charge of this company. the intention of the system now developing is to reduce the quantity of transportation required. [footnote: in 1878 the head-quarters baggage of the grand duke nicholas required five hundred vehicles and fifteen hundred horses to transport it.] besides the wagons and carts used for ordinary movements of troops, russia will, in afghanistan, depend upon the animals of the country for pack-trains and saddle purposes. after the _camel_, of which large numbers exist in the region bordering afghanistan on the north, the most important aid to russian military mobility is the remarkable _kirghiz horse_. the accounts of the strength, speed, endurance, and agility of this little animal are almost incredible, [footnote: in 1869 a russian detachment of five hundred men, mounted on kirghiz horses, with one gun and two rocket-stands, traversed in one month one thousand miles in the orenburg steppe, and only lost three horses; half of this march was in deep sand. in october, m. nogak (a russian officer) left his detachment _en route_, and rode one horse into irgiz, 166-2/3 miles in 34 hours.] but they are officially indorsed in many instances. he is found in turkestan, and is more highly prized than any other breed. the kirghiz horse is seldom more than fourteen hands, and, with the exception of its head, is fairly symmetrical; the legs are exceptionally fine, and the hoofs well formed and hard as iron. it is seldom shod, and with bare feet traverses the roughest country with the agility of a chamois, leaping across wide fissures on the rocks, climbing the steepest heights, or picking its way along mere sheep-tracks by the side of yawning precipices, or covering hundreds of versts through heavy sand, with a heavier rider, day after day. its gaits are a rapid and graceful walk of five and one half to six miles an hour, and an amble [footnote: moving both feet on a side almost simultaneously.] at the maximum rate of a mile in two minutes. this animal crosses the most rapid streams not over three and one half feet deep, lined with slippery boulders, with ease. they are good weight carriers. [footnote: the mounted messengers (pony express) over the steppes, use these horses, and carry with them, over stages of 350 miles in 8 days, an equipment and supplies for man and horse of nearly 300 pounds.] with a view of stimulating horse-breeding in turkestan, the government in 1851 offered prizes for speed. [footnote: the greatest speed recorded (1853.) was 13-1/2 miles (on a measured course) in 27 minutes and 30 seconds.] kirghiz horses have been thoroughly tested in the russian army. for modern cavalry and horse-artillery purposes they are unsurpassed. the average price is l6, but an ambler will bring l12. great britain is said to possess 2,800,000 horses, while russia, in the kirghiz steppes alone, possesses 4,000,000 saddle or quick-draught horses. the supply of the russian army is carefully arranged under the central intendance. the ration in the field was, in 1878, 14.3 ounces of meat, 14.9 black bread, preserved vegetables and tea, with an issue of brandy in the winter. immense trains follow each division, at intervals, forming consecutive mobile magazines of food. a division provision train can carry ten days' supply for 230,000 men. forage is now supplied for transport in compressed cakes, of which 20,000,000 were used by russia in her last war. [footnote: a compressed ration of forage was extensively used by the russians in 1878, weighing 3-1/2 pounds; 5 days' supply could be carried on the saddle with ease.] clothing is furnished by the supply bureau of certain regions in which there are large government factories; it is usual to keep on hand for an emergency 500,000 sets of uniform clothing. _routes_.--having devoted a share of our limited space to an account of the roads leading to herat, from india, we may consider, briefly, certain approaches to afghanistan or india from the northwest. this subject has been so clearly treated in a recent paper read before the royal united service institution by captain holdich, r.e., who surveyed the region referred to, in 1880, that we quote liberally as follows: in improving our very imperfect acquaintance, both with the present military resources and position of russia in central asia, and of the difficulties presented both geographically and by the national characteristics of the races that she would have to encounter in an advance south of the oxus, a good deal has been already learned from the afghans themselves. among the turbulent tribes dwelling in and around kabul, whose chief and keenest interest always lies in that which bears, more or less directly, on their chances of success in mere faction fights, which they seem to regard as the highest occupation in life, the russian factor in the general game must be a matter of constant discussion. thus it may possibly arise from their individual interest in their national position that there is no better natural geographer in the world than the afghan of the kabul district. there is often an exactness about his method of imparting information (sometimes a careful little map drawn out with a pointed stick on the ground) which would strike one as altogether extraordinary, but for the reflection that this one accomplishment is probably the practical outcome of the education of half a lifetime. russia's bases of military operations towards india are two: one on the caspian sea at krasnovodsk, and chikishliar, with outposts at chat and kizil arvat; and the other on the line of khiva, bokhara, samarcand, and margillan, which may roughly be said to represent the frontier held (together with a large extent of boundary south of kuldja) by the army of tashkend, under general kaufmann. but between this latter line and the oxus, russia is undoubtedly already the dominant power. the mere fact of russia having already thoroughly explored all these regions, gives her the key to their future disposal. there is no doubt that in all matters relating to the acquirement of geographical knowledge, where it bears on possible military operations, russian perceptions are of the keenest. her surveying energies appear to be always concentrated on that which yet lies beyond her reach, rather than in the completion of good maps to aid in the right government of that which has already been acquired. with what lies north of the oxus we can have very little to say or to do; therefore it matters the less that in reality we know very little about it. the oxus is not a fordable river. at khoja saleh, which is the furthest point supposed to have been reached by the aral flotilla, it is about half a mile wide, with a slow current. at charjui it is about the same width, only rapid and deep. at karki it is said to be one thousand yards wide, and at kilif perhaps a quarter of a mile. but at all these places there are ferries, and there would be ample means of crossing an army corps, if we take into account both the aral flotilla and the native material, in the shape of large flat-bottomed boats, capable of containing one hundred men each, used for ferrying purposes, of which there are said to be three hundred between kilif and hazarasp. these boats are drawn across the river by horses swimming with ropes attached to their manes. but under any circumstances it seems about as unlikely that any british force would oppose the passage of a russian army across the oxus as that it would interfere with the russian occupation of the trans-oxus districts; but once south of the oxus, many new conditions of opposition would come into play, arising principally from the very different national characteristics of the southern races to those farther north. it would no longer be a matter of pushing an advance through sandy and waterless deserts, or over wild and rugged mountains, difficulties which in themselves have never yet retarded the advance of a determined general, but there would be the reception that any christian foe would almost certainly meet at the hands of a warlike and powerful people, who can unite with all the cohesion of religious fanaticism, backed up by something like military organization and a perfect acquaintance with the strategical conditions of their country. most probably there would be no serious local opposition to the occupation by russia of a line extending from balkh eastwards through khulm and kunduz to faizabad and sarhadd, all of which places can be reached without great difficulty from the oxus, and are connected by excellent lateral road communications. but the occupation of such a line could have but one possible object, which would be to conceal the actual line of further advance. each of these places may be said to dominate a pass to india over the hindoo kush. opposite sarhadd is the baroghil, leading either to kashmir or to mastuj and the kunar valley. faizabad commands the nuksa pass. khulm looks southwards to ghozi and the parwan pass into kohistan, while from balkh two main routes diverge, one to bamian and kabul, the other to maimana and herat. it would be a great mistake to suppose that this short list disposes of all the practicable passes over the hindoo kush. the range is a singularly well-defined one throughout its vast length; but it is not by any means a range of startling peaks and magnificent altitudes. it is rather a chain of very elevated flattish-topped hills, spreading down in long spurs to the north and south, abounding in warm sheltered valleys and smiling corners, affording more or less pasture even in its highest parts, and traversed by countless paths. many of these paths are followed by kuchis in their annual migrations southward, with their families and household goods piled up in picturesque heaps on their hardy camels, or with large herds of sheep and goats, in search of fresh pasturage. south of the hindoo kush we find most of the eastern routes to our northwest frontier to converge in one point, very near to jelalabad. there are certain routes existing between the russian frontier and india which pass altogether east of this point. there is one which can be followed from tashkend to kashgar, and over the karakoram range, and another which runs by the terek pass to sarhadd, and thence over the baroghil into kashmir; but these routes have justly, and by almost universal consent, been set aside as involving difficulties of such obvious magnitude that it would be unreasonable to suppose that any army under competent leadership could be committed to them. the same might surely be said of the route by the nuksan pass into the valley of chitral and the kunar, which joins the khyber route not far from jelalabad. its length and intricacy alone, independently of the intractable nature of the tribes which border it on either side, and of the fact that the nuksan pass is only open for half the year, would surely place it beyond the consideration of any general who aspired to invade india after accomplishing the feat of carrying an army through it. west of kafirstan across the hindoo kush are, as we have said, passes innumerable, but only three which need be regarded as practicable for an advancing force, all the others more or less converging into these three. these are the khak, the kaoshan (or parwan, also called sar alang), and the irak. the khak leads from kunduz _via_ ghori and the valley of the indarab to the head of the panjshir valley. its elevation is about thirteen thousand feet. it is described as an easy pass, probably practicable for wheeled artillery. the panjshiris are tajaks, and, like the kohistanis generally, are most bigoted suniu mohammedans. the rich and highly cultivated valley which they inhabit forms a grand highway into kohistan and koh dahman; but all this land of terraced vineyards and orchards, watered by snow-cold streams from the picturesque gorges and mountain passes of the hindoo kush and paghman mountains,--this very garden of afghanistan, stretching away southwards to the gates of kabul, is peopled by the same fierce and turbulent race who have ever given the best fighting men to the armies of the amirs, and who have rendered the position of kabul as the ruling capital of afghanistan a matter of necessity; with their instincts of religious hostility, it will probably be found that the kohistani, rather than the hindoo kush, is the real barrier between the north and the south. the sar alang or parwan pass leads directly from kunduz and ghori to charikar and kabul. it is the direct military route between afghan turkestan and the seat of the afghan government, but is not much used for trade. it cannot be much over eleven thousand feet elevation, and it is known to be an easy pass, though somewhat destitute of fuel and forage. the next route of importance is that which leads from balkh, _via_ bamian, to the irak pass on the hindoo kush, and into the upper watercourse of the helmund river, and thence by the unai over the paghman range to kabul. this is the great trade route from the markets of turkestan and central asia generally to kabul and india. the irak, like the parwan, is not nearly so high as has been generally assumed, while the unai is a notoriously easy pass. this route is at present very much better known to the russians, who have lately frequently traversed it, than to ourselves. like the parwan and the khak, it is liable to be closed for three or four months of the year by snow. during the winter of 1879-80 they were open till late in december, and appear to be again free from snow about the middle of april. between these main passes innumerable tracks follow the "durras," or lines of watercourse, over the ridges of the hindoo kush and paghman, which afford easy passage to men on foot and frequently also to "kuchi" camels. these passes (so far as we can learn) could, any of them, be readily made available for mountain artillery with a very small expenditure of constructive labor and engineering skill. in koh dahman nearly every village of importance lying at the foot of the eastern slopes of the paghman (such as beratse, farza, istalif, etc.) covers a practicable pass over the paghman, which has its continuation across the shoreband valley and over the ridge of the hindoo kush beyond it. but between the khak pass and the irak, the various routes across the hindoo kush, whether regarded as routes to india or to kandahar, although they by no means converge on kabul city, must necessarily pass within striking distance of an army occupying kabul. such a force would have, first of all, thoroughly to secure its communication with the oxus, and a strong position at kabul itself. having the official statement of a military engineer with reference to the oxus-hindu-kush line, as a barrier or base or curtain, we may pass to the principal approach to herat from the northwest. there are four distinct lines by which russia could move on herat: i. from the _caspian_ base a trans-caucasian army corps could move (only with the concurrence and alliance of persia) by the mashed route direct; ii. or it could move outside persian territory, from _chikishliar_ by the bendessen pass to asterabad, and would then have to pass through persian territory to sarakhs, or across the desert to merv; iii. from the _tashkend-bokhara_ base a route exists _via_ charjui, the oxus, direct to merv; and there is iv. also the well-known road by _balkh_ and mamiana, direct to herat. routes iii. and iv. having just been discussed, let us look at routes i. and ii. referring to the small outline map of the trans-caspian region, herewith, it will be seen that troops could embark from odessa in the fleet of merchant steamers available, and, if not molested _en route_ by hostile cruisers, would reach batum in from 2 to 3 days, thence by rail to baku in 24 hours, another 24 hours through the caspian sea to krasnovodsk, a transfer in lighters to the landing at michaelovsk, and the final rail transportation to the present terminus of the track beyond kizil arvat; this, it is said, will soon reach askabad, 310 miles from herat. the secretary of the royal asiatic society, mr. cust, with his wife, passed over this route in 1883, and testifies to the ease and comfort of the transit and to the great number of vessels engaged in the oil trade, which are available for military purposes, both on the black and caspian seas. he estimates that they could easily carry 8,000 men at a trip. [footnote: mr. cust says: "there are three classes of steamers on the caspian. 1, the imperial war steamers with which russia keeps down piracy; 2, the steamers of the caucasus and mercury company, very numerous and large vessels; 3, petroleum vessels--each steamer with a capacity of 500 men."] general hamley [footnote: lecture before r. u. s. institution (london), 1884.] says: "we may assume that if on the railway (single track) the very moderate number of 12 trains a day can run at the rate of 12 miles an hour, the journey would occupy 40 hours. the successive detachments would arrive, then, easily in two days at sarakhs. a division may be conveyed, complete, in 36 trains. thus, in six days a division would be assembled at sarakhs ready to move on the advanced guard. an army corps, with all its equipments and departments, would be conveyed in 165 trains in 17 days. it would then be 200 miles--another 17 days' march--from herat. thus, adding a day for the crossing of the caspian, the army corps from baku would reach herat in 35 days. also the advance of a corps from turkestan upon kabul is even more practicable than before." [footnote: in his plan of invasion, skobeleff thought 50,000 men might undertake the enterprise without fear of disaster. this force could be doubled from the caucasus alone.] the route from tchikishliar _via_ asterabad (where it strikes the main teheran-mashed-herat road) would be an important auxiliary to the railway line, _via_ asterabad. there is also a more direct caravan track running south of this across the khorassan, from asterabad (through shahrud, aliabad, khaf, gurian) to herat; or, at shahrud, an excellent road running between the two already described straight (_via_ sabzawar and nishapar) to mashed. from sarakhs to merv the road is said to be good and fairly supplied with water. from merv to herat the well-worn expression "coach and four" has been used to denote the excellent condition of the road. [footnote: for the first 100 miles the road follows the murghab, which abbott describes as "a deep stream of very pure water, about 60 feet in breadth, and flowing in a channel mired to the depth of 30 feet in the clay soil of the valley; banks precipitous and fringed with lamarisk and a few reeds."] yalatun is described as fertile, well populated, and unhealthy. [footnote: band-i-yalatun, or "bank which throws the waters of the murghab into the canal of yalatun."] from penjdeh, where the river is sometimes fordable, the road follows the khusk river, and, ascending the koh-i-baber pass, descends into the herat valley, immediately beneath it. [footnote: before closing the chapter on the "russian forces," a brief description of the order of march customary in central asia may be proper. from a translation by major clarke, r.a., from kotensko's "turkestan," it appears that the horses accompanying central asian detachments are so considerable that the latter form, as it were, the escort of the former. as an asiatic enemy nearly always attacks from every side, the distribution of the troops, during the march, must be such that they may be able to repulse the enemy no matter where he may appear. usually, a half sotnia (70 men) of cavalry marches in advance at a distance from 3/4 to 1-1/3 miles, so as to be in view of main body. immediately in front of main body marches a detachment of sappers and a company or two of infantry; then part of the artillery; then more infantry; the train; behind the train, remainder of artillery and infantry; as a rear guard, a sotnia of cavalry. bivouacs in the steppe are usually chosen at wells, and are, in many respects, similar to those customary in the indian country in america. first, an outer line of carts or wagons; then the troops; and inside, all the animals. the accompanying diagram is from _the journal royal united service institution_ (london).] [illustration: normal order of march in central asia. normal bivouac in central asia.] v. review of the military situation. the purpose of this volume has been to give as much reliable information upon the cause of the anglo-russian dispute, the nature of the probable theatre of operations in case of war, and of the armies of the powers concerned, as could be obtained and printed within a single fortnight. the richness of the available material made this especially difficult, comprising as it did the record of recent campaigns in afghanistan, as well as the opinions of those who, like vambery, veniukoff, rawlinson, napier, and cust, are authorities upon asiatic topics. as these lines are written [footnore: april 18, 1885.] the civilized nations of the world await with bated breath the next scene upon the afghan stage. seldom when two gladiators, armed and stripped, enter the arena does a doubt exist as to their purpose. yet such an exceptional uncertainty attends the presence of england and russia on the border of afghanistan. [illustration: gorge in the tirband-i-turkestan through which the murghab flows.] at least 50,000 british soldiers are drawn up in front of the indus awaiting a signal from their queen. nearly twice that number of russian troops are massed on or near the northwestern angle of the ameer's country. [footnote: since the events noted in our first chapter (page 12) transpired, another page has been added to afghanistan's blood-stained record. after confronting each other on the khusk river for some weeks a large russian force under general komaross attacked (march 30, 1885) the afghan troops at penjdeh, and after a gallant resistance on the part of the native garrison it was utterly routed and the town occupied by the victors. the russian casualties were inconsiderable, but the afghans lost nearly 1,000 men.] it is impossible to eliminate, altogether, from a study of the present military situation, certain political elements. it is apparent that the russians near herat stand practically at "the forks of the road"; it is a three-pronged fork--one branch running due south to the sea and two branches due east to india. the first-named requires but passing comment and only as it relates to herat, planted on a route which cannot be controlled without its possession, for military and commercial reasons well understood. as already explained, the routes to india, available to russia, enable her to move from her base on the merv-herat line, both _via_ balkh and kabul, for the purpose of flanking a british column moving from quetta westward, or of raiding the rich valley of the helmund; from turkestan above this route, a british force moving from kabul to balkh could also be threatened. by the main herat-kandahar route an advance from the east could also be directly opposed; the crossing of the helmund by either army would probably be contested. in case of war, whether anglo-russian or russo-afghan, the first great battle would doubtless be fought on the kandahar-ghazni-kabul line. [illustration: jelalabad from piper's hill.] general hamley, the leading british military authority, [footnote: lieut.-general sir. e. hamley, k.c.b.] shows that this line is, of all proposed, at once the most practicable and desirable line for the defence of india. [footnote: three lines had been considered: first, the line of the eastern sulimani, but this would leave the seaport of kurrachee unprotected; second, from pishin northeast to kabul.] he says: "we should have a strong british governor in kandahar, and a strong british force on the helmund and on the road to kabul; the railway completed to kandahar, and, in case of a movement from turkestan against kabul, a force on our side on its way to occupy that city, and new recruiting grounds open to us amid warlike populations. surely there can be no question as to which of these two sets of circumstances would give us most influence in afghanistan, most power to oppose russia and to maintain confidence in india." [footnote: gen. hamley's remarks were made before the royal united service institution (may 18, 1884), and, in the discussion which followed, colonel malleson said: "recently in india some influential natives said to me: 'russia will continue her advance; she will not stop until she has gained the fertile country of herat, and then she will intrigue with the native princes behind the indus, and when you send an army to meet her, you will find those native princes rising in your rear.' i may fortify my own experience by what was told me by an austrian gentleman who visited india about seven years ago. he paid a visit to the maharaja, of cashmere, who said to him: 'from you i hope to get the truth; you are not an englishman nor a russian. tell me which is the stronger--the english power or the russian; because it will be necessarily my duty, if russia should advance, and if i should find russia stronger than england, to go for the defence of my throne on the side of russia.'"] the same authority approves sir michael biddulph's recommendation to utilize the strong natural positions near girishk on the helmund. as to afghanistan he testifies: "with a power like russia closing on it, holding persia and persian resources subject to its will, it is in vain to think that afghanistan will be long independent even in name. it is between hammer and anvil, or, to use a still more expressive metaphor, between the devil and the deep sea. bound to us by no traditions, by no strong political influences such as might have been used to constrain them, the afghan tribes, mercenary and perfidious to a proverb, an aggregate of tribes--not a nation,--will lose no time, when the moment occurs, in siding with the great power which promises most lavishly, or which can lay strongest hold on them." the burning words with which general hamley closed his lecture one year ago are singularly true to-day, and form a fitting termination to this sketch: "i do not undervalue the many influences which will always oppose any policy entailing expense. but if the present question is found to be--how shall we guard against a terrible menace to our indian empire? any cost to be incurred can hardly be admitted as a reason which ought to influence our course. magnanimous trustfulness in the virtue and guilelessness of rival states; distrust and denunciation of all who would chill this inverted patriotism by words of warning; refusal of all measures demanding expense which do not promise a pecuniary return:--such is the kind of liberality of sentiment which may ruin great nations. the qualities of the lamb may be very excellent qualities, but they are specially inapplicable to dealings with the wolf. do those who shrink from expense think that the presence of russia in afghanistan will be inexpensive to us? will the weakness which will be the temptation and the opportunity of russia be less costly than effectual defence? when we enter the councils of europe to assert our most vital interests, shall we speak as we have been accustomed to speak, when our free action is fettered by the imminent perpetual menace to india? these are questions which, now put forth to this limited audience, will, perhaps, within the experience of most of us, be thundered in the ears of the nation. england is just now not without serious perplexities, but none are so fraught with possibilities of mischief as the storm which is now gathering on the afghan frontier." list of authorities. [footnote: unless otherwise designated, the authors named are officers of the british army, and nearly all the works are in the library of the military service institution of the united states, (governor's island, n. y. h.).] [source 1: journal royal united service institution (london).] [source 2: journal of the united service institution of india (simla).] anderson, capt. "a scheme for increasing the strength of the native armies," etc. [2] army list, british official, 1885. biddulph, gen. "the march from the indus to the helmund." [2] bellew, h. w., c.s.i. "a new afghan question." [2] bengough, lieut-col. "mounted infantry." [2] (from the russian.) bischoff, major. "the caucasus and its significance to russia." (ger.) [2] blundell, col. "british military power with reference to war abroad." [1] baker, col. "the military geography of central asia." [1] colquhoun, capt. "on the development of the resources of india in a military point of view." [2] cantley, major. "reserves for the indian army." [2] callen, major. "the volunteer force of india," etc. [2] cavenagh, gen. "our indian army." [1] chapman, lieut-col. "the march from kabul to kandahar in 1880." [1] clarke, capt, "recent reforms in the russian army." [1] cust, r., sec. r.a.s. "the russians on the caspian and black seas." [1] davidson, major. "the reasons why difficulty is experienced in recruiting for the native army." [2] dalton, capt. "skobeleff's instructions for the reconnaisance and battle of geok-tepe." [1] (from the french.) elias, capt. "a streak of the afghan war." [1] esme-forbes, lieut. "cavalry reform." [2] furse, major. "various descriptions of transport." [1] gaisford, capt. "new model transport cart for ponies and mules." [2] gloag, col. "military reforms in india." [2] gowan, major. "progressive advance of russia in central asia." [2] "the army of bokhara." [2] "russian military manoeuvres in the province of jaxartes." [2] (from the russian.) graham, col. "the russian army in 1882." [1] gordon, capt. "bengal cavalry in egypt." [2] grierson, lieut. "the russian cavalry," and "the russian mounted troops in 1883." [2] greene, capt. "sketches of army life in russia." (new york, 1881.) griffiths, major. "the english army." (london.) grey, major. "military operations in afghanistan." [2] gerard, capt. "rough notes on the russian army in 1876." [2] goldsmid, gen. "from bamian to sonmiani." [1] "on certain roads between turkistan and india." [1] heyland, major. "military transport required for rapid movements." [1] holdich, capt. "between russia and india." [1] henneken, gen. "studies on the probable course and result of a war between russia and england." [2] (from the russian.) hildyard, lieut.-col. "the intendance, transport, and supply service in continental armies." [2] haskyns, capt. "notice of the afghan campaigns in 1879-81. from an engineer's view." [1] hamley, lieut.-gen., sir e. "russia's approaches to india." (1884.) [1] journal of the military service institution of the united states. keltie, j. s. "the statesman's year-book." (london, 1885.) kirchhammer, a. "the anglo-afghan war." [2] (from the german.) kotensko. "the horses and camels of central asia." [2] "turkestan." [1] (from the russian.) little, col. "afghanistan and england in india." [2] (from the german.) leverson, lieut. "march of the turkistan detachment across the desert," etc. [1] (from the russian.) martin, capt. "tactics in the afghan campaign," [2] "notes on the operations in the kurrum valley." [2] "horse-breeding in australia and india." [2] "notes on the management of camels in the 10th company sappers and miners on field service." [2] "british infantry in the hills and plains of india." [2] morgan, d. "a visit to kuldja, and the russo-chinese frontier." [1] morton, capt. "gourko's raid." [2] (from the french.) mackenzie, lieut.-gen. "storms and sunshine of a soldier's life." mosa, p. "the russian campaign of 1879," etc. [2] (from the russian.) medley, col. "the defence of the northwest frontier." [2] newall, lieut.-col. "on the strategic value of cashmere in connection with the defence of our northwest frontier." [2] o'donovan, e. "the merv oasis." (new york, 1883.) price, capt. "notes on the sikhs as soldiers for our army." [2] pitt, lieut. "a transport service for asiatic warfare," etc. [1] ross, d., (delhi railway). "transport by rail of troops, horses, guns, and war materials." [2] st. john, major. "persia: its physical geography and people." [2] strong, capt. "the education of native officers in the indian army." [2] steel, veterinary-surgeon. "camels in connection with the south african expedition, 1878-1879." [2] shaw, major. "army transport." [1] sanderson, g. p. "the elephant in freedom and in captivity." [2] temple, lieut. "an historical parallel--the afghans and mainotes." [2] tyrrell, lieut.-col. "the races of the madras army." [2] trotter, capt. "the tribes of turkistan." [2] trench, col. "cavalry in modern war." (london, 1884.) upton, gen. "the armies of asia and europe." (new york, 1878.) veniukoff, col. "the progress of russia in central asia." [2] (from the russian.) yaldwyn, capt. "notes on the camel." [2] index. a abazai, mil. post abbaza, village abdurrahman, the ameer absuna, pass abul-khair afghanistan: territory; mountains; rivers; roads, animals; people; army; cities; military history ahmed-kheil, city ahmed-shah akbar khan akbar, the great akhunt ziarut, city akton khel, city alexander i. alexander, czar alexander of macedon ali musjid, fort altai, river aliabad amu daria (oxus), river aral, sea argandab, valley; river army, british: strength; organization; transport; supply; routes; operations indian army, russian: strength; organization; transport; supply; routes aryan, race askabad assin killo, city asterabad atta karez, mountain attreck, river auckland, lord aulicata, city auran, mountain aurangzeb ayoub khan b baber khan baku balkash, mountain balkh, city bamian, pass baroghil, pass barshor, valley baru, military post batum bekovitch, gen. beloochistan, state bendessen, pass bengal, city beratse, village berlin, city biddulph, sir m. billigarungan, hills bolan, pass bokhara, province bombay, city bori, valley bost, city broadfoot, capt. browne, gen. brydon, dr. bunnoo, mil. post burnes, agent burrows, gen. c calmucks camel cashmere, maharaja caspian, sea catharine ii. cavagnari, major ceylon, island chapman, col. charikar, town chat, town charjui, town chelmsford, lord chemkent, city chikishliar, town chitral, town clarke, major conolly, m. cossacks cust, mr. d dadur, city dakka, city dasht-i-bedowlat, mountain delhi, city dera ghazi khan, village dera ismail khan, city derajat, district djungaria, province doaba, military post dost, mohammed dozan, city e elephant ellenborough, lord elphinstone, gen. eski zagra, town f faizabad, city farrah, town farza, village fergana, province ferrier, gen. g gaisford, capt. gayud yara, plain geok tepe, fort genghiz khan ghazgar, valley ghazni, city ghilzai, district ghori, valley gilan, province gindari, mountain girishk, city gordon, col. gourko, gen. graham, sir l. green, col. grierson, lieut. guikok, range gujrat, city guleir surwandi, pass gundamuck, city gundana, town gurian, city h haines, sir f. hamley, gen. har-i-rud hazaristan, river hazarasp, city hazardarakht, mountain hazarnao, city helmund, river herat, city; river himalayas, mountain hindu kush, mountain hobhouse, sir j. c. hodjeni, province holdich, capt. horse, yabu; khirgiz i inderabad, river india, on the threshold of indus, river irak, pass irgiz, fort irtish, river ispahan, city istalif, village j jacobadad, city jagdallack, pass jamrud, city jelalabad, city jizakh, province jumrud, military post k kabul, city; river kachi, plains kadani, plains kafristan, province kabriz, fort kalat, city kandahar, city karakoran, mountain karkacha, pass karki, town kash, river; city kashgar kashmir, city kaufmann, gen. kelat, town khaiber, pass khanikoff, m. khaf khak, pass khinar, pass khiva, province khoja-saleh, city khokand, province khoja-amran, mountain ridge khorassan, province khulm, city khurd-kabul, pass khurd-khaiber, pass khusk', river khirtar, mountain kilif, city kizil arvat, city koh daman, mountain kohut, mil. post kohistan, province koh-i-baber, mountain kokiran, district komaroff, gen. kotensko krasnovodsk, city kuh-i-baba, mountain kujlak-kekur, valley kuldja, city kunar valley kunduz, city kurrachee, city kuram, river; valley; fort kusmore, village kussun, fort l lalaberg, valley lalgoshi, village lahore, city landi khana, village lash jowain, city lakhareff, gen. logar, valley london, city lora, river lumsden, sir p. lumley, col. m mackenzie, gen. c. mackeson, fort mcnaghten, sir w. mahmoud, sultan mahomet mahommed azim maimana, town malleson, col. malta margilan, town maris, tribe martin, lieut. marvin, c. mashed, city mastuj, town maude, gen. mazanderan, province mcclellan, saddle merv, province michaelovsk, town michni, fort mithunkot, town mogul mooktur valley mooltan, city moscow, city mulla, pass munro, fort murchat, town murghab, river mysore, province n nadir, shah nahur, maharajah of napier, lord napoleon nicholas, grand duke nijni novgorod, town nishuper, town-nogak, m. nott, gen. nuksan, pass o odessa, city o'donovan, m. orenburg, province orloff, gen. outram, capt. oxus, (see amer. daria) p paghman, mountains panjshir, valley panjwai, town paropismus, mountains parwan, pass pat, clay paul, emperor peiwar, pass pekin penjdeh, town persia perwan, pass perovsky, fort peter the great petropanlovsk, province peshawur, city pishin, village; plain pollock, gen. pottinger, major primrose, gen. q quetta, city r raganpur, city rawlinson, sir h. roberts, gen. rogan, village ross, railway manager rudbar, town russian army: strength; organization; transport; supply; routes s sabzawar, city sale, sir r. samarcand, city samson san stefano sarahks, town sargo, pass sarhadd, town saunders, major scinde, province seistan, district shahrud, town shere ali shikapur, town shul kadar, fort shurtargurdan, pass singh runjit sirpul, town skobeleff, gen. stewart, sir d. stolietoff, gen. st. petersburg sufed koh, mountain sujah shah sulimani, mountains suprasl, river surkh denkor surkhab river t takwir, mountain taktipul, town targai, fort tartara, pass tashkend, city teheran tehernayeff, gen. tejend, river temple, sir r. terek, pass timwi trench, col. troitsk, province turkestan turnak, valley twarditsa, town u unai, river ural, mountains v vambery, m. veniukoff, m. vernoye, fort volga, river w warsaw, city washir, town wolseley, lord y yakoub, khan yalatun, town yaldwin, capt. yaxartes, river z zurmat, district zohak, fort http://www.archive.org/details/scenesadventures00taylrich transcriber's note: variations in spelling and hyphenation have been retained as in the original. some typographical and punctuation errors have been corrected. a complete list follows the text. text italicized in the original are surrounded by underscores (_italics_). the 'oe' ligature is represented as oe. pound symbol (lb with a bar) represented as lb. scenes and adventures in affghanistan, by william taylor, late troop serjeant-major of the fourth light dragoons. london: t. c. newby, 65, mortimer st., cavendish sq. and t. & w. boone, 29, new bond street. 1842. t. c. newby, printer, 65, mortimer street, cavendish square. to florentine lady sale, the following pages are inscribed as a tribute of respect and admiration for the heroism by her displayed during the late campaign in affghanistan. contents. preface. chapter i. proclamation of lord auckland. the ghauts. fatal practical joke. embarkation at bombay. mishap at sea. landing at bominacote. review of the troops by sir john keane. suicide of lieutenant fyers. advance upon scinde. tattah. the moslems and hindoos. tombs of tattah. hindoo superstition. adventure of a dak, or native postman. death of a smuggler. jurruk. belochee thefts. feat of a native trooper. chapter ii. singular fate of three officers of the queen's royals. evacuation of jurruk by the inhabitants. desertion of camel drivers. preparations for the attack and defence of hyderabad. submission of the ameers. consternation of the natives at the arrival of a steamer in the indus. baida. accident to a dragoon. the lukkee pass. kotiah. loss of two soldiers of the 17th foot. sehwan. arrival of sir henry fane. asiatic jugglers. conversion of a european soldier to the mahommedan faith. chapter iii. larkhana. departure of the commander-in-chief for candahar. capture of belochee thieves. ludicrous scene in the bazaar. tremendous hurricane. an irish colonel's appeal to his men. murder of cooks belonging to the army. a native funeral. the bholun pass. massacre of camp followers. ill-timed merriment. animal instinct. chapter iv. skirmish with the enemy. belochee waggery. cleverly planned capture of a bruhee. sufferings from want of water. valley of shawle. quettah. belochee cruelties. adventures in a stone quarry. treachery of the khan of khelat. murder of another cook. poisoning of the wells. fortunate discovery. chapter v. the khojuck pass. descent of the troops. shocking death of a camel driver. detection and escape of an affghan thief. loss of cavalry horses. candahar. arrival of shah soojah. condition of the troops. attempt of the natives to cut off a convoy of provisions. asiatic mendicants. the mosque at candahar. arrival of affghan auxiliaries. chapter vi. installation of shah soojah. attack on the camel guards. heroism of an affghan youth. murder of cornet inverarity of the 16th lancers. departure from candahar. the ghiljie hills. locusts. arrival of new auxiliaries. camel batteries. hyder khail. arrival at ghuznee. tomb of mahommed. remains of the old town of ghuznee. chapter vii. reconnaisance of the fortress. skirmish with the enemy. rejoicing of the garrison at our supposed defeat. preparation for a coup de main. engineer operations. storming and taking of the fortress. chapter viii. an affghan heroine. capture of hyder khan the commandant of ghuznee. escape of ghool mahommed khan. singular discovery of a map on the person of an affghan chief. description of the affghan women. the ruling passion. treasuretrove. the golden shield. chase of the enemy. just retribution. chapter ix. attempt to assassinate the shah. court martial on an affghan chief. visit to the hospital at ghuznee. hatred of the affghans towards the native troops. departure from ghuznee. capture of a battery. fatal accident. summary punishment. arrival at cabul. pursuit of dost mahommed and treachery of a native chief. description of cabul. the balar hissar. mosque of the emperor baber. the bazaar. chapter x. triumphant entry of shah soojah into cabul. the cabul races. death of brigadier general arnold. sale of the general's effects. arrival of prince timour. the sikhs. murder of colonel herring. arrival of money and supplies from the upper provinces. chapter xi. institution of the order of the doorannee empire. murder of a private of the 13th light infantry. departure from cabul. return to ghuznee. accident to the revd. mr. pigot. discovery of the skeletons of british soldiers. horse-steaks. treachery of some ghiljie chiefs and destruction of their fort. adventure of a dragoon. loss of a cook. chapter xii. arrival at quettah. storming of the fortress of khelat. suicide of a trooper belonging to the horse artillery. departure from quettah. the bholun pass. dadur. bagh. breaking out of the cholera. death of doctor forbes. shikarpoor. death of captain ogle. sukkur-bukkur. death of lieutenant janvrin. wedding ceremonies of the natives. breaking up of the bombay column. departure of brigadier scott. boar hunt. larkhana. sehwan. kurrachee. feast of the mohurrum. embarkation and arrival at bombay. preface. the following narrative is put forth with all the diffidence and apprehension that a mind unaccustomed to literary pursuits, and limited in its opportunities of improvement, naturally feels on presenting itself for the first time to the notice of the public. the doubts i entertain, regarding the prudence of the step i have taken, are in no small degree increased by the circumstances under which the work has been executed, the details having been entirely furnished from memory, and without the aid of any sort of data or memoranda. i should never have dreamt of undertaking such a task, had not the partiality of good natured, though perhaps misjudging friends, overcame the scruples which a consciousness of my own deficiencies excited, and induced me to commit to paper the scenes with which they professed themselves to have been amused. having candidly admitted the demerits of the work, i may now be allowed to say a few words in its favour. should it be taken up in the expectation of supplying materials for the defence of an erroneous policy, or the gratification of party spleen, it will fall short of the hopes of the reader, for i have endeavoured to steer clear of every thing like political allusion in the fear of adding to difficulties, which already appeared sufficiently formidable, and of wrecking my little bark on a stormy and troubled sea. mine is the simple, straightforward narrative of a soldier, more accustomed to wield the sword than the pen, and caring little for the conflicting interests or animosities of party. with such a small amount of profession, it is not unreasonable to hope that the public will extend towards it some portion of that generous indulgence with which it is ever wont to regard the literary efforts of the humbler classes. _london, december 10th, 1842._ affghanistan. chapter i. proclamation of lord auckland.--the ghauts.--fatal practical joke.--embarkation at bombay.--mishap at sea.--landing at bominacote.--review of the troops by sir john keane.--suicide of lieutenant fyers.--advance upon scinde.--tattah.--the moslems and hindoos.--tombs of tattah.--hindoo superstition.--adventure of a dak, or native postman.--death of a smuggler.--jurruk--belochee thefts.--feat of a native trooper. towards the latter end of august 1838, rumours reached bombay and the various military stations in the deccan, that the troops were about to be called into active service, and that the scene of operations was to be at a distance from our indian territories. the extensive preparations soon after set on foot, and the unusual activity observable in the various arsenals of the presidency, left no doubt as to the truth of these reports, and the only subject of speculation that remained was, the precise destination of the forces. public curiosity was at length set at rest, by the arrival of a proclamation from the governor general, directing the assemblage of an army for service across the indus, and explaining at length the intentions of government. it will not be necessary for the purposes of this narrative that i should canvass the merits of this remarkable document, or enter upon a discussion of the policy on which it was founded. sufficient is it for me to say that the objects which it professed, were the protection of our commerce, and the safety of our indian frontiers, both of which were menaced by the intrigues and aggressions of persia. having detailed the steps taken by dost mahommed in furtherance of the views of that power, and expressed its conviction, that as long as cabul remained under his government there was no hope that the interests of our indian empire would be preserved inviolate, the proclamation proceeded to state, that pressing necessity, as well as every consideration of policy and justice, justified us in replacing on the throne of afghanistan, shah sooja-ool-moolk, a monarch who, when in power, had cordially acceded to the measures of joint resistance to external aggression which were at that time judged necessary by the british government; and who on his empire being usurped by its present rulers had found an honorable asylum in the british dominions. such in a few words were the objects set forth in lord auckland's proclamation and never has unfortunate state paper been assailed with such hostility and bitterness. whether the censures with which it has been visited are deserved or not i will leave to others to decide, contenting myself with the observation, that failure and success are but too apt to sway men's judgments and to give a character to the circumstances that have led to them. the bombay troops ordered to form part of the army of the indus consisted of her majesty's 2nd, or queen's royals, the 17th regiment of foot, 307 of her majesty's 4th light dragoons, the 1st regiment of bombay light cavalry, two troops of the honorable company's horse artillery, one company of foot artillery, the 19th regiment of native infantry, the poona irregular horse, with the sappers and miners, the whole constituting an effective force of about 6,000 men, under the command of lieutenant-general sir john keane. the 4th light dragoons were stationed at kirkee, about 70 miles from bombay, when orders arrived that the detachment should proceed to the presidency, for the purpose of embarking for its destination. we left our cantonments early in november, and overtook the artillery, which had preceded us from poona, at the ghauts. we halted here two days, and were joined by her majesty's 17th regiment of foot, shortly after our arrival. short as was our stay, it was signalised by one of those practical jokes which so often terminate in fatal results, but which, unfortunately, seem to have no effect in rendering people cautious. some artillerymen having been out shooting game, one of them brought home a loaded gun and carelessly left it in his tent. several of his comrades came in, in the afternoon, and in the course of a carousal one of them took the loaded piece, and presenting it at the nearest soldier, jestingly threatened to shoot him. he had scarcely uttered the word when the gun went off and stretched his unfortunate comrade dead at his feet. nothing could equal the distress and remorse of the homicide at the thoughtless act by which he had deprived a fellow creature of life, and it had a marked effect on his future character and conduct. the passage through the ghauts is romantic and picturesque in the extreme, the road lying over stupendous mountains and through deep ravines for the length of about seven or eight miles. some beautiful country houses have been lately erected here by a wealthy parsee of bombay, on sites which command the finest and most extensive views in the neighbourhood. these delightful summer retreats are surrounded by every luxurious accessory that wealth and taste can supply, and the governor is occasionally glad to fly to them for a short respite from the cares of office. we arrived at bombay on the 15th of november, and found it a scene of busy excitement. the streets were filled with troops and artillery proceeding to the place of embarkation, and the inhabitants flocked in thousands to the bunder head, to witness their departure. the harbour was literally alive with the numerous small craft employed in conveying the troops to the different transports, while the blue peter flying at the mast head of the latter announced that we had very little time for delay. we accordingly hurried down to the beach, and were immediately put on board the cambridge. we found it so crowded that major daly, our commanding officer, was compelled to remonstrate with the authorities on the subject, and after some trouble, he succeeded in getting from seventy to eighty men removed to the other vessels. this did not sufficiently lessen the inconvenience to prevent sickness breaking out amongst us, and we lost one of the horse artillery before we were many days at sea. the passage was short, but not unattended with danger. the cambridge struck on a sand bank, off the gulf of cutch, and it was with considerable difficulty that she was relieved from her perilous position. we were kept on the bank about four hours, and it may easily be conceived that no small degree of alarm and uneasiness prevailed amongst the landsmen, who were unaccustomed to dangers of this description. the night was pitch dark, and the breakers sounded unpleasantly near us. captain douglass the commander of the vessel, appeared however all confidence, and after trying a variety of experiments to get her off, he hit upon one which luckily proved successful. the whole of the troops on board having been ordered upon deck, the captain directed them to jump three times simultaneously. this was done by our fellows with a hearty good will, and had the instant effect of loosening the vessel from the bank, and enabling her to float again into deep water. we arrived off the mouth of the indus in about fourteen days after our departure from bombay. the troops were immediately disembarked in _pattemars_, small and clumsy coasting vessels peculiar to the country. we reached bominacote the next evening without any other accident than the sinking of three boats, two containing artillery horses, and the other officers' supplies, to the value it was said of £10,000 which had been sent on speculation with the army by an eminent parsee firm at bombay. bominacote forms a sort of harbour of refuge for the vessels which carry on a trade along this line of coast. the village itself consists of a few filthy huts, and its inhabitants spend their lives in hunting and fishing. both males and females are in a state of almost savage nature little covering being used by them beyond the loin _goity_ or covering for the loins common to the natives of these parts. the proverbial vanity of the weaker sex was, however, displayed in the eagerness with which they bartered their most precious articles for a few handkerchiefs of manchester make that we happened to have with us. as soon as the horses belonging to the cavalry, and the military stores had been landed, it was decided that we should advance upon scinde in two divisions; the infantry under the command of brigadier sir thomas wiltshire, and the cavalry under brigadier scott. previous to our departure the troops were reviewed by lieutenant-general sir john keane, who had followed us from bombay in the victoria steamer. sir john expressed himself in terms of warm satisfaction at the high state of discipline and ardour of the men, who were eager to be led against the enemy. the usual precautions on entering hostile territories were now taken, the cavalry being ordered to sharpen their sabres, and the infantry served with sixty rounds of ball cartridge. before we took our departure from bominacote, a melancholy circumstance occurred, which threw a temporary gloom over us. as the men were sitting down to dinner the report of a pistol was heard in the officers' lines. suspecting some accident i ran to the spot, accompanied by two of my comrades, and discovered lieutenant fyers, one of the officers of my own regiment, lying dead in his tent, with a freshly discharged pistol in his right hand. the unfortunate gentleman had placed the muzzle of it to his mouth, and the ball, taking a slanting direction, had passed out over the left ear. for several days previous he had been observed to labour under great depression of spirits, but no immediate cause could be assigned for the fatal act. his loss was generally lamented, for he was both a good officer and an estimable member of society. our route lay through a country barren in the extreme, scarcely a vestige of vegetation being any where to be met with. of the natives we saw or heard nothing, for as we advanced they fell back, deserting the villages and betaking themselves to their mountain fastnesses. it being now near christmas the men suffered some inconvenience from the sudden transitions of temperature, the days being sultry and the nights extremely cold. the consequence was that the dysentery broke out amongst us, and several fatal cases occurred. at the close of the third days' march reports became current through the camp that we should soon see the enemy. it was said that a force of ten thousand horse and foot was about to take the field against us, and captain outram was despatched towards hyderabad, to ascertain the truth of the story. he brought back information that the enemy were ensconced within the walls of that town, and appeared to have little disposition to leave them. we now began to find the difference between quarters and camp, for the general thought it necessary to send out frequent reconnoitering parties and pickets, in order to guard against surprise. early on the morning of the fifth day, we arrived at tattah, a place of considerable antiquity, and, i believe, mentioned in holy writ. the indus formerly washed the walls of this town, but owing to some natural or artificial ingredient the course of the river has been completely changed, and it now runs at about four miles distance. emerging from one of the most barren and desolate tracts of country that it is possible to imagine, even the tombs of tattah, or city of the dead, as it is called in the language of the natives, proved an agreeable distraction to us. tattah itself is a small, wretchedly built town, containing little more than a thousand inhabitants, who are for the most part of the moslem religion. the few hindoos who reside here constitute the wealthier part of the trading community, but influential as this fact would pre-suppose them, they are a persecuted and oppressed race, the privilege of erecting places of worship within the precincts of the town being not only denied them, but even the free exercise of their religious rites. aggressions of the most wanton and tyrannical nature, and murders committed under circumstances of the most shocking barbarity, and having their origin solely in religious jealousy, are matters of no unfrequent occurrence here. the hindoos are consequently obliged to resort to the caves of the neighbouring mountains, to practise their religious ceremonies, but the relentless intolerance of their persecutors pursues them even there. during our short stay we saw the bodies of two of the proscribed race, who had been found murdered in one of their concealed temples. the tombs of tattah stand on a gentle eminence, at a short distance from the town: they are of circular construction, and are, as nearly as i could judge, from seventy to eighty feet in circumference, and from thirty to forty feet in height. they are capped with domes, but their external appearance presents nothing graceful or ornamental to the eye. the interior is gained by a staircase, which ascends to an aperture forming the entrance, about midway in the building, and a rudely constructed ladder conducts the visitor downward to the basement, where the bodies lie. the interior of the dome is lined with blue tiles richly ornamented with arabesques and inscriptions from the koran. there are about a dozen of these remarkable monuments and they are clustered together, without arrangement or regard for effect. of the many sketches taken at the time i have not seen one which conveys a correct idea of their details. although visited by nearly the whole of the troops, it is a fact highly creditable to their good taste and feeling that no mischief or desecration of any sort was committed. sir john keane, in a general order issued before our departure, took occasion expressly to allude to this circumstance, in terms alike honourable to himself and to us. a curious, and i must say revolting, instance of the gross superstition of the hindoos fell under my observation whilst at tattah. at the northern extremity of the bazaar i was shown some of the most miserable specimens of humanity that can well be imagined. in a filthy mud hut, the very aspect of which threatened contagion, sat two living skeletons rocking themselves to and fro. they were without covering of any sort, except the old blanket on which they sat, and their deep sunk eyes and contracted features told a tale of long but patiently endured privation. i was informed that these poor wretches were undergoing a self-inflicted penance, for the non-performance of some religious rite. they had condemned themselves for a period of seven years to a daily allowance of rice and water, barely sufficient to prevent the extinction of the vital powers. we offered them food, but they sternly rejected it. this lamentable fanaticism on the part of a simple and inoffensive people is, after all, but another and more harmless phase of the fierce bigotry, which still continues to exist amongst european nations. a _dâk_, or native postman, who had crossed the river from bhooj with letters for the camp, was waylaid by two belochees as he was descending towards it, by the left bank, and the letter bag taken from him. his captors, having brought him to their retreat in the hills, secured his hands behind his back, and lay down to sleep, one of them using the letter bag as a pillow. the _dâk_ remained quiet, until their snoring satisfied him they were sound asleep, and then slipping his hands out of the ligatures, he stole over to the fellow who had the post-bag under him, and placing his knee on his breast, cut his throat from ear to ear with a knife, which he took from the mountaineer's person, and made off with the bag. in about ten minutes after, he heard the belochee close upon his heels, and, redoubling his speed, a chase of nearly ten miles ensued, in the course of which, the poor fellow had two or three times nearly yielded from fatigue. the dreadful fate which awaited him, should he fall into his pursuer's hands, flashed however across his mind, and plucking up fresh strength and courage, he at length succeeded in reaching the camp, but in so weak and exhausted a state that nature was near sinking under the effort. on the eve of our departure, a circumstance occurred which created a very angry feeling between the inhabitants and the troops, and occasioned much regret to the commander-in-chief, who was desirous that our advance should not be marked by any thing which savoured of cruelty. in consequence of the great increase of drunkenness amongst the european troops, owing to the cheapness and abundance of liquor, strict orders were issued against its being allowed into camp. one of the inhabitants of tattah, who was engaged in smuggling the prohibited article, was stopped about dusk by a serjeant, who happened to be going his rounds. the fellow took to his heels, and a sepoy, who was stationed as sentry in the staff lines, mistaking him for a thief, and seeing him pass at a speed which rendered capture out of the question, levelled his musket, and shot him dead on the spot. he was a fine muscular fellow, about two or three and twenty, and belonged to a respectable family in the town. his friends immediately repaired to the scene in a numerous body, and carried him off amidst the wailing and lamentation of the women. after this it was considered dangerous for any of us to venture into the town when nightfall had set in. the army was now ordered to advance upon jurruk, a town situated on the banks of the indus, at about a day's march from tattah. it is better built and cleaner than the latter place, and some of the streets are covered over with thatched roofs, forming a series of rude arcades, illuminated by oil lamps. opthalmia is a common disease amongst the natives, and several of the troops were attacked by it. some of us also suffered severely from the guinea worm, a malady, common in some parts of hindostan, and which, although not considered dangerous, is attended with great pain. it generally attacks the feet, and has the effect of effectually crippling the patient for the time. i have had one drawn out of my right foot, which measured nearly half a yard in length, and i have known others to have had no less than from seven to eight of them at once. it being impossible for persons thus affected to march on foot or even to mount on horseback, they were usually carried along with the army in kajarvees, a sort of double-chair strung across the back of a camel, and swinging with a see-saw movement that occasioned no small additional suffering to the unfortunate occupant. the spot selected for the encampment was extremely lovely, being encircled by hills, and having the river indus running on its right. as the different regiments wound their way round the heights, and descended into the plain where the tents were to be pitched, the scene would have made a beautiful subject for a sketch. how often during a progress through this wild and romantic country have i regretted the want of a sufficient acquaintance with the art of design, to enable me to convey to paper some of its more striking and characteristic features. in consequence of the numerous thefts committed by the belochees, who daily carried off numbers of our camels, it became necessary to provide them with guards whilst at pasturage. this, however, did not prevent the plunderers from continuing their descents, and they became so hardy that they sometimes even ventured to attack or carry off the guards themselves. one day, whilst a party of the poona auxiliary horse were in charge of some camels about two miles from camp, the belochees came suddenly upon them. there were only six of our men, whilst the enemy numbered twelve or fifteen. nothing daunted, however, a gallant fellow dashed out from amongst our men, and cut down three or four of the marauders. being quickly seconded by the others, the belochees took to flight, and the black hero dismounted, and cutting off the head of one of his dead antagonists, strung it by the hair to his crupper, and triumphantly rode into camp with it, amidst the acclamations of his comrades. a more substantial reward was conferred upon him for this daring exploit a few days afterwards by his promotion to the rank of havildar or serjeant. this may be said to have been the first occasion on which any of our troops came into actual collision with the enemy, but the example which was made had little or no effect in restraining the thefts of the belochees who appeared to have an incorrigible taste for this sort of adventure. chapter ii. singular fate of three officers of the queen's royals.--evacuation of jurruk by the inhabitants.--desertions of camel drivers.--preparations for the attack and defence of hyderabad.--submission of the ameers.--consternation of the natives at the arrival of a steamer in the indus.--baida.--accident to a dragoon.--the lukkee pass.--kotiah.--loss of two soldiers of the 17th foot.--sehwan.--arrival of sir henry fane.--asiatic jugglers.--conversion of a european soldier to the mahommedan faith. a melancholy incident occurred at jurruk, but whether it was occasioned by accident or treachery we never could satisfactorily trace. some officers belonging to the queen's royals applied for leave to go hunting in the preserves of the ameers of scinde, and having obtained it, lieutenant sparkes lieutenant nixon and dr. hibbert, who constituted the party, left the camp on foot at an early hour of the morning. their leave of absence expired at six o'clock the same evening, but none of them had made their appearance at that hour. about half past eight a dog belonging to dr. hibbert was observed returning into camp without his master, which gave rise to gloomy apprehensions amongst his brother officers, and the non return of any of the party by next morning, confirmed their worst fears. it was immediately determined to send out a troop of native cavalry to scour the country in search of them, and the preserves were of course the first spot to which they directed their horses. part of the force dismounted at the shirkagh or royal preserves, and proceeded on foot for a considerable distance. observing smoke ascending in dense volumes to the right they made their way towards it, and on gaining the spot a shocking sight presented itself. a large area had been cleared by the flames, and not a blade of grass or brushwood had been left. the body of lieutenant sparkes lay, dreadfully scorched and mutilated, upon the ground, while that of dr. hibbert was found in a tree, into which he had evidently climbed to escape the devouring element. a little further on lay lieutenant nixon whose features were so withered and defaced, that it was almost impossible to recognize him, and from the contracted and distorted position in which his limbs were found it was evident that he had suffered a more agonizing death than the others. the remains of the three unfortunate officers were borne back to the camp and interred with military honours. they were all talented and spirited young men and their untimely fate was a source of universal regret and discussion. by some it was contended that the natives had observed them entering the preserves, and inspired by hate had fired the woods in different places, so as effectually to surround them and cut off all chance of escape. to such a degree did this supposition obtain credence, that the soldiers of the queen's royals loudly demanded to be allowed to take revenge on the inhabitants of the district. this of course could not be permitted, and the clamour that had been raised about the matter soon died away. shortly after our arrival an order came down from the ameers of scinde, that the inhabitants of jurruk should vacate the town and retreat to hyderabad. it was obeyed with great reluctance, the love of home being stronger with these poor people than their fear of the british. their removal was one of the most distressing and painful scenes i have ever witnessed, both men and women giving way to wild bursts of passionate grief, and casting back long and lingering regards at the habitations they had abandoned. they left in bodies of between two and three hundred, carrying with them all their portable effects, and at night the town was completely deserted. we neither interfered with, nor molested them during their preparations for departure, but immediately on their quitting, a strong picket was posted in some of the empty houses. provisions became extremely scarce in the camp, and owing to the remissness of the commissariat in forwarding the stores from tattah, our grog was reduced from two drams daily, to one dram on halting days. this was attended with the worst possible effects, for it encouraged the troops to search after the liquor of the country; which proved not only injurious to the constitution of the soldier, but to the discipline of the service. desertion became of frequent occurrence, and from one hundred to one hundred and fifty camel drivers from india, together with some ghorra wallars, or native horsekeepers, succeeded in making their way across the river to cutch bhooj. a few were caught, and from six to twelve dozen lashes each were inflicted on the delinquents. captain outram was again sent forward to hyderabad on a mission to the ameers of scinde, but they received him in the haughtiest manner and refused to come to any sort of terms. the captain found them fortifying the hills round the city, under the superintendence of an european officer, and he observed a battery of twenty pieces of cannon, posted on the banks of the river. twenty thousand belochees armed with talwar, shield, and matchlock, and two thirds of whom were dismounted, occupied a position on the right bank, so as to protect the battery. half of this force subsequently moved across the river and took up a strong position on the western bank, where we lay. the city was reported to be full of armed men, and the idea of attacking it previous to our junction with the bengal army was regarded as worse than folly, the river being eighteen hundred feet wide and our pontoons of insufficient length to traverse it. the enemy, triumphing in our seeming inaction, sent vaunting and threatening messages to us. the commander-in-chief took no notice of their bravadoes, but silently made all the necessary preparations for attacking the city as soon as he was joined by the bengal army. strong cavalry pickets were thrown out on the hills to the right, which commanded an extensive view of the surrounding country, and the sound of drums and other military instruments was strictly prohibited in camp. on the 25th, sir henry pottinger came into camp from hyderabad, the ameers not only refusing to pay the arrears of tribute that were due, but treating the envoy with every sort of indignity. the bengal army having come through the punjaub, and crossed the indus at roree was now ready to act in conjunction with us on the right bank of the river, and the commander-in-chief resolved to lose no further time in investing the city. he accordingly commenced operations by planting a battery on some heights which commanded its walls, but which were at too great a distance for the guns to do much damage. to the great disappointment of both officers and men, who already revelled in the anticipation of prize money, the ameers became alarmed at these demonstrations and came to terms. an envoy, whose appearance created no small amusement in the camp, was despatched from hyderabad to adjust the necessary preliminaries. he was a short, thick set old fellow, with a merry twinkling eye, and as little as possible of what is called official dignity about him. he brought with him from twenty to thirty lacs of rupees, but the reception which he met with from sir john keane was not calculated to elevate the worthy functionary in his own estimation. positive orders having been issued that neither officers nor men should be allowed to enter hyderabad on any pretence whatsoever, i am unable to give my readers a description of the town. it appeared to be of considerable extent, but of such little strength, that had the ameers driven matters to extremities, i have no doubt we should have carried the place in an hour. we were exceedingly amused at the surprise and consternation displayed by the inhabitants of hyderabad at the arrival of one of the iron steamers in the indus, with supplies for the troops from bombay. nearly the whole of the population flocked down to the banks of the river to behold this surprising phenomenon; they threw their arms in the air, and flung themselves prostrate on the earth in perfect ecstacies of wonder at every movement of the mysterious power which propelled the vessel. the scene was nearly as ridiculous as that which greeted columbus when the first notions of european power and civilisation burst upon the astonished minds of the simple aborigines of america. after remaining a few days at hyderabad the army resumed its march, and arrived next evening at baida. an accident occurred here, by which a trooper of the 4th light dragoons lost his life. the banks of the river were extremely steep, and as we were watering our horses the pressure from behind forced a man named helm into the river. he was instantly carried away by the current, and was soon lost to view, although we strained every effort to save him. his body floated down to hyderabad, and was recovered by the natives, who restored it to his commanding officer, together with a belt full of rupees, which was found round his waist. continuing our route we arrived at the lukkee pass, where we found some thermal springs, from which the sick derived considerable benefit. a noble lake at the further extremity of the defile afforded our officers several days shooting and fishing, while the beautiful scenery, by which it was surrounded on every side, furnished such of them as were artists with fine subjects for the exercise of their pencil. precipitous heights, assuming every variety of fantastic form, stretched downward to the water's edge, some in graceful sweeps, and others in bold and threatening attitudes, whilst their bases were hid in rich woods or washed by the waters of the lake. leaving this romantic spot with regret, we proceeded to kotiah, where we lost two soldiers belonging to her majesty's 17th regiment of foot. they went out in search of some camels which were at pasturage and were never afterwards seen or heard of. a party which was sent in search of them found the marks of footsteps and some traces of blood on the spot where the camels had been grazing, and from the torn up appearance which the ground presented there was little doubt that they had made a desperate struggle for their lives. not satisfied with carrying off our camels, the belochees frequently ventured within the lines after nightfall, and made off with any thing they could lay their hands upon. sir keith jackson, the captain of my own troop, detected a fellow with a bridle in his hand, which he was watching an opportunity to slip off with unperceived, and taking his hand whip he inflicted a most unmerciful castigation upon him. the rascal whined and moaned like a corrected child during the progress of the punishment, but as soon as he was let loose he stuck his tongue in his cheek, and went laughing out of camp. our next destination was sehwan, a thickly populated village, about seventy english miles from hyderabad. here we were joined by the ever to be lamented sir henry fane, who was to have assumed the command of the combined forces at their junction at candahar, but who declined it in disgust at the wretchedly organised state of the commissariat, and the neglect which had been shown in providing for the contingencies of the route. sir henry foresaw, and subsequent events justified his views, that although supplies might be regularly forwarded from time to time, it was extremely doubtful, nay almost next to impossible, that they could reach an army always on the advance, through distant and mountainous regions, and having enemies hanging on its rear who were but too deeply interested in preventing their safe arrival. before sir henry left us he inspected the troops, and appeared satisfied with the condition of the men, who had not as yet encountered hardships sufficient to affect their appearance. there have been few men in command whose personal qualities have more endeared him to those who served under him than sir henry fane. he was between sixty and seventy years of age, at the time i speak of, and his venerable countenance, beaming with the kindliest and most benevolent feelings, and manners that had a parental touch about them, combined to render him one of the most respected and popular officers in the army. we viewed his departure from amongst us with the deepest regret, for though we felt the fullest confidence in our then leader, this gallant veteran had so won upon our affections that a comparison with him must have proved invidious to any one. the ingenuity of the asiatic jugglers is well known, and i believe our european exhibitors derive their proficiency, in a great measure, from them, our soldiery carrying back with them the rudiments of this respectable branch of knowledge, and turning their swords, if not into ploughshares, at least into as peaceable and innocent a mode of gaining a livelihood. an exhibition which took place during our short stay at sehwan made many of the "greenhorns" amongst us gape, and impressed them with a very high notion of the favour in which the professors of the art are held by his satanic majesty. returning one day from the bazaar, i observed a crowd of soldiers and natives assembled near the lines of the artillery. elbowing my way through them i found a conjuror at his tricks, and from the expensive and elaborate nature of the paraphernalia by which he was surrounded, at once perceived that his pretensions were of the highest order. he was attired in loose flowing robes, covered with mystic characters; and a long white beard descended to his waist, contrasting oddly with his jet black locks and piercing hazel eyes. surrounded by the various emblems and accessories of his art, he looked a very imposing figure, and every movement which he made was regarded with as much interest as if destiny really rested on his fiat. his only assistants were a man who beat a _tom-tom_, or drum, to collect an audience, and a beautifully formed girl about five or six years of age, whose supple and graceful movements excited general admiration. having made a clear space of about thirty feet in diameter, the conjuror took an oblong basket, about two feet in length, and one in breadth, the interior of which he exhibited to the spectators, in order to convince them that nothing was concealed in it. after performing a variety of common-place tricks, such as balancing a sword upon a pipe and then swallowing the blade, he suddenly turned towards the child and addressed her in an angry tone of voice. she made some reply which appeared to make him still more choleric, for his features became swollen with rage, and his eyes shot glances of fire. the discussion continuing in the same violent strain he appeared no longer able to control his fury, and suddenly seizing the child by the waist, he opened the basket and crammed her into it. the half stifled cries of the girl were distinctly heard, but they only appeared to enrage him the more. snatching a sword, which lay near him, he plunged it to the hilt in the basket, twice or thrice, and every time he drew it out it was reeking with gore. the half smothered groans and sobs of the dying child at length convinced several of the spectators that a murder had been committed, and two or three soldiers rushed into the circle for the purpose of seizing the criminal. triumphantly smiling at the success of the cheat, he held them at bay with the sword for a few minutes, when, to our great surprise, the child bounded into the circle, unscathed, from amidst the crowd, though we had kept our eyes attentively fixed on the basket all the time. suspecting that two children had been employed, i examined the basket, but found no trace of an occupant, and saw nothing in its construction which could have aided the deception. this clever trick was loudly applauded, and brought its author a plentiful harvest of pice and cowries, while many there were who went away with the firm conviction that it could only have been effected through the agency of the devil himself. we had left a number of sick behind us at tattah, with instructions that they should be conveyed in pattemars up the river indus, and rejoin us at sehwan. a boat containing a corporal and five men was stranded on the banks of the river, and was with some difficulty got off. the soldiers were so prostrated with fever that they could scarcely move, and in this state they arrived at sehwan. to their great distress they found that the army had proceeded on its route, and one of their companions expired immediately after their arrival. the heat of the sun was intolerable, and the corpse began to putrify. in vain they implored the native boatmen to inter it or cast it in the river, but they preferred running the risk of infection to touching the dead body of an infidel. the corporal, who was well acquainted with the language of the country, entreated some of the natives who crowded to the banks to remove the body, but they remained deaf to his prayers. resorting to a stratagem which he thought would have the effect of removing their religious scruples, he asserted that the deceased had died in the mahommedan faith, and commanded them on pain of the displeasure of the prophet, to give him decent interment. at first they looked incredulous, but the corporal swore loud and fast, and they were at length convinced. they removed the body, and placing it on a sort of bier, somewhat similar to a sailor's hammock, carried it on shore. having swathed it in cotton cloths, and laid it with the feet towards the setting sun, they decked the head and breast with flowers, and bore it in procession to the place of interment, which was situated in a romantic spot on the banks of the indus. the companions of the deceased proceeded on their route, rejoicing in the success of the corporal's trick, and rejoined the main body without further accident. chapter iii. larkhana.--departure of the commander-in-chief for candahar.--capture of belochee thieves.--ludicrous scene in the bazaar.--tremendous hurricane.--an irish colonel's appeal to his men.--murder of cooks belonging to the army.--a native funeral.--the bholun pass.--massacre of camp followers.--ill-timed merriment.--animal instinct. leaving sehwan we crossed the indus in pontoons, and entered a fertile tract of country. our route lay through rich pasturage and waving fields of corn, occasionally diversified by rivers and lakes, the latter of which we found well stocked with fish and game. the natives did not exhibit any symptoms of fear at our approach, but continued peaceably tilling and cultivating their lands. proceeding by rapid marches we at length reached larkhana, the boundary which divides upper and lower scinde. it is a place of considerable importance, and contains from seven to eight thousand inhabitants. long cloths are manufactured here in considerable quantities, and a brisk trade is carried on, in various other articles with the mountain tribes. sir john keane now quitted us to proceed to candahar, where he was to assume the command of the grand army of the indus. he was accompanied by two squadrons of native cavalry, one resselah of local horse, a regiment of native infantry, and two pieces of artillery. the command of this division consequently devolved upon major general wiltshire. the belochees again favoured us with a visit and carried away about a dozen camels from the encampment. a troop of cavalry was ordered out in pursuit, and after a hot chase succeeded in coming up with the marauders. they immediately abandoned their prey and made off to the hills, but not before they had left three or four of their party in our hands. resolved to make an example which would deter them from repeating the offence, general wiltshire ordered the cat to be liberally administered to them in the bazaar. the senior of the party was first tied up, and it was evident, from the trepidation he was in, that he expected no less than the punishment of death. he begged and implored for mercy, and finding that no attention was paid to his supplications, he took leave of one of the other culprits, who turned out to be his son, and resigned himself to die. tied up, as he was, and unable to observe the expression of our countenances, which were convulsed with laughter, in anticipation of the scene that was about to follow, he every moment expected to hear the report of the musket, or feel the blow of the sabre that was to deal out his doom. the moment, however, the cat descended on his shoulders, the terrified expression of his face changed into that of the most extravagant joy. he smiled and nodded at his son, and bore his four dozen lashes with the joyful patience of a martyr, suffering in the vindication of some holy cause. on being set loose the culprits were informed that if they were ever again detected in the commission of similar offences they would be shot, without mercy, and they were ordered to disseminate this useful piece of information amongst their comrades of the hills. pursuing our route from larkhana we encamped the same evening at dooson, and were visited during the night by a terrific hurricane. arising without any previous indication, the tempest came suddenly upon us in our sleep, sweeping the tents before it, and enveloping us in whirlwinds of white sand. the night being pitch dark we were soon in the greatest distress and confusion, and to add to our embarrassments the horses broke loose and ran wild amongst us. they killed two of the camp followers, and injured several others by treading them under foot, and the alarm which they created was as great as if the enemy had made a sudden irruption amongst us. to this succeeded a scene of rioting and squabbling, one having lost a shaco, another a jacket, and another his shoes. accusations and denials, oaths, vociferations, and complaints of injuries received, formed altogether a pleasant medley; and glad enough we were when the first streak of dawn threw some light on this scene of horrible confusion. after lasting about two hours, heavy drops of rain announced the approaching cessation of the tempest, but we only exchanged one discomfort for another, being soon drenched to the skin. after two days further march we arrived at a wretched village, which separates upper scinde from belochistan, and which is only entitled to notice as forming the boundary of a desert plain, about fifty miles in extent, and completely divested of vegetation, the white soil lying exposed to, and reflecting back with intensity, the scorching rays of the sun. there were only two wells at the village, and there was a fierce contest for precedence at them, it being known that there was neither spring nor stream of any kind in the desert which we were about to traverse. the infantry entered on this cheerless waste about three in the afternoon and the cavalry followed about five. the former were fully accoutred, and carried sixty rounds of ball cartridge each. at two o'clock the following morning the cavalry overtook them and the general halt sounded. so great was the fatigue of the infantry that numbers threw themselves upon the ground in despair, declaring, it was impossible for human nature to sustain more, and they could proceed no further. it must be borne in mind that our rations had, for two months previous, consisted of only half a pound of flour and an equal quantity of red rice, with about four ounces of meat, and the latter was in some instances of no use to us, from the difficulty of procuring fuel to cook it. the order of march having been again given, several refused to move from sheer exhaustion, and their situation became one of great embarrassment to their colonel, who was aware that if he left them behind, they would be instantly sabred by the enemy, who were always hovering on our rear. recollecting it was st. patrick's day, and that most of the recusants were irishmen, he ordered, as a last resource, that the band of the regiment should strike up their national anthem. the effect was electrical, the poor devils, whose limbs, a short time previous, had refused to perform their accustomed office, and whose countenances wore the aspect of the most abject despondency, seemed at once to have new life and energy infused into them. they felt that this was an appeal to their proverbial bravery and powers of endurance, and gratified vanity did that which threats and remonstrances had failed to effect. a faint smile lit up their features, and slowly rising from the ground they tottered on their way. had they adhered to their first determination they would have fallen victims to the most savage cruelties, as the following circumstance will soon convince the reader:-three of the cooks belonging to our division, who followed with the camp kettles at a short distance in its wake, lost their way in the darkness of the night, and as chance would have it, stumbled upon a party of the enemy. they were immediately seized, and each man was bound by the wrist to the saddle of a belochee horseman. the cries of the unfortunate men having reached the rear-guard, which consisted of the native auxiliary horse, they turned in pursuit, and soon came in sight of the enemy, whose figures were dimly visible in the obscurity which prevailed. as soon as they heard them galloping up the belochees spurred their horses to their utmost speed, dragging their prisoners along with them at a terrific pace. finding their pursuers gained upon them they stooped down, and with their broad knives ripped up two of their victims from the abdomen to the throat, and then cast them loose. the third, more fortunate, escaped with life, the belochee to whose saddle he was attached having freed him by cutting off his left arm with a blow of his sabre: then wheeling round on our horse, who were now almost up with them, the enemy took deliberate aim at the advancing troopers, and having killed two, and severely wounded another, they plunged into the darkness and succeeded in baffling pursuit. we reached the extremity of this barren waste by seven o'clock next morning, and encamped at the bottom of a steep hill where there was abundance of excellent water. the cupidity of the inhabitants of the neighbouring villages, having got the better of their apprehensions, several of them ventured into the camp with supplies of flour, which was eagerly purchased from them by the soldiery, at the rate of about half a crown the lb. the risk which they ran was great, for if the fact had been discovered, they would, in all probability, have been massacred by the mountain chief. the profits which they realised by the adventure, must however, have well repaid them for the hazard. descending the hills to our right, we one day observed a funeral procession; and curious to witness the ceremonies performed on those occasions i followed at a little distance. the corpse was swathed in cotton bandages like a mummy, the head only being left exposed, and it was borne on a bamboo bier, or stretcher, on the shoulders of four men. the relations and friends of the deceased gave vent to their grief in the bitterest lamentations, and there appeared a depth and sincerity in their woe which is but too often wanting at our european rites. the procession was headed by a faquir or priest, whose rolling eyes, and long dishevelled locks, gave him a wild and unearthly appearance. his costume was no less singular than his looks, for it consisted of a motley sort of garment, composed of patches of almost every colored cloth, with a cap or rather a crown of peacock's feathers. arrived at the place of interment, which was situated in the valley, the procession halted at a freshly dug grave, and the bier was laid beside it. the crowd formed themselves into a circle round it, and the faquir holding up a small idol, commenced an oration in which he expatiated on the merits of the deceased. the crowd having prostrated themselves, the faquir took a reddish sort of powder, and made a large mark with it on the forehead of the dead man; then taking a basket of freshly pulled flowers and herbs he scattered them over the body and into the grave. the mourners rising from the ground, and walking in single files round the bier made a respectful salaam towards it, after which the corpse was lowered perpendicularly into the earth, and the grave filled up. at the conclusion, the faquir sat himself on a stone at a short distance from the grave, and remained there quietly smoking his hookah, and philosophising, as all good faquirs should do, on the uncertainty of mundane things. our next destination was dadur, where we were to form a junction with a portion of the bengal forces. the distance is only a day's march, and nothing of interest occurred on the route. on approaching the encampment of the bengal troops, i could not help being struck with their superior appearance. it was evident that their commissariat was better organized than ours, for their camp equipage and other appointments were in all respects complete, and they were abundantly supplied with necessaries of every kind. this disparity was, in some degree, removed before we left dadur, by the arrival of additional supplies from bombay. a few days having been passed in recruiting our strength after these fatiguing marches, we at length received orders to advance on the celebrated bholun pass. nothing could be more calculated to awaken us to the difficulties of our position, or to impress us with the uncertainty of the fate that awaited us, than the imposing grandeur of the scenery on which we now entered. let the reader picture to himself a gloomy looking gorge winding through two ranges of stupendous hills, whose rugged masses of rock and hanging declivities impend over the narrow route as if about to choke it up, or recede a short distance to some fortress-like looking freak of nature from whose imaginary bastions and parapets it seemed easy to hurl down destruction and death on the passenger, and he may easily imagine that our feelings were not of the liveliest or most comfortable nature. a handful of men could have effectually stopped our progress had there been but another leonidas amongst the wild inhabitants of this magnificent defile, whose military skill and resolution would have enabled him to seize upon, and maintain its many points of defence. we could not conceal from ourselves difficulties so apparent, and a general and undefined feeling of uneasiness pervaded us all. we felt that if the enemy had any intention of resisting us they would not lose opportunities which nature herself appeared to indicate; and it was but too obvious that if they only knew how to avail themselves of the formidable barriers which she had placed against invasion, our situation would become critical in the extreme. once involved in the intricacies of the pass, the superior knowledge of the country possessed by the natives, and their familiarity with mountain warfare would enable them to harrass us at every step, and a well planned and daring attack might at once overwhelm us. such were the reflections that suggested themselves to almost every man's mind, and many there were, i dare say, who just then thought of home, and speculated whether it would ever be his lot to revisit its peaceful fireside, and recount the dangers of which he had been the hero. the bengal troops who preceded us through the pass left behind them sad proofs of the justice of some of these conclusions. we found from five and twenty to thirty camp followers lying dead upon their track, the throats of several having been cut, and the others bearing on their mutilated persons the unequivocal evidence of a desperate hand to hand struggle. as we advanced through the gorge we could observe the belochees peering at us over the jutting points of the precipices, and the sharp report of their gingalls and matchlocks, which, luckily for us, were not very sure in their aim, usually followed the brief inspection by which we were favoured. observing a camp follower leading a camel at some distance in the rear, three of the mountaineers suddenly darted from a fissure in the rock in which they had lain concealed, and having cut the poor fellow down, led the animal up the ascent by one of those diverging tracks like sheep walks, with which these hills abound. a serjeant belonging to the horse artillery, who happened to witness the circumstance, instantly galloped back, and gallantly dashing his horse up the mountain succeeded in sabreing the nearest of the thieves, and brought back the camel amidst a shower of balls from the neighbouring heights. within a few miles of the affghanistan boundary the gorge is traversed by a stream which winds like a snake through the sinuosities of the pass, and crosses it no less than sixteen times. although it presents for the most part, the appearance of an insignificant mountain rivulet, it is, in many places studded with deep and dangerous holes, into which the cavalry often plunged, and got a good sousing before they were aware of it. shouts of laughter usually escaped the comrades of the luckless wight who became thus involved, and on one occasion a tragedy had nearly resulted from their ill-timed merriment. an irish trooper, named dwyer, a brave, but hot-blooded fellow, like most of his countrymen was feeling his way cautiously through the stream, when both horse and rider stumbled, and became instantly lost to view. some alarm was at first experienced for their safety, but it gave way to a roar of laughter when we beheld them again emerging from the water. after several successive attempts to disengage himself, the horse at length obtained a secure footing, and dwyer, wheeling him suddenly round upon us with a countenance furious with rage, drew a pistol from his holster and fired at a group of seven or eight men, who stood close to the spot, but fortunately without effect. the madman was immediately placed under arrest, but was released after a few days' confinement. on approaching beebenaunce towards the close of the fourth day's march, we found another stream where the cavalry dismounted, for the purpose of filling their canteens with water, while the infantry were distributed so as to protect them. we had been marching for several hours under a scorching sun, and over a stony and rugged road, which rendered constant watchfulness and exertion necessary to prevent the horses from falling on their knees. tormented by an insatiable thirst, we were about to slake it, when it was discovered that the stream was polluted by the putrifying bodies of several of dead affghans, and followers of the bengal army; the spot having been the scene of a deadly contest which had occurred some days previous. the struggle between the loathing which this circumstance created and the pressing calls of nature was however of short duration. not a man of us hesitated to drink from the contaminated liquid, but the horse which i rode, being imbued with keener senses than his master, positively refused to partake of it, though almost dropping with fatigue and thirst. i took him lower down the stream, where his fastidiousness being no longer offended he indulged in a long and copious draught. chapter iv. skirmish with the enemy.--belochee waggery.--cleverly planned capture of a bruhee.--sufferings from want of water.--valley of shawle.--quettah.--belochee cruelties.--adventure in a stone quarry.--treachery of the khan of khelat.--murder of another cook.--poisoning of the wells.--fortunate discovery. we were about to quit the pass at the close of the eighth day's march, when the enemy made another and more successful attempt at plunder. emboldened by the absence of the infantry, which was at a considerable distance in the rear, they descended the heights in greater numbers than usual, and attacked the camp followers in charge of the officers' baggage. the latter took to flight, and the belochees commenced pillaging the trunks and cases. amongst the property carried off was a camel belonging to brigadier scott, which was laden with the whole of the general's kit. a party of the 4th dragoons, under the command of lieutenant gillespie, at length galloped up and put the enemy to flight. there were only three men wounded and three horses killed on our side, whilst the belochees left great numbers of dead on the ground. during the heat of the firing a mistake occurred, which at first occasioned some alarm, but was soon converted into a burst of uncontrollable merriment. our men had driven the last of the enemy up the hill, the latter peppering away at them from every rock or crevice where they could find shelter, when our attention was arrested by the appearance of a general officer on the heights to our left, who appeared to be making signs to us. it was at first supposed that one of our leaders had fallen into the hands of the enemy, and universal consternation prevailed. the general at length took off his shaco, and advancing to the very edge of the precipice, waved it in the air as if to cheer us on to his rescue, when to our infinite amusement we discovered it was the fellow who had made off with the brigadier's kit, and who, after examining the contents of it, had rigged himself out in full uniform. the rocks echoed with laughter, and the _pseudo_ general appeared to enjoy the fun as much as any of us, for he capered about in a perfect ecstacy of delight, and gave expression to his contentment in the most delectable yells. a shower of balls was at length directed against him, and the brigadier's swarthy representative came tumbling down the precipice to render himself and his briefly enjoyed honours into our hands. amongst the booty carried off upon this occasion were the wind instruments belonging to the 1st bombay cavalry, and a bullock, carrying two packages of ball ammunition, which contained 500 rounds each. some amusement was created amongst us by speculations as to the probable use that would be made of the former, the humour displayed in the appropriation of general scott's kit having given us a high idea of the waggish propensities of the enemy. our fun was however turned into mortification when we beheld them cutting our ball ammunition into slugs to fit the bore of their gingalls, and sending it back to us from the heights in as wholesale quantities as they had taken it. in the course of the skirmish a feat was performed by two of the native troops, which was watched with the most intense interest. a bruhee (a fierce and warlike tribe, distinguished by their inveterate hostility towards the black troops in our service,) had taken shelter behind a rock, about midway up the mountain, and kept up a constant fire on some native cavalry beneath. two of the sepoys belonging to the bombay native infantry observing the circumstance, determined on effecting his capture, and laying down their muskets at the foot of the hill, they crept stealthily up. whenever the fellow's flashing eyes were observed on a line with the rock, searching for an object for his aim, they crouched under cover until the discharge of his gingall satisfied them he was about to reload. they then rapidly advanced to his lurking place, and pouncing suddenly upon him conveyed him down the hill. the prisoner had such a horror of falling into our hands that he several times implored his captors to put an end to him on the spot. they took no notice of his entreaties until they had reached the bottom of the hill, where they had laid their arms, when a havildar meeting them inquired if they had not heard of the orders, that no prisoners should be brought into camp. "i knew nothing about it," replied one of the soldiers; "but this i do know that he is a stout-hearted fellow, and deserves a better fate." "_i_ understand you," exclaimed the other sepoy, and taking his musket he placed the muzzle of it to the prisoner's head, and literally covered the serjeant with his brains. the quantity of carrion which we every where left upon our route attracted numbers of the ravening beasts of prey with which these hills abound, and we could not rest at night from the dismal howling which surrounded us. even the new made graves of our comrades did not escape the keen and hungering scent of the jackall, their remains being scarcely interred before we found them again torn up, their whitening bones alone attesting the nature of the visitation. amongst the greatest of our annoyances, however, was the intolerable stench which proceeded from the putrefying bodies of the camels, that lay scattered every where upon our track, and which was enough to breed a mortality. as we emerged from the pass into the open country, the heights became literally alive with belochees, who gave expression to their rage and disappointment in the most absurd and violent gesticulations. we bivouacked late at night in the open plain, after a fatiguing and harassing march of twelve hours, during which we had been unable to procure a drop of water. the same privation awaited us in the place where we passed the night, and the sufferings of both men and cattle were dreadful. it was not until six o'clock next day that we fell in with a stream that traversed the road to quettah, and were able to satisfy the thirst which consumed us. we were now in the valley of shawle, which presented a most agreeable contrast to the barren hills through which we had just passed: here we found a succession of vast orchards, whose fruit trees bursting into blossom and gladdening the wearied eye with a variety of the most beautiful tints recalled to most of us the pleasant scenery of dear old england. on our arrival at quettah the troops underwent a medical inspection, and it was determined that the sick should be left behind. a depôt was accordingly established here, consisting of one regiment of bengal infantry, one company of european foot artillery, some heavy ordnance, and some gikwar, or native horsemen, the whole under the command of brigadier-general nott. this arrangement was reported to have given rise to some angry altercation between the latter officer and sir john keane previous to the departure of the commander-in-chief for candahar, general nott being indignant at being thus invalided and debarred his share in the danger and glories of the campaign. we remained at quettah about a week, the condition of both men and horses being such as to render rest necessary. the supplies which we obtained from the bengal column and the rich pasturage of the surrounding country soon refreshed and re-invigorated us, and we pursued our route in renewed health and spirits. leaving quettah, we again entered a barren and mountainous district which presented few traces of cultivation, and which afforded little or no pasturage for our cattle. in order to embarrass us the more the belochees lay on the watch for the parties who were sent out to cut grass, and maimed and mutilated them in the most shocking manner. one poor fellow had his ears slit, and another received injuries which rendered the amputation of an arm necessary. the thefts of cattle, however, became less numerous, the cutting off the supplies of forage being deemed a less hazardous and equally effectual mode of impeding our progress. so serious became this change in the tactics of the enemy that it was resolved to increase the number of men sent out on the foraging expeditions. this did not, however, deter the belochees from repeating their attacks, and on one occasion they drove in a party consisting of a considerable number of native soldiers, and succeeded in making three or four of the grass-cutters prisoners. a squadron of her majesty's 4th light dragoons was immediately ordered out in pursuit under the command of major daly. we proceeded towards the hills at full gallop, and at length came in sight of the enemy who were in a close body of from three to four hundred. they suddenly disappeared from view, although the country was still a perfect level, and presented no apparent means of concealment. on reaching the spot we found they had ensconced themselves in a large stone pit or quarry, into which it was impossible for cavalry to penetrate, and a sharp and well directed fire from all the salient points of the rocks affording the least shelter, indicated to us their different lurking places. patiently watching our opportunities we sent a volley into every recess or cavity where a rag was to be seen fluttering, and major daly observing a party of about ten or twelve clustered in some bushes which lay almost within a bound of his horse gallantly dashed the animal down the descent, followed by lieutenant janvrin, the quarter-master of the regiment, and with a couple of hog spears, which they happened to have with them they dispatched several of the party. the others made their escape by plunging deeper into the recesses of the quarry. the night now setting in, the belochees took advantage of the obscurity to steal out of their lair and creep through our lines one by one. they did not get off, however, without further loss. hearing a rustling noise within a few feet of me, whilst on the watch, i listened attentively and felt convinced that some of them were endeavouring to effect their escape by crawling along the ground on their hands and knees. i plunged my spurs in my horse and clearing the distance at a bound, just as i observed two men rising from the ground, i cut them both down, notwithstanding a most determined resistance, in the course of which they fired twice at me. several others were disposed of in like manner, but no prisoners were made. we returned to camp about nine o'clock, well satisfied with the issue of our adventure. the grass cutters who had been made prisoners, and who were abandoned when it was found that our pursuit was likely to prove successful, had received no other injury at the hands of the enemy, than a severe thrashing with a bamboo. the poor fellows were terribly frightened, and felt most grateful for their deliverance. major daly and two privates were severely wounded in this affair. beside a thrust of a sabre in the chest the major received a musket ball in the left foot, which disabled him for some time from active service. we also found that several of the horses had been injured, it being a favourite trick of the enemy to hamstring them, or rip their bellies open, whenever they could get within reach of the animals. a treacherous trick played us by one of the neighbouring chiefs, the khan of khelat, added in no small degree to the difficulties we had to encounter. the khan had promised allegiance to shah soojah, and undertook to facilitate the progress of the british troops through his territories. instead of fulfilling the friendly professions he had made towards us, he interdicted the villagers from bringing supplies to the camp, and cut off almost all the mountain streams. several of the camp followers who ventured out in search of water, were either carried off or murdered, and our situation became distressing in the extreme. in one day's march of fifteen miles, we left upon our track the bodies of nearly one hundred men, who died from sheer physical exhaustion. continuing our progress towards the khojuck heights, where we expected to meet with determined opposition, we lost a number of men on the route from their own imprudence in venturing at a distance from the camp after dusk. one of them, a portuguese cook, belonging to my own regiment, lost his way in proceeding to the bazaar for necessaries, and fell into the hands of the belochees, who were always hanging on our rear. his cries being heard by some soldiers returning from the bazaar, they ran towards the spot from whence the noise proceeded, and were received with a volley of bullets. they did not of course venture farther, being ignorant of the number of the enemy, but on procuring assistance from the camp, they discovered the cook with his throat cut, the head being nearly severed from the shoulders. sickness now increased alarmingly amongst us, owing to the bad quality of the attar or flour, as well as the reduction in our usual quantity of rations. the cattle were little better off, and the difficulties of the route increased at almost every step. water continued as scarce as ever, for the natives filled up or concealed part of the wells and poisoned the remainder. of the latter fact, we received intimation in time to prevent accidents, and chance befriended us as regarded the former. after a harassing day's march some soldiers of the 17th infantry, who had set out in search of water, were unsuccessful and were bewailing their hard fate, when the unusual moistness of the place where they had pitched their tent attracted their notice. they sounded the ground and finding it hollow, immediately arrived at the conclusion that it was a well that had been freshly covered over. further examination confirmed this supposition, and about half an hour's work revealed a deep hole to their sight, in which they found a spring of excellent water. this discovery created such joy and frantic eagerness in the camp that the authorities were obliged to place a strong guard with loaded muskets over it in order to keep back the pressure of the crowds who flocked to it. in the course of the next day's march we came upon a part of the road which was literally strewn with human skeletons and broken matchlocks. of the various surmises current amongst us as to the occasion of this wholesale butchery, the most probable was, that one of the caravans travelling to candahar had been attacked and overpowered by one of the marauding tribes of the district. chapter v. the khojuck pass.--descent of the troops.--shocking death of a camel driver.--detection and escape of an affghan thief.--loss of cavalry horses.--candahar.--arrival of shah soojah.--condition of the troops.--attempt of the natives to cut off a convoy of provisions.--asiatic mendicants.--the mosque at candahar.--arrival of affghan auxiliaries. we reached the khojuck pass in the expectation of finding it occupied by the forces of dost mahommed, but contrary to general anticipation it was abandoned. we learned that the dost had visited the place a few days before, in company with several of his chiefs, when the prudence of disputing our passage was discussed. owing to some violent differences of opinion amongst the subordinate chiefs, the idea was abandoned, and the enemy fell back towards candahar. how different might have been the fate of the expedition but for this impolitic and cowardly step. to enable the reader to judge of its importance a brief description of the pass will be necessary. ascending an eminence of no great height a platform of rock is gained, from which a glorious view bursts upon the sight. immediately beneath is a steep declivity, along whose rugged sides winds the narrow road, while a chasm of immense depth yawns beneath, and threatens to engulph the luckless passenger should he chance to slip as he treads his way down the difficult and dangerous descent. receding into the far distance lie long ranges of blue mountains broken at intervals into open plains and valleys, whose calm and smiling aspect contrasts well with the frowning majesty of the neighbouring heights. nothing could be finer than the view which presented itself as our troops wound round the brow of this tremendous precipice, their arms glittering in the sun, and their uniforms imparting a gay and dazzling variety to the sober hues of the stunted herbage with which its sides were clad. the infantry, consisting of several companies of the queen's royals and a party of the 17th regiment were ordered to line the heights in order to protect the descent of the artillery and cavalry, together with the heavy baggage. so steep was the road (if road it could be called) that the cavalry were obliged to dismount and lead their horses, bridle in hand, and the artillery to unlimber their guns and drag them down the precipice, a task, as the reader may conceive, of no small labour and difficulty. about half way down, a camel, laden with camp equipage, missed its footing and was precipitated into the abyss with its conductor, and both were of course, immediately dashed to pieces. we reached the plain without any further mishap about six o'clock the same evening, and had every reason to congratulate ourselves that the cowardice or negligence of the enemy had prevented them from disputing our passage. having halted at the bottom of the pass two days so as to enable the remainder of the heavy ordnance and baggage to descend we proceeded towards candahar. the enemy occasionally made their appearance, and though not caring to face us in the field, continued to harass us severely by hanging on our rear, and cutting off the stragglers. nor did they abate in the least in their love of thieving, robberies being just as frequent, and characterised by as much ingenuity and daring as ever. late one night i was on sentry before the tent of lieutenant kemp when a rustling noise attracted my notice; on looking attentively towards the spot from whence it proceeded, i perceived an affghan crawling towards the tent on his hands and knees, and suffering him to enter, in order the more easily to secure him, i surprised him as he was in the act of plundering it. the fellow was completely naked, and on my attempting to lay hold of him he slipped through my fingers like an eel, owing to the quantity of grease with which his person was smeared, and succeeded in clearing the lines in safety. i did not shoot him because positive orders had been issued against shots being fired in camp, which had before given rise to many groundless alarms. the weather now became excessively hot, the thermometer being 125 degrees in the shade, which rendered it necessary that we should prosecute our way either in the cool of the morning or at night. the nights were so beautiful that the latter could not be deemed a hardship, and had the scenery been but equal to that through which we had just passed, it could not have been seen to greater advantage than under these clear delicious moonlights. nothing, however, can be more flat or uninteresting than the country between the khojuck pass and candahar. the only thing that might be said to have broken the monotony of the route was an occasional shot which told the fate of some poor horse, who, having been broken down by fatigue and privation, and rendered incapable of further exertion, was mercifully put out of pain by its rider. there were nearly fifty head of cattle disposed of in this way between the pass and candahar, a pretty item in the expenses of the campaign, when it is borne in mind that each of them had cost from fifty to sixty pounds in india. had we come in contact with the enemy at candahar as we expected, i have no doubt the cavalry would have been found wholly ineffective from the jaded and worn-out condition of their horses. we arrived at candahar on the 4th. of may, and effected a junction with the remainder of the bengal forces under sir willoughby cotton. here we were also joined by shah soojah in company with sir william mcnaghten and sir alexander burnes. the dethroned monarch immediately took possession of his ancestral palace, which had just been evacuated by the enemy. the reverses of fortune to which these asiatic sovereigns are subject have so steeled them against adversity, that i doubt if his majesty was agitated, even by a passing emotion, at this important event. if he felt at all, it was perhaps more a sensation of fear than joy, for he could not conceal from himself the fact, that the opinions of his subjects were arraigned to a man against him, and that under such circumstances his tenure of sovereignty would in all probability be terminated by a bloody death. tired as we were of the harassing mountain warfare in which we had been engaged, and anxious to strike a blow which would decide the fate of the campaign, we were yet agreeably disappointed at the evacuation of candahar by the enemy. we were greatly in need of rest after the long and fatiguing marches, which we had made; and the deplorable condition in which we found ourselves, as regarded supplies, rendered it highly impolitic to bring us just then in face of the enemy. sickness had increased alarmingly amongst us, but in this respect we did not find our position improved, for the excessive heat which prevailed during our stay here carried off great numbers of the men. although the bazaar was plentifully supplied with meat and fruit, flour was difficult to be obtained, the stock on hand having been eagerly bought up by the troops on their arrival. the traders turned the scarcity of this necessary article to profitable account, for they only gave 2lb. to the rupee instead of 40lb., the usual proportion. we had been living on half rations, and these not of the best quality, for nearly a month previous, and had looked forward to our arrival at candahar for some addition to the quantity, but so far was this from being the case, that it was found necessary to put the camp followers on the same allowance, and it was not until three weeks after our arrival that an increase and that not the full one, was served out to us. we were in daily expectation of the arrival of a convoy of six hundred camels laden with provisions and grain, but intelligence having been brought us that the affghans lay in way to intercept it, it was thought advisable to send out a force consisting of two squadrons of native cavalry, a party of her majesty's 13th light infantry and two field pieces for its protection. the enemy being informed by their spies of this movement, fell back to the hills, and the supplies were brought in safety to the camp. the native contractor who furnished them, was offered a bribe of 10,000 rupees by dost mahommed to direct his camels another way, but much to his credit refused it. candahar is a place of considerable importance in a commercial point of view, but its military advantages are scarcely deserving of notice. it is surrounded by an old wall and ditch, some efforts to strengthen which had been made by throwing up a few parapets, but they were abandoned at the first news of our approach. the principal entrance faces the south and leads directly into the bazaar, which presents rather an animated scene to the eyes of the stranger, in consequence of the varied and picturesque costumes of the multitudes who resort to it, and who are composed of asiatics of almost every race. the merchandize exposed for sale is no less heterogeneous in its character than its vendors, and much to our surprise and gratification it included good broad-cloths and whitechapel needles, articles which, in the dilapidated and transparent state of our clothing, proved of no small service to us. common and disgusting as mendicancy has become through all parts of asia, i have never seen it carried to such an annoying extent as here. our ears were assailed on all sides by whining petitions, and our eyes offended by the exhibition of festering sores or simulated deformities. the ingenuity displayed in twisting a straight and well made limb into some hideous distortion, or in painting up an ugly case of cancer, would have excited the admiration and envy of the importunate cripples who beset the chapels of catholic countries. at the further extremity of the bazaar stands a noble mosque, in which are interred the remains of shah soojah's father and grandfather. a lofty gilt dome and graceful minarets distinguish it above the other buildings of the town, and the effect, as it is approached from the distance, is extremely imposing. on entering this beautiful temple the visitor is conducted up a flight of marble steps to a platform within the dome, where the remains of the deceased princes lie. the tombs are covered with palls of blue velvet, fringed with gold, and illuminated by about two hundred lamps, which are kept burning night and day, while forty faquirs, or priests, watch perpetually over them. two magnificent folio editions of the koran, bound in velvet and ornamented with characters of gold, were also shown to us with a degree of reverence that proved the estimation in which they were held. a few pigeons which were flying round the interior of the building appeared to divide with these costly exemplars of the book of life the regard and veneration of the votaries of the temple, this bird being held sacred, and any invasion of its privileges visited by the punishment of death. several of the affghan chiefs who were known to be devoted to the interests of dost mahommed becoming alarmed at the turn affairs were taking, or, as some said, being dissatisfied with that prince for refusing to guarantee the safety of their women, now came into camp and tendered their allegiance to shah soojah. these reluctant auxiliaries were warmly received by the politicals, who hailed their adhesion as an omen of the success of the expedition; and i observed sir alexander burnes carry his joy so far as cordially to embrace one of them. the chief smiled grimly, but said but little. i had an opportunity however of ascertaining his real feelings, on getting amongst his followers a few days afterwards. they openly expressed their regret at being compelled to join the invaders of their country, and stated, that they could not have a braver leader, or a better prince, than dost mahommed. they described him as being of a just and generous nature, whilst they represented the shah as being cruel and unprincipled. these affghan horsemen were a fine athletic set of men, and capitally mounted, their breed of cattle being much superior to ours, and exhibiting proofs of the most careful grooming. the riders wore coats of mail with steel gauntlets, and their arms consisted of a sabre, heavier and longer than ours, a dagger, and in some instances shields and matchlocks. i have no hesitation in saying that the affghan cavalry, if these were a fair sample of them, are a most effective body of men. they may not be equal to ours in the field, but for a harassing system of mountain warfare where they are required to make sudden descents upon infantry, hemmed in between defiles, and embarrassed by ignorance of the country, no body of troops can be better adapted. their horses are light limbed, but strong and wiry, and capable of undergoing incredible fatigue while the trooper himself, practised from infancy in the management of the animal, can ride him over places where no european horseman would venture. had these wild mountaineers but the advantages of discipline and proper organization their country would be inaccessible to any troops in the world. chapter vi. installation of shah soojah.--attack on the camel guards.--heroism of an affghan youth.--murder of cornet inverarity of the 16th lancers.--departure from candahar.--the ghiljie hills.--locusts.--arrival of new auxiliaries.--camel batteries.--hyder khail.--arrival at ghuznee.--tomb of mahommed.--remains of the old town of ghuznee. in order to give a sort of political eclat to the steps taken to reinstate shah soojah on the throne of his ancestors, it was resolved that he should be solemnly inaugurated at candahar, and nothing was omitted that could possibly tend to render the ceremony imposing. on the morning fixed for its celebration, the whole of the british forces were paraded in review order on a large plain to the north of the city, whilst the shah's troops were drawn up at a little distance. in the centre of the field stood a platform canopied with crimson silk, and ornamented with numerous banners and devices, the seat reserved for the shah being ascended by a broad flight of tapestried steps, and covered with cushions of crimson and gold. the other accessories of the pageant were got up in similar costly style, but the effect, on the whole, conveyed to the mind rather the unsatisfied feeling which attends the hollow show and glitter of the theatre, than the idea of substantial power. the weather was beautiful, the sun shedding its gorgeous rays full upon us, and finding innumerable reflections in the military panoply beneath. the heat was however excessive, and the majority of us would have willingly exchanged our places in the ceremonial for the shade and repose of our tents. as early as six o'clock the commander-in-chief took up his position in front of the line, and was received with a general salute. the shah was soon after observed leaving the gates of the city on an elephant, the howdah of which was of solid silver. his majesty appeared to me to be between fifty and sixty years of age; of middle stature, and somewhat inclined to corpulency. his features were large, but regular, and the expression which played about them was not calculated to leave a favourable impression on the physiognomist. it had a mingled character of vaccillation and cruelty about it, which impressed one with the notion that the possessor could sink with ease from the extreme of tyrannical self-will to the abject and fawning humility of the slave. his majesty was accompanied by his vizier, a tall, spare looking man of a thoughtful and rather melancholy cast of features, and somewhat older than his master. immediately behind the shah rode sir william mcnaghten, in full court dress, such as is usually worn by officials at her majesty's levees in england, and he was followed by sir alexander burnes, in a plain suit, and surrounded by the affghan chiefs, with whom he appeared to be in close and friendly converse. the winning smile and frank and courteous manner of the latter gentleman appeared to have gained for him a degree of consideration amongst the natives, which no other european could boast of, and which was principally attributable to the talismanic influence of qualities that have a never failing effect in softening down and subduing even the most rugged and intractable natures. nothing could exceed the splendour of the costumes in which these chiefs were clad, their turbans and weapons being studded with diamonds and other precious stones; whilst the horses on which they were mounted were perfect models of animal beauty. as soon as the shah arrived on the ground the bands of the different regiments struck up "god save the king," and his majesty was conducted to his throne by the politicals. the troops then marched past the platform in slow and quick time each regiment lowering its colors as it arrived before it. a proclamation was afterwards read, declaring and confirming the shah's title to the throne, and all persons subject to his authority having been required to yield him fealty, the affghan chiefs present tendered their homage. the troops were marched back to their lines immediately after, and a durbar concluded the ceremonies of the day. it must not be imagined that during all this time our ever watchful enemies had abated their vigilance or lost any opportunity of annoying us. they did not dare to attack the camp, itself, precautionary measures having been adopted to prevent their near approach, by stationing inlying and outlying pickets round it. we were compelled, however, to send our camels to graze at some distance from the encampment, and the soldiers in charge of them were frequently surprised and driven in. on one occasion a party of the 13th light infantry, consisting of a serjeant and six privates, who had been entrusted with the care of from fifteen to eighteen camels, fell asleep on their posts, being overcome by the excessive heat, and the affghans, stealing upon them whilst in this state, put one man to death, and severely wounded two others, the whole of the camels of course falling into their hands. the serjeant escaped but was broken for neglect of duty. shortly after this occurrence, two of the marauders fell into our hands. in order to put an end to, or diminish these vexatious losses it was determined to make a terrible example of the prisoners, in the hope that it would have some effect upon their companions. they were accordingly tried by a court martial, composed of native officers, and sentenced to be blown from the mouth of a gun. having been led into the market-place at candahar, they were ordered to draw lots as to who should first undergo this dreadful doom. the younger of the prisoners, a stripling of about nineteen years of age, whose firm and gallant bearing excited universal sympathy and admiration, responded to this command by at once embracing the mouth of the gun from which he was instantly blown to atoms. his companion, a grey-headed man, upwards of sixty years of age, sat looking on, unmoved at this terrible scene, and coolly smoking his hookah. on being ordered to take his place at the gun he did not exhibit the least appearance of fear, and just as the match was about being applied, the officer in command arrested it and directed the prisoner to be taken away, the shah influenced, it is said, by the entreaties of sir alexander burnes, having granted his pardon. this unexpected release from the very jaws of death produced as little emotion on the part of this stout old man, as its near approach or the fate of his youthful companion had elicited. the mysterious and premature death of cornet inverarity, of the 16th lancers, formed, whilst here, the universal topic of discussion in the military circles. the circumstances, as far as i could collect them, were these:--a pic-nic party had been given by the officers of the regiment at a pleasant rural retreat, within a few miles of candahar, and the cornet, being fond of fishing, took his rod and strayed a short distance from his companions in search of sport. his prolonged absence having given rise to remark, some of the party went in search of him, and found the unfortunate gentleman lying dead on the banks of a neighbouring stream. the wounds he had received were of such a nature as to preclude the idea that they were self-inflicted, and there can be but little doubt that he was murdered by the affghans. the deceased was an officer of considerable acquirements, and was regretted by all who had the honour of his acquaintance. he was only in his 26th year, and had been about five in the service. i gladly avail myself of the opportunity which presents itself of paying a tribute to the good conduct and friendly feeling of the native troops, who testified on all occasions the utmost willingness, and indeed the most anxious desire to render all the aid and service in their power to their european comrades. their knowledge of the language of the country, and their acquaintance with the value of its produce, proved of no small advantage to us in our daily traffic with the cunning and thievish traders of the bazaar. let me add that the general feeling amongst us was that, in privation or danger, we might always count with certainty on the generosity and bravery of the sepoy. having passed nearly seven weeks at candahar, it was determined that we should next proceed to ghuznee, where it was reported that dost mahommed and his followers had resolved on making a stand. the army quitted the encampment on the 27th of june, preceded by a squadron of european cavalry, two squadrons of the native troops, and two field pieces loaded with canister and grape shot. the route from candahar to ghuznee lies through a wild and mountainous country, and over roads extremely difficult, and at times almost impassable. the ghiljies fled on our approach to the numerous mud forts with which these hills abound, and seldom ventured on our track. in the dwellings they had abandoned we found only a few old crones and hungry dogs, both of whom received us with a sort of howling welcome. the ghiljie huts are constructed somewhat like a bee hive, being of circular and conical form, with interior accommodations of the most wretched description. the few males whom we caught a glimpse of were clad in the same substitute for broad cloth that served the famous bryan o'lynn, who having- "no breeches to wear, cut up a sheepskin to make him a pair." we were lucky enough to discover the stores of corn and _bussorah_ (a sort of provender for cattle) which the natives had buried at the first news of our approach. we were also well supplied with water the country being traversed in all directions by rivers and streams. to counterbalance these advantages we were annoyed with shoals of locusts, which literally darkened the atmosphere and kept up a perpetual buzzing and humming in our ears. the locust appears to be a favorite article of food with the natives, who roast it on a slow fire and devour it with eagerness. we could not bring ourselves to relish this equivocal dainty, although our rations were not of the best or most varied description. as we advanced on khelat-i-ghiljie scarcely a day passed without some chief coming into camp from cabul, with a retinue of from one to two hundred men, in order to tender his allegiance to the shah. they were immediately sent to the rear and incorporated with his majesty's levies. many of these new auxiliaries brought camel batteries, which created a good deal of curiosity and amusement amongst the european troops, to whom they were a novelty. each camel carried a sort of rampart on his back, which mounted from four to six swivel guns of small calibre, the conductor both driving the animal and serving the guns. we were surprised at the rapidity and accuracy with which these portable batteries were served and brought to bear, the animal dropping on its knees wherever it became necessary to bring the guns within range, and rising the moment they were discharged. at hyder khail we were plundered of several camels laden with bedding, belonging to her majesty's 2nd, or queen's royals, and the party in charge of them disappeared and was not again heard of before we left. as we passed khelat-i-ghiljie the country began to improve in its character, and large tracts, covered with corn and beans, betokened the presence of a more civilized tribe than that through whose inhospitable territories we had just passed. the villagers came daily into camp with fruit and vegetables, which they parted with at reasonable prices, and their conduct to us on the whole was civil and peaceable. on the 21st. of july we arrived in sight of ghuznee, the strength of which we found underrated rather than exaggerated. ghuznee may be said to form the key to cabul since it commands the only direct route to that place. the citadel is of great extent, and includes within its precincts three or four bazaars and several streets. it is surrounded on every side by strong bastions and substantial walls, the whole of which had been recently put in repair, and it mounted nine guns (one a 48 pounder) besides innumerable wall pieces, gingals, and matchlocks. the principal entrance is at the north side, on the road to cabul, and is approached by a bridge of slight construction, thrown across a deep ditch or moat. to the right and left stretch long chains of lofty hills, which approach the walls so closely on the north side, as to command a view of the interior of the citadel. the enemy, sensible of the importance of these heights, had lined them with troops in order to prevent our planting batteries on them. at the distance of about three quarters of a mile from the fort, and situated in an amphitheatre of hills, lies the town of ghuznee, which consists of only a few narrow, straggling streets. a narrow, but deep and rapid river, whose banks are studded with rich corn fields, winds its devious route through the pleasant valley in which the town is situate, and half encircles its walls. nearly equidistant from the town and the fort, and surrounded by luxuriant orchards and vineyards, stands the famous tomb of mahommed of ghuznee. it consists of an oblong building 36 ft. by 18, and about 30 feet in height, and is crowned by a mud cupola. the gates are said to be of sandal-wood, and were taken from the temple of somnath by the conqueror, whose remains lie entombed here. the grave stone in the interior is made of the finest white marble, but its once rich sculpture is now nearly defaced, and it presents but few traces of the arabic characters with which it was formerly inscribed. over the last resting place of the hero, and in a sadly decayed state, are suspended the banner of green silk, and the enormous mace which he had so often borne in battle. in the plain to the south of the hills stand two pillars, or obelisks, of brickwork, about one hundred feet in height, and twelve in diameter at the base, which are said to have marked the limits of the bazaar of ancient ghuznee, and which at present form serve only as conspicuous landmarks for the traveller. chapter vii. reconnaisance of the fortress.--skirmish with the enemy.--rejoicings of the garrison at our supposed defeat.--preparation for a coup de main.--engineer operations.--storming and taking of the fortress. we debouched on the plain in front of the fort about eight o'clock in the morning, and advanced upon it in three columns--the cavalry on the right, the artillery in the centre, and the infantry on the left. the commander-in-chief determined to reconnoitre the place in force, and make the enemy show their strength. on approaching the orchards and walled gardens before described, we found them occupied by the enemy, and the 1st brigade having been immediately thrown into them, drove the affghans out of the enclosures in capital style, and forced them to take shelter behind the defences, with a comparatively trifling loss on our side. our guns were now brought to bear upon the fortress, which had kept up a sharp fire on us from the moment of our appearance, but owing to our having left our heavy battering train behind us at candahar we did but little or no damage. about eleven o'clock we drew off, and pitched our camp out of range of the fire of the foot. on our skirmishers retiring from the gardens they were immediately occupied by the enemy, who commenced cheering our retreating parties, in the conviction that they had obtained a victory. under this impression they instantly sent off expresses to cabul, to announce the fact, and state that if the whole of the surrounding country could be raised, they had little doubt of being able to cut us off to a man. the garrison spent the night in rejoicings, and blue lights were constantly sent up as signals to their friends on the neighbouring hills. next morning the shah's camp was threatened on the left by large bodies of horse and foot who were driven off by the cavalry and some of his highness's troops; whilst another force, consisting chiefly of horse, under the command of one of dost mahommed's sons; and at a short distance from him a ghiljie chief, with about fifteen hundred cavalry, who had hung upon our flank all the way from khelat-i-ghiljie, menaced us to the right. this determined the commander-in-chief to expedite matters, and the engineers having made a careful inspection of the fortress, he resolved on carrying it by storm. the whole of the 22nd was consumed in making the necessary preparations, the field hospital being got ready while strong detachments of cavalry scoured the country around, in order to keep the enemy from our lines. in order to give my readers a correct idea of the strength of the fortifications, and the difficulties overcome by the intelligence and courage of the officers and men of the british army, i cannot do better than to copy the official reports made by the principal engineer officers on the subject. they contain a full detail of the operations up to the moment when the citadel fell into our possession. _memorandum of the engineers' operations before ghuznee, in july, 1839, by captain george thompson, bengal engineers, chief engineer army of the indus._ the accounts of the fortress of ghuznee, received from those who had seen it, were such as to induce his excellency the commander-in-chief to leave in candahar the very small battering train then with the army, there being a scarcity of transport cattle. the place was described as very weak, and completely commanded from a range of hills to the north. when we came before it on the morning of the 21st of july we were very much surprised to find a rampart, in good repair, built on a scarped mound about thirty-five feet high, flanked by numerous towers, and surrounded by a faussebraye and wet ditch. the irregular figure of the "enceinte" gave a good flanking fire, whilst the height of the citadel covered the interior from the commanding fire of the hills to the north, rendering it nugatory. in addition to this, the towers, at the angles, had been enlarged, screen walls had been built before the gates, the ditch cleared out and filled with water, stated to be unfordable, and an outwork built on the right bank of the river so as to command the bed of it. the garrison was variously stated from three to four thousand strong, including five hundred cavalry, and from subsequent information we found that it had not been overrated. on the approach of the army, a fire of artillery was opened from the body of the place, and of musketry from the neighbouring gardens. a detachment of infantry cleared the latter, and the former was silenced for a short time by shrapnells from the horse artillery, but the fire from the new outwork on the bank of the river was in no way checked. a nearer view of the works was, however, obtained from the gardens which had been cleared. this was not at all satisfactory. the works were evidently much stronger than we had been led to expect, and such as our army could not venture to attack in a regular manner. we had no battering train, and to besiege ghuznee in form, a much larger one would be required than the army ever possessed. the great command of the parapets from sixty to seventy feet, with the wet ditch, were insurmountable obstacles to an attack, either by mining or escalading. it therefore became necessary to examine closely the whole _contour_ of the place, to discover if any other mode of attack could be adopted. the engineers, with an escort, went round the works, approaching as near as they could find cover. the garrison were on the alert, and kept up a hot and well regulated fire upon the officers whenever they were obliged to show themselves. however, by keeping the infantry beyond musket range, and the cavalry at a still greater distance, only one man was killed, and another wounded; the former being hit by men sent out of the place to drive off the reconnoitring party. the fortifications were found equally strong, all round, the only tangible point observed being the cabul gateway, which offered the following advantages for a _coup-de-main_. the road to the gate was clear, the bridge over the ditch unbroken, there were good positions for the artillery within three hundred yards of the walls on both sides of the road, and we had information that the gateway was not built up, a reinforcement from cabul being expected. the result of this reconnaisance was a report to his excellency the commander-in-chief, that if he decided upon the immediate attack on ghuznee, the only feasible mode of proceeding, and the only one which held out a prospect of success was a dash at the cabul gateway, blowing the gate open by bags of powder. his excellency decided upon the attempt, the camp was moved that evening to the cabul road, and the next morning, the 22nd, sir john keane in person reconnoitred the proposed point of attack, approved of the plan, and gave orders for its execution. preparations were made accordingly, positions for the artillery were carefully examined, which excited the jealousy of the garrison, who opened a smart fire upon the party. it was arranged that an explosion party, consisting of three officers of engineers, captain peat, lieutenants durand and mcleod, three serjeants, and eighteen men of the sappers in working dresses, carrying 300lbs. of powder in twelve sand bags, with a hose seventy-two feet long, should be ready to move down to the gateway at daybreak. at midnight the first battery left camp, followed by the other four, at intervals of half an hour. those to the right of the road were conducted to their positions by lieutenant stuart, those to the left by lieutenant anderson. the ground for the guns was prepared by the sappers and pioneers, taking advantage of the irregularities of the ground to the right, and of some old garden walls to the left. the artillery was all in position, and ready by 3 a. m. of the 23rd, and shortly after, at the first dawn, the party under captain peat moved down to the gateway, accompanied by six men of her majesty's 13th light infantry, without their belts, and supported by a detachment of the same regiment, which extended to the right and left of the road; when they arrived at the ditch, taking advantage of what cover they could find, and endeavouring to keep down the fire from the ramparts, which became heavy on the approach of the party, though it had been remarkably slack during the previous operations; blue lights were shown, which rendered surrounding objects distinctly visible, but luckily they were buried on the top of the parapet instead of being thrown into the passage below. the explosion party marched steadily on, headed by lieutenant durand; the powder was placed, the hose laid, the train fired, and the carrying party had retired to tolerable cover in less than two minutes. the artillery opened when the blue lights appeared, and the musketry from the covering party at the same time. so quickly was the operation performed, and so little was the enemy aware of the nature of it, that not a man of the party was hurt. as soon as the explosion took place, captain peat, although hurt by the concussion, his anxiety preventing him from keeping sufficiently under cover, ran up to the gate, accompanied by a small party of her majesty's 13th light infantry, and ascertained that it was completely destroyed. there was some delay in getting a bugler to sound at the advance, the signal agreed on for the assaulting column to push on, and this was the only mistake in the operation. the assaulting column, consisting of four european regiments (her majesty's 2nd regiment, bengal european regiment, her majesty's 13th light infantry, and her majesty's 17th regiment) commanded by brigadier sale, the advance under lieutenant colonel dennie, accompanied by lieutenant sturt, engineers, moved steadily through the gateway, through a passage inside the gateway, in a domed building, in which the opening on one side rendered everything very obscure, and making it difficult to find the outlet into the town. they met with little opposition; but the party of the enemy seeing a peak in the column, owing to the difficulty in scrambling over the rubbish in the gateway, made a rush, sword in hand, and cut down a good many men, wounding the brigadier and several other officers. these swordsmen were repulsed, and there was no more regular opposition; the surprise and alarm of the governor and sirdars being so great when they saw the column occupying the open space inside the gate, and firing upon them, that they fled, accompanied by their men, even the garrison of the citadel following their example. parties of the affghans took refuge in the houses, firing on the column as it made its way through the streets, and a good deal of desultory fighting took place in consequence, by which some loss was sustained. the citadel was occupied as soon as daylight showed that it had been abandoned by the enemy, and the whole of the works were in our possession before 5 a. m. we lost seventeen men, six european and eleven natives killed--eighteen officers, and one hundred and seventeen europeans, and thirty natives wounded--total one hundred and eighty-two. of the affghans more than five hundred and fourteen were killed in the town, that number of bodies having been buried, and about one thousand outside by the cavalry, one thousand six hundred prisoners were taken, but i have no means of estimating the number of wounded. there were nine guns of different calibres found in the place, a large quantity of good powder, considerable stores of shot, lead, &c., &c., and a large supply of attar and other provisions. geo. thomson, capt. engrs. _chief engineer army of the indus._ the following report by captain peat, of the bombay civil engineers, gives a more detailed account of the operations for blowing up the gate, which, it will be seen, were attended with difficulties of no ordinary nature. "during the reconnaissance the wall pieces were particularly troublesome. this weapon is almost unknown in our service, but it is a very efficient one, especially in the defence of works, and its use should not be neglected. every fortified post should be supplied with a proportion of them, and a certain number of men in every regiment practised in firing them. the charge recommended by colonel pasley, for blowing open gates is from sixty to one hundred and twenty pounds, and this is, doubtless, sufficient in ordinary cases; but in this instance we were apprehensive that the enemy might have taken alarm at our being so much on that side of the place, and in consequence, partially or wholly, built up the gateway. it was afterwards found that some attempts of the kind had been made by propping up the gate with beams. the charge was so heavy, that it not only destroyed the gate, but brought down a considerable portion of the roof of the square building in which it was placed, which proved a very considerable obstacle to the assaulting column, and the concussion acted as far as the tower, under which an officer's party of her majesty's 13th regiment were standing at the time, but without occasioning any casualties. in cases of this nature it is of course the first object to guard against any chance of failure; and it is impossible, even now, to say how much the charge might have been reduced with safety. the enemy appeared so much on the alert, and the faussebraye was so much in advance of the gate that we never contemplated being able to effect our object by surprise. the only question was, whether it ought to be done by day or night. it was argued in favor of the former, that the artillery would be able to make so much more correct practice that the defences would be in a considerable degree destroyed, and the fire so completely kept under as to enable the explosion party to advance with but little loss, and with the advantage of being able to see exactly what they were about. captain thompson, however, adhered to the latter, and we were afterwards convinced it was the most judicious plan; for although the fire of the artillery was necessarily more general than it would have been in daylight, still it was so well directed as to take up a good deal of the attention of the besieged, and draw upon their batteries a portion of the fire, which in daylight would have been thrown down upon the explosion party and assaulting columns. it would also, even in daylight, have been difficult, with our light artillery, to have kept down the fire so completely but that a few matchlock men might have kept their position near the gateway; and in that narrow space a smart fire from a few pieces might have obliged the party to retire. the obscurity of the night, to say nothing of the confusion which it must occasion among undisciplined troops, is certainly the best protection to a body of men engaged in an enterprise of this nature. blue lights certainly render objects distinctly visible, but their light is glaring and uncertain, especially to men firing through loopholes. the party consisted of eighteen officers, twenty-eight sergeants, seven buglers, and two hundred and seventy-six rank and file. it was made of this strength, not only to keep up a heavy fire upon the parapets, and thereby divert attention from the party at the gateway, but also because we were not aware whether the faussebraye was occupied or not, and as it extends so much in advance as to take the gate completely in reverse, it would have been necessary, had a fire opened from it, to have carried it by assault before the party with the bags could have advanced. the party with lieutenant durand was accompanied by six men of the 13th, without their belts, the better to secure them from observation, to protect them from any sortie that might be made from the postern of the faussebraye on the right, or even from the gate itself, while another party under an officer, lieutenant jennings, accompanied me as far as the tower so as to check any attempts that might have been made from the faussebraye on the left, and at the same time keeping up a fire on such of the enemy as showed their heads above the parapet; of this party one man was killed and a few wounded. nothing could have been more gallant than the conduct of lieutenants durand and mcleod, and the men under their command; or more efficient than the manner in which they executed their duty. the powder being in sand bags of a very coarse open texture, a long hose and port fire was thought to be the safest method of firing it. the end of the hose fortunately just reached the small postern. the casualties, however, during this operation were much fewer than was expected, being in all one private killed, two sergeants, and twenty-three rank and file wounded. the heaviest fire was certainly outside the bridge, for the enemy near the gateway being marked, whenever they attempted to shew their heads above the parapet, were obliged to confine themselves to the loop-holes, the range from which is very uncertain and limited against men moving about. a high loop-holed wall, although imposing in appearance, is a profile but ill adapted to resist attacks of this nature. the enemy were perfectly aware that we were in the gateway, but appeared to have no idea of the nature of our operations. had they been so they might easily have rendered it impossible to place the powder bags, by throwing over blue lights, of which they had a large quantity in store. the powder pots and other fire works so much used by the natives of hindoostan would certainly have rendered the confined space leading to the gate much too hot for such an operation; but the ignorance of the besieged was known and calculated upon, the result shows how justly. their attempts at resistance were confined to the fire from the loopholes and throwing over large pieces of earth, some of which appeared to be intended to knock off the port fire. i on this occasion received an excellent lesson on the necessity of not allowing preconceived opinions to lead to any carelessness, in accurately ascertaining the result of any operation of this nature. the gateway appeared, from what i had seen from the hills to the north, to lead straight into the town, and on running in to examine it after the explosion i was so much impressed with this idea and so much convinced of the probability of the gateway having been blocked up during the day, that i was led to believe that it had actually been done, from seeing, in front of the gate that had been destroyed, the outline of an arch filled up with brick masonry. the true entrance turned to the right and would have been discovered by advancing a few paces, and that in perfect safety, for the interior was secure from all fire. lieutenant durand on first going up saw from through the chinks of the gate that there was a light and a guard immediately behind it, and from that circumstance was convinced that no interior obstacles of importance existed. my mistake therefore was luckily immediately corrected without any bad consequence resulting. a party of sappers with felling axes, and commanded by lieutenant wemyss, and two scaling ladders in charge of lieutenant pigan, accompanied the assaulting column. of ten engineer officers engaged in this attack, only one, lieutenant marriot, was slightly wounded. captain thompson however had a very narrow escape, having been thrown down by a rush of some swordsmen into the gateway, and nearly sabred while upon the ground." chapter viii. an affghan heroine.--capture of hyder khan the commandant of ghuznee.--escape of ghool mahommed khan.--discovery of a map on the person of an affghan chief.--description of the affghan women.--the ruling passion.--treasuretrove.--the golden shield.--chase of the enemy.--just retribution. the cavalry taking no part in these operations i was an idle, but not the less an anxious spectator of the scene. i had never before witnessed effects so awfully grand, or so intensely exciting in their nature as those which immediately preceded and followed the explosion at the gates. the atmosphere was illuminated by sudden and powerful flashes of various coloured light which exposed the walls and bastions of the fortress to view, and revealed the dusky figures of the garrison, in the act of pointing their guns, or endeavouring to penetrate the denseness of the obscurity beneath, in order to assure themselves of the position of their assailants. then followed the din and roar of artillery--the terrific explosion of the gates--the crash of woodwork and masonry--the hollow rumbling of the old towers as they came in huge masses to the ground--the rush of the storming party through the breach, and the deafening cheers and shouts of besiegers and besieged. it seemed as if all the elements of destruction had been let loose at once, and yet i panted to be in the midst of them. i hardly dared to breathe from the very intenseness of my anxiety, and it was not till i saw the british flag floating from the citadel, that i could respire freely. to the soldier there is nothing more trying or chafing than to be condemned to a state of inaction during the progress of such spirit-stirring events as these. while the affghans were disputing our entrance into the citadel an incident occurred, which for a moment diverted the attention of the combatants and turned their fury into pity. amongst the foremost of the party who signalised themselves by their desperate gallantry was an aged chieftain, the richness of whose costume excited general attention, his turban and weapons being resplendent with jewels. the hope of plunder immediately marked him out as an object of attack, and numbers at once assailed him. he defended himself like a man who knew there was no chance of life, but who was resolved to sell it as dearly as he could. he had killed several of the queen's royals and severely wounded captain robinson, when a grenadier of the company to which the latter belonged, seeing his officer in danger, rushed to his assistance, and with a thrust of his bayonet brought the gallant old chieftain to the ground. the grenadier was about to despatch him, when a beautiful girl, about seventeen, threw herself into the _mêlée_ and plunged a dagger in his breast. she then cast herself on the body of the chieftain, for the purpose of protecting it, and the affghans, forming a sort of rampart before them, maintained their ground until the heroic girl succeeded in getting it conveyed into the interior of the citadel. shortly after the place was taken she was found weeping over the remains of the brave old man, who, on enquiry, we learned was her father. she was treated with the utmost respect and tenderness by our men, who neither obtruded themselves on her grief nor offered any interruption to the preparations which she made for his interment. amongst the prisoners who fell into our hands was hyder khan, a son of dost mahommed, and late commandant of the fortress. this chief was discovered hiding in a privy by a soldier of the queen's royals, who would have bayonetted him but for the timely interference of one of his officers, who chanced to be near the spot. the affghan leader was immediately brought before sir john keane, and the shah being present rated him soundly for his treachery. he replied only by a haughty look of defiance, and was consigned to a tent closely guarded by sepoys. the sword found upon this chief, and which is at present in the possession of sir john keane, was valued at 14,000 rupees. of the many prisoners we had taken, the capture of none afforded such gratification as that of ghool mahommed khan, to whose bad faith some of our past privations had been owing. this chief had entered into a contract with sir alexander burnes, to establish magazines of provisions and corn at quettah, for the use of the british troops, and five thousand rupees were paid over to him for the purpose. he purchased up all the corn of the surrounding districts, but instead of fulfilling his agreement he forwarded it to ghuznee for the use of the garrison, and was amongst the most conspicuous defenders of the fortress. on being brought before the shah his majesty ordered him to be bowstringed, but before the sentence could be carried into effect he managed to escape. his treachery failed in its object, for the greater portion of the flour and grain which he had supplied now fell into our hands. we also found from five to six hundred horses in the stables of the fortress, all of which were in excellent condition, and ranging in value from seventy to a hundred pounds each. i entered the fort shortly after it surrendered and at every step spectacles of the most shocking and revolting nature met the eye. round a long twenty pounder, which was planted to the right of the entrance, lay heaps of dead affghans, who appeared to have attached the greatest importance to the service of this piece from the numbers who crowded to perform the duty whenever our fire killed those engaged in it. the agonising cries and groans of the wounded wretches who lay stretched at every side, and who craved drink to sate their burning thirst, struck those who had not been engaged in the fearful excitement of the scene with horror and pity, whilst at every turning a horse, wild with the injuries he had received, was to be met galloping furiously along the narrow streets, and treading the bodies of the dying and dead under foot. advancing through the bazaar, my attention was drawn towards a venerable looking affghan, who was seated on the ground with his back propped against a wall, and whose richly ornamented muslin robes were stained with blood, which flowed profusely from a wound in his breast. a fine looking youth of about fourteen years of age was attempting to stanch it, and i hastened to proffer my assistance. the old man, however, pushed me back, and would not let me approach him, plainly indicating by his gestures that he held me and my countrymen in abhorrence. whilst standing at a short distance from him, a straggling ball came whizzing past me, whether intentionally or accidentally i cannot say, and put an end to his sufferings. some soldiers, who afterwards examined the person of this old chief, for such from his attire i took him to be, discovered amongst other things an extremely well executed map, on which the whole of the route of our troops from the point at which we had disembarked to our arrival at ghuznee was plainly indicated. some of the affghan women were occasionally to be met turning over the bodies of the dead, in the hope of being able to discover their relations or friends, and giving way to their grief in the most heart-rending lamentations. they were the most superior class of women i had as yet seen amongst the asiatics, their features being regular, and finely formed, and their eyes piercing, but at the same time soft in their expression. although nothing like violence was used towards them, they did not escape some incivilities at the hands of our men, owing to the fact that a number of affghan soldiers had attempted to escape in female disguise. various were the adventures related amongst us, as having occurred on the first entrance of our troops into the fortress. a scotchman, belonging to my own regiment, named james hamilton, who was known to be an inveterate snuff-taker was discovered in a tobacconist's shop in the bazaar literally covered from head to foot with the contents of the _chatties_ or jars with which it was filled, and testing the qualities of each with an air of the most exquisite relish, his nose having been long a stranger to its favourite aliment. the ruling passion was exemplified in different ways in others. some sought for drink, of which there was little to be obtained and others for gold, which we had every reason to believe was plentiful, if we knew but where to find it. a soldier of the 13th light infantry, more fortunate than his fellows, lit unexpectedly on a jar which was filled to the brim with gold pieces to the value it is said of £600 sterling, and conveyed it secretly to the camp. becoming apprehensive that this large sum would be discovered on him, and that he would be obliged to give it up to the prize agent, he distributed it amongst several of his comrades in order that they might take care of it. the possession of so much wealth turning the heads of his trustees they thought they might allow themselves a few indulgences at his expence, but their excesses ultimately betrayed the secret and they were compelled to hand over the money to the common fund. as the soldiers severally left the fortress to return to the camp they were stripped of the plunder which they had obtained, and a goodly heap of armour and weapons of every kind was soon piled before the entrance. amongst the number of curious articles obtained in this way was an old shield, which had belonged to one of the affghan chiefs and which, though remarkable for the oddness of its construction, presented little else to attract the eye. its material appeared to be a compound of copper and some white metal, and it was thrown aside by the prize agent amongst the most valueless of the objects which fell under his care. a soldier of the bengal european regiment, who had been a jeweller by trade, happened to observe the circumstance, and carelessly taking up the shield, as if to examine the devices with which it was ornamented, scrutinized it for some time, and went away without making the slightest observation. he immediately repaired to the captain of his company, and told him to bid for the shield at the prize sale which was to take place a few days afterwards, advising him not to stop at any reasonable price for it. the officer acted on the hint, and obtained the article for about thirty or forty rupees. the shield turned out to be of the purest and finest gold, and the fortunate possessor felt so grateful to his informant that he made him a present sufficient to purchase his discharge, and carry him home to england. amongst the different ensigns captured from the enemy on this occasion were two banners of green and crimson silk, trimmed with gold lace and inscribed with precepts from the koran. they were desperately defended, the affghans appearing to attach great importance to their safety. they are, i believe, at present in the possession of her majesty's 17th light infantry, and the bengal european regiment. shortly after the breach had been effected intelligence was brought to the commander-in-chief, that numbers of the enemy were making their escape through one of the back gates. he immediately dispatched the 1st bombay light cavalry in pursuit. the affghans being daring horsemen, and better mounted than our men, made at once for the hills, where they knew our cavalry could not follow. aware of this our men put their horses to their utmost speed, in order to intercept them before they got entangled in the defiles. the chase soon assumed a character of lively interest. an affghan, worse mounted, or less skilled in horsemanship than his fellows, was overtaken and cut down, and the pursuers pressed hard on the heels of another. the cheers of his enemies, and the clatter of their horses' hoofs sounding fearfully near in the ears of the pursued he put the noble animal on which he was mounted to its utmost speed, and cleared the space between him and his companions at a bound rather than a gallop. again he was almost within reach of the sabres of our men, and again did the fleetness of his horse place him for a time in safety. as he was about to plunge into a deep ravine after the other fugitives a shot brought his horse upon its knees, and the rider was flung upon his head. all now seemed over with him. starting, however, to his feet, he turned upon his pursuers, and single handed opposed a host of them. warding off the blows which rained on him from every side, he kept rapidly retreating until he gained the brow of a steep declivity over which he flung himself and was instantly lost to view. disappointed in their pursuit, our men took an unmanly revenge on some peasants who were peaceably engaged in agricultural occupations near the spot. one of these wanton acts of cruelty met with a just retribution. a havildar or serjeant, seeing a young affghan following the plough at a little distance, galloped up, and made several cuts at him with his sabre. the young man ran to the other side of the plough, and placed the serjeant at bay. the latter drew a pistol from his holster, and was about to shoot him, when his horse stumbled over the plough and fell on his side, breaking the leg of the havildar and pinning him at the same time firmly to the ground. the affghan seized the sword which had fallen from his grasp, and dealt him a blow on the head which instantly killed him. the comrades of the dead man riding up surrounded and captured the peasant, and he was brought into camp to abide the decision of the commander-in-chief. a representation having been made to sir john keane of the wanton and unprovoked attack which had been made upon the prisoner, he immediately ordered him to be liberated. the havildar was interred on the spot where he fell and there were few in the army who pitied or regretted him. chapter ix. attempt to assassinate the shah.--court martial on an affghan chief.--visit to the hospital at ghuznee.--hatred of the affghans towards the native troops.--departure from ghuznee.--capture of a battery and fatal accident.--summary punishment.--arrival at cabul.--pursuit of dost mahommed and treachery of a native chief.--description of cabul.--the balar hissar.--mosque of the emperor baber.--the bazaar. a few days after the taking of ghuznee a tragical scene occurred, which pretty clearly indicated how the tide of popular feeling ran with regard to the restored monarch. there is a poetical superstition that approaching events are often foreshadowed, and the circumstance to which i allude seemed to impress every man's mind at the time with the result that has since happened. the majority of the prisoners who fell into our hands were released on condition of their serving in the shah's army, but there remained about thirty who refused to accept of their liberty on such terms. they consisted for the most part of the immediate followers of dost mahommed's father-in-law, and were devotedly attached to that prince. the shah, on learning the circumstance ordered them to be brought before him, and expostulated with them on the folly of their conduct. a chief of haughty bearing stepped from amongst the prisoners, and after overwhelming his majesty with reproaches, told him that nothing should induce him to enter the service of a man who had brought the horrors of foreign invasion on his country. then suddenly snatching a dagger from one of the attendants, he rushed with uplifted arm towards the shah, and would have pierced him to the heart had not one of his majesty's servants interposed his person, and received the blow intended for his master. the faithful domestic fell dead at the feet of the shah, and the officers and attendants instantly rushed towards the assassin with drawn swords; but he had already anticipated their intention by plunging the poniard in his breast. the shah, alarmed and exasperated, ordered the whole of the prisoners to be immediately executed, and in a few minutes their heads were rolling in the dust. this terrible scene created great alarm in the camp, it being at first reported that his majesty had been assassinated, but the apprehensions to which it gave rise were soon dispelled, by his publicly making his appearance amongst us. a chief, named walla mahommed, who had persisted in firing on the troops several hours after the taking of the fort, and in spite of repeated summonses to surrender, was brought to a court martial by order of the commander-in-chief, and sentenced to be shot within the walls of the fortress. he had killed three or four of our men, and wounded one of the native officers by his obstinate folly. he met his fate with the most perfect indifference, for the fear of death cannot be said to be one of the weaknesses of the affghan character. i one day paid a visit, with some of my comrades, to the hospital where the wounded affghans had been carried by their friends. it was situated in the old town, and consisted of a mud hut, whose thatched roof was broken in several places, and afforded little or no shelter against the heat of the sun. the interior was as filthy and disgusting as it is possible to conceive. into a space of about thirty feet by twelve, were crowded from seventy to a hundred patients, who were disabled by wounds of every description, their sufferings being aggravated tenfold, by the intolerable heat and stench of the place. they were attended by two elderly men and a youth about fifteen years of age, who were busily engaged dressing their wounds, whilst a faquir was performing certain charms, by which he pretended he could restore them to health. pitiable and disgusting as the scene was i could not help laughing at the mummeries of the fellow. he first placed some cow dung in the hand of the sufferer, and holding it in his, saturated it with water and compelled the patient to smell it. he then wound up the ceremony by repeating some prayers over the fumes of a charcoal pan, the patient repeating after him certain responses which he directed him to make. this done, he covered him up with an old blanket, and ordered him to lay quiet for several hours, when the cure would be complete. having of course received a consideration for all this trouble, he left his patients to the progress of the charm, and the discovery, when too late, that they had been grossly duped. happening to have a quantity of apples with me which i had just plucked from one of the orchards in the vicinity, i offered them to the sufferers in the hope that they would in some degree refresh them. they accepted them with eagerness which induced some sepoys who were with me to follow my example. the affghans indignantly refused to receive anything at their hands, and so great was their hatred of the native troops, that they actually spat upon the men who showed them this kindness. early in august we resumed our march towards cabul, leaving the whole of our sick and wounded in garrison at ghuznee. it was reported that dost mahommed intended to dispute every inch of ground to the capital, but these valiant resolutions were abandoned as soon as formed. the only indication of a preconcerted plan of defence which we met with on the route, was a battery of sixteen field pieces which we found planted on an eminence commanding the entrance to a formidable pass about midway between ghuznee and cabul, but which had been deserted by the enemy as soon as our advanced columns made their appearance. a party of the horse artillery having been sent to secure the guns and ammunition, an accident took place which was attended with fatal consequences. one of the men having approached a tumbrel with a lighted pipe a spark fell into it and the whole blew up with a tremendous explosion, killing two of the party and severely injuring another. the conduct of the inhabitants of the different villages along this route, whether influenced by good will or fear, i cannot take upon myself to say, was friendly and well disposed towards us. this did not however prevent some excesses on the part of the native troops, which sir john keane sought to repress by issuing an order forbidding the men from robbing the villagers on pain of death. at chesgow, about two days march from ghuznee, a soldier belonging to the 2nd bengal light cavalry was observed thieving in the immediate vicinity of the staff lines, and one of sir john's aides de camps who watched his proceedings took a gun from his tent and deliberately lodged its contents in his side. the unfortunate man died of the wound, after lingering a few days. the extreme severity of the punishment and its informal nature, were bitterly canvassed amongst the native troops, but it nevertheless had the effect of preventing a repetition of the offence. early on the morning of the 7th of august, we encamped without opposition under the walls of cabul, dost mahommed and his forces having fled to the hills at the first news of our approach. the commander-in-chief being desirous of securing the person of the usurper, immediately despatched captain outram, and hadji khan, a chief supposed to be well affected towards shah soojah, with a thousand affghans and a hundred native cavalry in pursuit. they had not proceeded far from the camp when it became evident to captain outram that treachery was secretly at work, the affghans deserting daily, until their number was diminished to about five hundred. hadji khan, to whose guidance the force was entrusted, led it by long and circuitous routes, under pretence that they would thereby more easily intercept the fugitives, and turned a deaf ear to the captain's entreaties that they should proceed directly across the hills. wherever a rapid movement became necessary, the affghan managed so that his followers should be delayed on the route, and there was no sort of impediment that craft or ingenuity could suggest that he did not employ to retard the progress of the troops. captain outram having no authority to act without the aid of the khan was obliged to shut his eyes to these manoeuvres, and succeeded after the most urgent persuasion in inducing the affghan chief to proceed at once to the hills, with a small detachment. after traversing the highest parts of the hindoo kosh, a chain of mountains, fifteen thousand feet above the level of the sea, and extending as far as bamean, captain outram found that dost mahommed had taken refuge in the territories of an independent uzbeck chieftain then at enmity with the shah. whilst crossing the heights several blue lights were thrown up by the orders of hadji khan, which the british had reason to believe were intended to give warning to the enemy. further pursuit through a difficult and hostile territory became of course out of the question, and the horses being worn out from want of forage and rest, orders were given for the return of the party to cabul. during the march homeward hadji khan contrived to give the british the slip, and made off to the hills, rightly calculating that his equivocal conduct would be severely punished by the shah. he was, however, captured before the british left cabul, and sentenced to imprisonment for life. it was said that the commander-in-chief was dissatisfied with the conduct of captain outram in this affair, and that he pointedly passed over his name in the official despatches to mark his displeasure. as several descriptions of cabul have been published it will only be necessary for me to give such of its leading features as are essential to the completeness of my narrative. the city lies almost in the centre of a semicircular chain of hills, the valley in which it is situated being watered by a noble river which pursues a serpentine and picturesque route through it, and divides the town in nearly equal parts. the bazaar stands at the base of a lofty mountain, up whose rugged sides straggle rude and irregular fortifications of no great strength or importance. the town itself covers a considerable extent of ground, and the streets are in general regular and well built as compared with the other cities of asia. towering high above the other buildings may be observed the mosque and balar hissar or palace of the sovereign. the latter is surrounded by beautiful gardens and is entered by a large flagged court-way leading to the principal portal of the edifice. the proportions of the building are on a scale commensurate with royalty, the centre being surmounted by a lofty dome, and the wings of vast extent. the right wing contains the stabling of the shah and chambers of the household, and the left is appropriated to the sovereign's own use. the general effect of this building is heavy, and it conveys the idea of a prison rather than a palace. about half a mile to the right of the palace stands the mosque which contains the remains of the emperor baber. this temple is one of the finest i have seen in this part of asia, being of great architectural beauty and noble proportions. it is entirely composed of richly carved stone-work, and is crowned by a number of graceful spires and minarets. the interior is magnificently ornamented with gilding and sculpture, and the pavement is composed of rich mosaics of various coloured marbles. the tomb containing the remains of the emperor occupies the centre of the mosque, and is less elaborately ornamented than any other part of it, being composed of plain slabs of white marble on which some extracts from the koran are inscribed. the bazaar is of circular form, the streets composing it radiating from an open space in its centre, and presenting a thronged and busy aspect. the principal articles of merchandize which attracted our notice were cashmere shawls of the richest and most expensive patterns, and costly silks of every description. a considerable trade is also carried on in preserved fruits, which find their way from here to the most distant parts of hindostan. in the fruit market we observed grapes which measured nearly two inches in circumference; peaches, whose rich bloom and luscious quality gratified at once the eye and the palate; and strawberries, such as the hot houses of europe, and all the inventions of horticultural science could not force into existence. as to apples and pears, fruits prized in the western hemisphere, they were in such abundance and of such low price, that they were only deemed worthy of furnishing food for cattle. almost all the necessaries of life were in equal profusion, beef fetching only a penny, and mutton twopence the pound. it may be readily imagined that to the tired and half-starved soldier, cabul appeared almost a second land of promise. chapter x. triumphant entry of shah soojah into cabul.--the cabul races.--death of brigadier general arnold.--sale of the general's effects.--arrival of prince timour.--the sikhs.--murder of colonel herring.--arrival of money and supplies from the upper provinces. it having been announced that early on the morning of the 8th of august the shah would take formal possession of the balar hissar, the troops were under arms and in review order at ten o'clock. the commander-in-chief, the politicals, and the whole of the general officers and staff rode up, shortly after, to the tent of his majesty, at which i happened that morning to be stationed as orderly, and were kept waiting some time. sir william mcnaghten and sir alexander burnes were at length summoned to the shah's presence, and having remained with him a few minutes, they came out and informed the commander-in-chief, it was his majesty's pleasure that the ceremony should be postponed until three o'clock the same afternoon. the reason assigned for this alteration was understood to be an augury pronounced by his majesty's priests or soothsayers, that the hour was unpropitious, an opinion in which the troops devoutly concurred, the prospect of broiling for several hours under a meridian sun not being extremely agreeable. at the appointed hour the troops were again under arms, and salvoes of artillery announced the shah's departure from his tent. his majesty was, as usual, borne on an elephant, the howdah of which was of silver, and the caparisons crimson and gold. on each side of him sat sir william mc naghten and sir alexander burnes, the former attired in the same court dress which he had worn at candahar. his majesty appeared in excellent health and spirits, and addressed much of his conversation to sir alexander burnes, who seemed to be high in his favour. the shah's costume was, as usual, magnificent, his turban being ornamented with a single diamond, whose value was estimated at £100,000. immediately after came six elephants, containing the ministers and household of the shah, and then followed the commander-in-chief, with the whole of the general officers and staff in brilliant uniforms, and decorated with their various orders. the next feature in the procession, and a ludicrous one it was, was the appearance of two burly-looking fellows, dressed in red and yellow, and wearing conical caps, out of which shot two large horns. we at first supposed they were his highness's jesters, but instead of that they turned out to be his executioners, functionaries far more essential to the comfort of an asiatic prince. the shah's troops, consisting of two thousand infantry, brought up the rear, our own lining the route along which the procession passed. on approaching the city his highness was received with loud acclamations by the populace, who gave expression to their satisfaction in barbarous music and salvoes of small fire arms. many of the houses were decorated with flowers, and the windows were crowded with spectators. at the entrance, and in the courts of the palace, was stationed a body of about 250 horsemen, whose steel armour and splendid horses gave them a martial and imposing appearance. they received us with stern and scowling looks, which plainly indicated that their hearts were not in the ceremony which they were compelled to sanction by their presence. on the shah's entrance into the palace he held a durbar, at which all the british officers were presented to him, and his majesty took the opportunity of expressing to them individually and collectively his thanks for the exertions which they had made to replace him on his throne. we had several reviews of the troops during our stay at cabul, and on each occasion we were honoured by the shah's presence. in order to give his highness some notion of an english horse race, it was agreed that the officers should get up sweepstakes amongst themselves, which the shah no sooner heard of, than he added a splendid gold hilted sword with damascus blade. this increased the spirit of competition, and the derby or oaks was never looked forward to with more eager interest. the place selected for the course was a level plain immediately beyond our lines, and about a mile and a half from the city. from sixteen to twenty horses belonging to the officers of the different regiments were entered for the sword, and it was resolved that three heats should be run for it, the first six horses of the first heat being privileged to run the second, and the third heat being limited to the first and second horses of the second heat. it was agreed that the sweepstakes, which amounted to a considerable sum, should be divided into three parts, for the different breeds and ages of cattle so as to prolong the sport for three or four days. six o'clock in the evening being the time fixed for the commencement of the races, the course became crowded, long before that hour, with anxious spectators, the natives not being amongst the least eager lookers on at this, to them, novel scene. the shah took up his position near the winning post, attended by the politicals, and the commander-in-chief, but his majesty did not appear to take much interest in the sport, and he left the course before it was half over. the officers rode their own horses and turned out in gay striped jackets and jockey caps; so that but for the dark faces and turbaned heads which every where encountered the eye it would not have been difficult to imagine ourselves suddenly transported to ascot or epsom. the word having been given, away started the competitors in high blood and spirits; and as the rider belonging to some particular regiment passed the others in his career, the men composing it enthusiastically cheered and hurraed him, others taking up their shouts as their favourite passed him in turn, this military favouritism imparting to the contest a degree of wild excitement such as i have never witnessed on any similar occasion. the second heat was still more warmly contested, as, according to the regulations above mentioned only the two foremost horses could be entered for the third. major daly of the 4th light dragoons, and an officer of the 16th lancers, whose name i now forget, obtained the precedence, after a hard struggle, the race being a neck and neck one the entire way. as the two successful officers belonged to different divisions, one to the bengal and the other to the bombay army, the partizanship which before had been only regimental now extended to the two armies, and "bravo bengal," "bravo bombay," burst at every moment from the eager multitudes assembled, as the riders alternately passed or repassed each other in the final heat. after a contest in which the competitors themselves almost appeared to feel the influence which pervaded the crowd, and to think that the honor of their respective divisions depended upon their success, major daly gained the race by about a neck, and was handed the sword amid the delighted cheers of the bombay troops and the congratulations of his brother officers. the races continued two days longer, and afforded a pleasant recreation to the men after the fatiguing and harassing duties of the last few months. brigadier general arnold of the army of the indus, having been long suffering under a liver complaint, breathed his last at cabul shortly after our arrival there. this officer was distinguished for his qualities as a _bon vivant_, and having laid in a good store of necessaries for the campaign, was the only one almost who fared well amidst the general privations. he kept an excellent table along the route, and an invitation to it, was always regarded as amongst the lucky chances by which fortune signified her favour. good living could not however protect the general against disease, and he fell ill at candahar of a malady which is often said to be the result of it. he was carried from candahar to cabul in a palankeen, and took no part whatever in the events which occurred between those places. his remains were interred in the armenian burial ground, outside the walls of the city, and his effects were publicly sold by auction a few days after. the general had left bengal with about eighty camels laden with baggage and necessaries, of which about five and twenty remained at the time of the sale. his trunks were filled with quantities of plate, a goodly provision of snuff and cigars, and such an immense stock of linen that it occupied two days of the sale. his cooking apparatus was most elaborate and ingenious, and we could not help wondering at the uses to which the infinite varieties of small and curious articles of which it was composed were devoted. the prices at which these effects were sold will appear incredible to the european reader, but it must be remembered that it was the scarcity, in fact the almost total impossibility of getting them, that enhanced their value. the cigars sold at the rate of about two shillings and six pence each, the snuff at ten shillings an ounce, a few bottles of beer, a liquor of which no other officer in the army possessed a drop, at thirty shillings each, and some choice wines at from three to four pounds the bottle. the other things brought proportionate prices, the shirts fetching from thirty to forty shillings each. the amount realised at this sale must have been enormous. prince timour, the eldest son of shah soojah, arrived at cabul early in september, escorted by the troops of runjeet singh. we expected to find the sikhs an undisciplined horde of barbarians, but they turned out on the contrary to be nearly as well organized as ourselves, being disciplined by french officers, and marching with the same order and regularity as a european regiment. each division was headed by an excellent military band and officered by the same number of grades as ourselves. the men were in general about the middle height, and not so muscular or well formed as the affghans. they are made, however, of the right material for the soldier, being brave, orderly, and tractable, and though they may be considered in some respects inferior to the european troops, they are in my opinion, equal if not superior, to the sepoys. a detachment consisting of the 4th light dragoons, the 16th lancers, and her majesty's queen's royals, under the command of major-general sir thomas wiltshire, was despatched to receive the prince with fitting honors. he was met at a short distance from the town by the british escort, and conducted to the palace amid salvoes of artillery. the prince was a fine youth about one or two and twenty, with a frank expression of countenance and affable manners. the meeting between him and his royal father was said to be extremely affecting, and the prince was unceasing in his expressions of gratitude to the british for bringing about this happy reunion. large supplies of arrack, biscuits, and rice, together with money to pay the troops, having been promised from the upper provinces, their arrival was looked forward to with some anxiety in the camp, as we could not leave cabul without them. information was at length received that colonel herring was on his way through the punjaub, and after a tedious and harassing journey, in which he had to encounter frequent opposition to his progress from the mountain tribes, he at length reached hyder khail within one day's march of cabul. riding out alone next morning, for the purpose of inspecting the country, the colonel was set upon by a body of affghans and barbarously murdered, his body being plundered of every article of value he had about him, and his horse carried off. his mutilated remains were found in the course of the day by some troopers, who had been sent out in search of him, and brought to cabul along with the stores, which reached that place in safety the same night. he was interred with military honours in the armenian burial-ground, on the following day. the deceased had been long in the service, and was a gallant and experienced officer. we heard that his murderers were captured shortly after we left cabul, and put to a dreadful death, by order of the shah. chapter xi. institution of the order of the doorannee empire.--murder of a private of the 13th light infantry.--departure from cabul.--return to ghuznee.--accident to the revd. mr. pigot.--discovery of the skeletons of british soldiers.--horse-steaks.--treachery of some ghiljie chiefs and destruction of their fort.--adventure of a dragoon.--loss of a cook. in order to testify his gratitude towards the british, the shah resolved to institute an order of merit, to be called the order of the doorannee empire, and to confer its respective grades upon three classes of officers, namely, generals, brigadier generals, and field officers. a durbar having been summoned, at which the ministers of state, the politicals, and a number of british officers were present, a chapter of the order was held, and his majesty, as sovereign, invested the commander-in-chief, several general and field officers, and the politicals with the decoration, which consisted of a sort of maltese cross with a jewel in the centre. his majesty was also pleased to express his desire that every officer, non-commissioned officer, and private soldier in the army should receive a silver medal, commemorative of the campaign, and for this purpose placed a large sum of money at the disposal of sir john keane. the queen's sanction has been obtained to the measure, but the medal has not as yet been issued. leave had been given by the officers in command of the different regiments to men entering the town to carry their side arms, as a protection in case of chance collision with the inhabitants. the facility of obtaining intoxicating liquors rendered this a contingency of not unlikely occurrence, and our men soon got themselves into unpleasant and in some instances dangerous scrapes. on one occasion, a private of the 13th light infantry having been drinking rather freely, forced himself into the apartments of the wife of a respectable inhabitant. proceeding to offer her some violence, her screams alarmed the neighbourhood, and the soldier was soon surrounded by a host of angry husbands and fathers, armed with every description of weapon. he defended himself with his bayonet for some time, contenting himself with merely parrying their blows, and had fought his way into the street, when he was met by several others of the townspeople, who set upon the unfortunate fellow and instantly despatched him. they secreted the body until night-fall, and then threw it outside the walls of the town, where it was discovered next morning. it having been determined that early in september part of the forces should set out on their return homeward, the choice fell upon her majesty's 17th foot, the 2nd or queen's royals, one company of foot artillery, a detachment of the 4th light dragoons, the 1st regiment of bombay light cavalry, and two troops of bombay horse artillery, the whole under the command of major general sir thomas wiltshire. it would naturally be supposed that after so long an absence from quarters, we hailed this intimation with something like pleasure, but such was far from being the fact. we had rioted in profusion and luxury, and did not relish the idea of again encountering the privations of the long and dreary route which lay between us and india. added to this we had seen but little of actual fighting, and the promotions had been consequently few. promotion and prize money are the all engrossing subjects of a soldier's ambition, and this speedy return put an end at once to our long cherished hopes. we well knew that the restless and turbulent spirit of the affghan chiefs would not permit them to remain long in subjection to shah soojah, and that there would consequently be more work for the british troops. regret and envy of our more fortunate comrades were therefore the predominant feelings which pervaded nearly the whole of the departing troops. we left cabul on the 14th of september, and arrived at ghuznee, the scene of our former exploits, after eight days' march, during which nothing worthy of mention occurred. it is astonishing how soon the traces of war disappear, and the living gaps caused by its ravages are filled up. the fortress appeared as perfect in its outline as if the hand of the destroyer had not recently passed over it, new gates having been substituted for those which had been damaged, and the breach immediately above them re-filled with masonry. the inhabitants of the bazaar had resumed their accustomed occupations, and scolded, and chaffered, and jested, and laughed, as if they had neither lost relatives nor friends, nor dabbled through mire freshly reeking with their blood. familiarity, they say, breeds contempt and blunts the feelings, and the asiatic, before whose eyes such scenes pass almost daily, thinks of them only as the immutable decrees of fate, which cannot be shunned, and ought not to be repined at. the sick and wounded, of whom we had left numbers at ghuznee, had almost all died, and were interred in an open space selected for the purpose outside the walls of the fortress. the last resting-place of our brave fellows is situated at the foot of one of the adjacent mountains, but neither stone nor inscription indicates the spot. the bengal regiment of native infantry, whom we found in garrison at ghuznee on our return, and whom we left after us, appeared to be quite as well reconciled to their quarters as we were at cabul, although the two places appeared to me vastly different in point of health and comfort. the majority of the inhabitants regarded the troops with a sort of sullen indifference, but the trading classes seemed civil enough. the quantities of fish and game with which the neighbourhood abounded, afforded the officers a ready means of dissipating their time, and we would have been well content to have remained here. orders were however given that we should pursue our route, and we left ghuznee on the 25th of september, after a stay of only two or three days. instead of diverging to the right towards candahar, we took the direct route to quettah, over the ghiljie hills. the weather had become intensely cold, and the rivers and streams were covered with ice, several inches in thickness. the rev. mr. pigot, our chaplain, happened to be crossing one of them on a pony, when the ice gave way with his weight, and the worthy clergyman was immersed in the water. the stream was not, however, so deep as to occasion any alarm for his safety, and he was speedily rescued from his embarrasment, with no other inconvenience than being kept shivering several hours in his wet clothes, his baggage being at a considerable distance in advance. the rascally native who preceded us as guide grinned maliciously, and told him that if he had not forgotten to say his prayers setting out the accident would not have happened. on encamping, at the close of the first day's march, from ghuznee, some soldiers belonging to the 17th infantry and queen's royals, went out in search of water, and met with a draw well, which proved to be dry. one of them descended in order to examine it more closely, and an exclamation of horror escaped him as he reached the bottom. on his companions enquiring the occasion of it, they learned that he had fallen upon several skeletons, the identity of which with some soldiers we had lost on the route upwards was placed beyond doubt by fragments of military clothing and regimental buttons which lay scattered about. singular to relate, a lark had built its nest in one of the skulls, and was found innocently reposing with its young in this curious receptacle. the annoyances to which we had been subjected during our route upwards, from the thieving system of warfare pursued by the affghans, seemed now at an end. our road lay through bleak and desolate hills, where only a solitary, and timid mountaineer was occasionally to be seen. numerous rivers and streams traversed this wild country in every direction, and relieved us from all apprehensions on the score of water. provisions were also plentiful, as the commissariat had taken care to lay in sufficient supplies, and the only inconvenience which we might be said to have experienced was the severe cold of the nights. the barren nature of the country rendered fuel difficult of obtainment, and the consequence was that numbers of the troops were carried off by dysentery. the march from ghuznee to quettah occupied about five weeks, and we thought we should never reach the end of these long chains of hills. always ascending and descending heights of no inconsiderable elevation, the horses became regularly knocked up with fatigue, and we were obliged to shoot numbers of them on the way. in a recess in one of these hills, i one day came upon a singular scene. about nine or ten of the natives were assembled around a dead horse and while part of them were cutting steaks from his haunches, the others were engaged cooking them. revolting as such a sight is to european stomachs, i have seen the time when, on our march upwards, i could have partaken of these same horse steaks with infinite relish. a few days before our arrival at quettah, we requited an atrocious act of treachery, which had been committed towards us by some ghiljie chiefs, with the punishment it richly merited. about one hundred camel drivers, who had left us at candahar, on our way to cabul, for the purpose of returning homewards, took their route over the hills we were now crossing in order to shorten the journey. they were met by the ghiljies with professions of friendship, and seduced into a mountain fort under the pretence of hospitality. they had no sooner entered its walls than their throats were all cut, and their bodies flung into deep wells for the purpose of concealing the massacre from the eyes of the british. information of the fact having been received, sir thomas wiltshire despatched a squadron of her majesty's 4th light dragoons, two companies of native infantry, and two pieces of artillery to raze the fortress to the ground. the cavalry started at two o'clock in the morning, and after a hard gallop of eighteen miles we arrived in front of the ghiljie strong-hold. it was a small but strongly constructed fortress, situated on the brow of a steep declivity and defended by strong wooden gates. the entrance was commanded by an old iron carronade, and a number of loopholes for the discharge of musketry. not a living soul was to be seen on the walls, and fearing some artifice, major daly, our commanding officer, resolved to suspend operations until the artillery came up. as soon as the latter made its appearance, and the guns were placed in a position to command the fort, major daly ordered part of the cavalry to dismount and proceed with loaded carbines to the gate, under cover of their fire. no opposition was, however, offered to us, the enemy having fled to the mountains, and the gates were forced open in a few minutes. the only inhabitants we found in the place were a few women and children, but we discovered quantities of the richest silks and carpets, beside arms and money (consisting principally of silver coins) the fortress being a sort of depot for the booty obtained by these highland marauders. one of the cavalry having entered a dwelling in search of plunder, was suddenly seized by two or three ghiljies, who unexpectedly made their appearance through a sort of trap, with which almost every house in the fort was furnished. they placed a bandage over his eyes, and were in the act of passing a rope round his arms, when the timely approach of some of his comrades saved him from being carried off as a prisoner, the enemy disappearing through the trap the moment they heard the noise of their footsteps at the entrance. the troopers would have willingly pursued them, but the depth and darkness of the subterraneous passage convinced them it was something more than a mere cellar, and they knew that if they once got involved in its windings they would be completely at the mercy of the enemy. it is probable that these passages had outlets without the walls, and that it was through them the enemy made their escape at the first news of our approach, the suddenness and quickness of our movements preventing them from taking their valuables with them. there was also abundance of cattle and grain, of which we brought off large supplies to the camp. orders having been given to the artillery to blow up the fortress, the women and children were sent out of it, and at five o'clock the same day the walls were breached, so as to render them completely useless, and the houses fired in all directions. after remaining to see that the work of destruction was complete, we quitted the place at three o'clock in the morning, and arrived the same day at the encampment. the enemy were not entirely without their revenge, for, following on our footsteps, and watching us closely, they contrived to carry off the cook, and three camels laden with the cooking utensils of the squadron, a loss which was severely felt, and by some thought ill compensated by the booty we had obtained. chapter xii. arrival at quettah.--storming of the fortress of khelat.--suicide of a trooper belonging to the horse artillery.--departure from quettah.--the bholun pass.--dadur.--bagh.--breaking out of the cholera.--death of doctor forbes.--shikarpoor.--death of captain ogle.--sukkur-bukkur.--death of lieutenant janvrin.--wedding ceremonies of the natives.--breaking up of the bombay column.--departure of brigadier scott.--boar hunt.--larkhana.--sehwan.--kurrachee.--feast of the mohurrum.--embarkation and arrival at bombay. we reached quettah on the 29th of october, and the army separated into two divisions there, one to proceed by the fortress of khelat, to punish the khan for the treacherous trick which he had played us on our way up, and the other to return homeward through the bholun pass. the force destined for military operations against khelat consisted of her majesty's 2nd or queen's royals, her majesty's 17th regiment of foot, the 35th bengal native infantry, one company of foot artillery, one troop of horse artillery, with the poona irregular horse, the whole under the command of major-general sir thomas wiltshire. as my detachment was not included in this expedition, owing to the fatigued condition of the horses, and the difficulty of procuring forage on the route, i can only describe the storming of khelat from the reports of those who were present at it. the fortress of khelat was very little inferior to ghuznee in point of strength, being defended by strong breastworks and mounted with large cannon. the garrison consisted of from twelve to fourteen hundred men, and there was abundance of provisions and ammunition in the place. after reconnoitring its position sir thomas wiltshire resolved on carrying it by storm, and the affair was a short but brilliant one. a battery was erected on one of the neighbouring heights, and a well directed fire soon brought the gates down. the stormers then rushed up the causeway under cover of our guns; but before they had reached the gateway, a heavy fire from the loopholes of the fortress killed from twenty to thirty of our troops, amongst whom was lieutenant gravatt, who was gallantly leading them on. a desperate hand to hand fight then ensued, the enemy resisting in dense masses, and disputing every inch of ground; but our men carried all before them, at the point of the bayonet, and drove the enemy into the interior of the fortress, where they were headed by the khan himself. the old chieftain fought with desperation and though frequently offered quarter, indignantly refused to accept it. he and the followers by whom he was surrounded were all bayonetted on the spot, and in about four hours the whole of the fortress was in the possession of our troops. in the immediate vicinity of the place where the khan was killed, a shocking spectacle presented itself. his favorite women, about twelve or fourteen in number, lay heaped together in a pool of blood, their throats having been cut by order of the khan, to prevent their falling into our hands. a large quantity of treasure, consisting of specie and jewels, was found in the citadel, and had the cavalry been present more would have fallen into the hands of our troops, as the enemy were observed despatching it to the hills, on camels, through one of the back gates, during the heat of the assault. amongst the various effects which were captured on this occasion were several boxes of arms and accoutrements, which had been plundered from us on our way to cabul, and a telescope and some books, which had belonged to one of our officers. cattle and grain were also found in great abundance, and proved of no small service to the division, on its route homeward, through the gundava pass. the fortress was completely dismantled before the departure of the troops, and the chiefs and other prisoners liberated on promising allegiance to the shah. amongst the residents whom we found at quettah on our arrival was a bombay parsee, who had ventured up to that place with supplies, consisting of tea, sugar, hams, brandy, beer, wines, and other necessaries. to the soldier as well as the officer these articles were a welcome treat, and having plenty of money to purchase them we soon exhausted the stores of the enterprising trader who had reason to congratulate himself on the successful issue of his trip. the morning previous to our departure a suicide occurred under circumstances which gave rise to the suspicion that the wretched perpetrator of it intended to have preluded it by the crime of murder. a trooper belonging to the horse artillery was placed under arrest for some trifling neglect of duty, and as soon as he was liberated he took a loaded pistol and went directly to the tent of the adjutant of his corps who had fortunately quitted it a few minutes before. the disappointed trooper returned to his lines and immediately blew his own brains out. we left quettah on the 1st of november, about nine o'clock at night, taking with us the sick who had been left behind on our way to cabul, and who were now sufficiently restored to proceed homeward. in consequence of the scarcity of water on the route we were obliged to make a forced march of eight and twenty miles, and reached the entrance to the bholun pass at six o'clock the next morning. we entertained a lively recollection of the reception we had met with on our former passage through this defile, and now felt some misgivings that we should not be allowed to retrace our steps without a repetition of the favours which were then so liberally showered upon us. to our great gratification and contentment, however, the belochees offered us no sort of obstruction, and could they have facilitated our progress through their country, would, i have little doubt, been well inclined to do so. we occasionally caught glimpses of them watching our movements at a respectful distance, but they never ventured within musket shot during the whole of our passage. we lost two or three men from sickness before we cleared the defile, and found it almost impossible to inter them from the stony nature of the strata with which the whole of this district is covered. quitting the bholun we proceeded to dadur, and thence to bagh, through a jungle abounding with every sort of game, but more particularly deer and wild boar. the troops made their way with considerable difficulty through the intricacies of this entangled route, the pioneers being in constant requisition to clear a passage for them. on the 24th of november we arrived at bagh, a village situated at the cabul side of the desert, elsewhere described. the place consists of a few miserable huts, surrounded by fields of joharra, and containing only one tank of stagnant water. doctor forbes, of the 1st light cavalry, an officer universally esteemed for his benevolence, hearing that the natives were dying in numbers of the cholera, immediately hastened to the village to tender his services. he was seized by the epidemic and returned to his quarters in a dying state. the unfortunate gentleman expired in a few hours afterwards, and was interred the same day. five or six of the european troops were attacked in like manner, and were immediately hurried to the hospital tents, where two of them died, but the others struggled successfully against the disease. brigadier scott, taking alarm at these unequivocal evidences of malaria, gave orders that we should proceed across the desert without a moment's delay, and we accordingly struck our tents at four o'clock the same day, carrying our sick along with us. on reaching the extremity of the desert we found the 1st regiment of bombay grenadiers, with a large convoy of provisions and stores for the use of the army. these supplies should have reached us at the other side of the bholun, but the escort had been attacked by the cholera on the route, and were obliged to remain stationary until the disease had abated. we found them nearly all convalescent and about to continue their route. we took from them a stock of provisions, and pursued our march. we arrived at shikarpoor with a great number of sick who had fallen ill of the epidemic on the way, and it was resolved that we should remain here a few days. shikarpoor is a large well built town, and contains two fine mosques, several roofed bazaars, and two or three large manufactories. the british resident has a fine house here, the gardens of which are tastefully laid out in the european style. notwithstanding the clean looking appearance of the town it is far from being healthy, and from ten to twelve of our troops were daily carried off by the cholera during our stay. amongst the number was captain ogle of the 4th light dragoons, who fell a victim to his humanity in visiting the sick of his troop. this lamented gentleman was only in his thirtieth year, and was a great favourite with his corps. he was unfortunately a married man, and had been looking forward with feelings of eager anticipation to his reunion with his family. being of a buoyant and joyous temperament, his loss was felt severely in the circle of his brother officers; his ready jest and imperturbable good humour rendering him the life and soul of the mess table. captain ogle looked upon the private soldier as something more than a mere automaton placed at his disposal, and whilst he had always a due regard for the discipline of the service, he exercised the power entrusted to him with humanity and judgment, the act in which he lost his life being but the last of a countless series of generous and disinterested offices which he was in the habit of performing for those under his command. few men have left behind them a memory so associated with every thing that is valuable and estimable in social and military life. leaving shikarpoor, on the 27th of november, we arrived on the following day at sukkur bukkur, a town situated on the banks of the indus, and having its citadel on a rock in the centre of the river. the cholera rapidly disappeared here; but we sustained another loss in the person of lieutenant janvrin, the acting quarter-master of our detachment, who was carried off by the small-pox. on the opposite bank of the river lies roree, a village remarkable only for its manufactures, which consist principally of silks. several of us having obtained leave to visit the place, we were strolling through the bazaar, when we observed preparations for a wedding in progress. taking up a position which enabled us to see what was passing, without obtruding on the parties concerned, we waited patiently until the ceremonies commenced. at the expiration of about a quarter of an hour the bridegroom made his appearance in front of the house which contained his betrothed, and both in person and attire he was all that a native belle could have desired. he was a fine, muscular looking fellow of about seven or eight and twenty, with handsome features and bold and jaunty air. he was dressed in a loose robe, of spotless white, and without any ornaments or weapons whatsoever. proceeding directly to the door of the house which contained his dulcinea he knocked at it three times with the knuckles of his right hand and once with his left. he then threw himself prostrate on a mat which had been made for the purpose, by the lady's own hands, and there waited her coming forth. the door presently opened, and a number of musicians immediately struck up a wild and discordant air. a timid and pretty looking maiden, about fourteen years of age, showily dressed in different coloured silks, and ornamented with a nose ring and bangles of pure gold, at length stepped forth, followed by her relatives and friends, who formed themselves into a circle around her. the bridegroom starting to his feet made a formal claim to the hand of his affianced and presented her with a garland of flowers, which she gracefully threw across her shoulders, in token that she accepted him, and then suffered him to embrace her. lifting her in his arms he placed her on the back of a donkey, and they went in procession to pay visits of ceremony through the town, the bride distributing sweetmeats to the crowd, as she passed along. the bridegroom showered his favours about in the form of some red powder, which he flung in the faces of all near him, and especially in those of the europeans, of whom there were a good many present. he half blinded some of us, and conferred as dark a hue as his own upon others--freaks that appeared to give infinite delight and amusement to the natives, but which were not taken in quite as good part by some testy fellows amongst us. having arrived at the house of the bridegroom's father, the old gentleman graciously descended, and taking the bride in his arms, bore her into his dwelling. the bridegroom remained a few minutes after them, and flinging some cowries to the musicians and crowd, he made a salaam and darted in after his _inamorata_. we remained at sukkur about six weeks, in consequence of an order forwarded after us by sir william mc naghten, under the apprehension that our services would be again wanted at cabul. the indus being navigable up to the town, we had plentiful supplies of provisions and other necessaries at moderate prices, and felt tolerably satisfied with our quarters. as to the probability of our having to return to cabul, the cavalry felt at ease regarding the rumours which prevailed, for they well knew that the condition of their horses put such a thing completely out of the question. an order at length arrived that the various brigades of the bombay column should be broken up, and that the troops composing them should return to their respective quarters. brigadier general scott, and his aides de camp, accordingly left us by one of the first boats which sailed down the indus for bombay, and we remained under the command of the officers of our respective regiments. we passed our time hunting in the jungles, in the vicinity of the camp, or in fishing in the river, both of which proved prolific sources of amusement. i went out several times to chase the wild boar, and on one of these occasions the sport nearly proved fatal to me. proceeding with two of my comrades, and a native for guide, through a dense and almost impenetrable part of the jungle, we suddenly roused a huge boar, which turned fiercely upon us, and made directly at the nearest of its pursuers, which, as chance would have it, happened to be me. he had me down on the earth in a twinkling, and would have made short work of me had not a well-directed shot from one of my companions struck him right between the eyes, and tumbled him lifeless on the ground. the man to whom i owed my safety exhibited admirable coolness, and self-possession, for the slightest deviation in his aim would have sent the bullet through me instead of the object for which it was intended. it was with the greatest difficulty we contrived to drag our prize into camp, for he weighed no less than from twenty-five to thirty stone, and supplied the troop with pork chops until we were tired of them. the importance of sukkur as a military position cannot be exaggerated. it forms the key to scinde, and the indus being navigable up to the fortress, its supplies do not depend on season or circumstance. these advantages have not been overlooked, for it has since been retained in the possession of our troops, and will always serve as a _point d'appui_ in any future operations we may undertake at that side of the indus. after passing nearly six weeks at sukkur, we took the route to larkhana along the right bank of the indus. the road lay, as before, through a jungle, and the occasional glimpses which we caught of the river through the clearances gave a picturesque effect to the scenery. we arrived at larkhana on the 19th of january, and remained there only one day. proceeding thence to sehwan we reached the latter place in about four days, and found a gun boat belonging to the hon. company lying at moorings in the river. we left sehwan on the following day, and taking a farewell of the river indus we proceeded towards the coast through a wild and deserted district, in which we found neither villages nor inhabitants. within one day's march of kurrachee we found a number of tombs richly sculptured and covered with inscriptions from the koran, which were said to contain the remains of some of the native princes. there being abundance of excellent water here, and kurrachee having the reputation of not being extremely healthy, it was determined that we should remained encamped here until the khelat division formed a junction with us. it was not till the end of february, however, that the khelat forces made their appearance, having kept us waiting about five weeks, and on the day after their arrival we marched into kurrachee where we found her majesty's 40th regiment. kurrachee is situated on the coast of belochistan, and its natural advantages entitle it to the rank of a first rate sea-port town. it possesses a fine harbour, in which a seventy-four gun ship may ride in safety, and which is protected by the batteries of the town, and the guns of a fortress occupying an island about midway between the mainland and the promontory which forms the harbour. on our arrival at scinde, instructions had been forwarded to commodore pepper, by the commander-in-chief, to invest the place, and we accordingly found it in possession of our troops on our return. the town is large but irregularly built, and is surrounded by walls and bastions, on which we saw some pieces of cannon, but they were of small calibre, and of the worst possible construction. to the north of the town we observed a superb banyan tree, which extended its foliage to such a distance, that it formed a pavilion capable of containing a small stone mosque for the accommodation of a number of faquirs or priests. of the many curious specimens of this class that i have met with in asia, i have seen none so utterly degraded and isolated from every thing like humanity. their bodies were thickly coated over with ashes and red paint, and their hair clotted with filthy moisture. they were surrounded by every sort of abomination, and howled and whined like a set of wild beasts. that they had not reduced themselves to this savage state merely from fanaticism we had abundant opportunities of discovering, for we saw the inhabitants of kurrachee daily pouring into the temple with rich presents and offerings, and propitiating their good will by sacrifices of their most precious and valuable effects. to the left of the mosque lies a tank, or reservoir, about fifty feet long by thirty broad, in which we saw a number of live alligators, which are carefully fed by the priests, and held in the greatest possible veneration and awe by the deluded votaries who repair there. the feast of the mohurrum had commenced a few hours before our arrival, but we were in time to witness the greater part of it. a short description of these singular rites may not be uninteresting to the reader. a hole being dug in the ground to the depth of about six or eight feet, fire is placed in it, and the devotees dance round it, with the most extravagant exclamations and gestures, some dashing square pieces of iron or brass together, to add to the effect. according as one set of dancers becomes fatigued they are replaced by another, and thus the ceremonies are kept up without intermission from sunset to daybreak. when the moon is at its full they march in procession to the water's side, preceded by their taboots, a sort of fantastical temple, constructed of bamboo and gilt paper. i have seen one of these temples, at poona, of such large dimensions that it required an elephant to draw it, and cost no less a sum than a thousand rupees. on reaching the water's side the taboots are thrown in and allowed to float away with the tide. this concludes the ceremonies and the wearied performers are glad to return to their homes. on returning towards the lines, from the mohurrum, we saw a miserable looking wretch squatted at the side of the road, who appeared to be in deep affliction, for he was weeping bitterly and lamenting his hard fate. i addressed him and inquired into the cause of his grief. he told me that he had been induced to become a convert to christianity by one of the missionaries, and had been thrust out of the pale of social intercourse from the moment the fact became known. he deplored his having yielded to the arguments of the missionary, since they had debarred him from participating in the religious ceremony which had just terminated, its pomp and circumstance having evidently made a deeper impression on his imagination than his conviction. we gave him some relief and passed on, when our attention was again directed to him by one of our companions, who had lingered behind. several of the natives had surrounded the poor convert, and were spitting upon him, and loading him with the vilest reproaches. we returned to the spot and compelled them to leave him in peace. amongst the british whom we found on our arrival at kurrachee was mr. masson, the author of an interesting work on affghanistan, which has been lately published. this gentleman had been originally a private soldier in the honourable company's service, and had risen through various grades to the profitable civil employ which he at present holds. he rendered some important services to the company, for which they awarded him a pension of £100 a-year, and much to his credit he settled the whole of it on his aged mother. after remaining at kurrachee about ten days, the order was at length issued for the embarkation of the cavalry, which was now limited to my own detachment. upwards of thirty _pattemars_ were hired for the voyage, and from twelve to fourteen men, and an equal number of horses, were stowed in each. we had a quick and favourable passage, and arrived at bombay on the 10th of march, after an absence of nearly eighteen months. the end. appendix. appendix. from the delhi gazette extraordinary, october 1, 1842. "the right hon. the govenor-general of india having with the concurrence of the supreme council, directed the assemblage of a british force for service across the indus, his lordship deems it proper to publish the following exposition of reasons which have led to this important measure. "it is a matter of notoriety that the treaties entered into by the british government in the year 1832 with the ameers of scinde, the nawab of bahawulpore, and maharaja runjeet singh, had for their object, by opening the navigation of the indus, to facilitate the extension of commerce, and to gain for the british nation in central asia that legitimate influence which an interchange of benefits would naturally produce. "with a view to invite the aid of the _de facto_ rulers of afghanistan to the measures necessary for giving full effect to those treaties, captain burnes was deputed, towards the close of the year 1836, on a mission to dost mahomed khan, chief of cabul: the original objects of that officer's mission were purely of a commercial nature. "whilst captain burnes, however, was on his journey to cabul, information was received by the governor-general that the troops of dost mahomed khan had made a sudden and unprovoked attack on those of our ancient ally, maharaja runjeet singh. it was naturally to be apprehended that his highness the maharaja would not be slow to avenge this aggression, and it was to be feared that the flames of war being once kindled in the very regions into which we were endeavouring to extend our commerce, the peaceful and beneficial purposes of the british government would be altogether frustrated. in order to avert a result so calamitous, the governor-general resolved on authorising captain burnes to intimate to dost mahomed khan, that if he should evince a disposition to come to just and reasonable terms with the maharaja, his lordship would exert his good offices with his highness for the restoration of an amicable understanding between the two powers. the maharaja, with the characteristic confidence which he has uniformly placed in the faith and friendship of the british nation, at once assented to the proposition of the governor-general, to the effect that in the mean time hostilities on his part should be suspended. "it subsequently came to the knowledge of the govenor-general that a persian army was besieging herat; that intrigues were actively prosecuted throughout affghanistan, for the purpose of extending persian influence and authority to the banks of, and even beyond, the indus; and that the court of persia had not only commenced a course of injury and insult to the officers of her majesty's mission in the persian territory, but had afforded evidence of being engaged in designs wholly at variance with the principles and objects of its alliance with great britain. "after much time spent by captain burnes in fruitless negotiation at cabul, it appeared that dost mahomed khan, chiefly in consequence of his reliance upon persian encouragement and assistance, persisted, as respected his misunderstanding with the sikhs, in urging the most unreasonable pretensions, such as the governor-general could not, consistently with justice and his regard for the friendship of maharajah runjeet singh, be the channel of submitting to the consideration of his highness; that he avowed schemes of aggrandizement and ambition injurious to the security and peace of the frontiers of india; and that he openly threatened, in furtherance of these schemes, to call in every foreign aid which he could command. ultimately, he gave his undisguised support to the persian designs in affghanistan, of the unfriendly and injurious character of which, as concerned the british power in india, he was well apprised; and by his utter disregard of the views and interests of the british government compelled captain burnes to leave cabul without having effected any of the objects of his mission. "it was now evident that no further interference could be exercised by the british government to bring about a good understanding between the sikh ruler and dost mahomed khan; and the hostile policy of the latter chief showed too plainly that so long as cabul remained under his government we could never hope that the tranquillity of our neighbourhood would be secured, or that the interests of our indian empire would be preserved inviolate. "the governor-general deems it in this place necessary to revert to the siege of herat and the conduct of the persian nation. the siege of that city had now been carried on by the persian army for many months. the attack upon it was a most unjustifiable and cruel aggression, perpetrated and continued notwithstanding the solemn and repeated remonstrances of the british envoy at the court of persia, and after every just and becoming offer of accommodation had been made and rejected. the besieged have behaved with gallantry and fortitude worthy of the justice of their cause, and the govenor-general would yet indulge the hope that their heroism may enable them to maintain a successful defence until succours shall reach them from british india. in the mean time the ulterior designs of persia, affecting the interests of the british government, have been by a succession of events, more and more openly manifested. the governor-general has recently ascertained, by an official despatch from mr. m'neil, her majesty's envoy, that his excellency has been compelled, by the refusal of his just demands, and by a systematic course of disrespect adopted towards him by the persian government, to quit the court of the schah, and to make a public declaration of the cessation of all intercourse between the two governments. the necessity under which great britain is placed of regarding the present advance of the persian arms into affghanistan as an act of hostility towards herself, has also been officially communicated to the schah, under the express order of her majesty's government. "the chiefs of candahar (brothers of dost mahomed khan, of cabul) have avowed their adherence to the persian policy, with the same full knowledge of its opposition to the rights and interests of the british nation in india, and to have been openly assisting in the operations against herat. "in the crisis of affairs consequent upon the retirement of our envoy from cabul, the governor-general felt the importance of taking immediate measures for arresting the rapid progress of foreign intrigue and aggression towards our own territories. "his attention was naturally drawn, at this conjuncture, to the position and claims of schah sooja-ool-moolk, a monarch who, when in power, had cordially acceded to the measures of united resistance to external enmity which were, at that time judged necessary by the british government, and who, on his empire being usurped by its present rulers, had found an honourable asylum in the british dominions. "it had clearly been ascertained, from the information furnished by the various officers who have visited afghanistan, that the barukzye chiefs, from their disunion and unpopularity, were ill-fitted, under any circumstances, to be useful allies to the british government, and to aid us in our just and necessary measures of national defence. yet so long as they refrained from proceedings injurious to our interests and security, the british government acknowledged and respected their authority. but a different policy appeared to be now more than justified by the conduct of those chiefs, and to be indispensable to our own safety. the welfare of our possessions in the east requires that we should have on our western frontier an ally who is interested in resisting aggression and establishing tranquillity, in the place of chiefs ranging themselves in subservience to a hostile power, and seeking to promote schemes of conquest and aggrandisement. "after a serious and mature deliberation, the governor-general was satisfied that pressing necessity, as well as every consideration of policy and justice, warranted us in espousing the cause of schah sooja-ool-moolk, whose popularity throughout affghanistan had been proved to his lordship by the strong and unanimous testimony of the best authorities. having arrived at this determination, the governor-general was further of opinion that it was just and proper, no less from the position of maharaja runjeet singh, than from his undeviating friendship towards the british government, that his highness should have the offer of becoming a party to the contemplated operations. mr. macnaghten was accordingly deputed in june last to the court of his highness, and the result of his mission has been the conclusion of a tripartite treaty by the british government, the maharaja, and schah sooja-ool-moolk, whereby his highness is guaranteed in his present possessions, and has bound himself to co-operate for the restoration of the schah to the throne of his ancestors. the friends and enemies of any one of the contracting parties have been declared to be the friends and enemies of all. various points have been adjusted which had been the subject of discussion between the british government and his highness the maharaja, the identity of whose interests with those of the hon. company has now been made apparent to all the surrounding states. a guaranteed independence will, upon favourable conditions, be tendered to the ameers of scinde; and the integrity of herat, in the possession of its present ruler, will be fully respected; whilst, by the measures completed or in progress it may reasonably be hoped that the general freedom and security of commerce will be promoted; that the name and just influence of the british government will gain their proper footing among the nations of central asia; that tranquillity will be established upon the most important frontier in india, and that a lasting barrier will be raised against hostile intrigue and encroachment. "his majesty schah sooja-ool-moolk will enter affghanistan surrounded by his own troops, and will be supported against foreign interference and factious opposition by a british army. the governor-general confidently hopes that the schah will be speedily replaced on his throne by his own subjects and adherents; and when once he shall be secured in power, and the independence and integrity of affghanistan established, the british army will be withdrawn. "the governor-general has been led to these measures by the duty which is imposed upon him of providing for the security of the british crown; but he rejoices that in the discharge of his duty he will be enabled to assist in restoring the union and prosperity of the affghan people. throughout the approaching operations british influence will be sedulously employed to further every measure of general benefit, to reconcile differences, to secure oblivion of injuries, and to put an end to the distractions by which, for so many years, the welfare and happiness of the affghans have been impaired. "even to the chiefs whose hostile proceedings have given just cause of offence to the british government, it will seek to secure liberal and honourable treatment, on their tendering early submission, and ceasing from opposition to that course of measures which may be judged the most suitable for the general advantage of their country. "by order of the right hon. the governor-general of india, "w. h. macnaghten, "secretary to the government of india, "with the governor-general. * * * * * "notification "with reference to the preceding declaration, the following appointments are made;-"mr. w. h. macnaghten, secretary to government, will assume the functions of envoy and minister, on the part of the government of india, at the court of schah sooja-ool-moolk; mr. macnaghten will be assisted by the following officers:-"captain alexander burnes, of the bombay establishment, who will be employed under mr. macnaghten's direction, as envoy to the chief of khelat, or other states. "lieutenant e. d'arcy todd, of the bengal artillery, to be political assistant and military secretary to the envoy and minister. "lieutenant eldred pottinger, of the bombay artillery; lieutenant r. leech, of the bombay engineers; mr. p. b. lord, of the bombay medical establishment, to be political assistants to ditto ditto. "lieutenant e. r. conolly, of the 6th regiment bengal cavalry, to command the escort of the envoy and minister, and to be military assistant to ditto ditto. "mr. g. j. berwick, of the bengal medical establishment, to be surgeon to ditto ditto. "w. h. macnaghten, "secretary to the governor of india, with the governor-general." * * * * * transcriber's note: the following modifications have been made to the text. contents, chapter iii: 'candahah' replaced with candahar. contents, chapter iv: 'khelet' replaced with khelat. contents, chapter viii: comma after 'commandant of ghuznee' replaced with a period. contents, chapter xii: 'cott' replaced with scott. page 1: missing emdashes added to the chapter description. page 3: 'soojah-ool-moolk' replaced with sooja-ool-moolk. page 25: period removed from between 'lieutenant' and 'nixon'. page 36: 'schwan' replaced with sehwan. page 37: 'und' replaced with and. page 52: 'candahah' replaced with candahar. page 58: 'couutrymen' replaced with countrymen. page 104: 'khelat-i-giljie' replaced with khelat-i-ghiljie. page 104: 'precints' replaced with precincts. page 110: 'and and' replaced with and. page 128: 'immedialely' replaced with immediately. page 130: comma after 'commandant of ghuznee' replaced with period. page 133: 'mélée' replaced with mêlée. page 141: missing hyphen added in commander-in-chief. page 142: 'then' replaced with than. page 146: 'circumstanee' replaced with circumstance. page 148: missing hyphen added in commander-in-chief. page 149: 'pretented' replaced with pretended. page 184: 'strong hold' replaced with strong-hold. page 185: comma inserted after 'however'. page 188: 'ccott' replaced with scott. page 195: 'epedemic replaced with epidemic. page 215: 'extraorinary' replaced with extraordinary. page 216: 'nawah' replaced with nawab. page 219: 'inteference' replaced with interference. a peep into toorkisthan. by captain rollo burslem, thirteenth prince albert's light infantry. 1846. * * * * * [transcriber's note: [=a] is representing a-macron, unicode character u0101, and [=a] is representing a-macron, unicode character u0100. this is usually pronounced as a long a. there are around 240 instances of vowels accented with macrons (straight line above), mostly a-macron or a-macron, with one instance of e-macron, and five instances of u-macron, and one u that should be u-macron(dao[=u]b) and isn't (daoub). use of the macron is _not_ consistent throughout the text... ...and the spelling of some place names is not consistent either: e.g. toorkisth[=an]; toorkisthan; toorkistan. (there are also a number of words with 'unusual' spellings. these spellings i have corrected: territories for territorities; retrograde for retrogade; amongst for amonst. these 'period' spellings i have left intact: befel, chace, surprized, loth, gallopped, gallopping, secresy, shew, shewed, shewing, preeminence, handfull, negociation, threshhold, trellice, picketted, barricadoed, compaign. i have also retained m'naghten for the modern mcnaghten.)] * * * * * [illustration: drawn by mr gompertz pelham richardson litho. view of the outer cave of yeermallik, shewing the entrance hole to the larger cavern] * * * * * [illustration: map of cabul and the kohistan with the route for koollum] * * * * * a peep into toorkisthan. by captain rollo burslem, thirteenth prince albert's light infantry. 1846. to the right hon. the earl of carnarvon, highclere castle. my lord, having received your lordship's permission to dedicate to you this my first essay as an author, i beg to tender my best acknowledgements for the honour, and for the interest you have so kindly expressed in the success of the following pages. under such favourable auspices a successful result may be confidently anticipated by your lordship's obliged and obedient servant, rollo burslem. harewood lodge, hampshire. to the reader. the following pages are literally what they profess to be, a record of a few weeks snatched from a soldier's life in affghanist[=a]n, and spent in travels through a region which few europeans have ever visited before. the notes from which it is compiled were written on the desert mountains of central asia, with very little opportunity, as will be easily supposed, for study or polish. under these circumstances, it can hardly be necessary to deprecate the criticism of the reader. composition is not one of the acquirements usually expected of a soldier. what is looked for in his narrative is not elegance, but plainness. he sees more than other people, but he studies less, and the strangeness of his story must make up for the want of ornament. i can hardly expect but that the reader may consider the style of my chapters inferior to many of those which are supplied to the public by those who are fortunate enough to enjoy good libraries and plenty of leisure; two advantages which a soldier on service seldom experiences. but this i cannot help. such as they are, i offer him my unadorned notes; and perhaps he will be good enough to let one thing compensate another, and to recollect that if the style of the book is different from what he sometimes sees, yet the scenery is so too. if instead of a poetical composition he gets a straightforward story, yet instead of the rhine or the lakes he gets a mountain chain between independent tartary and china. walmar barracks, _march_, 1846. a peep into toorkisth[=a]n.[*] [* note: a portion of the following pages in their original form has appeared in the asiatic journal.] chapter i. during the summer of 1840, the aspect of the political horizon in affghanist[=a]n afforded but slight grounds for prognosticating the awful catastrophe which two short years after befel the british arms. dost mahommed had not yet given himself up, but was a fugitive, and detained by the king of bokhara, while many of the principal sirdars had already tendered their allegiance to shah sooja: and there was in truth some foundation for the boast that an englishman might travel in safety from one end of affghanist[=a]n to the other. an efficient force of tried soldiers occupied ghuzni, cabul, candahar, jellalabad, and the other strongholds of the country; our outposts were pushed to the north-west some fifty miles beyond bamee[=a]n, the khyber and bolun passes were open, and to the superficial observer all was tranquil. the elements of strife indeed existed, but at the time when i took the ramble which these pages attempt to describe, british power was paramount, and the rumour was already rife of the speedy diminution of the force which supported it. notwithstanding the modern rage for exploration, but few of our countrymen have hitherto pierced the stupendous barrier of the paropamisan range; but the works of hanway, forster, moorcroft, and trebeck, masson, and sir alexander burnes, convey most valuable information concerning the wild regions through which they travelled, and i am bound in simple honesty to confess that my little book does not aspire to rank with publications of such standard merit. an author's apology, however humble and sincere, is seldom attended to and more rarely accepted. surely i am not wrong in assuming that a feeling of mournful interest will pervade the bosom of those who have the patience to follow my perhaps over-minute description of places whose names may be already familiar to them as connected with the career of those bold spirits who in life devoted their energies to the good of their country and the advancement of science, and who in the hour of disaster, when every hope was dead, met their fate with the unflinching gallantry of soldiers and the patient resignation of christians. my lamented friend, lieutenant sturt, of the bengal engineers, was one of the foremost of those who endeavoured, during the critical situation of the cabul force previous to its annihilation, to rally the drooping spirits of the soldiers; and without wishing in any way to reflect on others, it may fairly be said that his scientific attainments and personal exertions contributed not a little to those partial successes, which to the sanguine seemed for a moment to restore the favourable aspect of our military position. but i forbear from now dwelling upon these circumstances, lest i might undesignedly give pain to those who still survive the fatal event, merely stating my humble opinion that the memory of any mistake committed, either in a political or military light, will by the noble-minded be drowned in sorrow for the sufferings and death of so many thousands of brave men. in the month of june, 1840, lieutenant sturt was ordered to survey the passes of the hindoo koosh, and i obtained leave from my regiment, then in camp at cabul, for the purpose of accompanying him; my object was simply to seek pleasant adventures; the "_cacoethes ambulandi_" was strong upon me, and i thirsted to visit the capital of ancient bactria; the circumstances which prevented our reaching balkh will hereafter be detailed, but the main object of the expedition was attained, as sturt executed an excellent map of the passes alluded to, and satisfactorily demonstrated that almost all the defiles of this vast chain, or rather group of mountains, may be turned, and that it would require a large and active well-disciplined force to defend the principal ones. i have made every possible inquiry as to the fate of the results of sturt's labours, but fear that they too were lost in the dreadful retreat. whatever still exists must be in the quarter-master general's department in india, far out of my reach, so that i am obliged again to request the indulgence of my reader for the want of a proper map on which he might, if he felt so inclined, trace our daily progress,[*] and to crave his forgiveness if i occasionally repeat what has been far more ably related by moorcroft and the other authors whom i have already mentioned. [* note: since receiving the proof sheets for correction i have been kindly supplied by my friend major wade with a map taken principally from the one executed by the late lieutenant sturt.] to the traveller whose experience of mountain scenery is confined to switzerland, the bold rocks and rich though narrow valleys of the frontiers of toorkisth[=a]n offer all the charms of novelty; the lower ranges of hills are gloomy and shrubless, contrasting strikingly with the dazzling, yet distant splendour of the snowy mountains. it is an extraordinary fact, that throughout the whole extent of country occupied by these under features, which presents every variety of form and geological structure, there are scarcely any hills bearing trees or even shrubs; every valley, however, is intersected by its native stream, which in winter pursues its headlong course with all the impetuosity of a mountain torrent, but in the summer season glides calmly along as in our native meadows. the multitude and variety of well-preserved fossils which are imbedded in the different strata of the toorkisth[=a]n hills would amply reward the researches of the geologist, and to the numismatologist this portion of asia proves eminently interesting, balkh and other localities in its vicinity abounding in ancient coins, gems, and other relics of former days; and i much regret that i was unable to reach the field from whence i expected to gather so rich a harvest. chapter ii. in accordance with the golden rule of restricting our baggage to the least possible weight and compass, we allowed ourselves but one pony a piece for our necessaries, in addition to what were required for our small tent and cooking utensils, sturt's surveying instruments being all carried by affgh[=a]n porters whom he hired at cabul for that purpose. on the 13th of june we commenced our ramble, intending to proceed to balkh by the road through bamee[=a]n, as we should then have to traverse the principal passes of the hindoo khosh, and our route would be that most likely to be selected by an army either advancing from bokh[=a]r[=a] on cabul or moving in the opposite direction. the plundering propensities of the peasantry rendered an escort absolutely necessary, and ours consisted of thirty affghans belonging to one of shah soojah's regiments, under the command of captain hopkins. as government took this opportunity of sending a lac[*] of rupees for the use of the native troop of horse-artillery stationed at bamee[=a]n, our military force was much increased by the treasure-guard of eighty sipahis and some remount horses; so that altogether we considered our appearance quite imposing enough to secure us from any insult from the predatory tribes through whose haunts we proposed travelling. our first day's march was merely to make a fair start, for we encamped two miles north-west of the city in a grove of mulberry-trees, and the wind, as usual in summer, blowing strong in the day-time, laid the produce at our feet; so that by merely stretching out our hands, we picked up the fruit in abundance; for although the sun was powerful, we preferred the open air under the deep foliage to the closeness of a tent. during the early part of the night an alarm was raised throughout our small camp, and as we knew the vicinity of cabul to be infested with the most persevering thieves, we naturally enough attributed the disturbance to their unwelcome visit, but it turned out to be only one of the remount horses, which having broken away from his picket was scampering furiously round our tents, knocking over the chairs, tables, and boxes which had been placed in readiness for packing outside the tent door. the neighing of the other horses, and their struggles to get loose and have a fight with their more fortunate companion, added to the braying of donkeys, barking of dogs, and groaning of the camels, gave me the notion of a menagerie in a state of insurrection. the affair looked serious when the animal began to caper amongst sturt's instruments, but luckily we secured him before any damage was done, though for some time theodolites, sextants, artificial horizons, telescopes, and compasses were in imminent danger. the worst of an occurrence of this kind is, that your servants once disturbed never think of returning to rest when quiet is restored, but sit up for the remainder of the night, chatting over the event with such warmth and animation, as effectually to keep their master awake as well as each other. we started next morning at four, and marched about six miles and a half, the distances being always measured with a perambulator, the superintending of which gave sturt considerable trouble, as it was necessary to have an eye perpetually on the men who guided it, lest they should have recourse to the usual practice of _carrying_ the machine, whenever the nature of the ground made that mode of transportation more convenient than _wheeling_. this, together with taking bearings, and the other details of surveying, gave my companion plenty of occupation, not only during the march, but for the rest of the day when halted. we were now encamped close to a village called kulla kazee, a place of no very good repute as regarding honesty; indeed, we were well aware of the predatory propensities of our neighbours; but we seemed destined to experience more annoyance from the great apprehension of being attacked which existed amongst our followers, than from any well-founded anticipation of it; their fears were not totally groundless, as it must be confessed that to a needy and disorganized population the bait of a lac of rupees was very tempting. [*note: lac, lakh (-k), n. (anglo-ind.). a hundred thousand (usu._ of rupees)_.] we had chosen a picturesque little garden for our resting place, the treasure and remount horses with the sipahi guard being encamped about half a mile off to our rear. at about eleven at night the european sergeant in charge of the horses burst into our tent in some consternation, stating that a large band of robbers were descending from the adjacent hills to attack the treasure. sturt immediately jumped up, and mounting his horse gallopped off to the supposed scene of action. all was quiet _without_ the camp; _within_ there was a terrible bustle, which sturt at last succeeded in allaying by sending out patrols in various direction, who reported that nothing could be either heard or seen of the dreaded robbers. being rather averse to these nocturnal diversions, especially as they promised to be of frequent occurrence, i made careful inquiries to ascertain if there were any real foundation for the alarm, but all i could learn was, that the neighbourhood had always been noted for robbers, who hasten towards the point upon the report of any party worth plundering passing near any of their forts. possibly some robbers had gained intelligence of our treasure, and had actually appeared on the hills, but on discovering the strength of our party had retired. the next day our route lay through delicious fields of ripening clover, in such profusion that the air was impregnated with its agreeable perfume, to a small fort called oorghundee, remarkable chiefly for being the head-quarters of the oft-mentioned thieves, of whom i daresay the reader is as tired as we were after the mere dread they inspired had caused us to pass two sleepless nights. but we were now determined to assume a high tone, and summoning the chief of the fort, or, in other words, the biggest villain, into our presence, we declared that in the event of our losing a single article of our property or being annoyed by a night attack, we would retaliate in the morning by cutting the surrounding crops and setting fire to the fort! the military reader, especially if conversant with some of the peculiarities of eastern discipline, will question how far we should have been justified in carrying our threats into execution. i can assure him we had no such intention; but be that as it may, our threats had the desired effect, and at length we enjoyed an uninterrupted night's rest. on the morning of the 16th we proceeded to koteah shroof, the whole distance being about ten miles: but the first three brought us to the extremity of the beautiful valley through which we had been travelling ever since we left cabul. the aspect of the country in the immediate vicinity of our path has been well described by one of the most lamented victims to affghan ingratitude and treachery. "if the reader can imagine," writes sir alexander burnes, "a plain about twenty miles in circumference, laid out with gardens and fields in pleasing irregularity, intersected by three rivulets which wind through it by a serpentine course, and dotted with innumerable little forts and villages, he will have before him one of the meadows of cabul." to complete the picture the reader must conceive the grey barren hills, which, contrasting strongly with the fertility of the plains they encompass, are themselves overlooked by the eternal snows of the indian caucasus. to the english exile these valleys have another attraction, for in the hot plains of hindoostan artificial grasses are rarely to be found, and the rich scent of luxuriant clover forcibly reminds the wanderer of the sweet-smelling fields of his native land. but these pleasing associations were soon dispelled by the steep and rugged features of the pass through which we ascended on leaving the plain. it is called the suffaed k[=a]k or white earth, and we found by the barometer, that the gorge of the ravine was about a thousand feet above our last encamping ground. the hills on either side were ragged and abrupt, but of insignificant height: the length of the pass itself was about two miles, and from its head to koteah shroof the road was stony and difficult; but, as we had been careful at starting not to overload our baggage animals, they got through their work without being much distressed. chapter iii. i find it difficult to convey to the reader an adequate conception of the strange character of the hilly country we had now entered: no parts of wales or even the varied groupings of the swiss mountains offer a correct analogy. after passing the defile of the suffaed k[=a]k the hills recede to a distance of about two miles on either side of the road, and the whole space thus offered to the labours of the peasant is very highly cultivated; but the barren rocks soon hem in the narrow valley, and as you approach nearer and nearer you find your enchanting gardens transformed into a dreary and desolate defile,--this succession of small plots of fertile ground, alternating with short rugged passes, extends to julrez, ten miles beyond koteah shroof; which latter place is an insignificant fort, situated in the centre of one of the little green spots so pleasingly varying this part of the country. at koteah shroof we gained the banks of the cabul river, a placid flowing stream, and as the neighbourhood of our camp did not offer any features of peculiar interest, i determined to try my luck in fishing; but first i had to tax my ingenuity for implements, as i had neither rod, line, nor net. a willow stick and a bit of string was all i could command; and yet my primitive apparatus was very successful, for the fish also were primitive, affording me ample sport and taking the bait with extraordinary eagerness. my occupation attracted the attention of a few peasants who gathered round me, and stood wondering what potent charm attached to the string could entice the fish from their native element. i endeavoured to explain the marvel, but was utterly unsuccessful; indeed, the peasants did not accept my explanation, which they evidently considered as a fabrication invented to deceive them and conceal my supernatural powers. the inhabitants of these valleys seemed a simple and inoffensive race, and, as in europe, their respectful demeanour became more conspicuous as we increased our distance from the capital. with regard to the state of cultivation of this valley--in which it resembles others generally throughout affghanistan--wherever there is soil enough to hold the seed, the affgh[=a]n husbandman appears to make the most of it. we found here and there in profusion the pear, apple, cherry, mulberry, and luxuriant vine, and in some situations wheat, with an under-crop of clover. on the 17th we proceeded to julrez, a collection of wretched hovels of no interest, and on the 18th, after a march of ten miles through a succession of valleys and defiles, we reached the kuzzilbash fort, suffaed kulla. about two miles before we arrived at our encamping ground we passed near the sir-e-chusm or "fountain head," one of the sources of the cabul river; it is a large pool stocked with a multitude of enormous fish that are held sacred by the few inhabitants of the adjoining hamlets, and which are daily fed by an aged fanatic, who for many years has devoted himself to their protection. as it would be deemed in the highest degree sacrilegious to eat any of these monsters, they are never molested, and are so tame as to come readily to the hand when offered food. of course, my necessary compliance with the prejudices of the guardian of the fish prevented the exercise of my waltonian propensities. a little further on is a remarkable bourj or _watch-tower_ isolated on a projecting rock, and supposed to have been built for the purpose of giving the chiefs of the little plain below, when at variance with the neighbouring mountaineers, notice of the approaching invader. at this point the valley is extremely narrow, being almost choked up with huge masses of rock hurled by the violence of some convulsion of nature from the sides of the impending precipices. there are several minor forts in the vicinity of suffaed kulla, which is the largest, and is at present occupied by a kuzzilbash chief, who took advantage a few years ago of the temporary absence of its rightful owner, and acting upon the principle of "might makes right," possessed himself forcibly of it, and has held it ever since. he treated us with great kindness and attention, sending us most acceptable presents of fruit, with food for our followers and cattle. we here experienced to a great degree that remarkable daily variation of temperature so peculiar to these regions: in the gully the wind was bleak and cold, but when encamped under the shelter of the fort the heat from the sun's rays reflected from the smooth surface of the bare rock was so intense that the thermometer rose to 100 of fahrenheit. while in camp at cabul i frequently experienced the same rapid change, for it would sometimes be a hard frost at day-break and an indian summer heat at mid-day. on the 19th of june we started very early, as the tremendous oonnye pass rising to the height of 11,400 feet lay before us, and we had a full ten miles march ere we could reach our proposed halting place at the village of uart. we soon entered the mouth of the pass, which was girt on either side by magnificent precipices; the road was narrow and slippery--of course without even an apology for a parapet--running along a natural ledge on the verge of a perpendicular cliff, and so _sheer_ was the side, that from a horse's back you might sometimes have dropped a stone into the apparently bottomless ravine--bottomless, for the rays of a noon-day sun have never broken the eternal darkness of the awful chasm beneath. had horse, camel, or man missed their footing whilst scrambling up the steep and stony pathway, nothing could have saved them from being dashed to pieces. frequently, when rounding some projecting crag, the small treasure-box fastened on the camel literally overhung the abyss, and i held my breath and the pulsations of my heart increased as i watched horse after horse and camel after camel weather the critical point. before we reached uart a poor woman of the huzareh tribe (the most persecuted and enslaved throughout these regions) came and complained to us that her child had been seized by a band of plunderers, as she supposed, to be sold into slavery. sturt immediately despatched a couple of the guard to recover her child if possible, and the poor woman went off with the two soldiers in the full confidence that her escort would be successful. i own that i myself was not so sanguine, but i had yet to learn how much even in these wild mountains the british name was respected. the mother's hopes were realized, and in the course of the day the child was recovered, having been instantly surrendered on the requisition being made; but i was surprised to see instead of a helpless child a fine handsome well-knit young man. the gratitude of the poor woman was sincere; she had nothing, she said, to offer in return, but prayed that every blessing might descend upon us and our most distant relations; that we might all become great kings; and that finally we might be successful in conquering the country we were proceeding to invade: vain were our endeavours to set before her in their true light the object of our expedition. we arrived rather late at uart after a hard day's work, and were not much gratified by the aspect of our camp, which was disagreeable, from its great elevation and its situation on a bleak table-land, thinly covered with a short grass, with the strong winds of the hindoo khoosh sweeping across it. here a young woman came to our tent asking permission to avail herself of our protection, as she was proceeding to the frontiers of toorkisth[=a]n to purchase slave girls for the cabul market. she accompanied us to bamee[=a]n, and there remained. i heard afterwards that she did not succeed according to her anticipations, and that on her return to cabul she died of fever. our english ideas of slavery drawn from our knowledge of the varied sufferings endured by the thousands who are annually exported from the western shores of africa, are opposite to those entertained in the east even by the victims themselves. the asiatic and african slave are alike in name alone; the treatment of the latter in those parts of america where, spite of the progress of civilization and the advancement of true principles of philanthropy over the world, slavery is still tolerated and encouraged, has been too well and too often described for me to venture a word of my own opinion, but in asia, in many cases, the loss of liberty is hardly felt. the situation of the domestic slave of egypt (though, strictly speaking, he must be classed under the head of "african") is analogous to that observable generally in the east; and i form my opinion partly from an anecdote related to me by my friend captain westmacott, of the 37th native infantry, who was killed in the retreat from cabul, which i will venture to repeat as an illustration. he was proceeding by the overland route from england to india, and remained some time in egypt to view its splendid antiquities. on making inquiries with the object of procuring servants, he was informed that he had better purchase slaves. the civilized notions of my friend revolted at the idea, but he was assured that it was a method very generally adopted, as he would find it extremely difficult to hire servants, and if successful, they would prove the veriest rascals on the face of the earth. he reluctantly consented, and had them purchased. on his departure for india he summoned his slaves, and informed them that as they had behaved themselves well he would give them their freedom. they looked astounded and burst into tears, reminding him that instead of being kind to them he had shewn cruelty, "for where," said they, "shall we go now? who will have anything to say to us? we shall starve and die; but if your highness will sell us again, we shall be well fed and clothed." i confess i do not see why the servants, if they really were so anxious to return to slavery, should not have sold themselves, and pocketed their own value. throughout afghanist[=a]n a slave is treated as an humble friend, and is generally found to be faithful and trustworthy. chapter iv. after surmounting the oonnye pass, which is one of the principal defiles of the hindoo khoosh, we proceeded on the 20th to gurdundew[=a]l, a distance from uart of about six and a half miles. the road was a gradual descent, and very rugged, leading along the bases of barren rocks, till we debouched upon the river elbon, as it is termed by the natives, but the helmund or etymander of the ancients. even here, where the stream was in its infancy, the current was so strong, that while we were fording it, one of our baggage ponies laden with a tent was carried away by its violence, and, but for the gallant exertions of our tent-pitcher, we should have had to sleep in the open air for the rest of our journey; as it fortunately happened, both animal and load were recovered; and when properly dried, neither one nor the other were a bit the worse for their washing. on the 21st we encamped near the village of kazee, after a march of nine miles along the right bank of the helmund, which here flows in a south-westerly direction; we could procure no supplies whatever, either for man or beast, which was the more vexatious as we had a very hard day's work in prospect for the morrow, and were anxious to recruit ourselves and cattle before attempting it. we managed well enough in spite of our compulsory fast, and on the 22d we reached kalloo, a distance of twelve miles, after crossing the steep and difficult pass of hadjekuk, 12,400 feet high; as we approached the summit we found ourselves amongst the snow, and experienced some little inconvenience from a difficulty of respiration; though this pass was even higher than that of oonnye, it does not possess the same abruptness and boldness of feature which render the latter so interesting and dangerous. the hills near the gorge were so strongly impregnated with iron as sensibly to affect the needle of the theodolite. throughout this country, and especially amongst the uzbegs, there is a fortified wall in the form of a square surrounding each village, with small bastions or towers at the angles. plunder is so much the order of the day, or rather of the night, that, as a protection, the cattle and every living animal are shut up in these places at sunset; the wicket is locked and barred, and if the villagers happen to have a feud with any of their neighbours, which generally is the case, a watchman is stationed on each bastion. truly of this land it may be said, that "what one sows another reaps," for frequently a chief forming a "chuppã¤o" or plundering party against his neighbour, if unsuccessful in seizing men to sell for slaves or cattle for use, reaps and carries off the corn. these chuppã¤os are considered among the predatory tribes very exciting affairs, as affording opportunities for the young warriors to flesh their maiden swords; but it seldom happens that these encounters are very bloody, as, in the event of one party shewing a determined front, the other generally retreats. the unfortunate huzareh tribe are constantly the sufferers, and the traveller will recognize more slaves of that than of any other "clan." we were now in the vicinity of the koh-i-baba, a mountain whose granite peaks still towered six thousand feet above us, though our own camp was at least nine thousand above the level of the sea. we determined upon ascending it the following morning, but at first experienced considerable difficulty in procuring guides, not from the natives being either unqualified or unwilling to undertake the task, for they were chiefly hunters, and familiar with the paths they had themselves formed in pursuit of game, but they could not conceive why _we_ should be anxious to climb the difficult height, and therefore were obstinately stupid in refusing to understand the purpose for which we required their services. at length we obtained a guide, and started next morning at half-past five: with considerable fatigue and some little risk we reached the summit after three hours walking, but the magnificent view amply rewarded us for our trouble. the peaks about us were capped with eternal snow; those below were rugged and black. the comparison of the view from the top of a lofty mountain in a hilly country with that of the sea in a storm is old perhaps, but only the truer for that very reason. it was, indeed, as if the hand of god had suddenly arrested and turned to stone varied and fantastic forms of the dark tumultuous waves. the solemn stillness of these lofty regions was a striking contrast with the busy plains below. the mountains abound in wild sheep, which the hardy hunter pursues for days together, taking with him a slender stock of food, and wrapping his blanket about him at night, when he seeks his resting-place amongst the crevices of these barren rocks. it is seldom that he returns empty-handed if he takes up a good position over-night, for the flocks of wild sheep descend from the least accessible parts at the earliest dawn in search of pasture, and one generally falls a victim to the unerring bullet of the rested juzzyl. the distant view of the barrier range was beautiful beyond description, for, though the peak on which we stood was the highest for many miles around us, the lofty peaks of the indian caucasus were many thousand feet above us. we were now beyond the range of the wild sheep, and not a living creature was to be seen save a majestic eagle, who, deeming _us_ intruders where he was lord of all, sailed up along the sides of the precipitous ravines, sweeping about our heads as he soared upwards, then again wheeling downwards near and nearer, till at length i fancied him within range; but so deceptive was the distance or so defective my aim that he continued unruffled in his course, whilst the sharp crack of the rifle echoed and re-echoed from crag to crag. after satiating our gaze with these wild splendours of creation, a most unsentimental craving of the inward man warned us to descend, and we returned to kalloo by eleven o'clock to do ample justice to our breakfasts. we left kalloo on the 24th, ascending by a rugged broken track to the highest point of the pass, where we came upon a fort surrounded by a small belt of cultivation divided into fields by hedgerows abounding with wild roses. i could hardly have imagined the road practicable for camels, but the cautious though unwieldy animals eventually succeeded in surmounting all difficulties, and arrived late at our encampment near a village called topechee, the whole distance being ten miles and a half. from the crest of the pass to topechee was a gradual descent, the road bordering a tremendous fissure, deep and gloomy, along the bottom of which a pelting torrent forced its way. the variegated strata on the mountain side, forming distinct lines of red, yellow, blue, and brown, were very remarkable, and i much regret that i had not time to devote to them most strict examination in a geological point of view. on the 25th we started for bamee[=a]n, passing by another topechee a few miles further on, which is famous for its trout stream. very few of these fish are found in the country, and only in the streams within a few miles of this spot. they are red-spotted and well-flavoured, and, as the natives do not indulge in the angler's art, they will rise at any kind of fly and gorge any bait offered. while halting a few minutes at lower topechee we fell in with an uzbeg warrior, a most formidable looking personage, armed, in addition to the usual weapons of his country, with a huge bell-mouthed blunderbuss at least three inches in diameter; the individual himself was peaceably enough disposed, and, contrary to the usual habit of asiatics, made no objections to our examining the small cannon he carried. on inspecting the deadly instrument we discovered it to be loaded to the very muzzle, a mixture of pebbles, slugs, and bits of iron being crammed into the barrel over a charge of a couple of ounces of powder. on our inquiring why it was so heavily charged, the man told us with much naivetã©, that it was to kill _nine_ men, illustrating the method by which this wholesale destruction was to be accomplished, by planting the butt on his hip and whirling the muzzle from right to left in a horizontal direction across us all, and telling us very pleasantly that if he were to fire we should all fall from the scattering of the different ingredients contained in the blunderbuss; had we not an instant before drawn the charge from which the fellow anticipated such dire effects, we might have felt rather uncomfortable at our relative positions; but i doubt whether the owner had ever had occasion to try the efficacy of his boasted manoeuvre, as he would probably at the first discharge have been killed himself either by the recoil or the bursting of the defective and honey-combed barrel. the approach to bamee[=a]n was very singular; the whole face of the hills on either hand was burrowed all over with caves like a huge rabbit-warren. i am informed that these caves are the work of nature, "yet worked, as it were planned," and are occupied occasionally by travellers both in summer and winter; they are observable in many places in toorkisth[=a]n, and, when situated high up on the face of the hill, afford a safe retreat for the hunter. the road was tolerably good for the last three miles, running along a narrow valley sprinkled with numerous forts, which are generally occupied by the huzareh tribes, an ill-featured but athletic race. i shall not detain the reader by any description either of the wonderful ruins of the ancient city of goolgoolla or of the gigantic images of bamee[=a]n, these curiosities having been ably described in masson's very interesting work; but i was a good deal amused by the various legends with which the natives are familiar, of one of which, relating to a chalybeate spring in the neighbourhood called the "dragon's mouth," i shall take the liberty to offer a free version. it was related to me by an old gentleman who brought a few coins to sell, and i listened to him with some patience; but in proportion as the old fellow observed my passive attention did he increase in verbosity and pompous description. i still waited for the _point_ of the story, but my friend, after exhausting his powers of speech and metaphor, was fain to wind up his tale with a most lame and impotent conclusion. i now give it to the reader, not from a wish to punish him as i was punished, but because from the prolixity of the narrator he necessarily most minutely described scenes and customs, which, though they had nothing on earth to do with the "dragon's mouth," may prove interesting to the reader, as illustrating the peculiarities of the people amongst whom we were now sojourning. chapter v. "a tale of the dragon's mouth." in the reign of ameer dost mahommed kh[=a]n, when all the pomp and pride of glorious war was in its zenith at c[=a]bul, there lived on the borders of kulloom and kundooz, a chieftain named khan shereef, whose grandfather had accompanied the illustrious nadir shah from persia in his expedition through affghanist[=a]n, and followed the fortunes of his royal master, even to the very gates of the imperial delhi. on his return towards persia, he had for a time intended to settle in c[=a]bul, but "death, who assaults the walled fort of the chieftain as well as the defenceless hovel of the peasant," seized him for his own; the father also paid the debt of nature in the capital of affghanist[=a]n, but not before the young khan shereef had seen the light. growing up to manhood and wearying of the monotonous life a residence in c[=a]bul entailed, he pursued his way across the frontier mountains of toorkisth[=a]n, and arrived at the court of meer moorad beg. here he performed good service in the field, and becoming his master's personal friend and favourite, had a fort and a small portion of territory assigned to him. it was at the court of the kundooz ruler that he first became acquainted with zebah, the lovely rose of cashmere, whom he eventually purchased from her father for his wife.[*] he started with his bride to take possession of his newly-acquired gift, an insulated fortress in the heart of a country abounding in those extensive prairies for which toorkisth[=a]n is so justly celebrated. on these magnificent savannahs he reared the toorkman steed, and soon boasted an unrivalled stud. [* note: it is customary in this country as well as in other parts of asia to purchase the young women who may be selected for wives of their relations, the purchase money varying according to the degrees of beauty.] towards the close of the first year he became a father, an event which was hailed with extravagant joy by all his vassals, the old retainers of his father foretelling the future achievements in the foray of the young abdoollah reheem. a few months had scarcely elapsed, when the anxious mother spied an old crone moving about in the court-yard; their eyes happening to meet, zebah screamed and fell into a swoon. the young heir was instantly hurried away, but not before the old hag had cast a withering glance on the boy's beautiful face; every one was now fully convinced that he had been struck by the "evil eye," which was but too clearly proved by the event, for from that day he sickened and pined away till reduced to a mere skeleton. large sums of money were expended by the fond parents in the endeavour to discover a charm to counteract the effects of the "evil eye," till at length in an auspicious moment it was proposed the boy should try the efficacy of the celebrated water of the "dragon's mouth," which is situated at the head of the enchanting vale of bamee[=a]n, just beyond the western limits of toorkisth[=a]n. the slave girl who proposed this scheme related numerous and wonderful cures effected by the magic waters, and enumerated many hundred individuals, the lame, the blind, the infirm, the rheumatic, and those afflicted with _bad temper_, who had been perfectly cured by either drinking of the water or being immersed in the fountain itself. she would not be positive which mode was the best, but certain she was that the cure was perfect and permanent; she herself had been ugly and cross-tempered, and now she left her audience to judge of her character and appearance. this last proof at once determined the mother to adopt a plan, which after so many unsuccessful attempts she could not but consider as her last resource. khan shereef was not quite so credulous, but what chance has a man alone against his united harem! he was so far influenced by the earnest entreaties of his disconsolate wife, that it was determined in three days he should with a strong cavalcade accompany his darling invalid to the charmed waters of bamee[=a]n. the toorkm[=a]n warriors were too religious to doubt the fortunate results of the experiment, and accordingly for the few days which elapsed previous to the setting forth of the expedition the fort was a scene of active preparation. armour was burnished, swords brightened and fresh ground, juzzyls cleaned and matches got ready, so that they might produce as imposing an effect as possible, not only on the presiding spirit of the fountain, and the very questionable friends through whose territories they were about to pass, but also that they might do due honour to their lord and master. but before proceeding with my history, i must not omit a more minute description of khan shereefs fort. i have already described its locality on the borders of toorkisth[=a]n. it was situated at the base of a low conical hill, on the summit of which a look-out tower had been erected; this building was in troublesome times occupied by a party of juzzylchees, who took their station in it, and, fixing their cumbrous pieces on the parapet, watched the approach of any hostile party, and from their commanding and protected position would be enabled to keep in check an enemy attempting to ascend the opposite side of the hill. as the nearest stream of water was full two miles from the fort, the present owner, being a man full of science and mathematical knowledge, had with unparalleled ingenuity sunk a deep and substantial well inside his walls, thus rendering his position infinitely more tenable than if his water-carriers had been daily obliged, as is the case in most places, to run the gauntlet of the enemy's fire whilst procuring the requisite supply of that indispensable article. the fort itself was an oblong square, and required three hundred men to man its walls; it was built of mud, with a large bastion at each angle three and four stories high, and loopholed. it had but one gate, on which the nature of the defences afforded means for concentrating a heavy fire. immediately facing the gate, and detached from buildings of inferior importance, was the khan's own residence, and some low flat-roofed houses lining the inside of the whole extent of walls, which afforded a secure shelter to the vassals. the audience-chamber or public sitting-room was so situated that the kh[=a]n could survey the whole of the interior of his fort whilst squatting on his persian carpet or reclining on the large soft pillow, which is an indispensable luxury for a grandee of the rank and importance of kh[=a]n shereef. the sides of the apartment consisted of a lattice-work of wood reaching nearly to the ceiling, and connecting the mud pillars which supported the roof; the framework was richly carved, and on slides, so as to enable the owner to increase or diminish the quantity of light and air at his pleasure. between the kh[=a]n's dwelling and the gate was the mosque, whose minarets towered above the walls and bastions of the fort,--its dome was beautifully proportioned, and inlaid with agate, jasper, and carnelian, besides being wonderfully painted with representations of strange animals unknown to the common people, but which the moollah affirmed were all taken from the life. at this time the base of the mosque was occupied by a party of men smoking and passing the kalee[=a]n to each other; amongst them was one, evidently superior to the rest in age and wisdom, for his opinion was frequently appealed to by all and listened to with much deference. when not called upon to interfere he sat quiet and reserved, and to judge by his countenance was in a melancholy mood. his name was rhejjub;--he was the oldest retainer of the family, and to him in all cases of emergency did the kh[=a]n apply for advice, which had never been given without due deliberation and almost prophetic foresight. he had only that morning been deputed to remain and guard the fort during the absence of his master, and although he knew it to be a post of honor and trust, yet he could not but consider it an effeminate duty to be left guardian of the koch-khanah or _family_, and superintendent of the _un_chosen of the band. with him, "to hear was to obey," still he envied those who had been selected to accompany their lord. old rhejjub had been a great traveller in his day; had wandered over many portions of arabia, and visited the holy city of mecca; thus gaining the valuable privileges of a suyud or _holy man_, which title alone was a passport and safeguard amongst even the lawless ghilgyes and khyberr[=e]es of affghanist[=a]n, it being a greater crime for a man to kill a suyud than even his own father. thus, whenever a chuppao or other warlike expedition was in contemplation, rhejjub was invariably despatched to reconnoitre and obtain information, and being a man of a shrewd turn of mind, and calculating all chances during his homeward journey, was always prepared after detailing his news to give a sound opinion as to the best plan to be pursued. at early dawn of the proposed day of departure the whole party were summoned by the muezzin's call to offer up prayers for their safe arrival at the "dragon's mouth," for the effectual cure of the young abdoollah, and his happy return to his fond mother. before mounting, was performed the ceremony of taking from its resting place the famous sword given to the kh[=a]n's grandfather by nadir shah himself. the blade was of damascus steel, and valued alone at one hundred tomauns;[*] the ivory handle was ornamented with precious stones, and the pommel was one large emerald of great beauty and value. the scabbard was of shagreen finely embroidered in gold. this precious weapon the suyud had the enviable office of presenting to his chief unsheathed, whilst the aged moollah who stood by read aloud the inlaid arabic inscription on the blade, "may this always prove as true a friend to thee as it has been to the donor." the kh[=a]n received the valued heir-loom with all due respect, and kissing the weapon sheathed and fixed it firmly to his belt. [* note: tomaun, twenty rupees or about â£2.] all necessary preparations for the departure being now completed, the camel destined for the accommodation of the invalid was brought to the door of the palace, conducted by a favourite arab who had for many years filled the office of head surwan or _camel-driver_. the colour of the animal was almost white, and the large gold embroidered housings swept the ground; on either side was fixed a wicker-basket lined and covered with red cloth, and furnished with soft cushions; one of these held the young kh[=a]n, whilst the other was occupied by the nurse who was the original promoter of the expedition. at length the word to march was given, and the escort consisting of sixty horsemen galloped forth. khan shereef himself was clad in a coat of mail, and wore a circular steel head-piece, in which were three receptacles for as many heron plumes; a light matchlock, the barrel of which, inlaid with gold, was slung across his shoulder; attached to his sword-belt were the usual priming and loading powder-flasks made of buffalo's hide, with tobacco-pouch and bullet-holder of russia leather worked with gold thread; and the equipment was completed by the affgh[=a]n boots drawn up over the loose trousers reaching to the knee, with sharp-pointed heels serving for spurs. the procession moved on, the escort forming an advance and rear-guard, the chief galloping sometimes in front of the party, and now walking his toorkm[=a]n steed alongside the richly caparisoned camel with its precious burthen. occasionally a horseman would dash out from the ranks in chace of a wild goat or sheep crossing the little frequented road, or, dismounting and giving his horse in charge of a comrade, would make a detour on foot in the hope of getting a shot at a chichore.[*] the tedious hours of march were thus wiled away till they reached the "dundun shikkun kotul" or _tooth-breaking_ pass, when the horsemen assumed a more steady demeanour. they were now within forty miles of the celebrated spring, which they hoped to reach on the following day. [* note: this is a species of partridge very abundant throughout toorkistan.] the dragon's mouth is situated four or five miles to the north-west of bamee[=a]n, high up in the mountains in the direction of the yookaoolung country. after a toilsome and somewhat perilous ascent the traveller finds himself at the edge of a deep ravine--or rather fissure in the rock, for the width at the top is seldom more than twelve feet--the sides presenting a ferruginous appearance, with tints varying from extremely dark to lighter shades, by reason of the soil being so strongly impregnated with ore. the low gurgling of the wonder-working stream might be heard issuing from the depths of the dark abysm. below, and at the only point of feasible approach for the disease-stricken, is a large cave, where the water bubbles up warm, and forming innumerable small whirlpools before it breaks again into a stream, and mingles its waters with those of a torrent below. here, at the base of a large fragment of rock, almost entirely covered with arabic inscriptions and quotations from the kor[=a]n alluding to the healing powers of the well and the mercy of god, khan shereef and his now dismounted followers offered up prayers for success. suddenly a huge mass of rock detaching itself from the mountain side thundered down the steep; it was hailed by all as a good omen, and the moollah declaring that "now or never" was the auspicious moment, the child was taken from the arms of the now trembling nurse and immersed in the turbid waters. hope elevated the breasts of the father and of the attendants, nor was that feeling fallacious, for on the following morning the invalid was pronounced decidedly better, and was again taken to the cavern, and again, with sanguine prayers and invocations, dipped into the pool. khan shereef, feeling assured that he could now do no more, and trusting to the goodness of providence, ordered a retrograde movement, and in a few days arrived at his castle with the infant nearly restored to health. a few years after the young abdoollah was a healthy active boy, indulging in the sports of the field, and anxiously awaiting the time when he should be of sufficient age to join in the more exciting scenes of the chuppao. the old nurse, the proposer of the successful scheme, was highly honoured, and became chief attendant in the seraglio, which office she holds to this day. "and now," concluded the old gentleman, "if my lord will choose to purchase these beautiful coins, he shall have them for whatever price his generosity may think fit to put upon them." chapter vi. the force stationed at bamee[=a]n consisted, at the time we were there, of a troop of native horse artillery and a regiment of goorkahs in the service of shah seujah. on our arrival, dr. lord, the political agent, sent us a polite note of invitation to pitch our tents near his fort, and (we) become his guests during our stay; we remained with him till the 29th, and were much gratified by his kind attention. the quiet demeanour of the natives here was very remarkable, and as we can hardly attribute the circumstance to an inherent pacific disposition, we must the more appreciate the wonderful address displayed by the political agent in his dealings with the various parties, who in these remote mountains, as well as in more civilised countries, are ever ready to quarrel with each other, and only suspend their animosity when a common powerful enemy is to be resisted or a helpless stranger to be plundered. as it was, we reaped considerable benefit from the favourable impression made on the peasants by the authorities, for we were enabled to go out shooting, alone, and even wander unarmed amongst the hills without experiencing the slightest insult or incivility. indeed, at the period of which i am writing, there seemed to have been a pause in the wild passions of the affgh[=a]ns throughout the country, which was perhaps one of the fatal causes which lulled us into that dangerous feeling of security, from whence we were awoke by the most dreadful disaster that has ever befallen the british arms. poor dr. lord was killed at purwan durrah during the short campaign in the kohistan under sir robert sale; and the other british officer, dr. grant, who was the medical attachã© to the mission, disappeared during the retreat from charrik[=a]r in 1841, and has never been heard of since. on the 29th june we left bamee[=a]n for surruk durrah (red valley), which is situated at the mouth of the gorge; it is a place of no importance, but the face of the impending hills has a most extraordinary appearance from the fanciful shapes of the harder rocks which jut out from the clayey sides of the mountains. here it was that colonel dennie, of the 13th, who afterwards fell at jell[=a]labad, with a small force of a few hundred men, completely routed the ex-ameer dost mahommed kh[=a]n, who was accompanied by all the principal uzbeg chiefs and the famous meer walli of kulloom. a report reached the gallant colonel in the morning, that the enemy had taken up a position at the head of the bamee[=a]n valley; he immediately ordered a reconnoitring party to proceed in that direction, for the purpose of ascertaining whether there was any foundation for the alarm, and accompanied them himself; he was rather astonished on perceiving the enemy debouching from the hills in great force; the odds were fearfully against him in numbers, but, like a good soldier, he at once decided upon attacking without delay. he immediately opened a fire on them from his two guns, under the able superintendence of lieut. mckenzie, and then dashing forward, drove them back with great slaughter into the narrow gorge, from whence they again attempted to advance, but were again beaten back, till at length they lost courage and broke away in every direction. on the 30th we marched to akrob[=a]d, a distance of ten miles. on leaving surruk durrah we entered the narrow gorge before alluded to; it is five miles long, and has precipitous sides, at the bottom of which rushed a foaming torrent: the formation of the hills was slate with a superstratum of limestone. on emerging from the akrob[=a]d pass, where there was not a breath to disturb the meagre foliage, we were suddenly surprized by a bleak piercing wind, which we were told invariably blew across the table land on which the fort is built. although in the height of summer, the wind was intensely cold, and we were glad to take into wear the scanty supply of winter clothing which we had brought with us in case of emergency. out of the stream running in front of the fort in less than an hour i managed to take a few well-flavoured trout, which swallowed my bait most greedily. from surruk durrah to akrob[=a]d the road was, comparatively speaking, good, it being under the superintendence of lieut. broadfoot, who had been directed to make it practicable for artillery as far as sygh[=a]n; he had made good progress in his work, and at the period i write of, it was a very fair military road as far as akrob[=a]d. poor broadfoot was slain in the gallant and desperate charge made by the officers of the 2d bengal cavalry at purw[=a]n durrah, of which i hope in the proper place to be able to give the reader a slight description. the hills about akrob[=a]d are so situated as to form a funnel for all the winds of the snowy range, rendering the temperature of the little table-land bitterly cold both in summer and winter--so much so in winter, that the huz[=a]reh inhabitants desert the fort in autumn for some more sheltered locality, and return again with the spring. we now entered toorkisth[=a]n, the pass of akrob[=a]d dividing it from affghanist[=a]n. should the traveller form his opinion of the country beyond by the specimen now before us, he would be loth indeed to proceed, for a more dismal corner can hardly be conceived. the outline of the adjacent mountains was dreary and uninviting, with very little cultivation in the valley, which also bore a most desolate aspect--it was barren and unpromising, without participating in the wild and grand features which generally characterize these regions. fuel was with difficulty procured, and our camp was but scantily furnished with even the most necessary supplies. chapter vii. on the 1st of july we left this sad region, and pitched our tents some five miles further onwards, in a pleasant meadow, where we met a brother of dost mahommed, the well-known sird[=a]r jubber kh[=a]n, who arrived in the course of the day from the interior of toorkist[=a]n, and encamped close to us. he was then on his way to cabul, having in charge the women and children belonging to the seraglio of the ex-king. he invited us to pay him a visit, which we did in uniform, and found him an agreeable old gentleman, with manners far more polished than the generality of his countrymen, who, though not deficient in a certain national savage grace, frequently shock our european notions of propriety by their open disregard of what we are accustomed to consider the decencies of society; but jubber kh[=a]n seemed to have all the good qualities and few of the vices so prevalent in the affgh[=a]n character. no doubt that superior polish of manner was derived from his more extensive intercourse with europeans. during our visit he presented us each with a small silver mahommedan coin, saying at the same time with peculiar grace and dignity that he was now a poor man, and entirely dependent on the generosity of the british; that the coin was of no intrinsic value, but still he hoped we would remember the donor. much as we respected the character of our host, i could not but regret that he had not yet picked up the english habit of sitting on a chair; for what with tight pantaloons and a stiff uniform, i got so numbed by sitting cross-legged like a tailor, that when the interview was over i could not rise from my cramped position without assistance, much to the amusement of jubber kh[=a]n, whose oriental gravity was entirely upset. i was informed that on being requested by the british authorities to deliver up the family of his brother, he boldly refused, stating that they were given into his charge, and that he deemed it a sacred trust not to be betrayed by any consideration of personal advantage. it will be gratifying to the reader to know that this manly refusal did not operate to his prejudice in the opinions of those to whom it was made. he subsequently obtained from the dost permission to comply with the demand, and was now on his journey for that purpose; but though he professed to have every confidence in our honour and generous kindness with regard to the females, he appeared somewhat anxious as to the influence which his previous refusal might have with reference to his own treatment. jubber kh[=a]n's name was in great repute amongst the affgh[=a]ns, who, all wild and savage as they are, still have sufficient feeling to admire in others those virtues which are so rarely met with amongst themselves: he is considered an able politician also, as well as the poor man's friend--high and low find him equally easy of access, and he is the general mediator in quarrels between the different chiefs, and the principal counsellor in the national debates. whilst encamped here the united seraglios of dost mahommed and jubber kh[=a]n passed in front of our tents, on their way to k[=a]bul. it was a very large procession, consisting of nearly eighty camel loads of fair ones of every age and quality. each camel was furnished on either side with a large pannier, and in each pannier was a lady--weight against weight. the presence of englishmen so much excited their curiosity that we were enabled to enjoy a nearer and better view of the beauties than strict decorum would have justified, and it may not perhaps be uninteresting to my fair readers, if, turning to advantage this slight impropriety, i here take the liberty of describing as much as i could observe of the very remarkable travelling costume of the female affgh[=a]n aristocracy. when in public the highborn affgh[=a]n lady is so completely enveloped by her large veil (literally sheet), that the person is entirely concealed from head to foot; there are two eyelet holes in that part of the sheet which covers the face, admitting air and light, and affording to the fair one, herself unseen, a tolerable view of external objects. i trust i may be permitted without indiscretion to remove this shroud and give some slight description of the costume. over a short white under-garment, whose name of kammese[*] sufficiently denotes its use, is a peir[=a]n or jacket, which amongst the higher classes is made of bokh[=a]ra cloth, or not unfrequently of russian broad cloth, brought overland through bokh[=a]ra. this garment is generally of some glaring gaudy colour, red or bright yellow, richly embroidered either in silk or gold; it is very like the turkish jacket, but the inner side of the sleeve is open, and merely confined at the wrist with hooks and eyes. a pair of loose trousers, gathered at the waist with a running silken cord, and large at the ankle, forms a prominent feature in the costume, and is made either of calico, shawl-cloth, or cachmere brocade, according to the finances of the wearer. instead of stockings they wear a kind of awkward-looking linen bag, yellow or red, soled with thick cloth or felt, the top being edged with shawl-cloth. the shoes are similar to the turkish slipper, with the usual affgh[=a]n high-pointed heels tipped with iron; and as these articles must from their shape be an impediment to walking, i presume that the real use to which they are generally put must have given rise to the common expression in hindoost[=a]n for any punishment inflicted, the term being "jutte mar," literally, beating with the shoe. the weapon put to this purpose would be very formidable, and i have little doubt that the beauties of the harem keep their lords in high discipline by merely threatening with such an instrument. [* note: anglice, chemise. it may fairly be inferred that the name of this under-garment is derived from the word mentioned in the text; and doubtless there are many words in our own as well as in other modern languages that may equally be traced to asia; for instance, sheittan, satan.] on the head of the affgh[=a]n female is worn a small skull cap, keeping in place the hair in front, which is parted, laid flat, and stiffened with gum, while the rest hangs in long plaits down the back. next day we left for sygh[=a]n, and after a march of about fifteen miles pitched our tents in the vicinity of the principal fort. the whole journey was through a deep defile, except about half-way, when we came upon a small but well cultivated plain, with a fort in the centre. the contrast was pleasing after travelling so many miles amidst the dark overhanging crags, threatening destruction on the passer-by; but this relief was of short duration, for after two miles it gradually contracted, and formed a continuation of the defile down to the valley of sygh[=a]n. the fort is on a small hill detached from the main range, but easily commanded, though it is said for ages to have been deemed impregnable, till some chief more knowing than his neighbours hit upon the very obvious expedient of lining the overhanging range with juzzylchees, and picking off every individual who ventured to appear on the battlements. it is now in our possession, and occupied by two companies of sepoys; and though the place might be seriously annoyed by musketry from the adjacent hills, still the sides of those hills are so rocky and precipitous that cannon could not be brought to bear from the summit without immense labour. these hills are composed of sandstone and indurated clay, in which numerous fossils abound. the valley along which we proceeded produces many varieties of fruit, and is rich in the cultivation of artificial grasses, lucerne being the most abundant. on arriving at our encamping ground on the 3rd of july, about four miles and a half beyond sygh[=a]n, a poor villager, a vassal of mahommed ali beg's, to whom the fort of sygh[=a]n belonged previous to its cession to the british, came to complain that some of our baggage animals had injured one of his fields by trampling down his grain. upon enquiry his story was found to be correct. mahommed ali beg happened to be paying us a visit when the man presented himself, and wished to drive the poor fellow away to prevent his troubling us; and great indeed was the wonder and astonishment shewn by all the natives about us when sturt desired that the peasant should receive ten rupees as compensation for the damage done to his crops. loud were the praises bestowed upon our _extraordinary_ justice; and mahommed ali beg, forgetting the line of conduct he had but a moment before advocated, delivered the following expression of his reformed opinion in a loud pompous tone, whilst his followers listened, open-mouthed, to the eloquence of their now scrupulous chief: "although the feringhis have invaded our country they never commit any act of injustice;" then, having delivered himself of this inconsistent speech, he lifted a straw from the ground, and turning round to his audience, continued: "they don't rob us even of the value of _that_; they pay for every thing, even for the damage done by their followers." corporal trim's hat falling to the ground was nothing to the effect produced by the comparison of the straw; but, alas for human nature! i had but too strong grounds for suspecting that, of the ten rupees awarded to the peasant, seven were claimed by ali for having induced the feringhis to listen to the claim!! the surrounding hills have here as at surruk durrah the appearance of ruined castles, with donjon or keep and tower; they forcibly reminded me of the "castle of st. john," in scott's bridal of triermain, but my visions of merlin and fair maidens awoken from their charmed slumbers were destroyed by the sight of a little purling brook which promised me a few hours angling. nor was i disappointed; for in a short time i (being unprovided with my fishing basket) filled two towels full of fish, and congratulated myself on my sport; however, to use an old phrase, "the proof of the pudding is in the eating," and so we found it, for when brought to table "my catch" fell far short of our epicurean anticipations, and i almost regretted that i had not continued my dreams instead of disturbing the finny tribe. a complaint was made to us in the course of the day, that an huzareh female, returning to her own country with one attendant, had been seized and carried away to one of the adjacent forts, where she was detained; and our interference was requested with a view to obtaining her release. we were of course most anxious to help the poor woman, especially as it appeared from what was reported to us that there were not the slightest grounds for the outrage, beyond the helplessness of her situation and the natural cupidity of the robber chief of the fort; but, unfortunately, we were travelling without credentials, the envoy having declined to furnish us, lest the inhabitants should fancy that we were vested with any political power; and therefore we could not interfere, and what became of her i know not, though we were afterwards told that on her resigning her trinkets as her ransom she would be released. indeed the personal ornaments of the petty chiefs are generally the point of some lawless proceeding like the one alluded to, as they are seldom possessed of sufficient capital in specie to purchase jewels, but exchange their grain and fruits for clothes and precious stones. i have mentioned the above circumstance to give the reader some notion of the lawless state of society, deeming it out of keeping with the humble character of this simple narrative, and perhaps beyond the ability of the writer, to enter more minutely into the various causes which have contributed to bring the country into so unhappy a state. chapter viii. on the 4th july our route lay across the dundun shikkun. kotul, or "tooth-breaking pass," and a truly formidable one it is for beasts of burden, especially the declivity on the northern side. very few venture upon the descent without dismounting, for the surface of the rock is so smooth and slippery, that the animals can with difficulty keep their legs even when led, and many teeth, both of man and horse, have been broken before reaching the bottom. the valley of k[=a]mmurd lying at the foot of the northern side of the pass has a very fertile appearance, and orchards of different descriptions of fruit-trees are interspersed throughout the cultivation. the fort of the principal chief, named uzzuttoollah beg, from whom we received a visit, is high up the valley, and there are two others of minor importance on either bank of the river, lower down and together. uzzuttoollah beg was in appearance a very fine old man with an imposing white beard; he was six feet high, large boned and muscular, and by far the most powerful and stately looking personage we had hitherto met; but he was a shrewd wicked old fellow, and when the star of british prosperity began to wane, proved himself a dangerous enemy. his own vassals, from whom he exacted the strictest obedience, stood in great awe of him. he came merely, he said, to pay his respects, to chat over political affairs, and to inquire from us whether the english intended giving up his valley to the meer walli of koollum. we could give him no information as to the intentions of government. "khoob (well,)" answered he, "if such really be the case, the meer walli may seize me if he is able, provided _you_ keep aloof; the meer has tried that game before now, but did not succeed; on two separate occasions he has visited my fort in an unceremonious manner, and with hostile intent; but, gentlemen, there are two sides to a fort, the inside and the out. i was in--the meer was out, and i kept him there; till, (suffering no other inconvenience myself than the deprivation from riding for a few days,) by keeping up a constant fire on his ragamuffins, i one fine day compelled him to beat his retreat:" and so saying, he stroked his beard with much complacency, evidently considering it and its owner the two greatest wonders of the toorkisth[=a]n world. it may be as well to remark here, that in these valleys as throughout affghanist[=a]n in general, the forts are made of mud, the walls being of great strength and thickness; they are built gradually, and it takes many months to erect a wall twenty feet high, as each layer of mud is allowed to bake and harden in the sun before the next is superimposed. now, as none of the chiefs possess cannon, except the meer walli and moorad beg of koondooz, it is almost impossible to gain an entry into a well-constructed fort, except by treachery; and even the few honey-combed pieces of small calibre possessed by the above chieftains would not have much effect against the massive ramparts. but the uzbegs have a method of undermining the bastion, by turning the course of some convenient stream right under the very base; this gradually softens the lower stratum of mud, and diminishing its tenacity, the whole fabric comes tumbling down from its own weight. they also have frequently recourse to mining, but for either method to succeed the defenders cannot be on the alert. a man who had been engaged in an operation of the latter kind, by which the fort of badjgh[=a]r was once taken, explained to me the plan adopted, which bears a rude analogy to the modern plan of mining under the glacis to the foot of the counterscarp. to-day a horseman came into our camp at about 3 p.m. with letters from bamee[=a]n; he had left early in the morning, and thus accomplished a journey of fifty miles with the same horse, over two severe passes, and through a succession of difficult defiles. on alighting, he tied his horse to the branch of a tree, merely loosening the girths, but not intending to give him food till the evening. the horses are habituated to the want of any midday feeding, and at night and morning seldom get grain. but the dried lucerne and other artificial grasses with which they are supplied must afford them sufficient nourishment, as they are generally in very good working condition; they are undersized, but very sure-footed; it is indeed astonishing over what fearful ground they will carry their riders. the yabboo is a different style of animal, heavier built and slower; its pace is an amble, by means of which it will get over an immense distance, but it is not so sure-footed. i remarked that aged horses were very rarely met with, and on inquiring the reason, was informed that the horses were all so violently worked when young as soon to break down, after which they are slaughtered and made into _kabobs_. i was assured that the eating-shops of cabul and kandah[=a]r always require a great supply of horseflesh, which is much liked by the natives, and when well seasoned with spices is not to be distinguished from other animal food. at this station fruit was in great profusion; i observed that the sides of a barren hill near our camp were of a bright yellow tint for upwards of a mile and a half, and on approaching to discover the cause, i found the whole space covered with apricots placed side by side to dry in the sun. i tasted some of them, which had apparently only just been gathered, and found them very well flavoured, though generally speaking i must allow that the fruits of these valleys are inferior to those of europe, with the exception of the grape, which is unequalled. but the grape and apricot are not the only fruits which flourish in this green spot surrounded by barren rocks,--the walnut, the peach, mulberry, apple, and cherry, also come to perfection in their respective seasons. at sunset uzzuttoollah beg sent us a plentiful supply of fruit, grain for our cattle, and flour for the servants, regretting at the same time that he was not able to send us sheep enough for the whole party. when he came to take leave, we told him we had received more than we expected or required, and begged his acceptance of a loonghee or _headdress_ in remembrance of us. he was much gratified with the trifle, it being of peshawurree muslin, a kind much sought after and prized by the uzbegs. he immediately took off his own turban, which was indeed rather the worse for wear, and binding the new one round his head, declared with a self-satisfied look, that "it would be exceedingly becoming." he then arose, and probably to shew his knowledge of european breeding, gave me such a manly shake of the hand as made me expect to see the blood start from the tips of my fingers. i am not sure, with all due respect for the good old custom of shaking hands, that i should not have preferred submitting to the uzbeg mode of salutation. on approaching an equal, the arms of both are thrown transversely across the shoulders and body, like the preparatory attitude of wrestlers in some parts of england, then, placing breast to breast, the usual form of "salaam aleikoom" is given in a slow measured tone. but on horseback the inferior dismounts, and, according to the degree of rank, touches or embraces the stirrup. the valley of kammurd is of an oblong form flanked by stupendous mountains; the enormous barrier of the dundun shikkun almost precludes the possibility of bringing cannon from the south, although one gun is known to have been dragged over by sheer manual labour; it was brought by dost mahommed from cabul to quell some refractory chiefs, the carriage being taken to pieces, and the gun fastened by ropes in the hollowed trunk of a tree. on the 5th of july we reached piedb[=a]gh, five miles further down the valley, which gradually decreased in breadth, seldom exceeding two hundred yards, and sometimes contracting to fifty. along the banks of a muddy river flowing through the centre of the narrow vale, the sycamore tree was very luxuriant, and two or three forts formed a chain of communication from one end of the cultivated land to the other. piedb[=a]gh, as its name implies, is a complete orchard, _piedan_ meaning perpetual, and b[=a]gh, garden; from a distance it looks like a thick wood with the turrets of the forts overtopping the dark foliage. we took advantage of the quiet beauty of this spot to give our horses a day's rest, and lucky it was for us we had at bamee[=a]n exchanged for stout yaboos the unwieldy camels which we had brought from cabul; the yaboos get over the ground twice as fast as the camel, and for mountainous districts are infinitely preferable to the "ship of the desert." it was lucky also that we had not burdened ourselves with bedsteads or charpoys, as they are called in the east (literally "_four feet_"); they would have inconvenienced us much; and we should, probably, have been forced to abandon them on the road, the pathways along the glens being often so narrow, and so encumbered with the detritus from the overhanging mountains, as to make it necessary to pack our baggage very compactly; inattention to this important point in mountain travelling is sometimes followed by very serious consequences, for the chair or bedstead, projecting far beyond the centre of gravity of the unfortunate animal, catches against a corner of rock, and both load and pony run imminent risk of being hurled into the abyss below. we were now so inured to sleeping on the ground, that had it not been for the multitudes of fleas we should never have felt the want of a more elevated sleeping place. the animal and vegetable character of piedb[=a]gh may be stated in a few words--apricots and fleas are in abundance, the former very large sized, and the latter healthy. in the course of my journal i hope to be able to relate the circumstances of a very pretty little affair which occurred here, some months after we passed through, between two companies of shah soojah's goorkah regiment and the inhabitants of the neighbouring forts. the goorkahs, upholding their well-known character, fought desperately against an overwhelming force; they would have suffered severely but for the able conduct of their leader, who was an european non-commissioned officer and quarter-master sergeant of the corps; his manoeuvring would have done credit to many an older soldier. on the 7th july we quitted piedb[=a]gh for badjgh[=a]r, the most westerly of our advanced posts; it was occupied at the period of which i write by captain hay, and was the head-quarters of the goorkah battalion. the hills from a little above piedb[=a]gh encroach so much upon the valley as to reduce it to little more than a ravine forming two gigantic walls, that on the right being inaccessible save to the wild goat, whilst the left-hand boundary, though still precipitous, may be surmounted by active light-armed troops. on emerging from the orchards we came upon a grass meadow extending to the fort of badjgh[=a]r, which is again situate at the mouth of a defile leading to m[=a]ther, the route we eventually pursued. the fort is capable of containing about two hundred men; when first taken possession of it was literally choked with filth and abominations of all kinds, but the industry of the little garrison had succeeded in giving it an air of cleanliness and comfort. as a military position it is most faulty, and it is really astonishing to conceive how heedless those who fixed upon it as a post of such importance must have been of the manifold weakness of the place; from the surrounding heights it has the appearance of being situated in a deep dyke; it is completely hemmed in, and juzzaelmen occupying the adjacent hills could easily find cover from whence they might pour in so destructive a fire as to render the place untenable. in addition to these defects, the fort of badjgh[=a]r is unprovided with a well within its defences; this, as has before been remarked, is a common case, but still it would materially affect the integrity of a force within, as they would be reduced to the necessity of frequent sallies to the neighbouring stream to obtain water. we found capt. hay in no enviable position; he had but one european to assist him in his various important duties; the three or four officers who were nominally attached to the corps being either on detachment or other military employ, so that with such slender aid as one european sergeant, it was very hard work for him to keep up discipline amongst a brave but half savage band, to provide for their subsistence, keep a sharp look-out on his front and flanks, and remain on good terms with the neighbouring chiefs, whose conflicting interests, lawless propensities, and savage nature were continually requiring his mediation or interference. "_quem deus vult perdere prius dementat_" is an old saw most applicable to the conduct, or rather want of conduct of the "powers that were" during the spring of 1841, and the state of the important outpost of badjgh[=a]r is a type of the condition of most of the detached posts throughout the kingdom of cabul; the dreadful catastrophe which ushered in the year 1842 is but too unanswerable a proof of the opinion i here express; and though innumerable instances of individual gallantry as well amongst the unlettered privates as the superior officers have thrown a halo round their bloody graves, the stern truth still forces itself upon us, that the temporary eclipse of british glory was not the consequences of events beyond the power of human wisdom to foresee or ward off, but the natural results of an overweening confidence in our power, and of an infatuated blindness to the sure indications of the coming storm which for many months before it burst darkened our political horizon. it will easily be believed that the various duties entailed upon capt. hay left him but little time for scientific researches, yet this indefatigable officer had already made a fine collection of geological specimens from the adjacent hills. i regret that circumstances prevent me from giving any of the useful information which his industry supplied. i am only able to say, that the fossils were generally found in tertiary deposits, and were plentiful in quantity, but the variety was not great. he had at the time of our visit made, likewise, considerable progress in putting his position into as good a state of defence as circumstances allowed; of course he had not means to defilade his fort, but he had erected a breastwork four feet and a half high across the defile, which would certainly be of great use in checking any body of horsemen who might advance from the north, at least for a time sufficient to enable the garrison to prepare for an attack. the fort seemed a focus for all the rays of the sun, and was intensely hot, the thermometer ranging from 95 to 110 in the shade; nor was the situation healthy, for a great many goorkahs were in hospital, and all were more or less debilitated from the effects of the climate. whilst at badjgh[=a]r we made the acquaintance of one of the chiefs, suyed mahommed of the dushti suffaã«d or _white desert_, through whose country we eventually travelled; we found him an easy good-tempered man, well inclined towards the british, but grasping and avaricious. throughout our intercourse with him he behaved well, but he took occasion frequently to remind us we were not to forget that he looked for a reward; still, in summing his character, i must say he was superior to his "order;" for, either from the wish to lead a quiet life or from his limited means and unwarlike disposition, he was not given to feuds or chuppaos like his neighbours. he sent rather a characteristic letter to shah pursund kh[=a]n, a chief whose dominions were also on our line of route, recommending us to his notice, but concluding by telling him to judge of us and act according to our merits. chapter ix. on the 9th july we bade our kind friend capt. hay farewell, and many were the prayers offered up for our safe return; the goorkah soldiers even accompanied us for three or four miles. sturt had not been supplied with any introductory letters from sir william m'naghten, although he was sent on duty, for it was uncertain what kind of a reception we might meet with amongst the chiefs of toorkisth[=a]n, and it was therefore deemed unadvisable to give us the character of accredited agents, which would necessarily tend to mix us up with politics. though this plan may have been very wise on the part of government, yet it by no means contributed to our comfort, as we found ourselves frequently the objects of suspicion. some of the chiefs plainly said, "you are come to survey our country, and eventually to take possession;" but most of them cared very little whether we came as friends or foes: they had little to lose and everything to gain by a _row_. with a few of the more influential chiefs the case was different; if we had caused dost mahommed, the all powerful ameer of c[=a]bul, to become a fugitive, what chance had they if our views led us across the hindoo khoosh? such was their mode of reasoning; but it must be confessed that they were ignorant of the immense advantage the rugged nature of their barren land would give them over a regular army, and thus they were unable to form an idea of the value of the resistance which a few determined mountaineers might oppose. amongst other wild schemes, i fancy that the idea was once entertained, or at all events the question was mooted, of sending a force to bokh[=a]r[=a] to procure the release of poor stoddart. without dwelling upon the enormous sacrifice of life and treasure which such an expedition of magnitude sufficient to ensure success would entail, i may be permitted to point out what from personal observation i have been led to consider as the "least impossible" route. the line i should recommend would be the one we pursued as far as koollum, when the force should so shape its route as to avoid the great sandy desert, which extends for three hundred and fifty miles from koollum to bokh[=a]r[=a], by keeping to the north, and "striking" the oxus, which is navigable for boats of heavy burthen for many hundred miles above the capital. but even on this plan we must suppose the force to have already surmounted the thousand and one passes which occur between cabul and koollum. much has been printed and a great deal more written and wisely left _un_printed concerning the practicability of these routes for a modern army; it savours of a useless truism to state, that if the government making the attempt has resources sufficient in men, transport, and treasure, and dwells not upon the sacrifice of these three necessaries for an army, the thing may be done; but i can hardly conceive any crisis in political affairs which could render such a measure advantageous to the party undertaking it. the advancing force will always suffer, whether it be russia advancing upon india, or india advancing towards europe. the hand of god has fixed the tremendous barrier; woe to him who would despise the warning. our route lay along the usual green vale so often described, bounded by barren hills, over which a few inhabitants might occasionally be seen stalking along in their dark-coloured garments, which harmonized with the sombre character of the country. we pitched our tents near the little fort of m[=a]ther, about five miles from our last encampment, and situate at the foot of the kara kotul, or _black pass_. our resting place afforded nothing remarkable; and indeed i feel that some apology is due to my readers for the unavoidable sameness of the details of this part of our journey; but i am in hopes that this very defect, though it render the perusal of my journal still heavier, will assist in conveying an accurate idea of the nature of the country; it is not my fault if we met with no adventures, no hairbreadth escapes, or perilous encounters. i must once more crave indulgence. the affgh[=a]n soldiers of our escort did not much relish the discipline i enforced. a complaint was made to me in the course of the day by a peasant, that these warriors had most unceremoniously broken down hedges, and entering his apricot orchard, had commenced appropriating the fruit, responding to his remonstrances with threats and oaths. i thought this a fine opportunity to read my savages a lecture on the advantages of discipline and regular pay. i asked them whether they were not now much better off than when employed by their own countrymen, and whether they expected to be treated as regular soldiers, and still be allowed to plunder the inoffensive inhabitants? one of the men, who was evidently an orator, listened to me with more attention than the rest, but with a look of evident impatience for the conclusion of my harangue, that he too might show how well he could reason. "my lord," said the man, putting himself into an attitude worthy of the conciliation-hall, to say nothing of st. stephen's, "my lord, on the whole your speech is very excellent: your pay is good--the best, no doubt, and very regular; we have not hitherto been accustomed to such treatment; though you brought the evil the remedy has come with it; your arrival in c[=a]bul has so raised the price of provisions that we could not live on affgh[=a]n pay; we have, therefore, entered the service of the foreigner; but had we received the same wages we now get from you, we should in our own service have been gentlemen." here the orator made a pause, but soon imagining from my silence that his speech was unobjectionable, he boldly continued; "but there is one powerful argument in favour of the ameer's service, _he_ always allowed us on the line of march to plunder from every one; we have been brought up in this _principle(!!)_ since we were children, and we find it very difficult to refrain from what has so long been an established practice amongst us: we are soldiers, sir, and it is not much each man takes; but the british are so strict, that they will protect a villager or even a stranger:" this last sentence was evidently pronounced under a deep sense of unmerited oppression. "but," continued he, "look at that apricot orchard on the right, how ripe and tempting is the fruit; if we were not under your orders, those trees would in a moment be as bare as the palm of my hand." but i remarked, "would not the owners turn out and have a fight; is it not better to go through a strange country peaceably and making friends?" "_they_ fight," answered my hero; "oh! they are uzbegs and no men, more like women--one affghan can beat three uzbegs." i was not quite satisfied how far the vaunted pay and discipline would prevail over the natural lawless propensities of _my army_, and in order not to try their insubordination too much, i conceived that a compromise would be the wisest plan, and giving them a few rupees, i desired them to make the most they could out of them. off they went highly delighted with the results of the interview, clapping their orator on the back, crying out _sh[=a]bash, sh[=a]bash, bravo, bravo_, and evidently believing the gift of the rupees as entirely due to the eloquence of their comrade. they are a simple people with all their savage characteristics, but it is very sad to contemplate a whole nation as a race of systematic plunderers. in the afternoon the chief of m[=a]ther called to pay his respects, bringing a present of fruit and sheep's milk; the latter i found so palatable, that i constantly drank it afterwards; it is considered very nutritious, and is a common beverage in toorkisth[=a]n, where the sheep are milked regularly three times a day. goats are very scarce, cows not to be seen, but the sheep's milk affords nourishment in various forms, of which the most common is a kind of sour cheese, being little better than curdled milk and salt. tea is also a favourite drink, but is taken without sugar or milk; the former is too expensive for the poorer classes, and all prefer it without the latter. sometimes a mixture such as would create dismay at an english tea-table is handed round, consisting principally of tea-leaves, salt, and fat, like very weak and very greasy soup, and to an european palate most nauseous. we could never reconcile our ideas to its being a delicacy. tea is to be procured in all large towns hereabouts, of all qualities and at every price; at c[=a]bul the highest price for tea is â£5 sterling for a couple of pounds' weight; but this is of very rare quality, and the leaf so fine and fragrant that a mere pinch suffices a moderate party. what would our tea-drinking old ladies say for a few pounds of that delicious treasure? this superfine leaf reaches cabul from china through thibet, always maintaining its price; but it is almost impossible to procure it unadulterated, as it is generally mixed by the merchants with the lesser priced kind. the most acceptable present which a traveller could offer in toorkisth[=a]n would be _fire-arms_ or _tea_; the latter is a luxury they indulge in to excess, taking it after every meal; but they seldom are enabled to procure it without the lawless assistance of the former. on leaving m[=a]ther we commenced the ascent of the kara kotul or black pass, which lasted for seven long miles and was very fatiguing. the large masses of rock on either side the pathway were of a deep brown colour. from the length and steepness of the ascent, this pass must be higher than any we had hitherto surmounted; the descent on the other side is difficult in proportion. the approach to doa[=u]b is through one of the most romantic glens conceivable. it is here that the koollum river takes its rise; it flows due north and soon reaches a mountain meadow, where it unites with another stream coming from the east, whence the name of the doa[=u]b (two waters) is given to this district. in this defile are scattered huge rocks, which have been dislodged from the overhanging precipices by the effects of frost or convulsions of the elements: in vain do these masses obstruct the progress of the waters of this river. the torrent dashing in cataracts over some of the large boulders and eddying round the base of others, pursues an agitated course until it reaches the desert, through which it glides more calmly, and combines with the oxus beyond koollum, whence the confluent waters proceed uninterruptedly to the sea of aral. the banks of this river differ from those of the mountain streams in general; they were decked with the most beautiful wild flowers, which bloomed luxuriantly on the bushes, and growing from the deep clefts in the rock, scented the air with their perfume. the glen is here so filled with large blocks of granite, that to accomplish our passage through it, it was necessary to transfer by manual labour the loads of the baggage animals across the obstructing masses: the difficulties we encountered, and more particularly the romantic scene itself, are still imprinted on my memory. the wind whistling round the jutting points, the dashing of the waters, and the cries of one of the most timid of our followers, who to save himself from wet feet had mounted an overladen pony, and was now in imminent danger both of scylla and charybdis, added to the interest of the picture; but, occasionally, the reverberation caused by the fragments of rock, which, detaching themselves from the upper regions, came tumbling down, not far from where we stood, warned us not to dwell upon the spot. we took the hint, and hastily extricating man and beast, though not until they had experienced a severe ducking, we proceeded onwards to where the waters enclose within their fertilizing arms the grassy fields of the mountain doa[=u]b. here it was that we caught the first glimpse of the extensive plains where the toorkm[=a]n mares are turned out to graze; those in foal are left for several months; and after foaling, the animals are put into smaller pastures provided with enclosures, where they are shut up at night. the extent of the larger savannahs is very great, some of them exceeding twenty miles, and the horses that are allowed to range in them become so shy, that their owners only can approach them, and the animals are considered safe from depredators. as we gradually emerged from the hard bosom of the mountains, we were struck with the simple beauty of this little garden of nature. the vale is triangular, its greatest breadth being about five miles; its whole extent is covered with a rich turf, intermingled by just sufficient cultivated land as to supply the inhabitants with grain. every wild flower that enlivens our english meads grew here luxuriantly, while the two streams crept along on either side like silver threads bordering a jewelled carpet. this gay and brilliant sight was enhanced by the lofty range of dark frowning hills which encompassed it. it was worthy of being sung as the "loveliest vale in toorkisth[=a]n." chapter x. i have already mentioned that we had received a letter to shah pursund kh[=a]n, the chief of the doa[=u]b, who accordingly came out to welcome us to his territory; he embraced us in the uzbeg fashion, telling us in eastern phraseology "to consider his dominion as our own, and that we might command all he possessed." after many compliments of this nature, he inquired with some bluntness whither we were bound and what our object was? we answered him, that we were proceeding to koollum, and were anxious to get as much information as he would be good enough to afford us concerning so beautiful a portion of the globe, and we wished to survey its particular features. "mind," rejoined he, "that the chief of heibuk and the meer walli of koollum are my enemies, and may be yours." "if," answered sturt, "we shall meet with the same reception from them as we have hitherto enjoyed from all other chiefs whose possessions we have had occasion to trespass upon during our journeyings, we cannot complain of want of either kindness or hospitality; for as travellers we come, and once eating the 'salt of an uzbeg,' we know that none would dishonour himself by acting the traitor." "true," retorted the kh[=a]n, "but he who is your friend while in his dominions will rob you as soon as you set your foot across his frontier." we were not much pleased at this prospect, as we knew he spoke truth when declaring himself at enmity with the surrounding chiefs, but "sufficient for the day is the evil thereof," so we made up our minds to take what advantage we could of his friendly disposition towards us, and trust to our good fortune and the "chapter of accidents" for our future safety. shah pursund kh[=a]n did not confine his kindness to words, for he sent us an ample supply of flour and clarified butter for our followers, grass and corn for our cattle, and a sheep for ourselves; these sheep are of the doomba species, with large tails weighing several pounds, which are considered the most delicate part of the animal. he also sent us from his harem an enormous dish of foul[=a]deh, made of wheat boiled to a jelly and strained, and when eaten with sugar and milk palatable and nutritious. the following morning, as we were preparing to start, i happened to enter into conversation with an aged moollah, the solitary cicerone of the doa[=u]b, who gave us a brief but very extraordinary account of a cavern about seven miles off; our curiosity was so much excited by the marvellous details we heard, that we determined to delay our departure for the purpose of ascertaining how much of his story was due to the wild imagination of our informant. we accordingly gave orders to unsaddle, and communicated our intentions to the khan. at first he strongly urged us not to put our plan into execution, declaring that the cave was the domicile of the evil one, and that no stranger who had presumed to intrude upon the privacy of the awful inhabitant had ever returned to tell of what he had seen. it will easily be imagined that these warnings only made us more determined upon visiting the spot. at length, finding our resolution immovable, the kh[=a]n, much to our astonishment, declared that it was not from personal fear, but from anxiety for our safety that he had endeavoured to deter us, but that, as we were obstinate, he would at least afford us the advantage of his protection, and accompany us, i confess we were not sanguine in our expectations that he would keep his word, and were not a little surprised to see him shortly after issue forth from his fort fully armed, and accompanied by his principal followers. we immediately made all necessary preparations, and started on our visit to his satanic majesty. a bridle-path conducted us for some miles along the edge of a gentle stream, whose banks were clothed with long luxuriant grass extending on either side for a few hundred yards; we proceeded rapidly at first, keeping our horses at a hand gallop, as the path was smooth, and also to escape from the myriads of forest-flies or blood-suckers which were perpetually hovering around us, and irritating our cattle almost to madness whenever we were obliged to slacken our pace; our tormentors, however, did not pursue us beyond the limits of the pasture land, so that we were glad to exchange the beauties of the prairie for the stony barren ground which succeeded it. we soon reached the base of a hill from whence the wished-for cavern was visible, situated about half-way up its face. we were now obliged to dismount, and leaving our horses under the charge of an uzbeg, who could hardly conceal his delight at being selected for the least dangerous duty, we commenced the ascent. during our ride i had endeavoured to gather a few more particulars concerning the dreaded cavern, and as might have been expected, the anticipated horrors dwindled away considerably as we approached it; still enough of the marvellous remained to keep my curiosity on the stretch. shah pursund kh[=a]n confessed that he was not positive that the devil actually lived there, but still, he said, it was very probable; he had first heard of the existence of the cave when he obtained possession of the do[=a]ub twelve years ago, from the very moollah who was our informant. urged by a curiosity similar to our own, he had ventured some little distance inside, but suddenly he came upon the print of a naked foot, and beside it another extraordinary impression, which he suspected to be from the foot of sheittan (the devil) himself; quite satisfied that he had gone far enough, he retreated precipitately, and from that day to this had never intruded again. he argued that any _human_ being living in the cave would require sustenance, and of course would purchase it at his fort, which was the only one where the necessaries of life could be procured for many miles around; but he knew every one who came to him, and no stranger had ever come on such an errand; he therefore concluded with an appealing look to the moollah who was with us. the moollah, however, had a tale of his own to tell, and seemed to have no great respect for the superstitious fears of his patron. "the name of the cavern is yeerm[=a]lik, and the fact of the matter is this," said he, settling himself in his saddle for a long story. "in the time of the invasion, six hundred years ago, of genghis kh[=a]n the tartar, seven hundred men of the huzareh tribe, with their wives and families and a stock of provisions, took possession of this cavern, hoping to escape the fury of the ruthless invader, and never stirred beyond its mouth. but the cruel genghis, after wasting the country with fire and sword, set on foot a strict search for such of the unfortunate inhabitants as had fled from his tyranny. his bloodhounds soon scented the wretched huzarehs, and a strong party was sent to drive them from their place of refuge. but despair lent to the besieged a courage which was not the characteristic of their tribe, and knowing that, if taken alive, a lingering torture and cruel death would be their fate, they resolved to make good their defence at every hazard. the mouth of the cave was small, and no sooner did the invaders rush in than they were cut down by those inside; in vain were more men thrust in to take the place of those slain; the advantages of position were too great, and they were obliged at length to desist. but genghis was not to be balked of his victims, and his devilish cunning suggested the expedient of lighting straw at the mouth of the cave to suffocate those inside, but the size of the place prevented his plan from taking effect; so he at last commanded a large fragment of rock to be rolled to the mouth of the cavern, adding another as a support, and having thus effectually barred their exit, he cruelly abandoned them to their fate. of course the whole party suffered a miserable death, and it is perhaps the spirits of the murdered men that, wandering about and haunting it, have given a suspicious character to the place; but," concluded he, rather dogmatically, "the devil _does not_ live there now--it is too cold!!"[*] [* note: those who have been familiarized to the atrocities perpetrated by the french in algeria will not feel the horror that the moollah's tale would otherwise have excited; the similarity of these outrages to humanity is so striking, that i quote a passage extracted from the french paper, "the national," which will speak for itself. "the national gives a frightful picture of marshal bugeaud's doings in africa. according to the accounts published by this paper, fifty prisoners were one day shot in cold blood--thirteen villages burned--the dahra massacre acted over again, for it appears that a portion of a tribe having hid themselves in a cave, the same means were resorted to exactly as those employed by colonel pelissier, and all smoked and baked to death. the marshal himself is the author of all these horrors--his last triumph was a monster razzia--he has ordered the most strict secresy as to his barbarous proceedings; and the writer of the accounts calls him a second attila, for he puts all to the sword and fire, sparing only women and children."] after scrambling over loose stones, climbing up precipices, and crawling round the projecting rocks, which consumed an hour, we found ourselves on a small ledge in front of the outer aperture, which was nearly circular and about fifty feet high. we were now in a cavern apparently of no great extent, and as i could not discover any other passage, i began to fancy that it was for this paltry hole we had undergone so much fatigue, and had had our expectations raised so high. i was about to give utterance to my disappointment, when i perceived the uzbegs preparing their torches and arranging the line of march, in which it seemed that no one was anxious to take precedence. i now began to look about me, in the hope that there was something more to be seen, and was delighted to observe one adventurous hero with a torch disappear behind some masses of rock. we all followed our leader, and it was with great difficulty that, one by one, we managed to squeeze ourselves through a narrow gap between two jagged rocks, which i presume i am to consider as the identical ones that were rolled to the mouth six hundred years ago at the stern command of the tartar attila. i confess that hitherto i had treated the moollah's account as an idle tale; my unbelief, however, was quickly removed, for just as we entered the narrow passage the light of the torches was for an instant thrown upon a group of human skeletons. i saw them but for an instant, and the sight was quite sufficient to raise my drooping curiosity to its former pitch. chapter xi. we proceeded down the sloping shaft, occasionally bruising ourselves against its jagged sides, until our leader suddenly came to a dead halt. i was next to him, and coming up as close as i could, i found that one step further would have precipitated the adventurous guide into an abyss, the bottom and sides of which were undistinguishable; after gazing for a moment into this apparently insurmountable obstacle to our further progress, i could just perceive a narrow ledge about sixteen feet below me, that the eye could trace for a few yards only, beyond which it was lost in the deep gloom surrounding us. our conductor had already made up his mind what to do: he proceeded to unwind his long narrow turban composed of cotton cloth, and called to his comrades to do the same; by joining these together they formed a kind of rope by means of which we gradually lowered each other, till at last a party ten in number were safely landed on the ledge. we left a couple of men to haul us up on our return, and proceeded on our way, groping along the brink of the yawning chasm. every now and then loose stones set in motion by our feet would slip into this bottomless pit, and we could hear them bounding down from ledge to ledge, smashing themselves into a thousand fragments, till the echoes so often repeated were like the independent file-firing of a battalion of infantry. sometimes the narrow path would be covered for a distance of many feet with a smooth coat of ice, and then it was indeed dangerous. after moving on in this way for some minutes, the road gradually widened till we found ourselves on the damp and dripping flooring of a chamber of unknown dimensions; the torch light was not strong enough to enable us to conceive the size of this subterraneous hall, but all around us lay scattered melancholy proofs that there was some sad foundation for the moollah's story. hundreds of human skeletons were strewed around; as far as the eye could penetrate these mournful relics presented themselves; they were very perfect, and had evidently not been disturbed since death; some had more the appearance of the shrivelled-up remains which we find in the morgue on the road to the grand st. bernard, and lay about us in all the varied positions induced by their miserable fate. here, it seemed that a group had, while sufficient strength yet remained, huddled themselves together, as if to keep up the vital warmth of which death so slowly and yet so surely was depriving them; a little farther on was a figure in a sitting posture, with two infants still clasped in its bony arms; and then again the eye would fall upon some solitary figure with outstretched limbs, as if courting that death which on the instant responded to the call. involuntarily my thoughts recurred to dante's beautiful description of the comte ugolino's children and their piteous end in the torre della fame--but here, a sickening sense of the dreadful reality of the horrors, which it was evident from these mute memorials of man's cruelty to his fellow had been endured, quite oppressed me, and i wished i had never visited the spot. i felt myself so much harrowed by this sad scene, that i endeavoured to distract my attention; but what was my astonishment when my eye fell upon the print of a human naked foot, and beside it the distinct mark of the pointed heel of the affgh[=a]n boot!--i hope my reader will give me credit for truth--i can assure him that it was some time before i could believe my own eyes, though i considered that the result of our explorations would explain in part the sight, which appeared to me so extraordinary, and which tallied so strangely with the footprints which had frightened shah pursund khan twelve years ago. i was still absorbed in reflections of no very gay colour, when one of the attendants warned me that if i staid all day amongst the "dead people," there would not be sufficient oil to feed the torches, and we should be unable to visit the ice caves. i was immediately roused, and proceeded onwards with the party through several low arches and smaller caves,--suddenly a strange glare spread itself about me, and after a few more steps a magnificent spectacle presented itself. [illustration: drawn by mr gempertz pelham richardson litho view of the ice caves in the cavern of yeermallik.] in the centre of a large cave stood an enormous mass of clear ice, smooth and polished as a mirror, and in the form of a gigantic beehive, with its dome-shaped top just touching the long icicles which depended from the jagged surface of the rock. a small aperture led to the interior of this wonderful congelation, the walls of which were nearly two feet thick--the floor, sides, and roof were smooth and slippery, and our figures were reflected from floor to ceiling and from side to side in endless repetition. the inside of this chilly abode was divided into several compartments of every fantastic shape; in some the glittering icicles hung like curtains from the roof; in others the vault was smooth as glass. beautifully brilliant were the prismatic colours reflected from the varied surface of the ice, when the torches flashed suddenly upon them as we passed from cave to cave. around, above, beneath, every thing was of solid ice, and being unable to stand on account of its slippery nature, we slid or rather glided mysteriously along the glassy surface of this hall of spells. in one of the largest compartments the icicles had reached the floor, and gave the idea of pillars supporting the roof. altogether the sight was to me as novel as it was magnificent, and i only regret that my powers of description are inadequate to do justice to what i saw. after wandering for some time amongst these extraordinary chambers, we proceeded further to examine the nature of the caverns in which they were formed: these seemed to branch out into innumerable galleries, which again intersected each other. sometimes they expanded into halls, the dimensions of which our feeble light prevented us from calculating, and anon they contracted into narrow passages, so low that we were obliged to creep along them on our hands and knees. our party had just emerged from one of these defiles and were standing together on a kind of sloping platform, at which point the declivity seemed to become more precipitous as it receded from our sight, when our attention was suddenly arrested by the reappearance of the mysterious naked footprints which i had before observed in the chamber of skeletons. i examined them minutely, and am certain from the spread of the toes that they belonged to some one who was in the habit of going barefoot. i took a torch, and determined to trace them as far as i could. had i met with these prints in the open air, i should have decided upon their being quite fresh, but the even temperature and stillness of atmosphere which reigned in these strange regions might account for the tracks retaining that sharpness of outline which denotes a recent impression. the direction i took led me immediately down the slope i have just mentioned, and its increasing steepness caused me some misgivings as to how i should get back, when suddenly a large stone on which i had rested my foot gave way beneath my weight, and down i came, extinguishing my torch in my fall. luckily i managed to stop myself from rolling down the fearful chasm which yawned beneath, but the heavy rounded fragment of rock rolled onwards, first with a harsh grating sound, as if it reluctantly quitted its resting place, then, gradually acquiring impetus, down it thundered, striking against other rocks and dragging them on with it, till the loud echoes repeated a thousand times from the distant caves mingling with the original sound raised a tumult of noise quite sufficient to scare a braver crew than our party consisted of. the effect of my mishap was instantaneous. our followers raised an universal shout of sheit[=a]n, sheit[=a]n, (the devil, the devil,) and rushed helter skelter back from the direction of the sound. in the confusion all the torches carried by the natives were extinguished, and had not my friend sturt displayed the most perfect coolness and self-possession, we should have been in an alarming predicament; for he (uninfluenced by any such supernatural fears as had been excited amongst the runaways by the infernal turmoil produced by my unlucky foot, and though himself ignorant of the cause of it from having been intent upon the footmarks when i slipped), remained perfectly unmoved with his torch, the only one still burning, raised high above his head, waiting patiently till the panic should subside. order was at length restored in some degree, but the thirst of enterprise was cooled, and the natives loudly declared they would follow the devil no farther, and that we must return forthwith. shah pursund kh[=a]n, who was just as great a coward as the rest, declared it was no use following the track any more, for it was well known the cavern extended to cabul!!! finding it useless endeavouring to revive the broken spirits of these cravens, we reluctantly commenced a retrograde movement, and i was obliged to remain in lasting ignorance of the nature of the mysterious origin of the footprint. we had considerable difficulty in finding our way back to the ice rooms; the fears of our followers had now completely got the better of them; they lost their presence of mind, and, consequently, their way; and it was not till after we had wandered about for more than an hour that we hit upon the ledge which eventually led us to the drop which we had originally descended by means of the ladder of turbans. at the head of this drop we had left a couple of men to haul us up; as soon as they perceived the light of our expiring torches, they called out loudly to us to make haste and get out of the place, for they had seen the _sheit[=a]n_, about an hour ago, run along the ledge beneath them, and disappear in the gloom beyond. this information raised the terror of the poor natives to a climax; all made a rush for the rope of turbans, and four or five having clutched hold of it, were in the act of dragging down turban, men, and torches upon our devoted heads, when sturt interfered, and by his firm remonstrances, aided by the timely fall of a few well-aimed stones upon the heads of the crew, made them relax their grasp and ascend one by one. the chief, being the lightest, claimed the privilege of being drawn up first, which was readily agreed to; and so in succession each when he had mounted assisted in drawing up his companions, till at last we were all safely landed at the top, out of the reach of _any ordinary sized_ devil. we soon emerged into the open air, covered with dust from head to foot like indian faqueers, after having been for nearly four hours wandering in the bowels of the earth. our followers soon regained their courage now that the danger was past, and each in turn began to boast of his own valour and sneer at the pusillanimity of his comrade; but all agreed that nothing on earth or in heaven should ever tempt them again to visit the ice-caves of yeermallick. chapter xii. on the 13th of july we bade adieu to our friend shah pursund kh[=a]n, who accompanied us a short distance on our way, after in vain endeavouring to induce us to remain with him for some time longer, this we could not accede to, but promised, if our time permitted, to pay him a lengthened visit on our return. we had a long march this day, the distance being nearly eighteen miles; but our beasts of burden were much the better for their day's halt, and, the greater part of the road being a descent, we reached rhoeh, where we pitched our tents, in very good time. the first few miles were along the delightful valley of the doaub, which we reluctantly quitted, and after crossing a low ridge descended through broken country till we reached the foot of the hills, where i observed for the first time a genuine tartar krail, composed of a number of small black blanket tents fastened to a kind of wattle. in the plain of rhoeh is a small mud fort in a dilapidated state, and uninhabited; the village itself was not of any importance, the habits of the people being evidently migratory. the jerboa is a native of this country as well as the steppes of tartary, where it is most commonly found in the shrubless plains; in form it is a miniature of the kangaroo, to which in some of its peculiarities it bears a close resemblance, though in size it is very little larger than our common english rat. the name of the "vaulting rat," by which it is known among naturalists, is very applicable. these little animals burrow deeply in the ground, and the method of dislodging them adopted by us was the pouring a quantity of water into their holes, which causes them to rush out at another aperture, when they commence leaping about in a surprising manner until they observe another burrow and instantly disappear. if chased, they spring from the hind quarters, darting about here and there, and affording great amusement to the pursuers. it is difficult to hold them, as they are rarely grasped without losing a portion of their long and beautiful tails. the forelegs are much shorter than the hind ones, the ears are very large and silky, and the eye surpassingly black and brilliant. it is a harmless animal, and no doubt when tamed would be perfectly domesticated. nothing of interest occurred either this day or the next, which brought us, after another dreary march of seventeen miles, to the fort and village of koorrum. for nearly the whole distance between rhoeh and koorrum not a drop of water is procurable; as we had not provided against this contingency, we suffered in proportion. altogether this part of the road offers considerable obstacles to the progress of an army, from its numerous ravines and steep though short ascents and descents, which would be very difficult for artillery; i should, from a cursory glance at the country, imagine that these steep pitches might be avoided by a more circuitous route, though the one we pursued was the beaten track for the caravans, and they generally find out the most convenient passage. the approach to koorrum was pretty, but the scenery was of a character with which we were now so familiar that its peculiar beauties did not perhaps impress us as much as when they afforded the additional charm of novelty. a succession of walnut, apricot, mulberry, and apple trees shaded our path, which lay through extensive orchards, carpeted with beautiful turf. the vines clung to the sycamore trees; and where the spade had been at work, corn and artificial grasses grew in abundance. our next halting place was sarbagh, where we arrived on the 15th, after marching through a pleasant and fruitful valley, flanked by parallel belts of mountain land, the agreeable verdure relieving the eye from the barrenness of this, i may call it, parietal range. the ornamental trees which fringe the banks of the koollum river, as it gracefully pursues its course to the oxus, had altogether a very picturesque appearance. the son of baber beg, the chief of heibuk, was at this time residing at sarbagh, and shewed us every possible attention, sending us sheep, fowls, corn, flour, fruit, and every article required for about seventy people. it was very gratifying to us to find that we were treated by the uzbeg chiefs in so friendly a manner, as we had some misgivings lest our being unprovided with any letters from influential men in c[=a]bul, might create unfavourable surmises amongst a half-savage and naturally suspicious race. doubtless we gained a large portion of attention and civility from the idea which pervaded all our hosts that we were great hakeems, _physicians_, and if we chose, could relieve the human body from every illness whether real or imaginary--and i was glad to remark that the latter class of ailment was by far the most common. still, some diseases were very prevalent, particularly those which may be considered as induced by a total absence of cleanliness. sore eyes were very common here, as in affghanist[=a]n, and our powers and medicine chest were sometimes rather too severely taxed by importunate applicants, who never would apply the remedy in the manner described, unless it was administered upon principles which they understood, and which was in accordance with their own reasoning. in c[=a]bul, the medical officers were the only class of europeans allowed an entrance to the harems of the rich, when they were expected after feeling the pulse of some cashmerian beauty to pronounce her malady, and effect her cure forthwith. the lords of the creation too, debilitated from early dissipation or a life of debauchery, sued for remedies and charms, which, alas! are only to be found in the hundredth edition of a work known by its mysterious advertisement in the columns of a london newspaper. on the 16th, after a long march of twenty-two miles, we approached heibuk through the same kind of scenery as the preceding day; on rounding a projecting ledge of rock we saw that fortress in the distance, on an insulated eminence adjacent to a low range of hills. meer baber beg has placed his fortress in a very respectable state of defence, quite adequate to repel the desultory inroads of his predatory neighbours; but commanded by and exposed to enfilade from the hills about it, on one of these hills he has built a tower as a kind of outwork, but it is very weak and of insignificant size. the only thing worth seeing near heibuk is the tukt-i-rustum or throne of hercules, which we accordingly visited, and found it to be a fortification of no very great extent on a most uncommon principle, and of unknown date. the best idea i can convey to the reader of its shape, is by begging him to cut an orange in half, and place its flat surface in a saucer; he will then have a tolerable model of the tukt-i-rustum. we entered by a narrow gallery piercing through the solid mass of rock which forms the outer wall or saucer, and leading by an irregular flight of steps to the summit of the orange. i instituted many enquiries concerning the origin of this place, but i could obtain no information; not even a legend beyond that it was holy. we were accompanied by one of the chief's sons, a fat jolly youth of about four-and-twenty, with a countenance that was a type of his good humour--he sat with us for some time whilst we were at our toilette, but affected to be somewhat shocked at the very scanty clothing which we considered sufficient while our bheesties poured the contents of their mussocks[*] over us. it was rather amusing to hear the remarks of the bystanders, who seemed to view cleanliness as a consideration very secondary to etiquette. it would have been fortunate for us if i could have persuaded our criticising friends to try on their own persons the advantage of a dash of fresh water, for they were without exception the most filthy race it has ever been my misfortune to meet; their garments teem with life, and sometimes, after merely sitting on the same rug placed to receive visitors, i have been under the necessity of making a fresh toilette. [* note: skins of water.] meer baber beg was a great man in these parts, and kindly sent us three sheep, with fowls, flour, fruits, and grain in abundance, intimating, at the same time, his intention to pay us a visit in the evening. he came accordingly, and favoured us with his presence for a considerable time. he seemed an intelligent man, but in a very infirm state of health, and quite crippled from rheumatism. one would hardly have supposed, while admiring his pleasing features, which expressed so much benignity, that when on the throne of koollum he had been such a bloody tyrant; yet such was the case;--though the hereditary ruler of koollum and its dependencies, he had by his brutality made himself so obnoxious, that he was deposed by his own subjects headed by his younger brother, and dare not now shew his face on his paternal estate. this corpulent son whom i have before mentioned brought a double-barrelled percussion gun for my inspection, and requested that i would test its qualities on some pigeons that were flying about; i was fortunate enough to bring down a couple on the wing, but was somewhat mortified to find that the burst of admiration which followed my feat was entirely confined to the weapon, which, together with the donor, dr. lord, was praised to the skies, whilst no kind of credit was given to my skill in using it. we halted at heibuk on the 17th, as the meer requested we would stay a day with him before putting ourselves in the power of the dreaded meer walli of koollum. at first he endeavoured to persuade us to abandon our project of proceeding further, but, finding us determined, he contented himself with relating every possible story he could remember or invent concerning the many acts of cruel treachery which the meer walli had perpetrated, and concluded by an eulogium on his own manifold virtues. during the course of the day a hindoo from peshawur peeped cautiously into my tent, and, on my inquiring his business, he approached, and with many salaams, laid a bag of money at my feet; rather astonished at so unusual an offering, i requested to know the cause of this act of generosity, and i was informed that it was a "first offering," or, in other words, a bribe to propitiate me, in the hope that i would use my influence to get the hindoo out of the clutches of meer baber beg. the story he told me was, that some years back he came to heibuk to trade, and having made a little money was packing up his property preparatory to his departure, when he was suddenly ordered into the meer's presence. "friend," said this benign ruler, "stay here a little longer; it is not right that, having made a sum of money in my country, you should spend it in your own." since then, he added, he had been ill-treated and robbed several times to satisfy the rapacity of this wicked monster; and then, as if frightened at his own expressions, he peered cautiously round the tent, apparently fancying the meer himself would start from behind the screen to punish him for his audacity. i returned him his 250 rupees, but told him if his story were true i would use what little influence i possessed to procure his release. when baber beg came to pay us his evening visit i broached the subject, and requested as a favour that the hindoo might be permitted to accompany our party as a guide and interpreter. "if you will take my advice," said he, "you will have nothing to say to the scoundrel, who will come to a bad end: he has been deceiving you; but if, after my warning, you still wish to have him as a guide, take him by all means." accordingly i took him, but in justice to the meer's discrimination of character it must be owned that my protegã©, as soon as he considered himself safe from the meer's indignation, proved himself to the full as great a scoundrel as he had been represented. the following morning, before taking our departure, sturt presented to the meer's youngest son a handsome pair of percussion pistols, for which the father seemed so very grateful that i could not help suspecting he intended to appropriate them to his own use as soon as we were well away. on leaving the fortress of heibuk we passed through a very extensive cultivated district, the principal produce being the grain which in hindoostan is called jow[=a]r. the remaining portion of our journey to hazree soolt[=a]n, which was a distance of eighteen miles, was nothing but a barren waste with occasional patches of low jungle. we were now evidently on the farthest spur of the hindoo khoosh; the hills were low and detached, gradually uniting into the endless plain which bounded the horizon to the north and west. on the road we met a messenger who was on his way to sir alexander burnes at k[=a]bul, having come from bokhara, bearing a letter from the _vakeel_, or native ambassador, whom sir alexander had sent some time back to endeavour, by persuasion or stratagem, to effect the release of our unfortunate countryman, col. stoddart. the courier, who had received the account from the vakeel, whether true or false he could not inform us, stated "that col. stoddart accompanied the persian army to her[=a]t, and finding they could not make the desired impression on the walls, raised the siege, and the colonel left the army and proceeded across to bokhara, whether to endeavour to effect the release of the russian slaves, (there being many in the dominions of the bokhara king,) or merely for amusement, he could not say; but that the latter was the generally received opinion. on approaching the city of the tyrant king he met a man riding furiously away with a woman, and as she passed, called out to the colonel amaun, amaun! mercy, mercy! whereupon he immediately galloped up to the ravisher, and securing the deliverance of the woman, told her to keep under his protection until he entered the city. on the first day after his arrival the king passed as the colonel was riding on horseback, and although the latter gave the salute usual in his own country, it did not satisfy the ruler; moreover, he, the feringhi, was on horseback without permission, and therefore the khan ordered him the following day into his presence. messengers the next morning were sent, who abruptly entered the colonel's house, and finding he would not willingly submit, dragged him before their chief. he was asked, why he had infringed the customs of the country by riding on horseback in the city, and why he did not pay the recognised submission to the ruler of a free country? the reply was, that the same compliment had been paid to the king of bokhara as was customary in europe to a crowned head. and why have you presumed to ride on horseback within the city walls, where no feringhi is allowed? because i was ignorant of the custom. it's a lie; my messengers ordered you to dismount and you would not. 'tis true, they did order me and i did not, but i thought they were doing more than their duty. after this the king ordered him into confinement, where he now is." the courier, after giving us this information, remarked that he was penniless, and that as his business concerned the safety of a countryman, he hoped we would assist him. though we were not quite satisfied with the man's story, we stood the chance of its being true, and furnished him with funds for the prosecution of his journey, for which, on our return to cabul, we were kindly thanked by sir alexander, who informed us that the note from the vakeel conveyed the intelligence of the failure of his endeavours, and that he had himself been put in confinement. at the time of which i am writing both dost mahommed kh[=a]n and his notorious son akbar were prisoners at bokhara; but the means taken by _their_ friends to release them were more successful than those adopted by our politicals at cabul. it appears that the chief at shere subz had for some time been at enmity with his bokhara neighbour, and, wishing to do dost mahommed a good turn, he picked out fifty of the most expert thieves in his dominions--a difficult selection where the claims of all to this bad preeminence were so strong--but the shere subz chief was from experience a tolerable judge of the qualifications of an expert rogue, and having pitched upon his men, he promised them valuable presents, provided they effected, by whatever means they might choose to adopt, the release of the dost; hinting at the same time that if they failed he should be under the necessity of seizing and selling their families. the thieves were successful, and at the expiration of a month the dost was free. if we could have interested the chief of shere subz in our favour by presents and fair words, might not the same means have been employed for the rescue of poor stoddart? the only way to deal with a ruffian like him of bokhara would have been by pitting against him some of his own stamp. the king of bokhara has several times endeavoured to coerce the shere subz's chief, but the instant a hostile force appears on his frontiers, the latter causes the whole of his country to be inundated, so that the invader is obliged to retire, and is by this stratagem kept at a respectful distance. another traveller came across us this day, who had resided for some years at kok[=a]n, and furnished us with some account of the nature of the chinese garrison of that fort. it is situated on an isolated rock, and every five years relieved with men, provisions, and ammunition; the flanks of the bastions are armed with ponderous wall pieces, requiring three men to work them. chambers are also bored in the live rock, from whence enormous masses of stone might be discharged on an assailing foe. the kok[=a]nese have often attempted to dislodge the intruders, but owing to the good state of defence in which the fort is kept, and the strong escorts under which the reliefs are regularly forwarded, they have been always repulsed with severe loss. my informant had been in the service of the kok[=a]nese, and was now on his way to hindoostan; in military notions he must have been of the famous captain dugald dalgetty's school, for i afterwards met him as a non-commissioned officer in shah seujah's goorkah battalion. chapter xiii. a march of eighteen miles brought us on the 19th july to koollum. [illustration: drawn by j. cowell esq! pelham richardson litho view of koollum, from the eastward.] the road continued along the banks of the river, through a wide valley bounded by low distant hills for nearly the whole way. towards the end of our journey a spur from these hills struck right across the direction of the river, which had forced for itself a passage through the obstacle without deviating much from its rectilinear course, but considerably disturbing its previously placid character, for here it rushed with impetuous violence through the narrow cleft which it had formed, through this, the most advanced outpost of the glorious range of the hindoo khoosh. the defile, though short, was difficult of access and capable of being long defended; there is a small tower about the centre, slightly removed from and commanding the road: but a mere handfull of troops stationed on the crags above could, by hurling down the loosened masses of rock which totter on the edge of the cliff, for a time effectually stop the progress of a hostile army from either side. i should imagine, however, that this as well as every other pass i have ever seen except the khyber and bolun would be more easily turned than forced. on emerging from this last defile, a prospect presents itself strongly contrasting with the romantic scenery we had recently been witnessing. immediately before us lay the populous city of koollum, the fortress standing on a small isolated eminence, and the dome-shaped houses embosomed in the deep foliage of their gardens and orchards clustered round it for miles on every side. immediately on the outskirts of the city the desert commences, which, stretching away to bokhara as far as the eye could reach, formed a melancholy and uninviting background to the busy scene before us. as we approached the city, we had our misgivings as to the nature of our reception by the meer walli, as, contrary to the treatment we had invariably experienced from the chiefs of all the considerable places through which we had had occasion to pass since entering toorkisth[=a]n, no one appeared on the part of the meer to welcome us. at length, after wandering about the suburbs for more than an hour, followed by a crowd of gaping idlers who seemed half disposed to question our right of _squatting_, we selected an open space and commenced unloading our baggage animals, and prepared to establish ourselves. our spirits were raised, however, soon after, by the welcome arrival of an officer of the meer's household, who was sent by his master to convey us to the caravanserai, where, after a short period, we received three or four sheep with fruit and other provisions of all descriptions, which supply was regularly continued during the whole time we remained at koollum. our uneasiness, thus quieted, was soon entirely dispelled by a message announcing that a visit from the great man himself would take place in the evening. we must have been rather difficult to please, however, on this particular day, for after the wished-for visit was over, we both agreed that it had been dreadfully tiresome; to be sure, as fate would have it, we had not had time to eat our dinner before his arrival, and etiquette obliged us to defer eating till after his departure, which did not release us till past midnight, though he made his appearance soon after eight o'clock. in person the meer walli was certainly very prepossessing; his voice was peculiarly musical, and his manner gentlemanly and easy; his face would have been eminently handsome but for a dreadful wound by which he had lost a portion of his nose. at this our first interview nothing relative to our own future proceedings was discussed, though that was the subject uppermost in our own minds, as we could not but feel ourselves entirely at the mercy of a robber prince of notorious character. as it was, the conversation was made up of those compliments and common-places with which the orientals know so well how to fill up "awkward pauses," when, for reasons of their own, they do not intend talking upon the real business. he very politely acceded to our request of visiting the bazaar the following morning, which being market-day, the influx of strangers from the tartar encampments at the different oases of the bokhara desert, and country people from the toorkisth[=a]n mountains, was very great. one of his household was always in attendance as we passed out of the gate of the caravanserai, where we lodged, to conduct us about, and act in the double capacity of spy and cicerone. the city was crowded, and our appearance excited considerable sensation--much more so in truth than was pleasant, for we were followed wherever we went by a very curious and a very dirty crowd. we had heard a good deal about the mahommedan college at koollum, and of course were very anxious to see what comparison existed between it and our own colleges: we could trace none beyond the term of college. the house itself was new and capacious, with clean-looking apartments for the scholars. we entered the halls of study, which were long narrow verandahs, and found several white-bearded and sagacious-looking moollahs reading out portions of the kor[=a]n to their attentive scholars, with a grave countenance and a loud nasal twang, exciting a propensity to laughter which i with difficulty repressed. i do not think the reasoning of the college is very deep, or that the talents of its senior wrangler need be very first-rate, and am inclined to suspect that this pompous reading was got up for the occasion for the purpose of astonishing the weak intellects of the feringhee strangers. from the college we proceeded to the slave market, which was well furnished, and chiefly supplied from the ever victimized huzarehs; the women were generally ill-favoured, but all appeared contented with their lot so that _somebody_ purchased them. after making the tour of the city in search of wonders, we returned home, hot, wearied, and disappointed, for we had found nothing to repay us for the annoyances we had been subjected to from the impertinent curiosity of the filthy multitude. our own intentions were to get away from koollum in order to be able to reach balkh and return to c[=a]bul before the cold weather should set in; but alas! our wishes were not destined to be fulfilled. our uneasiness concerning the real intentions of the meer was again excited towards the evening, for one of our followers came to us almost frantic with terror, stammering out as soon as his nervous state permitted him to speak, that he had heard it stated as a notorious fact that we were all to be detained at koollum--that such was the pleasure of the meer. the reader will believe that this intelligence was any thing but satisfactory; i could not help conjuring up visions of a long and wearisome captivity--of hope deferred and expectations disappointed--with stoddart's melancholy situation as a near precedent. i managed to make myself for a short time as thoroughly uncomfortable as if i were already a prisoner, but soon a sense of the great foolishness of indulging in this tone of thought came over me, and making a strong effort to shake off the gloomy shadows of an imaginary future, i betook myself to consider the best means of ascertaining, in the first instance, the truth of the report, which if i had done so at once would have saved me a good deal of painful thought. as a preliminary step i desired a couple of our affgh[=a]n escort to proceed, so as not to excite suspicion, to the bourj or _watch tower_ in the centre of the defile by which we had approached koollum, and through which our only retreat must have been, to ascertain if the post was occupied by any of the meer's people. they soon brought us the satisfactory intelligence that not a man was to be seen; but the affgh[=a]ns qualified their information by persisting in their opinion that some treachery was intended. so strong was this feeling amongst our men that it became imperatively necessary that our doubts should be resolved into certainty one way or the other, and sturt and i, after a short consultation, determined that at the interview which was to take place next morning we should put the question to the chief categorically. having come to this conclusion, we were obliged to smoke the "pipe of patience" on the "couch of uncertainty" till the meer walli arrived. the meer made his appearance the following morning, and, after the usual compliments, to our great astonishment himself touched on the subject. "i have heard," said he, "that you have sent out spies to see if the bourj in the defile is occupied, and if any of my people are abroad to restrain your movements." this was rather an ominous commencement: "but," continued the old gentleman, "if such had been my intention, could i not have put the whole of you into confinement the moment you arrived? at all events, what could you and your party do against my force?" sturt glanced his eye at the speaker; for an instant, too, it rested on me, as if to read my opinion; then he boldly answered, "you may outnumber us by thousands, but you will never capture us alive." he said this so calmly, with such politeness of manner, and yet so firmly, that the meer was evidently taken aback: at length he replied, "but no such piece of villainy has ever entered my head." he then adroitly changed the subject, and shortly after took his leave. when he was gone we held another council of war. it was by no means clear that the last declaration of the chief was a sincere one; but it might have been a temporizing answer elicited by the perhaps unexpected boldness of sturt's remark. we determined, at all events, to keep on the alert, guard against any surprise, avoid as much as possible offering any pretext for offence, and, if the worst came to the worst, make as good a resistance as we could. the next day we received a polite message, requesting an interview, and asking us to visit him in his favourite garden. under all circumstances we deemed it best to allow it to appear that our suspicions were dissipated, and we accordingly accepted the invitation, and found the meer seated on the chabooka, or _raised platform of masonry_, under the shade of some magnificent trees. he immediately commenced saying, "the reason i did not go out to meet you as you approached my city is, that during the warm weather i sleep the greater portion of the day and sit up enjoying the coolness of the night air; but i sent a messenger to escort you in with all care, and unfortunately _he missed the way_." such an excuse was possible, but not at all probable. we did not give him credit for telling the truth about the guide, as there was only one road from heibuk, and the approach of our party to koollum was known in the city several days before our arrival. it was now evident to us that on our approach the meer walli was undecided whether he should treat us as friends or foes; it seemed that for the present he had determined in our favour, but distrusting his capricious disposition we were only the more anxious to get out of his reach, though we both agreed that the wisest and safest plan would be to carry our heads very high and put a bold front upon all our proceedings. this decision we came to whilst sitting in the garden in the presence of the meer. suddenly we heard a confused murmur behind us, and the heavy sound of the butt end of several muskets striking the ground as in "ordering arms;" we turned sharply round, and perceived with astonishment, not unmingled with satisfaction, that six or eight of our affgh[=a]n guard, notwithstanding the numerous followers round the meer, had entered the garden of their own accord and placed themselves immediately in our rear with bayonets fixed. the meer appeared to take no notice of this extraordinary intrusion, and after a few compliments permitted us to withdraw. on returning to the caravanserai we inquired why the guard had acted thus without orders; they told us they had secretly heard that treachery was intended by the meer towards us, and that therefore they had deemed it their duty to protect us from any surprise; moreover, that ten more of the guard had been stationed close outside the garden ready to support them at a moment's notice. our own opinion was that at that time nothing of the kind was in contemplation, but it was satisfactory to view the determined spirit which animated our men. strange anomaly that these very men who now came voluntarily forward to protect our persons from insult at the imminent risk of their lives, should have been found amongst those who, with their arms and accoutrements, had deserted in a body from the british to the side of the ex-ameer at the battle of bamee[=a]n a few months after. chapter xiv. pursuant to our plan of appearing to have full confidence in the meer walli's integrity of purpose, we affected to lay aside all personal precaution and courted his society, of which, to say truth, he seemed disposed to give us plenty. we had several interviews with him,--indeed, hardly a day passed without his sending for and honouring us with his presence for several hours. during these meetings we used every endeavour to sound the chief as to his intentions with respect to us, without betraying an undue anxiety on the subject, but could make very little out of him. our conversation frequently turned on military matter, and many very pertinent questions were put to us relative to our rank, pay, duties, discipline, &c. on sturt informing him that he was in the engineer department, and that his particular duties were to construct bridges, repair fortifications, superintend mining operations, and furnish plans of attack, he was promptly asked, "in how long a time do you think your army could take my fortress?" in about a quarter of an hour, answered sturt in his quiet way. "no, no," said the meer with some indignation, "i am sure you could not do so in so short a time;" and then he paused, evidently making up his mind to tell us a story. after a little, out it came. "that feringhis should take my fortress, the strongest in the world, in a quarter of an hour is impossible, for it took me, with five hundred horsemen, double that time." then, apparently forgetting his anger in the anxiety to recount his own exploits, he continued, "when i took possession of this fort i left my army at a little distance, and selecting a few expert warriors, i gallopped up to the gate of the fortress, which i found _open_. i dashed in before the enemy were alarmed, and immediately proclaimed that the place was taken by the victorious merr walli. the fools believed me, and all ran away. by-and-bye my army came up and marched quietly in." we had heard some time before that dost mahommed's eldest son, meer ufzul khan, was in koollum, and it must be confessed that this circumstance did not much contribute to our sense of security, for we could not but feel that we might fairly expect he would not lose so palpable an opportunity of doing us harm should he be so disposed. one morning he sent us a polite message to request an interview, which of course was readily granted. he came, looking pale and sorrowful, and his tone and manner soon satisfied us that his intentions were peaceable. after the usual compliments he entered on the subject of his father's present position and political prospects; he remarked that our _star was too bright_, and assured us that his father was anxious to accede to any terms which the british might think fit to impose short of banishing him to india, and strongly urged us to write to our government to that effect. we explained to ufzul khan that we had received no instructions to act in a political capacity, and that any interference on our part with the affairs of the nation might be looked upon by our superiors as an unwarrantable piece of presumption. he seemed much disappointed at the reply, and, at last, sturt promised to write and mention the conversation to the authorities, which he did. i am not certain whether he wrote to dr. lord or sir william m'naghten, nor can be positive that his letter ever reached its destination--at all events, it was of no avail. ufzul kh[=a]n endeavoured to persuade us to remain at koollum till his father should arrive, who, he said, had escaped from his prison at bokhara by the assistance of the chief of shere subz, as i have already noticed, and was now making his way to the territories of the meer walli by a circuitous route, so as to elude the vigilance of the king, and frustrate his endeavours to recapture him. we were much pleased to find that ufzul khan had no suspicion of our not being free agents, and sturt answered he regretted much that the shortness of the time we had yet at our disposal would prevent his complying with his request, which, indeed, considering all the circumstances of the case, it would have been an act of most culpable folly to have acceded to. at the conclusion of this interview sturt presented him with a handsome rifle, which he received with the utmost gratitude, saying that he was now poor and had nothing to offer in return but his thanks, which, however, he hoped we would believe to be sincere. no sooner had meer ufzul taken his leave than the meer walli made his appearance with the evident intention of ascertaining the results of our interview, and the part we were disposed to take in any negociation concerning the dost. the meer was apparently anxious to remain on good terms with both parties, or, in other words, preferred having two strings to his bow. "should the dost claim my protection," said he, "how would you advise me to act?--he is your enemy, yet i must not abandon him, or deliver him into the hands of the british; for, although i do not wish to offend the british government, i owe my present power to the influence of the ameer,--he has always been my patron, and i must be his friend. and then, moreover, you are the first british officers i have seen since your army took possession of affghanist[=a]n; no notice has been taken of me, the meer walli of koollum; yet, to the petty chiefs of bamee[=a]n vakeels and friendly messages have been sent, with valuable presents--while, to my repeated letters courting an amicable alliance, not even an answer has been given.--is it courteous to treat an inferior so?--is it the conduct generally adopted by the first nation in the world? the doubtful way in which your government has behaved leaves me uncertain as to how my conduct will be interpreted,--but, if _you_ will represent that the meer walli wishes to be on terms of amity, i shall consider you as my best friends. indeed, i would have it known i wish to remain as neutral as possible in any political struggle that may take place."--here he paused, as if expecting some answer which would be a guide to him, but, receiving none, he at length continued: "i will receive the dost and be kind to him until he recovers from the fatigues of his journey, and then will beg him to leave koollum."--it was obvious enough that a consideration for himself was the only motive which really influenced our worthy guest, who, it was clear, would gladly have betrayed his former patron if he could have induced us to guarantee an adequate reward to himself. of course we did not feel authorised to hold out any such prospect, and endeavoured to convince him of the truth that we were not employed in any political capacity, and could not possibly interfere without exposing ourselves to severe animadversions from our superiors. i could not but feel the truth of the meer's remarks on our policy in conciliating the petty chiefs, whilst the friendly overtures of the more powerful were treated almost with insulting neglect. from the expression of the meer's sentiments during this interview, we concluded that, however great a rascal his highness might eventually prove, still his present policy was to be on good terms with us, and all anxiety on our part as to being forcibly detained was allayed, so that we began now seriously to determine on our future proceedings. as one of the principal objects i had in view on joining sturt was to procure coins and those relics of antiquity so abundant in the neighbourhood of balkh, i was most anxious to prosecute my journey hither, and accordingly took an opportunity of explaining to the meer my wishes and intentions, requesting him to furnish me with an adequate escort for my protection. he evinced a decided unwillingness to facilitate my advance, treating my anxiety to collect coins as an assumed reason to conceal some other more important motive. this was very provoking, but, by this time, we were so much accustomed to have the true and simple account of our plans and intentions treated with civil incredulity, that we felt almost disposed to allow the frequent insinuations of our concealed political character to remain uncontradicted--so useless were all our endeavours to satisfy the natives as to our real position. in vain i urged upon the meer the emptiness of all his professions of friendship if he now declined to assist me in the manner i clearly pointed out; all was of no avail; on the contrary, the more urgent i became the more obstinate he grew, and i at last was painfully convinced, not only that he disbelieved me, but that he had not the slightest intention of permitting us to proceed across his frontier in the direction of the territories of the king of bokh[=a]r[=a]. he objected that it was a long journey from c[=a]bul to balkh merely to pick up "rubbish;" and though the actual danger was only for a short space, yet, if any accident happened, if, as he declared was highly probable, we were seized and carried into slavery, he should have to answer to the british government. his horsemen too would be an insufficient protection against an attack from the numerous hordes of thieves who infested the desert, and would surely be on the alert to pounce upon so valuable a booty. he continued repeating these arguments till we lost all hope of persuading him, and not deeming it advisable to risk a rupture of our present apparently good understanding, we reluctantly submitted and turned our thoughts homewards.[*] [* note: the anxiety i have here shewn to procure the escort from the meer will perhaps appear uncalled for, but those who delight in numismatological specimens will agree with me that the disappointment was not trifling, as only a few travellers had succeeded in obtaining rare coins, and i had every reason to believe other varieties were to be found.] [illustration: coins.] no sooner was it rumoured in the bazaar that we were about to return to cabul, than several hindoo bankers waited upon us to pay their respects and offer whatever sums of money we might require for the journey. they were all very anxious to lend, and were much dissatisfied at the insignificant amount of the cash we required, though the only security was a written promise that we would pay the amount to a certain banker in cabul on our return; they offered us as much as ten thousand rupees, and appeared very anxious to avail themselves of the opportunity of sending money to cabul. at all events their confidence was a gratifying proof of the high estimation in which the british name was held in that remote country. chapter xv. after a most friendly parting interview with the meer walli, when he presented us with a horse and baggage pony, we started from koollum on the 22nd of july, accompanied, by the meer's special directions, by one of his confidential servants to act ostensibly as our guide, but who, probably, had also his secret instructions to report on all such of our proceedings as might in any way affect the interests of his master. we proposed to diverge from the route by which we had advanced, at heibuk, passing through ghoree, in the territories of the koondooz chief, and returning to badjgh[=a]r by the dushti suffaed pass, which sturt was very anxious to survey. our first day's march brought us to hazree sultan, and the next morning we reached heibuk, where we were cordially welcomed by our old friend meer baber beg, and had again to undergo the infliction of that detestable compound of grease, flour, salt, and tea, which the meer in his hospitality was always pressing us to swallow. on our departure the next morning, he sent us a present of a horse; an indifferent one, 'tis true, but, at least, it marked his kindly feeling; he warned us not to delay longer than was absolutely necessary in the country of meer moorad beg, whom he described in no very flattering terms; and he, moreover, cautioned us against the koondooz fever, which he declared would inevitably attack us if we were not very careful in selecting our encamping ground at a distance from the pestilential marshes which skirted the bases of the hills. we thanked him for his friendly advice, and started for rhob[=a]t, where we arrived after a dismal ride of twenty-two miles. the country through which we travelled was perhaps the most dreary portion of toorkisth[=a]n; for about twelve miles we traversed a dry low grass jungle of about a foot in height, tenanted by a species of wild goat, several of which we disturbed on our passage through their haunts, but not being prepared for any sport, i did not take advantage of their unwariness. the road was utterly devoid of water for a space of full sixteen miles, at the end of which we came upon a scanty supply, scarce sufficient for our immediate necessities and utterly inadequate for a force of any magnitude. the pista tree, the fruit of which is carried to the indian market, was seen here in considerable quantities; it is very similar in its growth and foliage to the dauk of hindoostan. the _assa foetida_ shrub also abounded on the neighbouring hills, and we were almost overpowered by the horrible stench exhaled therefrom. it is collected in its wild state and sent to c[=a]bul and india, yielding a good profit to those who pick it, as it is used very generally throughout the east for kabobs and curries. we also observed, that day, several coveys of chikore. at rhobat is an old caravanserai for travellers, the remains of a very fine and extensive building, with accommodation and apartments all round the square of about twenty-four yards. it is said to have been constructed in the time of the famous abdoollah khan, and was reduced to its present desolate state by meer moorad beg, the chief of koondooz, who some years ago ravaged the whole of this district, burning and laying waste whatever he could not carry off. on the 25th of july we marched to ghoree, a distance of about 21 miles. as we approached it, we enjoyed a fine prospect of the extensive savannahs of grass so characteristic of toorkisth[=a]n; many horses were feeding in the distance, and the vale, flanked by low hills, was bounded only by the horizon. we were told that it extended in a right line upwards of thirty miles, and that it was frequently used for horse-racing, the customary length of the course being upwards of twenty miles. we were now in the territories of meer moorad beg, a chief of notorious character, but, trusting to the continuance of the good fortune which had hitherto attended us, we did not make ourselves uncomfortable about him. we could not much admire his town of ghoree, which, with his fort, was situate on the edge of a morass extending from the limits of the savannah to the foot of the hills--i should think that the fever so prevalent in these districts must be in a great degree attributable to the absolute want of drainage and the decomposition of vegetable matter. its position was most insalubrious, for the marshy swamps commenced at the very base of hills, and thus as it were encircled the savannahs with a belt of miasma. the ague, which is usually accompanied by fever, is of a kind very difficult to shake off, gradually weakening the sufferer till he sinks under its influence; the natives themselves are by no means free from its strokes, to which attacks every stranger who remains for many days in the vicinity of the marshes is liable. though a veil of mystery still covers the particulars of poor moorcroft's fate, it seems more than probable that he fell a victim to the fever of this country, though the seed that was sown did not mature till some time after he had quitted it. the fort of ghoree has great strength, being on a level with the adjacent country and surrounded by a wet ditch thirty feet wide and very deep; its stagnant water teemed with fish of a large size, but i had no opportunity of ascertaining their species. there was a rude drawbridge across the moat, and the dwellings around the fort were temporary hovels composed of straw; so suspicious were the occupants of our intentions that they would not allow us access to the interior of the fort. while reposing at the door of my tent on the evening of our arrival at ghoree, i was accosted by an old man, with the usual request for a little medicine, as one of his family was afflicted with rheumatism; i gave from our now much reduced medicine chest what i thought at least could do no harm, and endeavoured, as was my custom, to engage the old gentleman in conversation. i have before mentioned the propensity of these people for _story-telling_, and i much fear that when, with their native acuteness in discriminating character, they detect an anxiety on the part of the questioner for old stories, no difficulty exists in the concoction of one for him. in the case now alluded to, i beg to assure my readers that i do not in the slightest degree pledge myself for the veracity of the story which the old man related to me. i should not like even to say that the customs to which he alluded were really "_bonã¢ fide"_ the customs of his country; however, i give it as it was related, nothing doubting that it will be received with due caution, and, at all events, though it may not be received as a legend really characteristic of toorkisth[=a]n weddings, it has indisputable claims to illustrate the habits of toorkisth[=a]n _story-tellers_. i was remarking to him on the beauty and extent of his savannahs, and, in assenting to what i said, he observed that they were frequently the theatre of wedding races; having soon engaged my attention, he proceeded to narrate the following story, founded perhaps on the numerous outrages of which the despised huzareh tribe were the victims. "far up in one of the numerous valleys of the yakkoollung country," he commenced, "resided an ancient couple, whose occupation throughout the summer day consisted in storing food for the winter season, and who, when their work was finished, continued mournfully to dwell on the all-absorbing subject of the forcible abduction of their daughter by one of the uzbeg chiefs. "two years and more had now passed since the outrage was perpetrated by a party of uzbeg horsemen, who, ever bent on plunder and bloodshed, made an incursion into the valley, visiting the different forts at the time when the male inhabitants were employed in the labour of cultivation, and seizing numerous youths and maidens. on the occasion alluded to, among the number of victims was the only daughter of the aged huzareh peasants, who was considered amongst her tribe as a perfect peri--'a maid with a face like the moon, scented like musk, a ravisher of hearts, delighting the soul, seducing the senses, and beautiful as the full moon,' she was placed for security behind one of the best mounted of the robbers, whilst the other helpless wretches were driven unresistingly before the horsemen like a flock of sheep, till the abductors reached their own independent territory. "before the close of that ill-fated day, the mothers and relations of the stolen were rushing in frantic despair through the fields, announcing to the husbands and fathers the misfortune which had overtaken them. "the men immediately quitted their work, and armed only with their implements of labour pursued the ravishers for many a mile; but what could they do on foot against so many horsemen? perhaps it was fortunate for them that they could not overtake the robbers, for they would only have become additional victims. they returned home to bewail their unhappy fate and curse the cruel authors of their misery. "it happened about a year afterwards that the old man's son returned from candah[=a]r, to enjoy, as he anticipated, a few weeks' happiness with his aged parents and blooming sister; but no sooner had he crossed the threshhold and received the blessing of his trembling parents, than he was made aware of the desolation that had passed over his house. vowing vengance on the perpetrators of this foul act, and calling down the anger of heaven on all the generation of uzbegs, the brave azeem left his home, and abandoning all hopes of repose, busied himself in collecting a band of athletic and desperate young men, who swore on the kor[=a]n their determination to have revenge or perish in the attempt. young azeem was unanimously chosen commander of the party, and the next morning at break of day, without further preparation beyond taking a small supply of food, they started on their journey. travelling long days, and resting short nights in the crevices of the mountains, after eighteen days' toil, they at length reached a part of tartary, distant only two days' march from the fort belonging to the robber uzbegs who had so cruelly injured them. it now became necessary to advance with more circumspection, as they could no longer depend upon the peasants for protection in the less friendly country they had reached, so separating into several small parties they approached stealthily the uzbeg fort; some kept the hills on either side, while the rest followed the winding of the grassy plains. thus proceeding, they formed a kind of circle round the fort, so that they could notice the ingress or departure of its tenants on every side. the fort appeared too strong for an open attack, and when, at night, the leaders of the detached parties assembled to discuss their future plans and to report what they had seen during the day, it was determined to lie in ambush another day for the chance of the main body of the uzbegs quitting their fort on some foray, so that they would have a better chance, should it become necessary to attack it. providence seemed to favour their designs, for early next morning considerable parties of uzbegs were seen issuing from the fort and proceeding towards a large savannah, where some festival was evidently in preparation--for, from the quantity of women and children who accompanied the horsemen, it was clear that fighting was not the business of the day. "anxiously did azeem and his followers watch the movements of their unsuspecting enemy, and soon, from the nature of the preparations going forward, they discovered that a wedding race was about to take place. it was instantly determined to allow the ceremony to proceed, and the capture of the bride was to be the signal for all the huzarehs to rush in and carry out their object. "and now the suitors of the maiden, nine in number, appear in the field, all unarmed, but mounted on the best horses they can procure; while the bride herself, on a beautiful turkoman stallion, surrounded by her relations, anxiously surveys the group of lovers. the conditions of the bridal race were these:--the maiden has a certain start given, which she avails herself of to gain a sufficient distance from the crowd to enable her to manage her steed with freedom, so as to assist in his pursuit the suitor whom she prefers. on a signal from the father all the horsemen gallop after the fair one, and whichever first succeeds in encircling her waist with his arm, no matter whether disagreeable or to her choice, is entitled to claim her as his wife. after the usual delays incident upon such interesting occasions, the maiden quits the circle of her relations, and putting her steed into a hand gallop, darts into the open plain. when satisfied with her position, she turns round to the impatient youths, and stretches out her arms towards them, as if to woo their approach. this is the moment for giving the signal to commence the chace, and each of the impatient youths, dashing his pointed heels into his courser's sides, darts like the unhooded hawk in pursuit of the fugitive dove. the savannah was extensive, full twelve miles long and three in width, and as the horsemen sped across the plain the favoured lover became soon apparent by the efforts of the maiden to avoid all others who might approach her. "at length, after nearly two hours' racing, the number of pursuers is reduced to four, who are all together, and gradually gaining on the pursued; with them is the favourite, but alas! his horse suddenly fails in his speed, and as she anxiously turns her head she perceives with dismay the hapless position of her lover; each of the more fortunate leaders, eager with anticipated triumph, bending his head on his horse's mane, shouts at the top of his voice, "i come, my peri; i'm your lover." but she, making a sudden turn, and lashing her horse almost to fury, darts across their path, and makes for that part of the chummun, _plain_, where her lover was vainly endeavouring to goad on his weary steed. "the three others instantly check their career, but in the hurry to turn back two of the horses are dashed furiously against each other, so that both steeds and riders roll over on the plain. the maiden laughed, for she well knew she could elude the single horseman, and flew to the point where her lover was. but her only pursuer was rarely mounted and not so easily shaken off; making a last and desperate effort he dashed alongside the maiden, and, stretching out his arm, almost won the unwilling prize; but she, bending her head to her horse's neck, eluded his grasp and wheeled off again. ere the discomfited horseman could again approach her her lover's arm was around her waist, and amidst the shouts of the spectators they turned towards the fort. "alas! this was the agreed signal amongst the huzarehs, who, screened by the undulations of the savannah or hidden in the watercourses, had been anxiously awaiting the event. with a simultaneous shout they rush in upon the unprepared multitude, and commence an indiscriminate massacre; but short was their success, for a distant party of uzbegs were observed rapidly gallopping to the scene of action, and the huzarehs were compelled to retire, their spirit for vengeance yet unslaked. the panic their sudden onslaught had caused was so great that they might all have retired unmolested had not azeem suddenly recognized his sister amongst a group of females who were being hurried towards the fort. regardless of the almost certain death that awaited him he rushed to embrace her, but hardly had he clasped her in his arms when the chief of the harem drove his persian dagger through his back. at sight of this all thoughts of further revenge were abandoned, and the huzarehs hastily quitting the field made the best of their way home, not without having, though at the expense of the life of their leader, inflicted a severe punishment on the invaders of their peaceful country,"[*] [* note: clark, in his travels in russia and tartary, describes the ceremony of marriage among the calmucks as performed on horseback. "the girl is first mounted and rides off at full speed. her lover pursues, and if he overtakes her she becomes his wife, and the marriage is consummated on the spot; after which she returns with him to his tent. but it sometimes happens that the woman does not wish to marry the person by whom she is pursued, in which case she will not suffer him to overtake her; and we were assured that no instance occurs of a calmuck girl being caught, unless she has a partiality for her pursuer. if she dislikes him she rides, to use the language of an english sportsman, 'neck or nothing,' until she has completely escaped, or until the pursuer's horse is tired out, leaving her at liberty to return, and to be afterwards chased by some more favourite admirer."] such was the old man's tale; whether the offspring of his fertile imagination, or actually founded upon fact, so plausible did it appear, and so much interested was i in his narration, that it became forcibly imprinted on my memory, and i have minutely followed him in its details. the morning after our arrival at ghoree several of our followers were taken ill, and as all were in great dread of the koondooz fever, a considerable alarm prevailed in our small camp. we did not at first think much of the sickness, which we attributed to too free an indulgence in the koondooz melon, which is of a very large size, and equal in flavour to those of cabul. we therefore determined to remain a day or two at ghoree, in the hopes of a favourable change taking place. but on the third day it was evident that the koondooz fever had really made its appearance, and several of the guard and servants, to the number of twenty and upwards, were so much weakened as to be unable to proceed. in this dilemma we deemed it advisable not to remain any longer in the vicinity of the marshes, and resolved to proceed with such of our men as were still healthy, to survey the dushti suffaed pass, already alluded to. we determined on leaving the sick and the greater portion of our baggage behind, and despatched a letter to meer moorad beg, requesting permission for them to remain at ghoree till our return, which we hoped would not be delayed beyond a few days. the ruler of koondooz civilly acceded to our request, and sent us many friendly messages, but hardly sufficient to dispel our uneasiness at leaving even for so short a time such temptation for the gratification of his predatory propensities; but we had the choice of two evils--our time was so short that if we all remained together at ghoree, not only might the ravages of the fever become more serious, but the opportunity would be lost of examining the pass. before leaving ghoree we received a message from the governor of the fort, apologizing for his inability to visit us, with the excuse that there being much treachery and ill will in the neighbourhood, he dare not quit his post, lest he fall under the dreaded displeasure of meer moorad beg. we now dismissed, with a dress of honour and letter of thanks, the _confidential_ man whom the meer walli of koollum had ordered to accompany us, and leaving the greater part of our medicine chest for the use of the sick, we started on the 28th of august. before our departure we received a further proof of the friendly disposition of moorad beg, in the shape of a beautiful toorkm[=a]n saddle, not larger than an english racing one; the flaps were richly embroidered, and the steel pommel was inlaid with inscription in gold of sentences from the kor[=a]n. chapter xvi. we were now about to explore a part of toorkisth[=a]n which i have reason to believe had never been visited by europeans; the distance between ghoree and badjgh[=]ar is about eighty miles, across as wild and romantic a country as can well be conceived, consisting of a succession of difficult and in some places perilous defiles; the last of these was the famous dushti suffaed, which leads to badjgh[=a]r. there is a sameness in the features of these toorkisth[=a]n passes which renders a faithful description tedious, from its monotony and the necessary repetition of similar characteristic features; yet the reader will hardly fail to draw important conclusions from the immense difficulty and almost practical impossibility that a modern army of considerable numbers, with all its incumbrances, through such a country, with any hope of its retaining its efficiency or even a tithe of its original numerical strength, will encounter. and when we consider that the passes of toorkisth[=a]n embrace only a small part of the distance to be traversed by an army from the west, we may well dismiss from our minds that ridiculous impression, once so unfortunately prevalent in india, that is now justly denominated _russophobia_. what a fearful amount of human suffering might have been averted! what national disgrace might have been avoided! and what millions of treasure saved, had the authorities in india but examined the practicability of an invasion which russia had too much wisdom ever seriously to contemplate! but to return to our wanderings. as i said before, we left ghoree early in the morning of the 28th, and soon reached the foot of the hills, ascending a narrow valley which gradually contracted into a rocky ravine. as we traversed the higher levels all vegetation ceased, excepting the pista tree already alluded to; yet there must have been some herbage in the gullies, as we saw several flocks of wild goats, so wild indeed that it was impossible to get within rifle range of them. we had heard of a place called shull[=a]ctoo, within the distance of a day's march, and conceiving naturally that it was a habitation of men, we determined to pass the night there. as the evening advanced, the aspect of the country assumed a still wilder and more desolate character, our cattle began to show symptoms of distress, and as the hills were apparently destitute of water, we became a little uneasy regarding the nature of our billet. a sudden turn of the ravine brought us to a small open space, without a blade of grass or a vestige of any thing human, which our guide complacently informed us was shull[=a]ctoo, a mere "locus standi." after the first feeling of dismay had subsided, we recollected that we had a small supply of food for our horses; and water being now found for the first time since we entered the hills,--and we had come a good sixteen miles,--we determined not to proceed further, so pitching our little tent we made ourselves as comfortable as circumstances would admit. on the 29th we marched, a distance of fourteen miles, to a small fort called keune. but i unfortunately commenced the day's work by losing my way amongst the rocks, with some of the guard: after wandering for some hours, surrounded by scenery the grandeur of which i should better have appreciated under different circumstances, one of the affgh[=a]n soldiers hit upon a pathway, and seeing a man in the distance, he made for, and, seizing him in the most unceremonious manner, brought him to me. the poor fellow was in the greatest state of alarm; he had evidently never seen a feringhi before, and fancied that his last hour had arrived. i put a rupee into his hand, and endeavoured to make him understand that we were neither robbers nor murderers, but travellers who had lost their way; he was naturally incredulous, for certainly our appearance gave but small indication of our respectable character.[*] at length we were obliged to intimate that his fears might be realized unless he showed us the way to keune, which we eventually reached in the evening, much exhausted with our excursion. [* note: i was armed with a huge old-fashioned sword of the 11th dragoons, purchased in the cabul bazaar, (marked d-xi dr.) and clad in a green swiss frock. i had a coloured turban wound in copious folds round my head as a protection from the sun, beard of nearly three months' growth, and accompanied by a ferocious-looking tribe of affghans, all unshorn as well as myself, created anything but a prepossessing impression to a stranger. the reader will not, therefore, feel surprised at the man's hesitation in meeting us.] the chief of the fort at first declined furnishing us with any supplies, though we offered liberal payment, declaring that he had only sufficient for his own consumption; he, however, relented, and sent us enough for our immediate wants. he afterwards came himself, and informed us that we had acted very unwisely in mentioning at ghoree the route we proposed to follow, as one of the sheikkallee huzareh chiefs, who was in a state of rebellion, had passed through keune the day before, and had stated that a party of feringhis were about to pass through his country with a quantity of odd looking boxes filled with money, (alluding, i suppose, to the theodolite, &c.) and that he would with his whole tribe waylay and rob us. this was pleasant news, but we took the hint and determined to be on our guard. in return for this piece of information, the inhabitants of keune expressed a desire to see the _feringhis feed_; rather a novel request, but one which we easily gratified by striking the walls of the tent while we eat our dinner. the natives squatted down in a circle outside the tent pins, and watched every morsel we put into our mouths with the utmost interest and with many exclamations of surprise and astonishment; and when before retiring for the night we as usual had a skinful of water poured over us, their wonder knew no bounds; they were evidently but slightly acquainted with the use of water as applied for the purposes of cleanliness. we left keune at daybreak on the 30th, hoping to be able to make our way to badjgh[=a]r, distant about forty-five miles, by surmounting the keune pass and proceeding down the surruk kulla valley. the ascent was long and steep, the distance we had to travel before reaching the summit being above thirteen miles; and though we had been on the move nearly all day, such were the difficulties of the pass that night overtook us shortly after we had reached its crest. not a sign of habitations or trace of cultivation was visible; we had no corn for our cattle, but fortunately the more sheltered spots in the vicinity of water were clothed with luxuriant grass, which the horses greedily eat. our followers had, with the improvidence of asiatics, brought but a scanty supply of food, and indeed we were all to blame for having trusted too much to the wild mountains for supplies. there were plenty of chikore, however, and as i had succeeded in shooting two or three in the morning we were not entirely without food; and having pitched our tent, we retired to rest in the hope that the next day we should come upon some fort where we might recruit. as we were preparing to start early on the morning of the 31st, we met a traveller pursuing his solitary way to keune, who, after expressing his wonder at encountering a party of feringhis in such a place, inquired our proposed route. we informed him that our intention was to proceed over the surruk kulla pass and make our way to badjghar, but he cautioned us not to attempt any such thing; for though the road was better than the more direct one, called the espion pass, it was infested by a robber tribe from whose hands he had himself only escaped, not having any thing to lose. this unwelcome intelligence induced sturt to change his plan, and we agreed that having done our utmost to fulfil the wishes of government in ascertaining the nature of the passes in the vicinity of badjghar, it was our duty to consult the safety of ourselves and followers, and get them as soon as possible within reach of protection. we had no food of any kind left, but after all we did not anticipate much serious evil from a forced fast of forty-eight hours; so, after rewarding our wanderer for his very seasonable warning, we struck off to cross the espion pass. the event proved how imminent had been our danger, for after reaching badjghar we were made aware that a large body of horsemen had assembled in the surruk kullah valley for the purpose of attacking us--that they had come up the road to meet us, and had actually reached the point where we turned off about two hours after us. we travelled the whole of the 31st august across a succession of broken passes; so complicated were the valleys and so broken were the range of hills, that we were unable to tell when we reached the back-bone of the ridge, and we struggled on in doubt and difficulty till we were again overtaken by the shades of night. our cattle were quite exhausted; our followers grumbling, dispirited, and frightened, the prospect of a second bivouac by no means improving their discipline and insubordination. while i was endeavouring to pacify them by the only argument i had at my disposal, founded on the principle of "_levius fit patientiã¢ quidquid corrigere est nefas_," one of our servants brought us the joyful news that from an eminence adjacent he had discovered an abatta, or clump of blanket tents, surrounded by cultivated land, about a mile off. where tents were, food would probably be obtainable; and as we were not in a condition to be very particular as to the character of the inhabitants, we immediately despatched an embassy with money to purchase whatever edible substances they could procure. our anxieties were now relieved by the return of our mission, driving before them a couple of very thin sheep, and carrying a small supply of corn for the cattle. with this reasonable supply we made a tolerable meal, and succeeded in putting the discontented into a better frame of mind. we determined to make a push next morning for badjghar, and started before day-break for the dushti suffã¤ed pass, the crest of which we reached after travelling a distance of about nine miles over very bad ground. we were now "_en pays de connoissance_," but our cattle were so much weakened by the work and privations of the last three or four days, that we could not attempt the long and difficult descent into the valley beneath. i therefore rode on alone and reached badjghar in a few hours. i immediately visited capt. hay, and having procured a supply of food, returned with it the same night to the party, much exhausted with my trip, but satisfied now that there could be no further cause for grumbling on the part of our followers. the state of our baggage-equipage next morning was so bad, that sturt thought it advisable to give them another day's rest, and he went on himself to badjghar; but in the course of the day i received an express from him, stating that circumstances had occurred which made it absolutely necessary for me to bring in the whole party without delay. i knew sturt too well to doubt the urgency he represented, and in spite of lame legs, sore backs, &c. i managed to bring all hands safe into badjghar late on the evening of the 2d of august. our men were taken every care of, (which indeed they required, as fever and ague had weakened them much,) and in a few days all traces of their sufferings had disappeared; but poor sturt, who had been complaining for some days before of great debility and headache, was seized on the morning of the 3d with a violent attack of koondooz fever, which soon prostrated his strength and caused me some uneasiness. he weathered the storm, however, and by the 11th was sufficiently recovered to enable him to resume his duties. i have before mentioned, i think, that we had left some of our followers and a considerable portion of our baggage at ghoree, intending to return to that fort after visiting the passes which i have alluded to; but on our reaching badjghar we found that the clouds which had been gathering for some time past in the political horizon had assumed so threatening an appearance that it would be madness to attempt to prosecute our examination of the nature of the country, when its wild and lawless population were in such an excited state. the intentions of the koondooz ruler were not known, and we felt very anxious for the safety of the sick whom we had been necessitated to leave at ghoree, as in addition to his natural sympathy for a fellow-creature's sufferings, sturt feared that if any misfortune befel them, he might, though unjustly, be accused of having deserted them. his uneasiness was increased by receipt of a letter from ghoree from one of our people, in which it was stated that the baggage we had left behind had been opened and some things abstracted, and that they themselves were in imminent danger of being seized and sold as slaves. after making every allowance for the exaggerations of fear, there was still sufficient in this communication to aggravate poor sturt's difficulties; he was in doubt whether to assume a high tone, or to endeavour by flattery to save his followers, and his last act before the violence of the fever obliged him to succumb was a firm but respectful letter which he wrote to meer moor[=a]d beg, in which he stated that reports inconsistent with that chief's known good faith had reached him; that he had heard that his property had been seized and his people threatened; that he was sure they were lies invented by moor[=a]d beg's enemies to create a bad feeling towards him; and that he requested the men and property might be immediately forwarded safe to cabul. those who are familiar with the vanity and punctiliousness on points of etiquette of the chieftains of the hindoo khoosh will easily conceive how much depended upon the wording of this letter. in the written intercourse between equals it is customary to put the impression of the signet at the top of the sheet, but from an inferior such an act would be considered as highly presumptuous. sturt, though advised to assume the humble tone, was resolute in putting his seal at the beginning of the letter, and the event proved that his judgment was as usual correct, for though (it was stated) the chief of koondooz was but a few months after in arms against the british, yet our people and property were safely forwarded to us at cabul. chapter xvii. it was only after my arrival at badjghar with the men that i became acquainted with sturt's reasons for requesting me to come in without delay, capt hay was in daily expectation of the arrival of a convoy from bamee[=a]n with a supply of provisions, clothing, and ammunition for the use of his regiment, and having received information from one of the numerous spies, who gain a livelihood by supplying information to _both_ parties, that large bodies of men were assembling in the kammurd valley, through which the convoy would have to pass, determined, though he did not attach much credit to his informant, to despatch as strong a body as he could spare to reinforce the escort. he accordingly sent out two companies of the goorkha regiment with directions to proceed to the "dundun shikkun kotul," there to meet the convoy and protect them in their passage through the kammurd valley. such was the scarcity of european officers, that capt. hay was obliged to intrust the command of the force to the quarter-master-serjeant of his corps; who, though unused to the management of so considerable a party in the field, and who might have been excused if in the hour of need his brain had not been as fertile of expedients as is generally necessary in encounters of this kind, acquitted himself in a manner that would have done credit to the best light infantry officer in the service. i much regret that i cannot record his name, but before being appointed to the goorkha corps he was a non-commissioned officer in the bengal european regiment. he was one of the many victims, i fear, of the year 1841, as i have been unable to trace his career. hundreds of brave european non-commissioned officers met a similar fate, and are merely noticed as having perished in the retreat from cabul. the many acts of coldblooded treachery which disgraced the affghans, and which ought to have opened the eyes of those in power to the absurdity in trusting to their faith, were merged in the wholesale murders of khoord cabul, jugdulluk, and gundummuk. i have before described the narrowness of the valley up to kammurd and the lofty ranges of precipitous hills by which it is flanked; and the reader will perhaps recollect my noticing two forts on either side of the river a little above piedb[=a]gh. it was here that the serjeant halted his party after the first day's march, intending to proceed the next morning to the dundun shikkun pass to meet the convoy. at day-light he was informed that the expected convoy had not crossed the pass, and while forming his men to proceed and ascertain whether the report was correct or otherwise, he was suddenly attacked by large bodies of horse and foot: the serjeant immediately took advantage of the ground to protect his party from the heavy fire which was poured in from all sides, and having observed that the enemy, whoever they were, were in too great a force to leave him a chance of successfully maintaining his position, which was commanded from several points, he determined on retreating to badjghar, a distance of about nine miles. the valley was full of orchards divided by low walls, and perhaps to a well-disciplined company of steady old soldiers with plenty of officers, a retreat, even in the face of several hundred uzbegs, might have been effected without loss, by forming the whole body into two lines of skirmishers, and retiring alternately; but the serjeant knew too well the temper of his gallant little mountaineers, who are more famous for bravery than judgment, to trust the safety of his party to the success of a manoeuvre, the chief point in which was to know when to retreat. his first line of skirmishers would never have retired in order, taking advantage of every natural obstacle of the ground for concealment, but would have boldly confronted the cavalry and probably been destroyed to a man. he therefore moved his goorkhas in quarter distance column steadily along the road, which luckily hugged the precipitous hills on one side, so that the enemy could only avail themselves of the valley on the other side of the road to attack him, the mountains being so impracticable that while they attempted to climb them to turn his flank he had already gained so much ground as to be out of reach of even a "plunging" fire. in ordinary quick time did this little band retire under a heavy though straggling fire from a force many times more numerous than themselves. the serjeant was enabled with difficulty to carry out his plan, which was, not to return the enemy's fire, but to proceed steadily on till he could suddenly take advantage of some protecting ledge of rock or orchard wall behind which he could form his men and confuse the enemy by pouring in a few volleys. he would then form quarter distance columns of subdivisions again, and proceed in his retreat as before. he had no misgivings as to the courage and firmness of his men, for the goorkhas have ever been noted for their dashing bravery, and an incident soon proved how wisely he had judged in not extending his men. while retiring, a chance shot killed a man who happened to be a great favourite; his nearest comrades immediately halted and faced about, and notwithstanding the commands and entreaties of the serjeant; they determined to avenge his death. grouping themselves round the body of their dead companion, they awaited the enemy, and when sure that every shot would tell, each man delivered his fire, and then drawing his knife with a yell of defiance, rushed upon hundreds of their foes; to have supported them would have been to lead the whole party to inevitable slaughter, and the authority of the quarter-master-serjeant was scarce sufficient to restrain his men from breaking from their cover to join the unequal fight: as it was, the gallant little band were soon outnumbered, and after a reckless and desperate resistance were literally hacked to pieces. the enemy encouraged by this success now pressed hard upon the goorkhas, and had they been fortunate enough in getting round to the front not a man would have escaped; as it was, the men were falling very fast, when a happy occurrence changed the aspect of affairs. it seems that a chief, conspicuous from his glittering armour and steel head-piece, mounted on a powerful horse with an armed footman behind him, attracted the notice of the goorkhas by the cool manner in which he rode up to within a distance of about eighty yards, delivered his fire, then galloped away out of gunshot to allow the gentleman "en croupe" to reload. a few of the men having observed this manoeuvre repeated three or four times, concealed themselves behind a rock, while the main body retired. on came the chief to within his prescribed distance; a volley from behind the rock scarce ten paces off rolled horse and man over and over. the effect on the enemy was such that they kept at a more respectful distance, and after a few random shots discontinued the pursuit. such was the account the serjeant himself gave me of the fight, and i have no reason to suspect him of exaggeration. he accomplished his arduous retreat with a loss of nineteen men killed, but more than half this number voluntarily sacrificed themselves to avenge the death of their comrade. it is difficult, when relating the numerous acts of heroism of the goorkha troops, to refrain from drawing invidious comparisons between their conduct and that of the hindoo soldier during the retreat from cabul; but though it must be allowed that the despondency and mental enervation which sometimes spreads like an epidemic among sepoy troops, must importantly deteriorate from their general character as soldiers, still it must be recollected that the physical constitution of the hindoo incapacitates him from action under some circumstances. severe cold benumbs his faculties of mind as well as body, and the nature of his ordinary food is such that unless the supply is regular and sufficient his strength fails him; and again, his belief in predestination is strong, and often a trivial reverse will induce him to abandon himself to his fate. but in these days the hindoo soldier need not fear that his noble and gallant qualities will not be understood or appreciated. every good soldier will honor the hindoo for his patient endurance, his courage, and fidelity. to turn to the convoy: the attempt was made to get the camels laden with ammunition, stores, and provisions over the dundun shikkun pass; but the difficulties were found to be so great that the escort and convoy returned to sygh[=a]n, and crossing the nulli fursh kotul, reached their destination. this was the first glaring instance of the state of the country, and some people may well be astonished it was viewed by the political authorities in so insignificant a light. but i will not too much impose upon the patience of the reader by detailing the execrable reasons which were put forth for the most absurd measures during the twelve months preceding the annihilation of our army. it was now evident to those who were not obstinately blind that a general rising was contemplated; and a few days after our arrival at badjghar we heard that dost mahommed had arrived at koollum, and that after all his diplomacy our old friend the meer walli had received him with open arms, and was now on his way to attack our out-posts. the authorities were shortly afterwards aroused from their apathy, the advanced troops were very properly withdrawn, the gallant col. dennie was sent in command of a small but efficient force to the head of the bamee[=a]n valley, where, as has been before detailed, he repulsed the combined forces of dost mahommed khan, the meer walli of koollum, and all the uzbeg chiefs. chapter xviii. on the 12th of august we departed from badjghar on our return to c[=a]bul, and i reached bamee[=a]n by a forced march in two days, preceding sturt, who was still very weak and obliged to travel more leisurely. i was very nearly suffering from my anxiety to get on, for one of the laden yabboos, being urged beyond what he considered his lawful rate of progress, lashed out most furiously with both hind legs; luckily, the flap of my saddle received the full force of one of his heels, and the soft part of my leg the other, which lamed me severely for a time. on the 22nd, sturt having arrived, we made up our party to visit the ruins of the castle of zohawk, distant about ten miles from bamee[=a]n. i was rewarded for my trouble, both from the picturesque nature of the ruins themselves, and because i was fortunate enough again to fall in with one of those professional story-tellers from whom i have already largely quoted. i have indeed listened to many more stories than i have ventured here to insert; some i have rejected from the nature of their details, others from there being a strong impression on my mind that they were the extempore invention of the story-teller with a view to the rupee, which he feared he would not secure if he confessed he had nothing to relate. i have not perhaps been judicious in my selection of those which i hoped would amuse the reader, but i have done my best to choose for insertion those which differed the most from each other; and i may be allowed to add as an excuse for my apparent credulity regarding the tales themselves, that they are implicitly believed by the inhabitants, so that, making allowance for the corruption of tradition, the facts on which they are founded in all probability did really occur. the ruins of the castle of zohawk are situated on a hill commanding the high road from toorkisthan over the ir[=a]k and kalloo passes, and in the angle formed by the union of the bamee[=a]n and ir[=a]k rivers. it is impossible to fix the date of the first structure; it seems from the ruin to have been added to at many successive epochs. the size of the towers appeared very insignificant compared with the extent of ground which the building at one time evidently covered, but perhaps the towers, though small, were numerous. the only one now standing was situated high up the hill, from which a covered passage partly cut through the solid rock leads down to the water side. we had some trouble in gaining the highest point of the ruins, as we were obliged to scramble up the steep face of the precipice, still covered with the remains of walls and bastions, which had been built up wherever the ground was sufficiently level for a foundation. many dreary-looking cells attracted our notice amongst the ruins, and all the information i could get was, that they were the abode of evil spirits. my informant would, i do believe, have amused me for hours with legends of the said spirits, and indeed every river and lake, every mountain and valley in this district bears its peculiar legend, always improbable, generally absurd, and though from that very cause diverting for the moment, i fear that the naã¯ve taste amongst our "savans" which delighted in the history of jack the giant-killer being fast on the wane, they would not be gratified by a lengthy recital; but i must still take the liberty of repeating as well as i could follow the vile jargon of my narrator, a tale which he told me of the castle of zohawk while standing on its ruins. he had evidently been accustomed to tell the same story to others, or else i imagine that, in consideration of our both being on the spot, he would have spared a description of what i saw before my eyes. i give it to the reader as nearly as i can in the narrator's words. "at the extreme end of a precipitous hill jutting out from the main range of mountains at the junction of the bamee[=a]n and ir[=a]k rivers, are the remains of an old castle called zohawk, after a noted freebooter, who, secure in the strength of his fortress, was the terror of the surrounding villages, and lived by rapine, pillage, and plunder of every kind. to a careless observer the diminutive tower, which alone remains standing, would not convey an adequate idea of the original extent of the castle; but on a close examination the whole face of the mountain will be found to be covered with ruined walls and roofless chambers, now the fit abodes of devils of all sorts and denominations. many hundreds of years ago, before the invasion of nadir shah, zohawk khan occupied the castle; he did not build it, but as it acquired an infamous notoriety during his life-time, and has not been inhabited since, it still bears the name of the ferocious robber, who with a band as vicious as himself lived there for many years. zohawk khan was originally an huzareh peasant; he was seized while a child and carried off in slavery to toorkisth[=a]n, where his naturally cruel and savage disposition was exasperated by ill-treatment and fostered by the scenes of wickedness with which he was made familiar. being very cunning, he soon acquired influence amongst his fellow slaves, and organized a conspiracy, in the fulfilment of which his own master and many other toorkomaun chiefs were put to death under every refinement of torture. zohawk at the head of the rebel slaves then traversed the country, robbing the harmless peasants, till he reached the vicinity of the castle, which still bears his name. it was then inhabited by an old huzareh chieftain, who had formerly been a kind master to zohawk's parents. regardless of the memory of past kindness, the ruffian determined to possess himself of this place, and under the pretence of craving the hospitality of the rightful owner, introduced himself and fellow villains into the fortification. in the dead of the night, according to a preconcerted plan, the robbers rose from their place of rest, and stealing to the sleeping apartment of the chieftain, murdered him; the affrighted garrison craved for life, but one after another were placed in irons to be disposed of as slaves. the freebooter, now master of the fortress, assumed the title of kh[=a]n, and commenced that career of ruthless cruelty and depravity which more than any thing else causes his name to be remembered and his memory cursed by the present inhabitants of the neighbourhood. the government of the self-styled kh[=a]n was a reign of terror, and many were the nameless atrocities committed within the walls of the castle. he had, however, one confidant, whom he believed faithful, but who from interested motives submitted to the savage passions of his master, and being the chief eunuch of the harem, had great influence in that department. it was the custom of zohawk kh[=a]n to choose the autumn of the year for the season of his predatory excursions, and it happened that, while absent with the flower of his force on one of these death-dealing expeditions, a conspiracy was set on foot, the principal agitator being the eunuch of the seraglio. "it was determined that on the evening when the chieftain was expected to return, a general feast should be given to those remaining at home, with the double view of rendering the men who had not joined in the conspiracy incapable from the effects of debauchery in siding with zohawk, and of exasperating the ferocious chieftain, who was known to be averse to any revelry during his absence. the favourite wife summoned all the harem to a feast, whilst a copious allowance of intoxicating liquor was served out to the minor portion of the garrison. the wine soon produced the required effect, and in the midst of the revelry and uproar the kh[=a]n appeared at his castle gate, and without enquiring the cause of the tumult, instantly proceeded to the harem, and lifting the purdah stood in the presence of his wives. 'what is this?' said he, glancing savagely round.--'we expected your return and have prepared a feast to welcome you,' was the ironical reply of the favourite wife, who at the same time trembling in her limbs scarce dared to face the enraged tyrant, 'it is a lie, offspring of a kaffir; you shall pay the penalty of your disobedience of my orders. here, saleh, take her and throw her over the battlements into the river;' but ere the reluctant eunuch could enforce the cruel mandate, the woman raised her hand, and with a small dagger pierced herself to the heart. unmoved by her tragic fate, zohawk instantly commanded that four of the other women should be dealt with in the same way, and seeing the eunuch hesitate, drew his persian blade and rushed at him; but ere the sword fell, the knife of saleh was sheathed in the ruffian's breast. "the news of his death spread rapidly through the castle; then followed the strife of war. the kh[=a]n's party, though in number nearly double that of saleh, were wearied with their recent foray, and after a desperate conflict of three hours they were driven into one of the wings of the castle, and butchered to a man. blood flowed in almost every apartment; broken swords, daggers, and matchlocks lay in all directions, shewing how terrible the strife had been. and now, when zohawk's party had been exterminated, a murmuring arose amongst the victors as to who should be the chief, and saleh, perceiving that he should gain nothing for the exertions he had made, demanded permission to leave the castle, taking with him as his sole share of booty his sister, who was an inmate of the harem. his terms were immediately complied with, and the wary eunuch lost no time in quitting the scene of blood. "those remaining agreed to defer the election of a chief till they had refreshed themselves after their labours: in the heat of intoxication blood again flowed, and after passing the whole night in drinking and fighting, morning appeared to eighteen survivors of the fray. each still claimed for himself the chieftainship, and while still wrangling on the subject, one of the wounded partizans of saleh, unperceived by the drunkards, secreted a large bag of powder in the room, and igniting it by a train with his slow match crawled out of the castle. "the explosion was terrific; down toppled tower and bastion, enveloping in their ruins the remainder of the garrison, and the castle was in a few moments reduced to the shapeless mass which it now presents. "the wounded author of the catastrophe alone escaped; but the knowledge of his crimes prevented him from returning to his country, and he wandered for many years about the blackened walls, the terror of the neighbourhood, who considered him an evil spirit. he subsisted on herbs growing on the adjacent mountains, till at last he disappeared no one knew where. since that period, the fortress has never been the resting place of the traveller or the haunt of the freebooter." such was the terrible tale of blood and wounds which my informant communicated to me, and certainly, if it rests its foundation on any one of the horrors with which it is filled, the castle of zohawk does well deserve its bad repute. on the 23rd we left bamee[=a]n and proceeded over the ir[=a]k pass to oorgundee, where we arrived on the 28th. no event occurred nor any thing worth mentioning, unless it be the "naã¯vetã©" of an old man, who, observing me light my cigar with a lucifer-match, asked in a grave and solemn tone, whether that was indeed fire. i took his finger, and placed it in the flame, much to his astonishment, but convincing him of its reality. he then enquired if it was the fire from heaven, which he heard the feringhis were possessed of. i endeavoured, but i fear without success, to explain to the old gentleman the nature of fulminating substances, and though he listened with patience, he was evidently still in the dark, when i presented him with the contents of my match-box and shewed him how to ignite them; his gratitude was manifest, as he walked off highly pleased with his toy, which i hope may not have burned his fingers. sturt left me on the 29th, being anxious to get back to cabul; but as i had three days to spare, and my taste for wandering was still unabated, i joined capt. westmacott, of the 37th native infantry, in a flying excursion into the valley of charrik[=a]r, which the affgh[=a]ns consider as the garden of cabul. the first day we rode from oorgundee to shukkur durra, or "the sugar valley," so called, not from growing that useful article of grocery, but from its fertile orchards and extensive vineyards. after a few miles' ride we crossed a low range of hills, and came upon the flourishing district of be-tout,--literally, "without mulberries." the sagacious reader will justly infer that mulberry trees were in profusion every where else; indeed so plentiful are they in general that many of the natives live almost exclusively in winter upon the fruit, which is dried and reduced to a powder, and after being mixed with a little milk, or even water, forms a palatable and nutritious food. the view from the crest of the low range of hills was really enchanting, and strongly contrasted with the wild and craggy mountains amongst which we had of late been struggling. an extensive plain, bounded by high mountains, and again crowned by the snowy peaks of those more distant, lay before us, its whole surface dotted with a multitude of white forts surrounded by a belt of the most vivid green, the barrenness of the uncultivated spots acting as a foil to the rich vegetation which springs under the foot of the affgh[=a]n husbandman wherever he can introduce the fertilizing stream. we rode leisurely on through this wilderness of gardens, till on approaching the village of be-tout the loud wail of women hired to pour forth their lamentations for some misfortune assailed our ears, and on enquiring we learnt that one of the inhabitants had been murdered the preceding night under the following circumstances. it appears that ten years ago the murdered man (who was a persian) had a very pretty daughter, and that a neighbouring chief hearing of her beauty caused her to be forcibly seized and conveyed to his own fort. the father, regardless of any consideration but revenge, arming himself with his long affgh[=a]n knife, gained admission into the chief's house and immediately cut him down and made his escape. for ten years he concealed himself from the vengeance of the relatives of the chief, but a few days before he had returned to his native village, hoping that time would have softened the vindictiveness of his enemy; but he shewed his ignorance of the affgh[=a]n character, with whom revenge is a sacred virtue. he had not been long returned, when a nephew of the chief he had slain shot him through the heart from behind a wall. as we passed through the village we saw the inhabitants crowding round the still unburied corpse of the injured father, and our thoughts were painfully diverted from a contemplation of the richness and plenty which providence had vouchsafed to this fertile spot, to a mournful consideration of the wild passions of man, who pollutes the earth with the blood of his fellow-creature. as we proceeded onwards we came upon those luxuriant vineyards which produce the famous kohist[=a]n grape, of enormous size as to berry and bunch, but excelling in delicacy of flavour, in juiciness, and thinness of skin even the far-famed muscadel. the vines are trained either upon a trellice work or along the ground, the latter mode being used for the most delicate grape; but it requires more care and attention, it being necessary while the fruit is ripening so to trim the plant and thin its foliage, that the branch may have sufficient sun, and be kept as near as possible to the earth without touching it. this mode of training is adopted in the cultivation of the enormous black grape, called from its size and colour "the cow's-eye." towards evening we reached the vicinity of shukkur durrah, lying at the extremity of the plain and backed by mountains of considerable height. here we encamped for the night under the shelter of a magnificent walnut tree, in a small garden adjoining the fort. after we had pitched our tents, many hindoos who trade in fruit, the staple produce of the country, came to pay their respects, and one of them informed me that about four miles across the mountains to the north-west in the sheikkallee huzareh country, there were three lakes so extensive that it occupied a well-mounted horseman a whole day to ride round them. no european, he said, had ever visited them; one gentleman, whose name he did not know, had tried to reach them, but drank so much brandy by the way that he was obliged to lie down instead, and the guide had great difficulty in getting him back. i regretted that the expiration of my leave prevented me from exploring these lakes, which i do not think have ever been examined by any of our engineers; but i hope that, had i undertaken the excursion, i should not have fallen into the same scrape the above mentioned gentleman did. the gardens belonging to the chief were well worth looking at, with a beautiful stream of water flowing through the centre, tortured by artificial rocks into fifty diminutive cataracts. we were well satisfied with our quarters, but after night-fall intimation was given us that unless we kept a sharp look-out it was very probable we might have some unwelcome intruders before morning, as a neighbouring fort was hostile to that of shukkur durrah; and moreover, that the inhabitants of the fort itself were in the utmost dread of a band of desperadoes who infested the adjacent hills and occasionally paid them a nocturnal visit. luckily for us they were in hourly expectation of such an intrusion, for their fears kept them on the alert, and they had a watchman on each of the towers, whose sonorous voices proclaimed every hour of the night. our guard was now reduced to six, the remainder being employed to escort sturt's instruments into cabul, so that i really did not much like the appearance of things; when about midnight my servant reported to me that the sentry saw a great many lights moving about us. i instantly rose and distinctly observed the lighted slow matches of firearms; there might have been forty or fifty. the sentry challenged, but the ruffians returned no answer, and decamped, finding us on the alert, and probably not knowing our weakness; for had we come to blows our party must have got the worst of it, though i have not the least doubt that our affgh[=a]n guard would have stood by us even against their own countrymen. the next morning we proceeded along a very pretty road, flanked by green hedgerows full of wild flowers, and varied occasionally near the houses with parterres of roses of exquisite fragrance. my route lay to b[=a]ber's tomb, but capt. westmacott being anxious to reach c[=a]bul could not accompany me, so we parted, mutually regretting that we had so short a time to spend in this delicious region. at b[=a]ber's tomb the kazi of the adjacent village endeavoured to play off on me a trick, well known to old campaigners, by assuring me that unless i took from his hands a guard of at least twelve men (of course paying them for their services), my life would not be safe during the night. i refused his guard, and the only annoyance i experienced was from myriads of musquitoes, who tormented me incessantly throughout the night. i rode into camp the following day, and was delighted to find myself once more with my brother officers. chapter xix. on the 24th september i started on another excursion, though under very different circumstances; our party on this occasion consisting of her majesty's 13th light infantry, two companies of the 37th native infantry, two squadrons of the bengal 2nd cavalry, a small body of affgh[=a]n horsemen under prince timour shah, three nine-pounders, two 24-inch howitzers, and two 8 1/2-inch mortars, the whole under the command of sir robert sale, the object of the expedition being to quell some refractory chiefs inhabiting the northern and some hilly parts of the kohist[=a]n. it would be beyond the sphere of this little book to enter into a detailed account of our operations in the field, nor do i pretend to have sufficient materials by me for such a delicate task, in the execution of which i might by erroneous statements expose myself to just animadversion. i had not, i regret to say, the means of ascertaining with precision the different causes which had driven these hill chiefs into rebellion. the footing which dost mahomed had lately acquired in the north-west encouraged them to persist, and it will be seen in the sequel, that at the disgraceful scene of purwun durrah the dost was almost a _prisoner_ in the hands of those who were considered, by the unversed in the intricacies of affgh[=a]n policy, to be only in arms for the restoration of their favourite to the throne of c[=a]bul. were it in my power to give an accurate description of the different positions assumed by the enemy, and provided i had the leisure to survey the ground, then i am well aware that i might have claimed additional interest for my pages, as i should have elucidated the mode of warfare peculiar to the affgh[=a]ns; but such an attempt would perhaps carry me out of my depth. i must therefore be content with remarking, that though in action the affgh[=a]ns acknowledge some guiding chieftain, yet the details of position are left to each tribe. they have no confidence in each other; it follows, therefore, that the wisest plan is to turn either or both flanks, as this manoeuvre is almost sure to require a change in the original disposition of their force, which they, for want of good communications between their detached parties, are unable to effect. hence confusion arises, and the uncertainty of support generally causes the whole to retreat. the affgh[=a]ns have great dread of their flanks being turned, and will sometimes abandon an almost impregnable position in consequence of a demonstration being made to that effect, which after all could never have been carried out. on the third day after our departure from c[=a]bul, the force encamped at a place called vaugh opposite the beautiful ist[=a]lif, whose luxuriant vineyards and magnificent orchards have before excited the admiration of the traveller. but we had still some marches to get over before reaching the territories of the refractory chiefs, and it was not till the 29th that we came to toottum durrah, or valley of mulberries. here we found the enemy posted in force, but it was merely an affair of detachments, two companies of the 13th and two of the 37th being ordered to make a detour to the right and left, so as to threaten the enemy's flanks. the main column closing up continued to advance; the enemy did not make a very determined resistance, yet a chance shot killed poor edward conolly, brother to the victim of the ruffian king of bokhara. his--poor fellow!--was a soldier's death; though we deplore his loss, we know that he died in honorable warfare; but we have no such consolation for the fate of his poor brother, and it is with difficulty that his indignant countrymen can refrain from imprecating the vengeance of god upon the cowardly destroyer of so much talent and virtue. the enemy made no further stand this day, and we proceeded about fifteen miles down the valley to julghur, destroying before our departure the mud forts of toottum durrah. at julghur the enemy shewed more resistance; they trusted in the strength of their fort, and we perhaps too much to its weakness. the result was, that a wing of the 13th, not more than one hundred and twenty strong, suffered a loss of fourteen men killed and seventeen wounded, and the enemy were eventually shelled out by the batteries under the direction of capt. abbott. the following morning we buried our gallant companions, amongst them our respected serjeant-major (airey), in one deep grave; but a report was current, that shortly after our departure, the bodies had been disinterred and exposed in front of the grave, that every affgh[=a]n might witness and exult in the disgrace to which they had subjected the corpses of the feringhis. this is but a single instance of the hatred which actuated our enemy, and when we consider the exasperating effects of these cowardly outrages on the minds of the soldiery, we should the more admire the generosity and clemency of the british in the hour of victory. i am aware that ill-informed people have accused our armies in affghanist[=a]n, especially after the advance of general pollock's force, of many acts of cruelty to the natives, but i can emphatically deny the justice of the accusation. some few instances of revenge for past injuries did occur, but i am sure that an impartial soldier would rather admire the forbearance of men who for days had been marching over the mangled remains of the c[=a]bul army. but to return to the kohist[=a]n. on the 4th of october we took a transverse direction westward, crossing the plain of buggr[=a]m, supposed to be the site of the "alexandria ad calcem caucasi" of the ancients; numerous coins, gems, and relics of antiquity are found hereabouts, particularly subsequently to the melting of the snows. formerly they were considered useless, but when our enterprising countrymen and the army of the indus found their way to c[=a]bul, these memorials of the greek had ready purchasers amongst the numismatologists of the british force. at the same time the c[=a]bulese considered it great folly our exchanging the current coin for what were in their estimation useless pieces of old silver and copper. throughout the marches and countermarches which it was necessary for us to make in the northern districts of the kohist[=a]n, in order to prevent the enemy from gathering together, we were much interested by the varied beauty of the scenery; and it must candidly be admitted that our ignorance as to the nature or amount of force we might any day find opposed to us by no means diminished our excitement. rather an extraordinary phenomenon occurs in a small range of hills detached from the parent mountains, a little to the northward of the fort of julghur. from top to bottom of the precipitous side of one of these spurs extends a light golden streak, rather thicker and less highly coloured at the bottom than at the top. i was unable to approach it nearer than about four miles, but i was credibly informed that the streak was in reality what its appearance first suggested to my mind, a body of fine sand continually flowing over the side of the hill, and depositing its volumes in a heap at the base of the mountain. i might perhaps in a windy day have ascertained the correctness of the report, as then the sandy cascade would appear as a cloud of dust, but the weather was calm during the whole time we were in its vicinity. it is called by the natives the regrow[=a]n or flowing sand. being no geologist, i refrain from offering any suggestions as to its cause, but merely state what i saw and heard. after marching about the country for some days like the paladins of old in search of adventure, we turned our faces once more towards c[=a]bul and encamped near kara-bagh. while here, a scene occurred which will doubtless be still in the recollection of many officers with the force, and which i relate as illustrative of the barbarous customs of the people. many of the stories which i have introduced must of course be received by the impartial or incredulous reader "cum grano salis." i have given them as they were repeated to me, but i can personally vouch for the following fact. our bugles had just sounded the first call to dinner, when a few officers who were strolling in front of the camp observed a woman with a black veil walking hurriedly from some dark-looking object, and proceed in the direction of that part of the camp occupied by the affghan force under prince timour shah, the shah zada, heir apparent to the throne of c[=a]bul. on approaching the object, it was discovered to be a man lying on the ground with his hands tied behind him, his throat half severed, with three stabs in his breast, and two gashes across the stomach. the mangled wretch was still breathing, and a medical man being at hand, measures were instantly taken most calculated to save his life, but without success, and in a quarter of an hour he was a corpse. familiar as we were with scenes which in our own happy land would have excited the horror and disgust of every man possessed of the common feelings of humanity, there was something in this strange murder which caused us to make enquiries, and the reader will hardly believe me when i tell him that the victim met his fate with the knowledge and consent of timour shah. the woman whom we first observed was the legal murderess. she had that morning been to the shah zada and sworn on the kor[=a]n that the deceased many years back had murdered her husband and ran away with his other wife; she had demanded redress according to the mahommedan law--blood for blood. the shah zada offered the woman a considerable sum of money if she would waive her claim to right of personally inflicting the punishment on the delinquent, and allow the man to be delivered over to his officers of justice, promising a punishment commensurate with the crime he had committed. but the woman persisted in her demand for the law of the kor[=a]n. her victim was bound and delivered into her hands; she had him conducted in front of the prince's camp about three hundred yards off, and effected her inhuman revenge with an affgh[=a]n knife, a fit instrument for such a purpose. before returning to c[=a]bul it was deemed requisite to punish the rebellious owner of the fort of babboo-koosh-ghur. on the approach of our force he decamped with all his vassals, and as it was advisable to leave some permanent mark of our displeasure, the bastions were blown down with gunpowder. it seems that the enemy imagined we were very negligent in camp, for they honored us the same evening with one of their night attacks, for which they are famous, the object in general being rather to harass their adversary by keeping him on the alert than to penetrate to his tents. on the present occasion they commenced a distant fusillade upon the left of our line, extending it gradually along nearly the whole face; a few rounds of grape from the artillery soon cleared _their_ front, but the enemy continued for above three hours a random fire upon the left, and, strange to say, they kept aloof from the european troops, who were encamped as usual on the right of the line. the artillery horses being picketted in soft ground soon drew their iron pegs, and having thus obtained their liberty, scampered up and down in rear of the troops and amongst the tents, thereby considerably adding to the confusion and uproar. on the alarm first sounding every light was extinguished in the camp, and well was it that these precautionary measures were adopted, for a great portion of the standing tents were riddled. the enemy fired without aim, and we were fortunate enough to lose only one sepoy; we could not ascertain the amount of casualty amongst them, but from the sudden cessation of any attack upon that part of the line where the artillery was stationed, we concluded that the rounds of grape must have told with considerable effect. after midnight the enemy withdrew, and when at a distance of about half a mile from our outposts gave a shout of defiance, perhaps to draw a party from the camp to pursue them, which, however, was not done, or rejoicing at the havoc they imagined to have made in our ranks. we heard afterwards that the affgh[=a]ns with their usual superstition had remembered that many years ago a large army had been attacked on the same ground we then occupied and annihilated, and that probably a like success would crown their efforts in the present instance. this night attack rendered some further demonstration of our powers of retaliation necessary, particularly as a portion of our adversaries were from the fort of kardurrah, to which we proceeded the next day and easily captured, the enemy retiring to the hills on our advance, abandoning a strong and easily defended position, for their flank could not have been turned without incurring considerable loss, if the fort of kardurrah had been held in a determined manner. it was generally remarked as being a particularly strong place, the approach leading through orchards surrounded by mud walls six or seven feet high and loopholed, the lanes intersecting them being barricadoed as if to be held to the last extremity. probably such was their valiant intention, but it seems they were bewildered by our attacking them from different points, and not trusting to each other for support, all took to their heels. the undulating ground was strewn with masses of detached rocks, and they had also built up several small but substantial stone breast-works, so that altogether we had reason to congratulate ourselves on their unexpected retreat. the women had been previously conveyed away with the heavy baggage, and we found the houses empty, but fruit of every description was lying about the streets, prepared and packed for the winter supply of the c[=a]bul market. melons, peaches, pears, walnuts were either in heaps against the walls or placed in baskets for transportation; but the most curious arrangement was exhibited in the mode in which they preserved their brobdignag grapes for winter consumption. about thirty berries, each of enormous size and separately enveloped in cotton, were hermetically enclosed between a couple of rudely shaped clay saucers, so that we were obliged to crack the saucers to get at the fruit inside, and great was the scrambling amongst the thirsty soldiers for their luscious contents as they rolled out upon the ground. chapter xx. the thread of my narrative now guides me to an event which cannot be contemplated without astonishment and regret. i allude to the unaccountable panic which seized the 2nd cavalry during the action at purwan durrah; indeed i would willingly pass it over in silence, but i am anxious to express my humble admiration of the chivalrous bearing of the european officers on that melancholy occasion. the several severe blows which we had recently inflicted upon the affgh[=a]ns during the course of this short compaign, and their not having lately appeared in any organized force in the vicinity of our camp, caused an opinion to prevail amongst many that our labours for the season were brought to a close; but on the 20th of october we were again excited by the rumour that dost mahommed, who had been hovering about, intended as a "derniã¨re ressource" once more to try his fortune in war. our anticipations of a little more active service were soon realized by an order to advance upon purwan durrah. we accordingly struck our tents, passing by aukserai, and encamped near meer musjedi's fortress, remaining there till the 3rd of november watching the movements of the enemy. on that day information was received that the dost, with a large body of horse and foot, was moving towards us by the purwan durrah; the general decided upon checking his progress, and an advanced guard consisting of four companies of the 13th under major kershaw, two companies of native infantry, two nine-pounders, and two squadrons of the 2nd bengal cavalry, the whole under the command of col. salter of the 2nd cavalry, preceded the main column. on the road we met a follower of one of the friendly chiefs charged with a report that the ex-ameer's party had been attacking some of the forts in the valley, but for the present had taken up a position on the neighbouring hills. we soon came on them, and at a short distance perceived a small body of cavalry in the plain. a rumour passed through our ranks that dost mahommed was himself amongst the horsemen, and it was a subject of congratulation that the only opportunity had now arrived of our cavalry engaging theirs, and that one brilliant attack would bring this desultory warfare to a glorious termination. the squadrons under the command of the gallant fraser were ordered to advance, and moved steadily forward at a trot; all eyes were fixed upon them--the men were apparently steady--and even the least sanguine could hardly doubt the result of a shock of disciplined cavalry on an irregular body of horse not half their numerical strength. but when the word to charge was given, an uncontrolled panic seized the troopers; instead of putting their horses into a gallop and dashing forward to certain victory, the pace gradually slackened; in vain did their officers use every effort to urge the men on--in vain did the spirit-stirring trumpet sound the charge--the troopers were spell-bound by the demon of fear; the trot became a walk, then a halt; and then, forgetful of their duty, their honor, and their officers, they wheeled about and shamefully fled. but not for one single instant did fraser hesitate; with a bitter and well-merited expression of contempt at this unmanly desertion, he briefly said, "we must charge alone," and dashing spurs into his horse, he rushed to an almost certain fate, followed by ponsonby, crispin, broadfoot, dr. lord, and by about a dozen of his men, who all preferred an honourable death to an ignominious life. the feelings of disgust mingled with intense admiration with which this unparalleled scene was viewed by the infantry can be better imagined than expressed; and those who under similar trying circumstances would have endeavoured to imitate the heroism of their countrymen, could scarce subdue a thrill of horror as this handful of brave soldiers galloped forward. the intrepid fraser, mounted upon a large and powerful english horse, literally hewed a lane for himself through the astonished affghans; and ponsonby too--for i am weary of seeking fresh epithets for their unsurpassable conduct--on a strong persian mare, for a time bore down all opposition. dost mahommed himself, though in some personal danger from the impetuosity of this desperate charge, could not restrain his admiration. the event fully proved the danger incurred. dr. lord, crispin, and broadfoot upheld the glory of their country to the last, and fell covered with many wounds. fraser and ponsonby were both desperately hacked, and owed their lives to their horses becoming unmanageable, bearing their riders from the midst of the enemy. the reins of ponsonby's bridle were cut, and he himself grievously wounded in the face, while fraser's arm was nearly severed in two; neither did their horses escape in the conflict, as both bore deep gashes of the affgh[=a]n blades. while the european officers were thus sacrificing themselves in the execution of their duty, the dastard troopers came galloping in amongst the infantry of the advanced guard, some of whom were with difficulty restrained from inflicting on the spot the punishment they so well deserved. meanwhile the enemy's cavalry, flushed with success, advanced against the infantry with colours flying and loud shoutings, as in expectation of an easy victory. but the infantry were prepared to receive them, and a few rounds from the nine-pounders soon caused them to halt; finding that their antagonists were not under the same influence as the cavalry, they gave up the attack and retired to a distant position on the hills. the steady advance of the 37th n.i. from the main body of our forces, together with a few judiciously thrown shells, soon drove their infantry to a more elevated range of hills; and before sunset we had quiet possession of the field. we had the melancholy satisfaction of finding the bodies of our comrades, whom we buried at night in one large grave, and performing the solemn service of the dead by torchlight. there is no chance of their being forgotten: so long as gallantry is admired and honour revered amongst british soldiers, so long will they remember fraser's charge at purwan durrah. i am loath to dwell on the misconduct of the troopers; as far as i am enabled to ascertain it was unexpected by the officers. some, indeed, declare that previous disaffection existed amongst the men; others say that the troopers being mussulmen did not like to charge against dost mahommed himself, whom they considered as their religious chief; but i think we may fairly attribute their flight to downright _cowardice_, as no complaint or cause was assigned by the men previous to encountering the foe. whatever be the truth, the event was most unfortunate, for it appears that the dost was even previous to the action anxious to throw himself upon the protection of the british, but his followers would not permit him to do so; nevertheless, on the evening of that day he managed to elude their vigilance, and riding directly to c[=a]bul met the envoy sir william m'naghten taking his evening ride, and surrendered himself into his hands. the news of this event of course put an end to further hostilities, and on the 7th of november we returned to c[=a]bul, heartily glad once more to get comfortably housed, as the winter was rapidly approaching and the nights severely cold. the end. list of plates. view of the outer cave of yeermallik, shewing the entrance hole to the larger cavern map of cabul and the kohistan, with the route to koollum view of the ice caves in the cavern of yeermallik view of koollum from the eastward fac-simile drawings of ancient coins found in toorkisthan and affghanistan, in the possession of capt. burslem, as follows: no. 1. a bactrian coin: legend on the obverse, [transliterated from the greek lettering, basileus ermaion sot]. reverse, hercules on a tuckt or throne, with his right arm extended. no. 2. a square copper coin of apollodotus: legend, [transliterated from the greek lettering, basileus pollodot soter]; a male figure, holding in one hand a club, and a spear in the other. the reverse bears pelhvic characters. no. 3. a square copper coin of eucratides: [transliterated from the greek, basileus megal] is only decypherable. if of eucratides the great, of which i have no doubt, this coin is of great value, as he reigned in bactria 181 b.c. the reverse bears a pelhvic legend, with the figures of two warriors mounted. no. 4. a square silver coin of menander. a helmeted head, with the inscription, [transliterated from the greek, basileus soteros menandrou]. the reverse bears the emblematic figure of an owl. no. 5. a square copper coin, inscription illegible. on the obverse is a woman holding a flower or a priest offering incense. it appears to be a kanirkos coin. no. 6. a round silver indo-scythian coin. no. 7. a square silver coin of apollodotus, 195 b.c. obverse, an elephant, with the bactrian monogram beneath--[transliterated from the greek, basileus pollodoton soteros]. reverse, an indian bull. the characters and figures on this coin are very distinct. no. 8. another coin of menander. an elephant's head with the proboscis elevated: legend, [transliterated from the greek, basileus soteros menandrou]. on the reverse is a cannon. this is an old and valuable coin. no, 9. a gold coin, supposed by lady sale to be a kadphises. the legend begins with amokad and ends with korano. on the reverse is a naked figure, with the right arm stretched out. a few specimens, but in copper, have been found in the barrow at maunikyala in the punjaub. lady sale considers this coin to be a great beauty and of value. no. 10. a gem found in the plain of buggram. among the wild tribes of the afghan frontier a record of sixteen years' close intercourse with the natives of the indian marches by t. l. pennell, m.d., b.sc., f.r.c.s. with an introduction by field-marshal earl roberts, v.c., k.g. and with 37 illustrations & 2 maps second edition london seeley & co. limited 38 great russell street 1909 to my mother, to the inspiration of whose life and teaching i owe more than i can realize or record introduction this book is a valuable record of sixteen years' good work by an officer--a medical missionary--in charge of a medical mission station at bannu, on the north-west frontier of india. although many accounts have been written descriptive of the wild tribes on this border, there was still plenty of room for dr. pennell's modestly-related narrative. previous writers--e.g., paget and mason, holdich, oliver, warburton, elsmie, and many others--have dealt with the expeditions that have taken place from time to time against the turbulent occupants of the trans-indus mountains, and with the military problems and possibilities of the difficult regions which they inhabit. but dr. pennell's story is not concerned with the clash of arms. his mission has been to preach, to heal, and to save; and in his long and intimate intercourse with the tribesmen, as recounted in these pages, he throws many new and interesting sidelights on the domestic and social, as well as on the moral and religious, aspects of their lives and characters. during a long career in india i myself have seen and heard a good deal about these medical missions, and i can testify to their doing excellent and useful work, and that they are valuable and humanizing factors and moral aids well worthy of all encouragement and support. no one can read dr. pennell's experiences without feeling that the man who is a physician and able to heal the body, in addition to being a preacher who can "minister to a mind diseased" as well as to spiritual needs, wields an influence which is not possessed by him who is a missionary only. as the author himself writes: "the doctor finds his sphere everywhere, and his hands are full of work as soon as he arrives (at his station). he is able to overcome suspicion and prejudice, and his kindly aid and sympathetic treatment disarm opposition, while his life is a better setting forth of christianity than his words. there is a door everywhere which can be opened by love and sympathy and practical service, and no one is more in a position to have a key for every door than a doctor." these few words fairly sum up the situation, and i fully agree with the view they express. on such a wild frontier as that on the north-west border of india the life of a doctor-missionary is beset with many perils. a perusal of dr. pennell's most interesting story shows that he has had his share of them, and that in the earnest and zealous discharge of his duties he has faced them bravely and cheerfully. i cordially recommend his book to all readers, and my earnest hope is that medical missions will continue to flourish. roberts, f.m. december 19, 1908. preface after sixteen years of close contact with the afghans and pathans of our north-west frontier in india, i was asked to commit some of my experiences to paper. the present book is the result. i have used the government system of transliteration in vernacular names and expressions, and i beg the reader to bestow a few minutes' consideration on the table of corresponding sounds and letters given on p. xvi, as it is painful to hear the way in which englishmen, who, with their wide imperial interests, should be better informed, mispronounce common indian words and names of places which are in constant use nowadays in england as much as abroad. nothing is recorded which has not been enacted in my own experience or in that of some trustworthy friend. in chapters xiii. and xiv. it would have been unwise to give the actual names, so i have put the experience of several such cases together into one connected story, which, while concealing the identity of the actors, may also make the narrative more interesting to the reader; every fact recorded, however, happened under my own eyes. in chapter xxii., the night adventure of chikki, when he met an english officer in disguise, was related by him to me of another member of his profession, and not of himself. i wish to thank the church missionary society for allowing me to reproduce some articles which have already appeared in their publications, notably chapter xx. and part of chapter iv. i tender my best thanks to major wilkinson, i.m.s., major watson, h. bolton, esq., i.c.s., and colonel s. baker, for some of the photographs which have been here reproduced; and to dr. j. cropper for his kindness in reading the proofs. we are at present engaged in building a branch dispensary at thal, a place on the extreme border mentioned several times in the text, where the medical mission will have a profound influence on the trans-border tribes, as well as on those in british india. this will be known as the "lord roberts hospital," as that place was at one time of the 1879-80 campaign the headquarters of his column. the author's profits on the sale of this book will be entirely devoted to the building of the hospital, and carrying on of the medical mission work at thal. t. l. pennell. p. and o. s.s. "china," gulf of suez, september 24, 1908. contents chapter i the afghan character pages paradoxical--ideas of honour--blood-feuds--a sister's revenge--the story of an outlaw--taken by assault--a jirgah and its unexpected termination--bluff--an attempt at kidnapping--hospitality--a midnight meal--an ungrateful patient--a robber's death--an afghan dance--a village warfare--an officer's escape--cousins 17-30 chapter ii afghan traditions israelitish origin of the afghans--jewish practices--shepherd tradition of the wazirs--afridis and their saint--the zyarat, or shrine--graveyards--custom of burial--graves of holy men--charms and amulets--the medical practice of a faqir--native remedies--first aid to the wounded--purges and blood-letting--tooth extraction--smallpox 31-43 chapter iii border warriors peiwar kotal--the kurram valley--the bannu oasis--independent tribes--the durand line--the indispensable hindu--a lawsuit and its sequel--a hindu outwits a muhammadan--the scope of the missionary 44-53 chapter iv a frontier valley description of the kurram valley--shiahs and sunnis--favourable reception of christianity--independent areas--a candid reply--proverbial disunion of the afghans--the two policies--sir robert sandeman--lord curzon creates the north-west frontier province--frontier wars--the vicious circle--two flaws the natives see in british rule: the usurer, delayed justice--personal influence 54-67 chapter v the christian's revenge police posts versus dispensaries--the poisoning scare--a native doctor's influence--wazir marauders spare the mission hospital--a terrible revenge--the conolly bed--a political mission--a treacherous king--imprisonment in bukhara--the prayer-book--martyrdom--the sequel--influence of the mission hospital--the medical missionary's passport 68-77 chapter vi a day in the wards the truce of suffering--a patient's request--typical cases--a painful journey--the biter bit--the condition of amputation--"i am a better shot than he is"--the son's life or revenge--the hunter's adventure--a nephew's devotion--a miserly patient--an enemy converted into a friend--the doctor's welcome 78-88 chapter vii from morning to night first duties--calls for the doctor--some of the out-patients--importunate blind--school classes--operation cases--untimely visitors--recreation--cases to decide 89-97 chapter viii the itinerant missionary the medical missionary's advantage--how to know the people--the real india--god's guest-house--the reception of the guest--oriental customs--pitfalls for the unwary--the mullah and the padre--afghan logic--a patient's welcome--the mullah conciliated--a rough journey--among thieves--a swimming adventure--friends or enemies? --work in camp--rest at last 98-113 chapter ix afghan mullahs no priesthood in islam--yet the mullahs ubiquitous--their great influence--theological refinements--the power of a charm--bazaar disputations--a friend in need--a frontier pope--in a militia post--a long ride--a local canterbury--an enemy becomes a friend--the ghazi fanatic--an outrage on an english officer 114-125 chapter x a tale of a talib early days--the theological curriculum--visit to bannu--a public discussion--new ideas--the forbearance of a native christian--first acquaintance with christians--first confession--a lost love--a stern chase--the lost sheep recovered--bringing his teacher--the mullah converted--excommunication--faithful unto death--fresh temptations--a vain search--a night quest--the mullahs circumvented--dark days--hope ever 126-139 chapter xi school-work different views of educational work--the changed attitude of the mullahs--his majesty the amir and education--dangers of secular education--the mission hostel--india emphatically religious--indian schoolboys contrasted with english schoolboys--school and marriage--advantage of personal contact--uses of a swimming-tank--an unpromising scholar--unwelcome discipline--a ward of court--morning prayers--an afghan university--a cricket-match--an exciting finish--a sad sequel--an officer's funeral--a contrast--just in time 140-152 chapter xii an afghan football team native sport--tent-pegging--a novel game--a football tournament--a victory for bannu--increasing popularity of english games--a tour through india--football under difficulties--welcome at hyderabad--an unexpected defeat--matches at bombay and karachi--riots in calcutta--an unprovoked assault--the calcutta police-court--reparation--home again 153-167 chapter xiii 'alam gul's choice a farmer and his two sons--learning the quran--a village school--at work and at play--the visit of the inspector--pros and cons of the mission school from a native standpoint--admission to bannu school--new associations--in danger of losing heaven--first night in the boarding-house--a boy's dilemma 168-178 chapter xiv 'alam gul's choice (continued) the cricket captain--a conscientious schoolboy--the scripture lesson--first awakenings--the mullah's wrath--the crisis--standing fire--schoolboy justice--"blessed are ye when men shall persecute you for my name's sake"--escape from poisoning--escape from home--baptism--disinherited--new friends 179-189 chapter xv afghan women their inferior position--hard labour--on the march--suffering in silence--a heartless husband--buying a wife--punishment for immorality--patching up an injured wife--a streaky nose--evils of divorce--a domestic tragedy--ignorance and superstition--"beautiful pearl"--a tragic case--a crying need--lady doctors--the mother's influence 190-201 chapter xvi the story of a convert a trans-frontier merchant--left an orphan--takes service--first contact with christians--interest aroused in an unexpected way--assaulted--baptism--a dangerous journey--taken for a spy--a mother's love--falls among thieves--choosing a wife--an afghan becomes a foreign missionary--a responsible post--saved by a grateful patient 202-210 chapter xvii the hindu ascetics the hindu sadhus more than two thousand years ago much as to-day--muhammadan faqirs much more recent--the indian ideal--this presents a difficulty to the missionary--becoming a sadhu--an afghan disciple--initiation and equipment--hardwar the holy--a religious settlement--natural beauties of the locality--only man is vile--individualism versus altruism--the water god--wanton monkeys--tendency to make anything unusual an object of worship--a brahman fellow-traveller--a night in a temple--waking the gods--a hindu sacrament--a religious bedlam--a ward for imbeciles--religious delusions--"all humbugs"--yogis and hypnotism--voluntary maniacs--the daily meal--feeding, flesh, fish, and food 211-226 chapter xviii sadhus and faqirs buried gold--power of sympathy--a neglected field--a sadhu converted to christianity--his experiences--causes of the development of the ascetic idea in india--more unworthy motives common at the present time--the prime minister of a state becomes a recluse--a cavalry officer sadhu--dedicated from birth--experiences of a young sadhu--an unpleasant bedfellow--honest toil--orders of muhammadan ascetics--their characteristics--a faqir's curse--women and faqirs--muhammadan faqirs usually unorthodox--sufistic tendencies--habits of inebriation--the sanctity and powers of a faqir's grave 227-240 chapter xix my life as a mendicant dependent on the charitable--an incident on the bridge over the jhelum river--a rebuff on the feast-day--an indian railway-station--a churlish muhammadan--helped by a soldier--a partner in the concern--a friendly native christian--the prophet of qadian--a new muhammadan development--crossing the beas river--reception in a sikh village--recognized by his majesty yakub khan, late amir--allahabad--encounter with a brahman at bombay--landing at karachi--value of native dress--relation to natives--need of sympathy--the effect of clothes--disabilities in railway travelling--english manners--reception of visitors 241-256 chapter xx a frontier episode a merchant caravan in the tochi pass--manak khan--a sudden onslaught--first aid--native remedies--a desperate case--a last resort--the feringi doctor--setting out on the journey--arrival at bannu--refuses amputation--returns to afghanistan--his wife and children frightened away 257-266 chapter xxi frontier campaigning the pathan warrior--a christian native officer--a secret mission--a victim of treachery--a soldier convert--influence of a christian officer--crude ideas and strange motives of pathan soldiers--camaraderie in frontier regiments--example of sympathy between students of different religions in mission school--a famous sikh regiment--sikh soldiers and religion--fort lockhart--saraghari--the last man--a rifle thief--caught red-handed 267-276 chapter xxii chikki, the freebooter the mountains of tirah--work as a miller's labourer--joins fortune with a thief--a night raid--the value of a disguise--the thief caught--the cattle "lifter"--murder by proxy--the price of blood--tribal factions--becomes chieftain of the tribe--the zenith of power--characteristics--precautionary measures--journey to chinarak--a remarkable fort--a curious congregation--punctiliousness in prayers--changed attitude--refrained from hostilities--meets his death 277-286 chapter xxiii rough diamonds a novel inquirer--attends the bazaar preaching--attacked by his countrymen--in the police-station--before the english magistrate--declares he is a christian--arrival of his mother--tied up in his village--escape--takes refuge in the hills--a murder case--circumstantial evidence--condemned--a last struggle for liberty--qazi abdul karim--his origin--eccentricities--enthusiasm--crosses the frontier--captured--confesses his faith--torture--martyrdom 287-295 chapter xxiv deductions number of converts not a reliable estimate of mission work--spurious converts versus indigenous christianity--latitude should be allowed to the indian church--we should introduce christ to india rather than occidental christianity--christianizing sects among hindus and muhammadans--missionary work not restricted to missionaries--influence of the best of hindu and muhammadan thought should be welcomed--the conversion of the nation requires our attention more than that of the individual--christian friars adapted to modern missions--a true representation of christ to india--misconceptions that must be removed 296-304 chapter xxv a forward policy frontier medical missions--their value as outposts--ancient christianity in central asia--kafiristan: a lost opportunity of the christian church--forcible conversion to islam--fields for missionary enterprise beyond the north-west frontier--the first missionaries should be medical men--an example of the power of a medical mission to overcome opposition--the need for branch dispensaries--scheme of advance--needs 305-312 glossary 314-318 index 319-324 list of illustrations dr. pennell travelling as a sadhu frontispiece a khattak sword-dancer 28 a zyarat or shrine on the takht-i-suliman 34 a group of lepers at a zyarat or shrine in hazara 36 the khaiber pass. a village in the pass 46 a cavalry shutur-sowar, or camel-rider 46 types of frontier tribesmen 50 bannu villagers 56 the khaiber pass. khaiber rifle sepoy on the watch 62 the result of a blood-feud 82 a transborder afghan bringing his family to the hospital 82 bannu mission. a group of patients 94 a group of out-patients at the mission hospital 94 travelling by riding camel 100 itineration by means of ekkas and mules 100 ferrying across the river indus 112 travelling down the indus on a "kik" 112 mahsud labourers at work in bannu cantonment 148 bannu mission. a group of students 148 a football match at bannu 154 the bannu football team 154 the chief bazaar, peshawur city 156 the bazaar in peshawur city 156 the indus in flood-time 158 a ferryboat for the mail on the indus river 158 a modern "black hole" 164 boy and girl grazing buffaloes 170 women carrying waterpots 196 women going for water at shimvah 198 water-carrying at shimvah 198 near shinkiari, hazara district 208 a muhammadan faqir 212 dr. pennell 244 flour mills near shinkiari 278 map of the north-west frontier province 313 map of the north-west frontier of india 318 table of the chief sounds represented in the government system of transliteration a = short u, as in "bun." ã¡ = broad a, as in "mast." i = short i, as in "bin." ã­ = ee, as in "oblique." e = a, as in "male." o = long o, as in "note." u = short oo, as in "foot." ãº = long oo, as in "boot." q = guttural k. kh = ch, as in "loch." gh = guttural r, not used in english. ' = the arabic letter 'ain, a guttural not used in english. pronunciation of the principal oriental words used in this book afghã¡n jahã¡n nizã¡m afghã¡nistã¡n jamã¡la panjã¡b afrã­di jelã¡lã¡bad panjã¡bi allã¡hu akbar kabã­r pathã¡n amã­r kã¡bul patwã¡r badakshã¡n kã¡fir peshã¡wur baltistã¡n kã¡labã¡gh qurã¡n bengã¡li kalã¡m rã¡m bezwã¡da karã¡chi ramazã¡n bhã¡galpur karã­m risã¡ldã¡r bukhã¡ra khalã­fa rã­shã­kes chenã¡b khorasã¡n sã¡dhu chilã¡s kohã¡t sanyã¡si chinã¡rak laghmã¡ni saragã¡ri chitrã¡l lohã¡ni sardã¡r derajã¡t majã­d sarkã¡r dharmsã¡la mã¡lik subadã¡r ghulã¡m mirzã¡da sulã­man hã¡kim (ruler) mughã¡l tã¡lib hakã­m (doctor) multã¡n tamã¡na hardwã¡r nã¡nak tirã¡h hazã¡ra nã¡rowã¡l waziristã¡n islã¡m nezabã¡zi among the wild tribes of the afghan frontier chapter i the afghan character paradoxical--ideas of honour--blood-feuds--a sister's revenge--the story of an outlaw--taken by assault--a jirgah and its unexpected termination--bluff--an attempt at kidnapping--hospitality--a midnight meal--an ungrateful patient--a robber's death--an afghan dance--a village warfare--an officer's escape--cousins. the east is the country of contradictions, and the afghan character is a strange medley of contradictory qualities, in which courage blends with stealth, the basest treachery with the most touching fidelity, intense religious fanaticism with an avarice which will even induce him to play false to his faith, and a lavish hospitality with an irresistible propensity for thieving. there are two words which are always on an afghan's tongue--izzat and sharm. they denote the idea of honour viewed in its positive and negative aspects, but what that honour consists in even an afghan would be puzzled to tell you. sometimes he will consider that he has vindicated his honour by a murder perpetrated with the foulest treachery; at other times it receives an indelible stain if at some public function he is given a seat below some rival chief. the vendetta, or blood-feud, has eaten into the very core of afghan life, and the nation can never become healthily progressive till public opinion on the question of revenge alters. at present some of the best and noblest families in afghanistan are on the verge of extermination through this wretched system. even the women are not exempt. in 1905, at bannu, there was a case where a man had been foully murdered over some disputed land. it was generally known who the murderer was, but as he and his relations were powerful and likely to stick at nothing, and the murdered man had no near relation except one sister, no one was willing to risk his own skin in giving evidence, so when the case came up in court the judge was powerless to convict. "am i to have no justice at the hands of the sarkar?" passionately cried the sister in her despair. "bring me witnesses, and i will convict," was all the judge could reply. "very well; i must find my own way;" and the girl left the court to take no rest till her brother's blood, which was crying to her from the ground, should be avenged. shortly after this i was sitting in a classroom of the mission school teaching the boys. it was a friday morning, when thousands of the hillmen come in to the weekly fair, and the bazaars are full of a shouting, jostling throng, the murmur of which reaches even the schoolroom. suddenly a shot was heard, and then a confused shouting. running out on to the street hard by, i found a wazir, quite dead, shot through the heart. it was the murderer who had escaped the justice of the law, but not the hand of the avenger, for the sister had concealed a revolver on her person, and coming up to her enemy in the crowded bazaar, had shot him point-blank. she was arrested there and then, and the court condemned her to penal servitude for life. i met her some weeks later as she was on the march with some other prisoners to their destination in the andaman islands. resignation and satisfaction were her dominant feelings. "i have avenged my brother; for the rest, it is god's will: i am content." those were the words in which she answered my inquiries. the officer who has most power with the pathans is the one who, while transparently just, yet deals with them with a strong hand, whose courage is beyond question, and who, when once his mind is made up, does not hesitate in the performance of his plans. to such a one they are loyal to the backbone, and will go through fire and water in his train. "tender-handed grasp a nettle, it will sting you for your pains; grasp it like a man of mettle, soft as silk it then remains." this has its counterpart in a pashtu proverb, and is no doubt a true delineation of the afghan character. some years ago some outlaws had fortified a village a few miles across the border, and had there bidden defiance to the authorities while carrying on their depredations among the frontier villages, where they raided many a wealthy hindu, and even carried off the rifles from the police posts. the leader of the gang was sailgai. his father was mian khan, a wazir of the sparkai clan. when still a boy sailgai showed great aptitude and skill in archery, and when about fifteen he commenced rifle-shooting, and soon became a noted marksman. this, however, led him to associate with the desperadoes of the clan, and before long he became the leader of a gang which used to go out at night-time to break into shops and into the houses of rich hindus. when this occupation began to pall on him he became a highway robber, and lay in wait with his confederates in various parts of the kohat-bannu road to waylay and rob travellers both by day and night. the next step onward--or downwards, we should say--was to become the leader of a gang of dacoits. these men would enter a village, usually in the late evening, and hold up the inhabitants while they looted the houses of the rich hindus at leisure. on these occasions they often cut off the ears of the women as the simplest way of getting their earrings; and fingers, too, suffered in the same way if the owner did not remove his rings quickly enough. at the same time sailgai became a professional murderer, and used to take two hundred to four hundred rupees for disposing of anyone obnoxious to the payer. still, up to this time he had contrived to keep clear of the police, and had never been caught. if anyone informed against him he soon discovered who the informant was, and paid him a night visit, only leaving after he had either killed him or taken a rich ransom. some eight years ago he took two hundred rupees for killing a bizun khel wazir, and went to his house one evening with fifteen of his followers. the wazir, however, got a warning, and made a bold stand, and sailgai had to fire seven times before he despatched him, and by that time the brother of the deceased had fetched some police and followed up in chase of sailgai. when, however, the police saw that they had a well-armed band to contend with, although about equal in number to the wazirs, they beat a hasty retreat, with the exception of one man, who opened fire on the murderers at two hundred paces, but was hit and disabled, so that sailgai and his party got away in safety. government gave a reward to this, the one brave man, and put a price on sailgai's head, so that he could no longer enter british territory except by stealth, and he retired to his fort at gumatti, which he strengthened and made the base for marauding expeditions on government territory. these subsequently became so frequent and so successful that the indian government was finally constrained to send up a column under colonel tonnochy, who was in command of the 53rd sikhs at bannu, to destroy his fort once for all. before the guns opened fire the political officer, mr. donald, walked up alone to the loopholes of his fort to offer sailgai and his fellow-defenders terms. knowing well the long list of crimes that would be proved against him, he replied that he had determined to sell his life as dearly as possible in the fort where he had been born and bred; and we must say, to his credit, that they restrained their fire till mr. donald got back to his own lines. colonel tonnochy brought the guns up to within sixty yards of the fort, and while directing their operations he was mortally wounded. when the tower was finally taken by storm, all sailgai's companions were dead, and he himself wounded in four places. he, however, with a last effort took aim at the british officer, captain white, who was bravely leading the assault, and shot him dead, and was almost at the same moment despatched by that officer's orderly. wazirs from gumatti, as well as from all the rest of the neighbourhood, are constantly coming to the mission dispensary, and some of them have been in-patients. the police munshi who made the bold stand above mentioned was himself treated for his wound in our hospital. the afghan has in some respects such inordinate vanity in connection with his peculiar ideas of sharm, and is so hot-headed in resenting some fancied insult, that he sometimes places himself in a ridiculous position, from which he finds it difficult to extricate himself without still further sacrificing his honour. an instance of this occurred in december, 1898. the mission school athletic sports were in progress in the mission compound, and the political officers of the tochi and wano were engaged not far off in a jirgah of the representatives of the mahsud and darwesh khel sections of the wazirs. suddenly the cry was raised, "the wazirs have attacked us!" and for a short time all was confusion. wazirs were seen rushing pell-mell into school, bungalow, and other buildings, and a great part of the spectators who had gathered to see the sports fled in confusion. it transpired, however, that, so far from the wazirs desiring to do us any injury, they were the mahsuds in flight from the darwesh khels, who were hot in pursuit, chasing them even into the mission buildings where they had sought refuge. the council had been proceeding satisfactorily, and with apparently amicable relations on both sides, when a darwesh khel malik, in the excitement of debate, gesticulated too close to the seat of the political officer. a mahsud orderly, thinking he was disrespectful to the officer, pushed him back with needless force, so that the malik slipped and fell. the darwesh khels round him at once set on the orderly, saying he had done it of malice prepense, and began to beat him. in another moment the whole assembly were frantically attacking each other; but the mahsuds, being very decidedly in the minority, found safety in flight, and, our mission compound being the nearest rallying-place, had come down upon us in this unceremonious manner, with the darwesh khels in hot pursuit. fortunately, no serious injury resulted, and both parties were soon laughing at their own foolish hot-headedness. bluff is a very prominent characteristic of the afghan, and this makes him appear more formidable than he really is to those who are not acquainted with his character. he is also a great bully and exults in cruelty, so that he becomes a veritable tyrant to those who have fallen into his power or are overawed by his bluff. at the same time, he has a profound reverence for the personification of power or brute force, and becomes a loyal and devoted follower of those whom he believes to be his superiors. it is often asked of me whether i carry a revolver or other arms when travelling about among these wild tribes. for a missionary to do so would not only be fatal to his chance of success, but would be a serious and constant danger. it would be impossible for him to be always on his guard; there must be times when, through fatigue or other reasons, he is at the mercy of those among whom he is dwelling. besides this, there is nothing which an afghan covets more, or to steal which he is more ready to risk his life, than firearms; and though he might not otherwise wish harm to the missionary, the possibility of securing a good revolver or gun would be too great a temptation, even though he had to shed blood to secure it. my plan was, therefore, to put myself entirely in their hands, and let them see that i was trusting to their sense of honour and to their traditional treatment of a guest for my safety. at the same time, i was rather at pains than otherwise to let them see that the bluff to which they sometimes resorted had no effect upon me, and that i was indifferent to their threats and warnings, which, as often as not, were just a ruse on their part to see how far they could impose on me. once, when i was in a trans-border village, resting a few hours in the heat of the day, some young bloods arrived who had just come in from a raid, and were still in the excitement of bloodshed. some of them thought it would be a good opportunity to bait the daktar sahib, and one of them, holding his loaded revolver to my chest, said: "now we are going to shoot you." i replied: "you will be very great fools if you do, because i am of more use to you than to myself, and you would as likely as not poison yourselves with my drugs if i were not there to tell you how to use them." at this the senior man of the party rebuked them, and offered me a kind of apology for their rudeness, saying: "they are only young fellows, and they are excited. do not mind what they say. we will see that no harm comes to you." on another occasion i came to a village across the border rather late at night. there were numerous outlaws in the village, but the chief under whose protection i placed myself took the precaution of putting my bed in the centre of six of his retainers, fully armed, in a circle round me, one or two of whom were to keep watch in turns. i had had a hard day's work, and was soon sound asleep, and this was my safety, because i was told in the morning that some of the more fanatical spirits had wanted to kill me in the night, but the others said: "see, he has trusted himself entirely to our protection, and because he trusts us he is sleeping so soundly; therefore, no harm must be done to him in our village." not long ago there was a notorious outlaw on the frontier called rangin, who had been making a practice of kidnapping rich hindus, and then holding them to ransom. i was in the habit of visiting our out-station at kharrak about once a month, and usually went alone and by night. information was brought that rangin, knowing of this, intended one day to kidnap me, and hold me to a high ransom. the next time i visited kharrak, i purposely slept by the roadside all night in a lonely part, that the people might see that i was not afraid of rangin's threats. needless to say, no harm came of it; but the people there in the countryside spread the idea that, as there was an angel protecting the daktar sahib, it would be a useless act of folly to try to do him an injury. although the honour which an afghan thinks is due to his guest has often stood me in good stead, yet sometimes the observance of the correct etiquette has become irksome. a rich chief will be satisfied with nothing less than the slaying of a sheep when he receives a guest of distinction; a poorer man will be satisfied with the slaying of a fowl, and the preparation therefrom of the native dish called pulao. on one occasion i came to a village with my companions rather late in the evening. the chief himself was away, but his son received me with every mark of respect, and killed a fowl and cooked us a savoury pulao, after which, wearied with the labours of the day, we were soon fast asleep. later on, it appeared, the chief himself arrived, and learnt from his son of our arrival. "have you killed for him the dumba?" he at once asked; and, on learning from his son that he had only prepared a fowl, he professed great annoyance, saying: "this will be a lasting shame (sharm) for me, if it is known that, when the bannu daktar sahib came to my village, i cooked for him nothing more than a fowl. go at once to the flock, and take a dumba, and slay and dress it, and, when all is ready, call me." thus it came about that about 1 a.m. we were waked up to be told that the chief had come to salaam us, and that dinner was ready. it would not only have been useless to protest that we were more in a mood for sleep than for dinner, but it would also have been an insult to his hospitality; so we got up with alacrity and the best grace possible, and after a performance of the usual salutations on both sides, we buckled to that we might show our appreciation of the luscious feast of roast mutton and pulao that had been prepared for us. on one occasion, in turning back to bannu from a journey across the frontier, i had an escort of two villainous-looking afghans, who appeared as though they would not hesitate at any crime, however atrocious. they, however, looked after us with the greatest attention, and brought us safely into bannu. on arrival there, i offered them some money as a reward for their good conduct; they, however, refused it with some show of indignation, saying that to take money from one who had been their guest would be contrary to their best traditions. consequently, i sent them over to rest for the night at the house of one of my native assistants, with a note to give them a good dinner, and send them away early in the morning. he gave them the dinner, but when he got up in the morning to see them off, he found that they had already decamped with all his best clothes. among the afghans theft is more or less praiseworthy, according to the skill and daring shown in its perpetration, and to the success in the subsequent evasion of pursuit. two years ago an afghan brought his little daughter for an operation on her eye. the operation was successfully performed, and the day of discharge came. meanwhile the eyes of the afghan had lighted on my mare, and he thought how useful it would be to him on his travels, and the night following his discharge we found that he had come with a friend and taken the horse away. unfortunately for the success of the undertaking, he had an enemy, who, when a reward was offered for the discovery of the thief, thought he might enrich himself and pay off an old grudge at the same time. the culprit had, however, by this time arrived with his capture safely across the afghan frontier into khost, and no laws of extradition apply there. other members of the tribe, however, reside in british india, and would be going up with their families into the hills as the heat of summer increased. the deputy commissioner called for the chiefs of the tribe, and informed them that until they arranged for the return of the mare, he would be reluctantly compelled to issue orders that they were not to go up to the hills with their families. at first they protested that they had no control over the thief, whom they had themselves turned out of their tribe because he was a rascal; but when they found that the officer knew them too well to be hoodwinked by their bluff, they found it convenient to send up into khost and bring back the mare. the man through whose instrumentality it was brought back has posed to me ever since as my benefactor, and expected a variety of favours in return. the theft was universally reprobated by the tribe, but chiefly because circumstances had doomed it to failure. notorious thieves and outlaws have frequently availed themselves of the wards of the mission hospital when suffering from some fever or other disease which has temporarily incapacitated them; but, of course, they come under assumed names, and otherwise conceal their identity. it is to be hoped, however, that they benefit all the same from the addresses and good counsel which they daily hear while under treatment. sometimes, as in the case i am about to relate, their identity becomes known. a few years ago, in bed 26--the "southsea" bed--there was zaman, a noted thief, who came in suffering from chronic dysentery, and continued under treatment for over two months. he lingered on, with many ups and downs, but was evidently past recovery when he came in. he paid much attention to the gospel that was read to him, and sometimes professed belief in it, but showed no signs of repenting of his past career. but when told eventually that there was no hope of his recovery, he at once had a police officer summoned, so as to give him the names of some of his former "pals," hoping thereby not only to get them caught and punished in revenge for their having thrown him off when too weak and ill to join in their nefarious practices, but also to gain a reward for the information given. he gradually sank and died, professing a belief in christ; but he alone, who readeth the heart, knoweth. i do not think he would have turned informer had not his confederates apparently deserted him in his distress. no description of afghan life would be complete which did not give an account of their public dances. these take place on the 'id days, or to celebrate some tribal compact, or the cessation of hostilities between two tribes or sections. it can only be seen in its perfection across the border, for in british india the more peaceful habits of the people and the want of the requisite firearms have caused it to fall into desuetude. across the frontier some level piece of ground is chosen, and a post is fixed in the centre. the men arrange themselves in ever-widening circles round this centre and gyrate round it, ever keeping the centre on the left, so as to give greater play to their sword-arms. the older and less nimble of the warriors form the inner circles; outside them come the young men, who dance round with surprising agility, often with a gun in one hand and a sword in the other, or, it may be, with a sword in each hand, which they wave alternately in circles round their heads. outside them, again, circle the horsemen, showing their agility in the saddle and their skill with the sword or gun at the same time. on one side are the village minstrels, who give the tune on drums and pipes. they begin with a slow beat, and one sees all the circles going round with a measured tread; then the music becomes more and more rapid, and the dancers become more and more carried away with excitement, and to the onlooker it appears a surging mass of waving swords and rifles. the rifles are as often as not loaded and discharged from time to time, at which the gyrations of the horsemen on the outside become more and more excited, and one wonders that heads and arms are not gashed by the swords which are seen waving everywhere. suddenly the music ceases, and all stop to regain their breath, to start again after a few minutes, until they are tired out. the excitement and the intricate revolutions often bring the scene to the brink of a real warfare, and not infrequently it ends in bloodshed. in one instance, where a man fell, and in falling discharged his rifle with fatal effect into another dancer, the unintentional murderer would have had his throat cut there and then had not his friends hurriedly dragged him out and carried him off to his home, fighting as they went. in this way blood-feuds are sometimes started, which will divide a village into two factions, and not end till some of the bravest have fallen victims to it. on one occasion i was seated with some afghans in a house in the village of peiwar in the kurram valley. most of the houses were on either side of one long street running the length of the village, and i noticed that some little doors had been made from house to house all down the street, and on inquiring the object of this, i was told that some time before a great faction fight had been carried on in the village. one side of the street was in one faction and the other side in the other faction, and they were always in ambush to fire at each other across the street. the only way to get to the village supply of water was to go from house to house down to the bottom of the street, and in order to do this without exposure, doors had been made, while by common consent they had agreed not to shoot while getting their supplies from the stream at the bottom. my host went on to show me sundry holes in his door and in the wooden panels of the windows, which the bullets of his neighbours across the street had penetrated, and said: "it was behind that hole in the door there that my uncle was shot; that hole in the window was made by the bullet which killed my brother." pointing to another afghan who had come into the room and seated himself on the bed, he said: "that is the man who shot my brother." on my remarking upon the peace and goodwill in which they appeared to be living at the present time, he said: "yes, we are good friends now, because the debt is even on both sides. i have killed the same number in his family." after a faction fight of this kind, the fatalities on both sides are added up, and if they can be found to be equal, both sides feel that they can make peace without sacrificing their izzat (honour), and amicable relations are resumed, it being thought unnecessary to investigate who were the real instigators or murderers. if, however, one side or the other believes itself to be still aggrieved, or not to have exacted the full tale of lives required by the law of revenge, then the feud may go on indefinitely, until whole families may become nearly exterminated. the avenger will go on waiting his opportunity for months or years, but he will never forget; and one will always remember the hunted look and the furtive expression and nervous handling of the revolver and cartridges which mark the man who knows that one or more such avenger is on his track. a political officer in the kurram valley was once visiting a chief of the village of shlozan, who, like all chiefs, had a high tower, in which he would seek security from his enemies at night. his host took him up into the tower, after carefully seeing that a window in the upper story was shut. the officer, thinking he would like a view of the country round, went to open it, but was hurriedly and unceremoniously pulled back by the chief, who told him that his cousin had been watching that window for months in the hope of having an opportunity of shooting him there. the officer made no further attempt to look out of the window, but some months later he heard that his friend the chief, having inadvertently gone to the open window, had been shot there by his cousin. so universal is the enmity existing between cousins in afghanistan that it has become a proverb that a man is "as great an enemy as a cousin," the causes of such feuds being such as are more likely to arise between those who have some relationship. the causes of 90 per cent. of such feuds are described by the afghans as belonging to one of three heads--zan, zar, and zamin, these being the three persian words meaning women, money, and land; and disputes are more likely to arise between cousins than between strangers on such matters as these. chapter ii afghan traditions israelitish origin of the afghans--jewish practices--shepherd tradition of the wazirs--afridis and their saint--the zyarat or shrine--graveyards--custom of burial--graves of holy men--charms and amulets--the medical practice of a faqir--native remedies--first aid to the wounded--purges and blood-letting--tooth extraction--smallpox. a controversy as to the origin of the afghans centres round the question as to whether they are the children of israel or not; and there are two opposing camps, one regarding it as an accepted historical fact that they are descended from the lost ten tribes of israel, and the other repudiating all israelitish affinities except such as may have come to them through the muhammadan religion. the afghans themselves--at least, the more intelligent part of the community--will tell you that they are descended from the tribe of benjamin, and will give you their genealogy through king saul up to abraham, and they almost universally apply the term "bani-israil," or children of israel, to themselves. wolff, the traveller, relates that an afghan, mulla khodadad, gave him the following history: saul had a grandson called afghã¡na, the nephew of asaph, the son of berachiah, who built the temple of solomon. one year and a half after solomon's death he was banished from jerusalem to damascus on account of misconduct. in the time of nebuchadnezzar the jews were driven out of palestine and taken to babylon. the descendants of afghã¡na residing at damascus, being jews, were also carried to babylon, from whence they removed, or were removed, to the mountain of ghor, in afghanistan, their present place of residence, and in the time of muhammad they accepted his religion. to most observers the afghan has a most remarkably jewish cast of features, and often in looking round the visitors of our out-patient department one sees some old greybeard of pure afghan descent, and involuntarily exclaims: "that man might for all the world be one of the old jewish patriarchs returned to us from bible history!" all muhammadan nations must, from the origin of their religion, have many customs and observances which appear jewish because they were adopted by muhammad himself from the jews around him; but there are two, at least, met with among afghans which are not found among neighbouring muhammadan peoples, and which strongly suggest a jewish origin. the first, which is very common, is that of sacrificing an animal, usually a sheep or a goat, in case of illness, after which the blood of the animal is sprinkled over the doorposts of the house of the sick person, by means of which the angel of death is warded off. the other, which is much less common, and appears to be dying out, is that of taking a heifer and placing upon it the sins of the people, whereby it becomes qurban, or sacrifice, and then it is driven out into the wilderness. the afghan, more than most muhammadans, delights in biblical names, and david, solomon, abraham, job, jacob, and many other patriarchs, are constant inmates of our hospital wards. new testament names, such as king jesus (mihtar esa) and simon are occasionally met with. the ceremonies enacted at the muhammadan "'id-i-bakr," or feast of sacrifice, have a most extraordinary similarity to the jewish passover; but as these have a religious, and not a racial, origin and signification, and can be read in any book on muhammadanism, it is unnecessary to describe them here. the strongest argument against their jewish origin is the almost entire disappearance of any hebrew words from their vocabulary; but this may be partly, at least, explained by their admixture at first with chaldaic, and subsequently with arab, races. the wazirs have a tradition as to their origin, which, although its biblical resemblance may be accidental, is yet certainly remarkable when found among so wild and barbarous a race. the tradition is that a certain ancestor had two sons, issa and missa (probably jesus and moses). the latter was a shepherd, and one day while tending his flocks on the hills a lamb strayed away and could not be found. missa, leaving his other sheep, went in search of the lost one. for three days and nights he wandered about the jungle without being able to find it. on the morning of the fourth day he found it in some distant valley, and, instead of being wroth with it, he took it up in his arms, kissed it, and brought it safely back to the flock. for this humane act god greatly blessed him, and made him the progenitor of the wazir tribe. though it would seem to us more appropriate had this action been attributed to issa instead of to missa, yet this tradition has often given me a text for explaining the gospel story to a crowd of these wild tribesmen. though all afghans are fanatically zealous in the pursuit of their religion, yet some are so ignorant of its teachings that more civilized muhammadans are hardly willing to admit their right to a place in the congregation of the faithful. the wazirs, for instance, who would always be ready to take their share in a religious war, are not only ignorant of all but the elementary truths of muhammadanism, but the worship of saints and graves is the chief form that their religion takes. the afridis are not far removed from them in this respect, and it is related of a certain section of the afridis that, having been taunted by another tribe for not possessing a shrine of any holy man, they enticed a certain renowned seyyed to visit their country, and at once despatched and buried him, and boast to this day of their assiduity in worshipping at his sepulchre. the frontier hills are often bare enough of fields or habitations, but one cannot go far without coming across some zyarat, or holy shrine, where the faithful worship and make their vows. it is very frequently situated on some mountain-top or inaccessible cliff, reminding one of the "high places" of the israelites. round the grave are some stunted trees of tamarisk or ber (zisyphus jujuba). on the branches of these are hung innumerable bits of rag and pieces of coloured cloth, because every votary who makes a petition at the shrine is bound to tie a piece of cloth on as the outward symbol of his vow. in the accompanying photograph is seen a famous shrine on the suliman range. despite its inaccessibility, hundreds of pilgrims visit this yearly, and sick people are carried up in their beds, with the hope that the blessing of the saint may cure them. sick people are often carried on beds, either strapped on camels or on the shoulders of their friends, for considerably more than a hundred miles to one or other of these zyarats. in some cases it may reasonably be supposed that the change from a stuffy, unventilated dark room to the open air, and the stimulus of change of climate and scenery, has its share in the cure which often undoubtedly results. another feature of these shrines is that their sanctity is so universally acknowledged that articles of personal property may be safely left by the owners for long periods of time in perfect confidence of finding them untouched on their return. this is the more remarkable, remembering that these tribes are thieves by profession, and scarcely look upon brigandage as a reprehensible act. the inhabitants of a mountain village may be migrating to the plains for the winter months, and they will leave their beds, pots and pans, and other household furniture, under the trees of some neighbouring shrine, and they will almost invariably find them on their return, some months later, exactly as they left them. one distinct advantage of these shrines is that it is a sin to cut wood from any of the trees surrounding them. thus it comes about that the shrines are the only green spots among the hills which the improvident vandalism of the tribes has denuded of all their trees and shrubs. graves have a special sanctity in the eyes of the afghans, more even than in the case of other muhammadans, and you will generally see an afghan, when passing by a graveyard, dismount from his horse and, turning towards some more prominent tomb, which denotes the burial-place of some holy man, hold up his hands in the attitude of muhammadan prayer, and invoke the blessing of the holy man on his journey, and then stroke his beard, as is usually done by the muhammadans at the conclusion of their prayers. there are few graveyards which do not boast some such holy man or faqir in their midst; in fact, as often as not, the chance burial of some such holy man in an out-of-the-way part determines the site of a cemetery, because all those in the country round desire to have their graves near his, in the belief that at the resurrection day his sanctity will atone for any of their shortcomings, and insure for them an unquestionable entry into bliss. the graves always lie north and south, and after digging down to a depth determined by the character of the soil, a niche is hollowed out at one side, usually the western, and the corpse is laid in the niche, with its face turned towards mecca. some bricks or stones are then laid along the edge of the niche, so that when the earth is thrown in none of it may fall on the corpse, which is enveloped in a winding-sheet only, coffins being never used. the origin of the word "coffin" is possibly from the arabic word kafn, which denotes the winding-sheet usually used by muhammadans. [1] great marvels are related about the graves of these holy men, among the commonest being the belief that they go on increasing in length of their own accord, the increase of length being a sign of the acceptance of the prayers of the deceased by the almighty. near the mission house in peshawur was one such grave, which went on lengthening at the rate of one foot a year. when it had reached the length of twenty-seven feet it was seriously encroaching on the public highway, and it was only after the promulgation of an official order from the district authorities that the further growth of the holy man should cease that the grave ceased to expand. this shrine is still famous in the country round as "the nine-yard shrine," which numbers of devotees visit every year, in the expectation of obtaining some material benefit. the use of charms or amulets is practically universal. the children of the rich may be seen with strings of charms fastened up in little ornamented silver caskets hung round their neck, while even the poorest labourer will not be without a charm sewn up in a bit of leather, which he fastens round his arm or his neck. these charms are most usually verses out of the quran, transcribed by some mullah of repute and blessed by him; others are cabalistic sentences or words, while some are mere bits of paper or rag which have been blessed by a holy man. on more than one occasion i have found my prescriptions made up into charms, the patient believing that this would be more efficacious than drinking the hospital medicines; in fact, one patient assured me that he had never suffered from rheumatism, to which he had previously been subject, after he had tied round his arm a prescription in which i had ordered him some salicylate of soda, although he had never touched the drug. in one instance i found that a man who had been given some grey powders, with directions how to use them, had instead fastened them up, paper and all, into a little packet, which he had sewn up in leather and fastened round his neck, with, he told me, very beneficial result. from this it can be readily understood that mullahs and faqirs who pretend to have the power of making charms for all known diseases, and sell them to the people at large, are often able to enrich themselves far more rapidly than a doctor who confines himself to the ordinary methods of treatment. once, when i was in camp, i came across a mountebank who was making quite a large fortune in this way. he had travelled over a large part of south-western asia, but did not stop long in any one place, as no doubt his takings would soon begin to wear off after the first days of novelty. one of his performances was to walk through fire, professedly by the power of the muhammadan kalimah. a trench was dug in the ground, and filled with charcoal and wood, which was set alight. after the fire had somewhat died down, the still glowing embers were beaten down with sticks, and then the faqir, reciting the kalimah with great zest, proceeded to deliberately walk across, after which he invited the more daring among the faithful to follow his example, assuring them that if they recited the creed in the same way and with sincerity, they would suffer no harm. some went through the ordeal and showed no signs of having suffered from it; others came out with blistered and sore feet. these unfortunates were jeered at by the others as being no true muhammadans, owing to which they had forfeited the immunity conferred upon them by the recitation of the creed. one young sikh student, calling out the sikh battle-cry, ventured on the ordeal, and came out apparently none the worse. the muhammadans looked upon this as an insult to their religion, because muhammadans oftener than not heard that cry when the sikhs had been engaged in mortal combat with them, and this action of the young sikh appeared to them to be a challenge as to whether the muhammadan or the sikh cry had the greater magic power. however, some of the more responsible persons present checked the more hot-headed ones, and the affair passed off with a little scoffing. every morning and afternoon the faqir prepared for the reception of the patients, who were collected in great numbers on hearing of his fame. each applicant had to give 5 pice to the assistant as his fee. he was then sent before the faqir, who remained seated on a mat. the faqir asked him one or two questions as to the nature of the illness, wrote out the necessary charm, and passed on to the next. three or four hundred people were often seen at one sitting. this would give about 50 rupees (â£3. 6s. 8d.) as a day's takings. some days would, no doubt, be occupied in travelling, and others less fruitful; but his equipment and his method of travelling showed that it was a very profitable business. he was stopping in the rest-house, and invited me to dinner, which was served in english fashion. he entertained me with stories of his travels, and made no secret of the fact that he took advantage of the credulity of the people to run a good business. when dinner was nearly over an assistant came in to say that there were many people outside clamouring for charms. with an apology to me for the interruption, he took a piece of paper, tore it up into squares, quickly wrote off the required number, and gave them to the assistant to go on with. in some cases, especially those suffering from rheumatism or old injuries or sprains, he used rubbings and manipulations, much as a so-called bone-setter does, and these, no doubt, helped the charm to do its work. the medical and surgical treatment of the faqirs is extremely crude. sometimes jogis and herbalists from india travel about the country and practise a certain amount of yunani, or hippocratic medicine; but the native doctors of afghanistan have extremely little knowledge of medicine. the two stock treatments of afghanistan are those known as dzan and dam. dzan is a treatment habitually used in cases of fever, whether acute or chronic, and in a variety of chronic complaints, which they do not attempt to diagnose. it consists in stripping the patient to the skin and placing him on a bed. a sheep or a goat is then killed and rapidly skinned. the patient is then wrapped up in the skin, with the raw surface next him and the wool outside. he is then covered up with a number of quilts. when successful, this treatment acts by producing a profuse perspiration, and when it is removed--on the second day in the summer and the third day in the winter--the patient is sometimes found to be free from fever, though very worn and weak from the profuse sweating. if the first application is not successful, it may be repeated several times. in a case of severe injury to one of the limbs, the same treatment is often applied locally. in the case of a fractured thigh, for instance, the sheepskin is tied on, a rough splint applied externally, and often left for a week or more. where there has been an open wound, and the patient has been brought several days' journey through the heat down to our hospital in bannu, you can usually anticipate the character of the case by seeing the men who have carried the bed in carefully winding their pagaris round their noses and mouths before proceeding to unbandage it for your inspection, and when it is at last opened all except the doctor and his assistant try to get as far away as possible. a surgeon can scarcely be confronted with a more complete antithesis to his modern ideas of aseptic surgery than a case like this, and many and prolonged applications of antiseptics and deodorants are required before the wound begins to assume a healthy aspect, even if inflammation and gangrene have not rendered amputation a necessity. in the case of a small wound, the whole or a part of the skin of a fowl is used in the same way, the flesh of the slaughtered animal being always a part of the fee of the doctor. the other remedy, or that known as the dam, is akin to what is known in western surgery as a "moxa." a piece of cloth is rolled up in a pledget of the size of a shilling, steeped in oil, placed on the part selected by the doctor, and set alight. it burns down into the flesh, and a hard slough is formed; this gradually separates, and leaves an ulcer, which heals by degrees. this remedy is used for every conceivable illness, a particular part of the body being selected according to the disease or the diagnostic ability of the doctor who applies the remedy. thus, in people who have suffered from indigestion you will often see a line of scars down each side of the abdomen. for neuralgia, it is applied to the temples; for headache, to the scalp; for rheumatism, to the shoulders; for lumbago, to the loins; for paralysis, to the back; for sciatica, to the thighs; and so on indefinitely. i have counted as many as fifty scars, each the size of a shilling, on one patient as the result of repeated applications of this remedy. the afghans have extraordinary faith in both these treatments, and i have sometimes sat in a village listening to an argument in which some young fellow, lately returned from a visit to a mission hospital, recounted the wonderful things he had seen there, to which some old conservative greybeard retorted: "what do we want with all these new-fangled things? the dzan and the dam are sufficient for us." as formerly in the west, so still in afghanistan, the village barber performs the ordinary surgical operations, such as opening an abscess or lancing a gum. the women all claim a greater or less knowledge of such surgery and medicine as they think necessary for them. after one of the village frays, when the warriors come back to their homes more or less cut and wounded, the women of the household at once set about their treatment. if there is severe hã¦morrhage some oil is quickly raised to boiling-point in a saucepan, and either poured into the wound, or if, for instance, a limb has been cut off, the bloody stump is plunged into the oil. this, no doubt, acts as an effective, though somewhat barbarous, hã¦mostatic. if the bleeding is only slight, a certain plant gathered from the jungle is reduced to ashes, and these ashes rubbed on the wound. in the case of a clean cut the women draw out hairs from their own head, and sew it up with their ordinary sewing-needles, and i have sometimes seen flesh wounds which have been quite skilfully sewn up in this way. they are less skilful in the application of splints. in most neighbourhoods there is some village carpenter who prides himself on his skill in the application of splints to broken bones; but in most cases he bandages them too tightly, or with too little knowledge of the circulation of the limb, so that not a year passes in which we do not get one or more cases of limbs which have become gangrenous after quite simple fractures through this kind of treatment. almost the only drugs which are used to any extent in afghanistan are purgatives, and especially those of a more violent and drastic nature. nearly every afghan thinks it necessary to be purged or bled, or both, every spring, and not unfrequently at the fall of the year too. scarcely any illness is allowed to go to a week's duration without the trial of some violent purge. sometimes the purge is given with so little regard to its quantity and the vitality of the patient that it results in rapid collapse and death. in other cases a latent dysentery is excited, which may result in an illness lasting many months, and leaving the patient permanently weakened thereby. the seasonal blood-lettings are performed, as in the west, from the bend of the arm, this position having, no doubt, come down to the practitioners of both east and west from the ancient greeks; but in the case of illness, while the physicians of the west have had their practice revolutionized by modern ideas of anatomy and physiology, those of the east still follow the humoral and hypothetical pathologies of hippocrates and his predecessors. these practitioners know the particular vein in the particular limb or part of the body which has to be selected for venesection in any particular illness. i have known a young doctor from england lose at once the confidence which the people might up to that time have had in his medical knowledge, because in a case of illness to which he was called he recommended venesection, and the patient's medical attendant who was to carry out the treatment made the, to him, very natural inquiry, "from what vein?" the english doctor said: "it does not matter." both patient and medical attendant not unnaturally assumed that he was either a very careless doctor or an ignoramus, and, in either case, that they had better call in a fresh opinion. cataract is a very common complaint in afghanistan, and from time immemorial there have been certain hakims, or native practitioners, who operate on this by means of the old process of couching. these men usually itinerate about the country from village to village, as in most cases the old men and the old women who are suffering from cataract are unable to undertake the journey to a town where one of these practitioners lives; or it may be that their relations are not willing to take the trouble for someone whose working days are apparently over. in some cases no doubt the operation results in good sight, but in the majority other changes which take place in the eye as a result of the operation lead before long to total blindness. as, however, the hakim seldom goes over the same ground again till after the lapse of several years, his reputation does not lose by these failures, as it would have done if he were always resident in one place. the tooth extracting of the village is usually entrusted to the village blacksmith, who has a ponderous pair of forceps, a foot and a half to two feet long, hung up in his shop for the purpose. where the crown of the tooth is fairly strong and prominent the operation generally results in a short struggle, and then the removal of the aching tooth; but if the tooth is very carious, or not prominent enough for a good grip, the results are often disastrous, even to fracture of the jaw, and these ultimately come to the mission hospital for repair, several often turning up in one day. at one time smallpox was terribly rife in afghanistan, and even now no village can be visited without seeing many who are permanently disfigured by it. when an afghan comes to negotiate about the price of an eligible girl for marrying to his son, one of the first questions asked is, "has she had the smallpox?" and if not, either the settlement may be postponed until she is older, or else some deduction is made for her possible disfigurement if attacked by the disease. many times fathers have brought their daughters to the hospital with the scars left by smallpox in their eyes, begging me to remove them, not so much for the sake of the patient as because the market value of the daughter will be so much enhanced thereby. the custom of inoculation was at one time almost universal in afghanistan. a little of the crust of the sore of a smallpox patient was taken and rubbed into an incision made in the wrist of the person to be inoculated. the smallpox resulting, though usually mild, was sometimes so severe as to cause the death of the patient, and the people have not been slow to recognize the great advantages which vaccination has over inoculation. only two circumstances deter the people from universally profiting by the facilities offered by the british government. the first reason is that very often the vaccinators are underpaid officials, who use their opportunities for taking bribes from the people, and make the whole business odious to them. the other is, that they have a widespread superstition that the government are really seeking for a girl, who is to be recognized by the fact that when the vaccinator scarifies her arm, instead of blood, milk will flow from the wound; she is then to be taken over to england for sacrifice, and the parents are afraid lest their girl should be the unlucky one. chapter iii border warriors peiwar kotal--the kurram valley--the bannu oasis--independent tribes--the durand line--the indispensable hindu--a lawsuit and its sequel--a hindu outwits a muhammadan--the scope of the missionary. i was standing on a pine-clad spur of the sufed koh range, which runs westwards towards kabul, between the khaiber pass on the north and the kurram pass on the south. the snow-clad peaks of sika ram, which rise to a height of fifteen thousand feet, tipped by fleecy white clouds, were just behind me, while in front was the green valley of the kurram river, spread out like a panorama before me, widening out into a large plain in its upper part, where numerous villages, partly hidden in groves of mulberry and walnuts, nestled among the lower spurs of the mountains, while farther down the hills on either side of it closed in and became more rugged and bare, and the river wound its circuitous path through defile and gorge, till it debouched on the plains of india. immediately before me was the pine-covered pass of peiwar, which will always be memorable as the scene of the great battle fought between the forces of the amir, sher ali, and the advancing column of sir frederick roberts. there were the pines covering the crest where the afghan batteries were ensconced, and one could trace without difficulty the circuitous path up the stony bed of the mountain torrent, through a deep ravine, and then winding up among the pine-woods, by which the gallant regiments of the advancing army stormed and finally captured the afghan position. westward of the pass was a fertile valley, dotted over with villages here and there, forming part of the territory of the amir of afghanistan. a few miles below the top of the pass could be seen the fort where the soldiers of the amir guarded his frontier. turning eastward, some dozen miles off, could be seen the cantonments of parachinar, the westernmost cantonments of british occupation, and the seat of administration of this trans-border valley. there was a fort garrisoned by the local levies of the kurram militia--afghans from the villages round, who, under the training and influence of three or four british officers, have become part of the "far-flung battle line" of the defences of the empire. i had been spending some weeks among the people of this district, and the time had come for reluctantly leaving the shady groves and cool breezes of the upper kurram for the sweltering plains of bannu, which even now i could see in the eastern distance covered by heat haze, recalling the punkahs and restless nights which were soon to be my lot instead of the bracing air of the sufed koh. our tents and baggage had been loaded up on some mules, which we could see winding along the white road below us, while we were lingering behind to take a last leave of the hearty afghans, who had been both our hosts and our patients. three times had we to pitch our nightly camp before we crossed the border of british india and entered the border town of thal, which is the first town in british india which a traveller from afghanistan enters. from the time of crossing the afghan frontier till now, he has been going through what is known as an "administrative area." here was a fort, occupied by troops of the indian army, under command of a british officer. thirty-four miles still remained in a direct line between us and our destination in bannu, and before accomplishing this special arrangements had to be made with the tribes occupying it for our escort; for this tongue of country running up between thal and bannu was not british india, nor even an administrative area, but independent, and owned by the marauding wazir tribe, who owed allegiance to neither amir nor viceroy. a couple of ruffianly-looking wazirs arrived to escort us down. their rifles were slung over their shoulders, and well-filled cartridge belts strapped round their waists; a couple of afghan daggers were ensconced in the folds of the dirty red pagaris which they had bound round their bodies, and they carried their curved afghan swords in their hands. we had now left the fertile valley of upper kurram behind us, and wandered through a succession of rocky mountain defiles, over precipitous spurs, and along the stony bed of the river for more than thirty miles. the lower mountain ranges separating afghanistan from india form by their intricacy and precipitate nature a succession of veritable chevaux de frise, which by their natural difficulties maintain the parda or privacy of the wild tribes inhabiting them, who value the independence of their mountain fastnesses more than life itself. here and there is a patch of arable land in a bend of the kurram river, overlooked by the walled and towered village of its possessors, who have won it by force of arms, and only keep it by their armed vigils, even the men who are ploughing behind their oxen having their rifles hung over their shoulders, and keeping their eyes open for a possible enemy. in some places a channel from the river has been carried with infinite labour on to a flat piece of ground among the mountains, where a scanty harvest is reaped. for the rest the hill seems to be almost devoid of animal or vegetable life. a few partridges starting up with a shrill cry from a tuft of dry grass in front of one are occasionally seen, and stunted trees of ber and acacia supply a certain amount of firewood, which some of the wazirs gather and take down to the friday fair in bannu. the afghans will tell you that when god created the world there were a lot of stones and rocks and other lumber left over, which were all dumped down on this frontier, and that this accounts for its unattractive appearance. there is one more range of hills to surmount before we reach the plains of india. we have toiled up a rocky path, from the bare stones of which the rays of the summer sun are reflected on all sides, without any relief from tree or shrub, or even a tuft of green grass, till the ground beneath our feet seems to glow with as fierce a heat as that of the blazing orb above us. we have reached the summit, and the vista before us changes as if by magic. five hundred feet below us is the broad plain of india, irrigated in this part by the vivifying waters of the kurram river, which, liberated from the rock-bound defile through which they have wandered for the last thirty miles, now dashing over their stony bed, anon hemmed in by dark overhanging cliffs, are at last free to break up into numberless channels, which, guided by the skill of the agriculturist, form a labyrinth of silver streaks in the plain below us. as far as the life-giving irrigation cuts of the kurram river extend are waving fields of corn, sugar-cane, maize, rice, turmeric, and other crops, spread in endless succession as far as the eye can reach. scattered among the fields are the teeming villages of the bannuchies, partly hidden in their groves of mulberries and figs and their vineyards, as though cornucopia, wearied by the barren hills above them in afghanistan, had showered down all her gifts on the favoured tribes below. such is india as it appears to the pathans inhabiting the hills on our north-west frontier, and when we see it thus after some time spent with them in their barren and rocky hills, we can readily understand that two thoughts are dominant in their minds. the one is: "those rich plains have been put there, in contiguity to our mountains, because god intended them to be our lawful prey, that when we have no harvest we may go down and reap theirs; and when we are hard up, and have a big fine to pay to the british government, we may lighten some of the wealthy hindus of the money that they have accumulated through usury and other ways which god hates." the other thought is: "what possible reason has the british government, the overlord of such rich lands, for coming and interfering with us in our mountain homes, which, though nothing but rocks and stones, are still our homes for all that, where we resent the presence and interference of any stranger?" the reader will have observed that in the journey above described, from peiwar down to bannu, four different territories have been passed through. the first and the last--viz., afghanistan and british india--are two well-defined, easily comprehensible geographical areas; but it is seen that betwixt the two are various other tribal areas, in varying relations with the indian government. a few words must be said to familiarize the reader with the political conditions obtaining there. the frontier of british india is well defined, but that of afghanistan was more or less uncertain until the year 1893, when sir mortimer durand was deputed by the british government to meet the officers delegated by the amir abdurrahman, in order that the frontier might be delimited. this frontier is since known as the "durand line." the intervening area between the durand line and the british frontier is in varying relations to the indian government. some parts of this, such as tirah (the country of the afridis and orakzais) and waziristan (the country of the wazirs and mahsuds), are severely left alone, provided the tribes do not compel attention and interference by the raids into british territory, which are frequently perpetrated by their more lawless spirits. these raids are no doubt disapproved of by the majority of the tribesmen, who recognize the fact that they must stand to lose in any conflict with the british government; but such is the democratic spirit of the people that every man considers himself as good as his neighbour, and a step better if he has a more modern rifle. as in the interregnums of the days of the israelitish judges, each man does what seems good in his own eyes, and bitterly resents any effort of his neighbour, and even of the tribe, to control his actions or curtail his liberty. thus it happens that it is really very difficult for the tribal elders to prevent their bad characters from perpetrating these raids. the raiders are usually men with nothing to lose, owning no landed property within the confines of british india, and guilty of previous murders or other crimes, which make it impossible for them to enter the country, except surreptitiously, as they would certainly be imprisoned, and perhaps hanged, if caught. a great number in the tribe own lands on both sides of the border, and find it to their interest to take no overt part against the government; while at the same time, unless they give asylum to the desperadoes, and conceal them on occasion, they are liable to be themselves the victims. thus it happens that in nearly every frontier expedition there are some sections of the tribe which desire to be on good terms with the british, and are known as "friendlies." it is difficult for a military commander who has not previously known the people to appreciate this, and when he finds his camp being sniped from a supposed "friendly" village, he not unnaturally doubts the sincerity of the people. as likely as not, however, the recalcitrant sections of the tribe have been at pains to snipe from such points as to implicate the friendly sections and force them into joining the standard of war. on one occasion the exasperated general refused to believe the representations of the political officer that the villages from the neighbourhood of which the sniping came were friendly until he left the camp and went over to live in the (supposed) enemies' village himself! the well-disposed clans would welcome an administration of the country by which these lawless spirits could be kept in check. then, there are certain semi-independent states, such as chitral and dir, where there are rulers of sufficient paramount power to govern their own country and to render it possible for the british to maintain that amount of control of their external relations which is considered desirable, by means of a political agent attached to the court of the chief, while still leaving the latter free to manage his own internal affairs in accordance with the customs of his tribe and the degree of his own supremacy over the often conflicting units composing it. thirdly, there are what are known as "administered areas," such as the upper kurram valley, above mentioned. these are inhabited by tribes over whom no one chief has been able to gain paramount authority for himself, where, as is so often the case among afghans, the tribe is eaten up by a number of rival factions, none of which are willing to acknowledge the rule of a man from a faction not their own. the government official, therefore, is unable to treat with one ruler, but has to hear all the members of the contending factions. so great is the democratic spirit that any petty landowner thinks he has as much right to push his views of public policy as the representative of an hereditary line of chiefs. this naturally greatly complicates official relations, and the political officer, however much he would like to refrain from interference in tribal home policy, finds that, amid a host of conflicting units, he is the only possible court of appeal. this results in an intermediate form of government: the indian penal code does not obtain; tribal laws and customs are the recognized judicial guides, and there is a minimum of interference with the people; yet the political officer is the supreme authority, and combines in himself the executive and judicial administration of the area. notwithstanding the exclusiveness of the religion that these people profess, they find it impossible to do their business or live comfortably without the help of the ubiquitous and obsequious hindu. just as much as the great mughal emperors of old found it best to have hindus for the posts of treasurer, accountant, adviser, etc., so the frontier chief of to-day has his hindu vassal always with him, to keep his accounts, write his petitions, and transact most of his written and judicial business. the majority of the shopkeepers also are hindus. even under the settled administration of british india the muhammadan has never become such an adept at bargaining, petty trade, and shopkeeping as the more thrifty and quick-witted hindu. thus in every village of any pretension there are the hindus, with their shops, who make their journeys to the big market-towns on the frontier--peshawur, bannu, and dera ismail khan--and return with piece-goods, matches, looking-glasses, and a variety of western trinkets, as well as the food-stuffs which the afghan covets, but cannot produce himself, such as white sugar and tea. these hindus are regarded as vassals by the muhammadan community they supply, and each hindu trader or shopkeeper has his own particular overlord or muhammadan malik, who in return for these services guarantees his safety, is ready to protect him--by force of arms, if necessary--from rival muhammadan sections, and to revenge any injury done to him as if it were a personal one to himself. the hindu supplies the brains and the muhammadan the valour. the hindu is ever ready to outwit his overbearing but often obtuse masters, and under british rule avails himself of the protection the law affords to do things he would not venture on across the border. once when travelling across the border my guide was an outlaw, who had been obliged to fly from british territory after committing a murder. he told me that he had gone into partnership with a hindu for an extensive contract for road-making: the hindu was to supply the capital and keep accounts, and he was to recruit the coolies and do the supervision of the work. "while i," he said, "was broiling and sweating in the summer sun, that pig of a hindu was comfortably seated in his office falsifying the accounts, and i never got an anna for all my labours. i thought i should get justice from the sarkar, so i brought a civil action against him; but i was a plain man, and he learnt all about the ways of the law from some pleader friend of his, and i lost the case. then i paid another pleader a big sum to take my appeal to the sessions judge, but he had manipulated the accounts and paid the witnesses, so that i lost that too. allahu akbar! the judge gave his verdict before the shadow had turned [before midday], and before the time of afternoon prayers had arrived that son of a pig was as dead as a post. but then i had to come over here, and i can only pay an occasional night visit to my village now." a story which he told me to illustrate the mercantile genius of the hindu will bear repeating. a muhammadan and a hindu resolved to go into partnership. the muhammadan, being the predominant partner, stipulated that he was to have the first half of everything, and the hindu the remainder. the hindu obsequiously consented. the first day the hindu brought back a cow from market. he milked it, got the butter and cream, made the dung into fuel-cakes for his fire, and then went to call the muhammadan because the cow was hungry and wanted grass and grain. the muhammadan said he was ready to do his share if the hindu did his. the hindu blandly replied that he had already done his, while the stipulated "first half" of the cow included the animal's mouth and stomach, and fell clearly to the lot of the muhammadan. now let us see what is the position of the missionary in each of these areas. in british india he has a free hand so long as he keeps within the four corners of the law. in afghanistan there is an absolute veto against even his entry into the country, and there is no prospect of this changing under the present rã©gime. a convert from muhammadanism to christianity is regarded within the realms of the amir as having committed a capital offence, and both law and popular opinion would decree his destruction. in the intervening tribal areas there is no reason why a cautious missionary, well acquainted with the language and customs of the people, should not work with considerable success. a medical missionary who did not attack their religion with a mistaken zeal would undoubtedly be welcomed by the greater number of the people, though the mullahs, or priests, would be an uncertain element, and certainly hostile at the beginning. the local political authorities have the final say as to how far the missionaries may extend their operations. i shall revert to this subject in the concluding chapter (chapter xxv.), where i shall show that in no part of the country are medical missions more obviously indicated, not only for christianizing the people, but equally so for pacifying them and familiarizing them with the more peaceful aspects of british rule. chapter iv a frontier valley description of the kurram valley--shiahs and sunnis--favourable reception of christianity--independent areas--a candid reply--proverbial disunion of the afghans--the two policies--sir robert sandeman--lord curzon creates the north-west frontier province--frontier wars--the vicious circle--two flaws the natives see in british rule: the usurer, delayed justice--personal influence. among the various tracts of border territory that have recently been opened up and brought under the influence of civilization by the frontier policy of the indian government, none is fairer or more promising than the upper kurram valley, on the lower waters of which river bannu, the headquarters of the afghan medical mission, is situate. the river kurram rises on the western slopes of sikaram, the highest point of the sufed koh range (15,600 feet), and for twenty-five miles makes a dã©tour to the south and east through the aryab valley, which is inhabited by the tribe of zazis, who are still under the government of the amir, and form his frontier in this part. the river then suddenly emerges into a wider basin, the true valley of upper kurram, stretching from the base of the sufed koh range to the base of a lower range on the right bank, a breadth of fifteen miles, the river running close to the latter range, and the north-western corner of this basin being separated from the head-waters of the kurram by the ridge of the peiwar kotal, where was fought the memorable action of december 2, 1879, by which the road to kabul was opened. this wide valley runs down as far as sadr, thirty miles lower down towards the south-east, being narrower, however, below. here the valley narrows down to from two to four miles, and runs south-east for thirty-five miles to thal, where it ceases to be in british territory, but winds for thirty miles among the waziri hills, until it emerges into the bannu plain, and flows through the bannu and marwat districts into the indus at isa khel. thus, with the exception of the head-waters and some thirty miles just above bannu, the territory is all now subject to british rule, and is steadily becoming more peaceful and civilized. below the zazis the valley down as far as waziristan was originally possessed by the bangash, a sunni tribe of pathans, who came themselves from the direction of kohat. the turis were a shiah tribe inhabiting some districts on the eastern bank of the indus near kalabagh, who, being ardent traders and nomads, were accustomed to visit the cool regions of upper kurram every summer for trade, health, and pasturage. one summer, some two hundred years ago, a quarrel arose between them and the bangash of a village called burkha, and resulted in a battle, in which the turis came off victorious, and, destroying or driving away the inhabitants of burkha, made it their first settlement in the valley. soon after this they attacked and possessed themselves of two of the most important villages of the valley, peiwar and milana, and to this day every turi with aspirations to importance claims land in one of these three villages, though it may be only the fiftieth part of a field, as proof of his true lineage. year by year the turis gradually strengthened their position, driving the bangash farther down the valley, except in some cases, such as the inhabitants of the large and beautiful village of shlozan, the bangash of which, all becoming shiahs, amalgamated with the turis, and retained their lands. finally, having made their position secure, and realizing the charms of the valley, the turis ceased to return to the plain, and remained in the valley all the year round. hence to-day we find the upper part of the valley inhabited only by turis, while below this, as far as the alizai, the turis and bangash are mingled, their villages being often side by side; and further down still the bangash have the land all to themselves. since the people have realized the peace resulting from english rule, and have begun to beat their swords into ploughshares, many of the hill tribes bordering the valley have taken every opportunity of settling in allotments in the valley, and enjoying the larger produce of its richer soil. these are the mangals and makbals above, and the zaimukhts below, thus introducing a fresh element into the population. over and above these any worker in the valley has to count on dealings with the neighbouring tribes, who still cling to their mountain fastnesses, and sometimes still show their old disposition to loot the more peaceable inhabitants. these are the ningrahars, spinwars, and paris on the north, and the zazi-i-maidan on the south; while the afghan country of khost being in close proximity, its people also would be easily reached. to make the enumeration of the inhabitants complete, it only remains to mention the hindus, who, mostly of the arora caste, are in large numbers in the valley, and retain most of the trade, and do much clerical and business work for the muhammadans. in the time of the hindu rajahs of kabul they were probably in the ascendant here, and the little archã¦ology which the valley presents is all of hindu origin. apart from the variety of tribes who are thus brought into close proximity in the valley, it has a special interest and importance from its being one of the two routes from kabul to india (the other being the khaiber). hence many nomads from afghanistan frequently visit and temporarily inhabit the valley. prominent at present among these are the hazaras, numbers of whom have been driven out from their own lands by the amir, and have come here to labour on the roads. the khorotis and ghilzais also frequent the valley. it is owing to this peculiarly central and cosmopolitan position, and partly to the character of the people themselves, that this district presents so many advantages as a centre of mission work and influence. there is a great opportunity for mission work among the turis. these, as above mentioned, are shiahs, while all the tribes round belong to the orthodox sect of sunnis; consequently, previously to the english occupation in 1891 they were subjected to persistent, relentless persecution at the hands of the amir, and to frequent inroads from their sunni neighbours. they naturally, therefore, look on the christians as deliverers from the throes of sunni rule and persecution, and are ipso facto inclined to look on christianity favourably, since it has brought them so much peace and freedom from oppression. and still, as a wordy warfare is carried on by their respective mullahs, both sides endeavour to find in christianity points of resemblance by which they can magnify their own sect, rather than, like the muhammadans of bannu, to be constantly cavilling at every word from a christian tongue or a christian book. this has resulted in a wonderful (wonderful, at any rate, to a missionary from bigoted bannu) openness to conversation about the christian scriptures, and readiness to receive christian teaching. for instance, in bannu a well-inclined mullah dare not read a bible except in secrecy, while in kurram i have frequently seen mullahs publicly reading and commenting on the holy word to large groups of khans and other men. again, in bannu mention of such doctrines as the sonhood, the crucifixion, or the sinlessness of christ, or the fatherhood of god, is as often as not the signal for an uproar; while here the same doctrines, even if not partially accepted, may yet be freely talked about, with the certainty of nearly always getting a fair hearing. the first summer during which i spent some time among these people i nearly everywhere had a hospitable, not to say cordial, reception. this, of course, was partly attributable to the medical benefits they received, but it was markedly different from the reception often accorded to the bearer of gospel tidings in hindustan. at no place was there any open opposition from the mullahs, and most of them came to see me, and had long talks about the injil (gospel), and asked for and gratefully accepted copies of it, which i have reason to believe they preserved carefully and read regularly; while the people often besought us to partake longer of their hospitality or to visit them again next year, or, better still, to start a dispensary in their midst. a reference to the map shows how intimate are the relations of this valley with afghanistan, and relics of afghan rule frequently present themselves to the doctor when going about their villages--men who have been crippled for life as a punishment for some crime, or it may be merely because they incurred the displeasure of someone of influence, who manufactured a case against them. i have seen men who have had their right hand cut off for robbery, and others whose feet were completely crippled by long-continued incarceration in the stocks, or by a torture often inflicted to extract evidence, in which the foot is tied with cords to a piece of wood like a magnified tent-peg fixed in the ground. this peg has a cleft in it, and a wedge is then hammered slowly into this cleft, thus gradually tightening the cords till they cut into the foot and cause its mortification. in every village there are one or more matamkhanas, where the shiahs hold their annual mournings for the martyrs of kerbela (hasan and huseã¯n) at every muharram. under afghan (sunni) rule these ceremonies were often interdicted, or at least restricted; but now they are able to carry them on unhindered, and pray for the continuance of british rule in consequence. these places form convenient centres for the men to gather together and talk, and in them many of my religious discussions have been held. they are all the more ready to accept the christian account of the crucifixion and its meaning (which is such a stumbling-block to the sunnis), because they look on the martyrdom of the two brothers at kerbela as having a vicarious efficacy for those who perform the memorial rites, and regard 'ali, the fourth khalifa from muhammad, as being indeed a saviour. if we could have visited this valley in the days long before the christian era, when the first aryan immigrants were passing down from central asia into the panjab, we should have seen it covered with their settlements, and seen them engaged in the simple nature-worship depicted in the vedas, which record this stage of aryan civilization. this region was probably much better watered and more fertile in those days than it is now. not only does geological evidence point to a greater rainfall and vegetation, but as these early immigrations were mostly of large bands of pastoral people, moving with their flocks and herds, their families and household possessions, and as they probably only gradually moved down the valley into the plains below, they must have found more pasturage than the desolate frontier ranges would now afford. the kurram valley above described serves as a good example of an administered area fairly well advanced in the civilizing effects of a settled and just government. the independent tribes, on the other hand, go down the scale till you find tribes, such as some sections of the wazirs and afridis, who are utter barbarians, entirely devoted to a nomadic life of systematic highway robbery. a political officer was once seated, with a number of the head men of some of these independent tribes, on the top of one of their rugged mountains, from which you look down on afghanistan to the west and india to the east. they had been touring with him as his escort for some days. he had fed them well, and could chat familiarly with them in their own lingo, so that they had learnt to talk with him without reserve about even their tribal secrets. "now, tell me," said the officer, "if there were to be war--which god forbid--between russia and england, what part would you and your people take? whom would you side with?" "do you wish us to tell you what would please you, or to tell you the real truth?" was their naã¯ve reply. "i adjure you only tell me what is the 'white word'" (meaning the true statement). "then," said an old greybeard among them, voicing the feelings of all present, "we would just sit here up on our mountain-tops watching you both fight, until we saw one or other of you utterly defeated; then we would come down and loot the vanquished till the last mule! god is great! what a time that would be for us!" no doubt he spake truly, but such is the discord of the afghan tribes that no doubt the spoil would scarcely be gathered in before they would begin to fight among themselves over the division of it. these tribal jealousies and petty wars are inherent among the afghans, and greatly diminish their formidableness as foes. if you ask them about it they will acknowledge this defect in their character, and tell you how that one of their ancestors displeased the almighty, who, to punish him, wove the strands of discord in the web of their nature from that time onwards. hence the saying, "the afghans of the frontier are never at peace except when they are at war!" for when some enemy from without threatens their independence, then, for the time being, are their feuds and jealousies thrown aside, and they fight shoulder to shoulder, to resume them again when the common danger is averted. even when they are all desirous of joining in some jihad, they remain suspicious of each other, and are apt to fail one another at critical moments; or else one tribe will wait to see how it fares with those already in it before unsheathing their own swords. thus it was in the frontier rising of 1897 that the difficulty of quelling the rising would have been immensely greater had it not been that the tribes rose seriatim instead of simultaneously, and the rising in one part of the frontier had been put down before another broke out. two policies have at various times been advocated with equal warmth by their respective partisans. the earlier policy, which was supported by lord lawrence in the days of his viceroyalty, was generally known as the "policy of masterly inactivity." later on the "forward policy" received more general approbation, its chief exponent being sir robert sandeman. those who advocate the former point out the great expenditure involved in all interference with the internal tribes across our border, and that almost inevitably we become sooner or later involved in wars with them. they would therefore have the british government strictly abstain from all trans-frontier politics, and leave the tribes severely alone, so long as they give no trouble to us on our side of the border. the "forward" party, on the other hand, point out the danger of having this extensive area on the most vulnerable part of our indian empire outside our own control, and they advocate a system of controlling all the political affairs of the trans-border tribes, while leaving their internal policy in the hands of their own chiefs, who, though guided by our political officers, would be free to maintain the ancient tribal customs. sir robert sandeman is, perhaps, the most remarkable instance of the power which a single officer has been able to exercise over these border tribes, and it was through him that the large tract on the border between quetta and the deras was organized under our political officers, working through the tribal chiefs. allowances are made to the tribes, in return for which they guarantee the safety of the british posts on the highroads, and become responsible for any misdemeanours on the part of other members of their tribe. tribal levies are organized under young officers of the british army, who train them in military discipline, drill, and marksmanship. the pay received by these soldiers becomes a valuable asset to the tribe, and a strong inducement to give up their more predatory habits, in favour of the pax britannica. still, it was found necessary to place regular troops of the indian army in some of the more important and critical situations. the frontier is, for the most part, composed of intricate, and in many parts inaccessible, mountain ranges, which form an absolute barrier to the passage of troops; but piercing through these are the passes, of which the best known are the khaiber and the bolan, which from time immemorial have formed the highways through which hostile armies have invaded india, and it would be through them that any enemy of the future would endeavour to bring its forces. it is therefore a paramount necessity to the british government that these passes should be securely guarded, and therefore each one of them forms part of one of the areas administered by british officers, and guarded either by native troops or tribal levies. it is through these passes, too, that the great merchant caravans pass down from afghanistan and central asia into british india. in former times the merchants had to subsidize the tribes through which they passed, who would otherwise have blocked the passes and stolen their goods; and it is partly to make up to the tribes for the loss of this income that the tribal subsidies were arranged. near where each of these passes debouches on to the trans-indus plain is a city, which forms an emporium for the merchandise brought down, and a military station for the protection of the pass. while peshawur serves this purpose for the khaiber, kohat commands the kurram, bannu the tochi, and dera ismail khan the gumal. when lord curzon assumed the viceroyalty, the frontier districts formed part of the panjab, and the lieutenant-governor of that province was in administrative control of them. lord curzon wished to bring them more directly under his own control, so in 1901 a new province, composed of five frontier districts of the panjab, was constituted, and called the north-west frontier province. the five districts composing this province are hazara, peshawur, kohat, bannu, and dera ismail khan. these are all beyond the indus, except hazara, which is to the east of that river. a chief commissioner was appointed over the whole province, directly responsible to the viceroy, and he had his headquarters and the centre of government at peshawur. lord curzon's next move was to advance the railway systems of the panjab along the frontier, bringing their termini to the mouths of the khaiber and kurram passes. as this enabled a rapid concentration of troops at any point along the frontier, he was able to withdraw the regiments of the indian army which garrisoned the more outlying districts, and to replace them by tribal levies. no doubt it is the desire of the government not to make any further annexations of this barren, mountainous, and uninviting border region; but it is not always equally easy to avoid doing so, and it is a universal experience of history that when there are a number of disorganized and ill-governed units on the borders of a great power, they become inevitably, though it may be gradually and piece by piece, absorbed into the latter. there are, however, financial considerations which induce the government to refrain from annexing a country which has few natural resources, can pay little in taxes, and must cost a great deal to administer. but these frontier tribes form some of the finest fighting material from which the indian army is recruited, and it may be that years of regular and peaceful administration will destroy the military qualities of these people, as has been the case in south india. the many opportunities afforded by the frontier to the indian army for active service, and the training that they get in the little frontier expeditions, may also be looked upon by some as a valuable asset. the usual sequence of events is as follows: first, the more unruly sections of the tribes carry on a series of raids on the frontier villages of india, as has been their custom from time immemorial. sometimes the miscreants are captured and meet their fate; more often they escape, and, in accordance with the system of tribal responsibility, a fine is put on the tribe from which they come. these fines go on accumulating, the tribe running up an account with the government for its misdeeds. thus we come to the second stage, when the patience of the government is exhausted. the tribal heads are called in, and an ultimatum offered to them. they must pay so much in fines and deliver the criminals demanded, or an expedition will be organized. much time--it may be many months--is occupied in councils, while the tribe is endeavouring to gain time or to make the terms more favourable. the third stage is when the tribe fail to meet the government's conditions, and a punitive expedition is organized against them. this expedition enters their hills, raises their parda, burns their villages, fights a few actions--usually of the nature of ambuscades or rearguard actions--realizes more or less of the fine, confiscates a number of rifles, and comes back again. the tribe is now free to commence its depredations afresh with a clean sheet, and to begin to run up a new account, and, in order more effectually to prevent this and keep a greater control over them, the government find themselves compelled to enter on the fourth stage, which is that of annexing some points of vantage where military posts can be erected, which will overawe and control them. it is thus that a gradual, though it may be reluctant, annexation of territory becomes inevitable. then, it must be remembered that there is always a section of the tribe, and often a majority, who are favourable to annexation, for the more settled and peaceful rule of the british brings many advantages in its train. while before they were not able to cultivate their crops at any distance from the village, and even then only when fully armed, now they are able to till the ground in peace even miles away from their habitations, and land which was before unculturable becomes of great value. they are able to trade and carry on the ordinary avocations of life with a security to which they have been hitherto strangers. they learn the value of money, and begin to amass wealth. there are always, however, two parties in the tribe who are opposed tooth and nail to british rule, and as they have got power far in excess of their more peacefully disposed brethren, they are usually able to terrorize the more peace-loving majority into a false acquiescence in their own opposition. these two parties are the outlaws and the mullahs. the outlaws have made their living by raiding and robbery for generations, and have no inclination to give up their profession for more peaceable but less exciting and less profitable employment. not only have the mullahs an antipathy to those whom they consider kafirs, or infidels, but they know that under the changed conditions of life, their influence, their power, and their wealth must all suffer. besides this, there are two elements in our rule which are equally repugnant to all. one is the protection which we give to the money-lender, and the other is the dilatory nature of our justice. usury is unlawful to the muhammadans, but as they are spendthrift and improvident, the hindus are able to make a living among them by lending them money in times of necessity. the hindu was formerly prevented from charging too high a rate of interest or running up too long an account, by the fact that if he did so, his muhammadan masters, who held the sword, would come one night and burn his house over his head, and let him start afresh. under british rã©gime, however, the usurer is protected. he is able to recover his debts from the impecunious muhammadan by a civil action, and may get the latter thrown into prison if he does not pay; while if the muhammadan tries to burn his account-books, he will find himself an inmate of his majesty's gaol. the justice which the muhammadan of the frontier appreciates is a rapid and appropriate justice, such as used to be meted out by officers in the days of nicholson, when the offender might find himself accused, arrested, judged, and visited with some punishment appropriate to the crime all within the course of a few days. at the present time he can, if rich enough, call in a pleader, and get any number of false witnesses, and his case is inevitably dragged out by the magistrate by successive postponements for getting the attendance of these witnesses, or through some technicality of the law; and even when he does--it may be after the lapse of some months--get a judgment, the losing party in the suit is at liberty to bring an appeal to the sessions judge, and from him another appeal can be lodged at the high court of lahore, which has so many cases on its lists that it may be his case will not be taken till after the lapse of two or three years. the real strength of our administration on the frontier is the personnel of our officers, for it has always been the man, and not the system, that governs the country; and there are names of officers now dead and gone which are still a living power along that frontier, because they were men who thoroughly knew the people with whom they had to deal, and whose dauntless and strong characters moulded the tribes to their will, and exerted such a mesmeric influence over those wild afghans that they were ready to follow their feringi masters through fire and sword with the most unswerving loyalty, even though they were of an alien faith. as an example of this, it is related that on a certain frontier expedition the regiments were passing up a defile on a height, above which some of the enemy had ensconced themselves in ambush behind their sangars. the afghans had been soldiers in the indian army, who had now completed their service and retired to their hills, and were, as is often the case, using the skill which they had learnt in their regiments against us. they were about to fire, when one of them recognized the officer riding at the head of the regiment as his own colonel. he stopped the others, and said: "that is our own karnal sahib. we must not fire on him or his regiment." that regiment was allowed to pass in safety, but they opened fire on the one which succeeded. chapter v the christian's revenge police posts versus dispensaries--the poisoning scare--a native doctor's influence--wazir marauders spare the mission hospital--a terrible revenge--the conolly bed--a political mission--a treacherous king--imprisonment in bukhara--the prayer-book--martyrdom--the sequel--influence of the mission hospital--the medical missionary's passport. i was once urging on a certain official the need of a government dispensary in a certain frontier district. "there is no need there," he replied; "the people are quiet and law-abiding. now a---, that is a disturbed area: there we ought to have medical work"--an unintentional testimony to one result of the doctor's work, though rather hard on the law-abiding section of the populace that they should have no hope of a hospital unless they can organize a few raids, or get a reputation for truculence. which will be better--a punitive police post or a civil dispensary? this seems a not very logical conundrum, yet it is based on sound reasoning, and a well-managed establishment of the latter kind will often remove the necessity of setting up the former. the doctor is a confidant in more matters than one, and the right man will often smooth down little frictions and mollify sorenesses which bid fair to cause widespread conflagrations. a medical mission is a pacific, as well as an essentially pioneer, agency. there was a little missionary dispensary on the frontier, in charge of a native doctor, a convert from muhammadanism, who had gone in and out among the people till he was a household friend all down the country-side. one day he was sitting in his dispensary seeing out-patients, when he heard the following conversation: abdultalib. "the sarkar has sent out agents to kill the mussulmans by poisoning their drinking-water." balyamin. "mauzbillah! how do you know that?" a. "mullah d. arrived last night, and, sitting in the chauk, he told how he had seen a man throwing pills into the well at dabb village. he went after him, but as soon as the man saw him he ran away." b. "what is to be done?" a. "first we must tell the women not to draw water from the wells--they have certainly been poisoned in the night--but they can take their pitchers to the tank in the big mosque; no one would interfere with that." b. "if we can catch the miscreant, we will show him plainly enough who is the mussulman and who the infidel." as the news spread through the village, the excitement grew; women who had already filled their pitchers from the wells hurriedly emptied them and started off afresh to the mosque tank. guards were placed at the well, both to warn the faithful and to give short shrift to any hapless stranger on whom suspicion might fall. the men about the bazaar had procured thick sticks, and seemed only waiting for the opportunity of using them, and things looked black all round. news was brought to the police-station, and, without waiting to don his uniform, the inspector buckled on a revolver, and, taking a constable with him, hurried off to the most disturbed portion of the village. the men there were sullen, and would give no information, and two or three of the more truculent seemed inclined to hustle the police-officer. just then the native doctor appeared on the scene, and recognized the gravity of the situation at once. one rash act, and the police might have to use their firearms in self-defence. the people, however, trusted the doctor. had he not often championed them when subjected to little police tyrannies, and had they not often sought counsel from him in their village quarrels, and always found his advice had helped them to come to an amicable settlement? so now, when he quietly slipped his arm into that of the inspector, and led him out of the dangerous quarter, chatting the while, till he got him safely into a house without loss of official dignity, not even the most truculent tried to resist his passage. then he returned and reasoned with them on the groundlessness of their suspicions. had any of them ever seen anyone throw anything into the wells? had anyone even got a stomach-ache from drinking the water? did any king ever want to kill off all his own subjects? if so, whom would he rule, and where would be his kingdom? finally, he bantered them out of their warlike intentions: the sticks were returned home, business resumed, the inspector came back as though his authority had never been questioned, and a very ugly situation was successfully negotiated. in the year 1879 the tribe of the wazirs had been incited by their mullahs to rise, and they came down suddenly with their lashkar on the little frontier town of tank. there was a mission hospital there, in charge of an indian doctor, the rev. john williams. before the authorities could summon the troops the wazir warriors had overrun town and bazaar, and were burning and looting. some young bloods went for the mission hospital, but they were at once restrained by the tribal elders, who forbade them to meddle with the property of "our own daktar sahib," as they called him. had they not often been inmates of his hospital and partakers of his hospitality? not a hair of his head was to be injured. they at once set a guard of their own men on the mission hospital, who warned off any excited tribesmen who might have done it injury, and that was the only place in the bazaar that escaped fire and sword and pillage. some of his surgical instruments had been carried off before the posting of the guard; but upon this being made known, search was made through waziristan, and the friends of the doctor were not satisfied until all were returned to him. revenge is a word sweet to the afghan ear, and even a revenge satisfied by the culminating murder is the sweeter if the fatal blow, preferably on some dark night, is so managed that the murdered man has a few minutes of life in which to realize that he has been outwitted, and to hear the words of exultation with which his enemy gluts his hatred. in one case that came to my knowledge, after strangling his victim, but before he was quite gone, the murderer dealt his victim a terrific blow on his jaw, shattering the bone, with the taunt: "do you remember the day when i told you i would knock out your teeth for you?" in the autumn of 1907 a fine stalwart wazir was brought to the bannu mission hospital in a pitiable state: both of his eyes had been slashed about and utterly blinded with a knife. his story was that his enemies came on him unexpectedly in his cottage one day, beat his wife into insensibility, tied him to a bed, and then deliberately destroyed his eyes with a knife. his wife came to hospital with him, suffering from severe contusions and some broken ribs, and we put them both into one of our small "family wards"--so called because father, mother, and children, if there be any, can all stop together for treatment. it was painful to have to tell him that he would never see again, and still more painful to hear him as he piteously said: "oh, sahib, if you can give me some sight only just long enough to go and shoot my enemy, then i shall be satisfied to be blind all the rest of my life." it could not be. his lot would probably become that of the numerous blind beggars that throng eastern bazaars; for who would plough his land now or speak for him in the village council? yet of pure pity we kept him a few weeks, that he might hear the story of the gospel of goodwill and forgiveness; but he would shake his head and sigh. "no, that teaching is not for us. what i want is revenge--revenge!" then, because a concrete case will sometimes accomplish what a mere statement cannot effect, i told him the story of the conolly bed. over each bed is a little framed card denoting the benefactor or supporter of that bed and the person commemorated thereby, and over this particular bed is written: conolly bed. in memory of captain conolly, beheaded at bukhara. as long ago as 1841 this brave english officer was sent on a political mission to bukhara, which was then an independent state, and not under the rule of russia, as now. the muhammadan ruler, bahadur khan, affected to be suspicious of his intentions, and threw him into prison, where another english officer, colonel stoddart, had already been incarcerated. it was in vain for them to protest and to claim the consideration due to a representative of the british government; they were met by the answer that no letter had come from the queen in reply to one sent by the amir, and that therefore they had certainly come to stir up khiva and khokand to war against the amir of bukhara. their effects were confiscated; even their very clothes were taken from them, till they only had their shirts and drawers left, when a filthy sheepskin was given to captain conolly as some protection against the winter cold of bukhara. their servants were thrown into a horrible dungeon called the black well, into which each man had to be lowered by a rope from the aperture at the top, and was then left to rot in the filth below. captain conolly managed to secrete a small english prayer-book about his person, and this was a daily source of comfort to him and his companion in prison, and he marked verses in the psalms and passages in the prayers from which they derived comfort. on the fly-leaves and the margins he wrote a diary of their sufferings; month succeeded month, and their hearts grew sick with hope deferred, and their bodies worn with fever, wasting and wounds. on february 10, 1842, he writes: "we have now been fifty-three days and nights without means of changing or washing our linen. this book will probably not leave me, so i now will, as opportunity serves, write in it the last blessing of my best affection to all my friends." again, on march 11, he writes: "at first we had viewed the amir's conduct as perhaps dictated by mad caprice, but now, looking back upon the whole, we saw indeed that it had been the deliberate malice of a demon, questioning and raising our hopes and ascertaining our condition, only to see how our hearts were going on in the process of breaking. "i did not think to shed one more tear among such cold-blooded men, but yesterday evening, as i looked upon stoddart's half-naked and much lacerated body, conceiving that i was the especial object of the king's hatred, because of my having come to him after visiting khiva and khok, and told him that the british government was too great to stir up secret enmity against any of its enemies, i wept on, entreating one of our keepers to have conveyed to the chief my humble request that he would direct his anger upon me, and not further destroy by it my poor broken stoddart, who had suffered so much and so meekly here for three years. my earnest words were answered by a 'don't cry and distress yourself.' he, alas! would do nothing, so we turned and kissed each other and prayed together, and we have risen again from our knees with hearts comforted, as if an angel had spoken to us, resolved, please god, to wear our english honesty and dignity to the last, within all the misery and filth that this monster may try to degrade us with." again, on march 28: "we have been ninety-nine days and nights without a change of clothes." one of the native agents of the mission, salih muhammad by name, subsequently escaped to india, and thus relates the closing scene of the tragedy. "on tuesday night (june 14, 1842) their quarters were entered by several men, who stripped them and carried them off, but i do not know whether it was to the black well or to some other prison. in stripping colonel stoddart a lead pencil was found in the lining of his coat and some papers in his waist. these were taken to the amir, who gave orders that he should be beaten with heavy sticks till he disclosed who brought the papers, and to whom he wrote. he was most violently beaten, but he revealed nothing. he was beaten repeatedly for two or three days. on friday the amir gave orders that colonel stoddart should be killed in the presence of captain conolly, who should be offered his life if he would become a muhammadan. in the afternoon they were taken outside the prison into the street, which is a kind of small square. their hands were tied across in front. many people assembled to behold the spectacle. their graves were dug before their eyes. "colonel stoddart's head was then cut off with a knife. the chief executioner then turned to captain conolly and said: 'the amir spares your life if you will become a mussulman.' captain conolly answered: 'i will not be a mussulman, and i am ready to die!' saying which he stretched forth his neck, and his head was then struck off. their bodies were then interred in the graves which had been dug." for a long time the fate of these two officers was unknown in england, and, indeed, overshadowed by the greater disaster in kabul. then a missionary, the rev. joseph wolff, undertook a journey to bukhara, and after many sufferings and dangers, ascertained that they had been murdered two years before. he did not, however, come across the little prayer-book, which appears to have been lying about in some shop in bukhara for seven years after the officers' death, when a russian officer, passing through the bazaar, happened to light on it. he picked it up, and, observing its interesting nature, purchased it from the shopkeeper. for another fourteen years the little book was lying on his table at st. petersburg, when a visitor who knew captain conolly's relations saw it, and obtained leave to take the precious relic and place it in the hands of the relatives of the deceased; and thus, twenty-one years after her brother's death, miss conolly obtained the full account of his sufferings, written with his own hand. so far no vengeance had been exacted for the amir's atrocity; now the murdered man's sister thought she would like to have her revenge, so when the bannu mission hospital was inaugurated, she wrote out to the medical missionary, expressing her desire to support a bed in memory of her brother, and that bed has been supported in his name ever since, and we tell the afghans in it that that is the christian's revenge. when i sit by the bedside of some sick or wounded afghan in that bed, and tell him and the others round him that it was their co-religionists who killed this officer because he would not forsake christianity for islam, and that now his sister is paying for them to be nursed and tended, and praying for them that they may learn of the saviour who bid us forgive our enemies, and do good to those who despitefully use us and persecute us, then it is easy to see that the story has set them thinking. and when it is further brought home by their experiences in the mission hospital, where they have been lovingly tended by the very native converts whom they have abused and perhaps maltreated in the bazaar, they return to their afghan homes with very different feelings towards christians. it is thus that the medical missionary gets his passport to all their villages, not only in british india, but across the border among the independent tribes. while visiting a wazir chief once in his border fort, he said to me: "you can do what we cannot possibly do. i cannot go into that village over there, because i have enmity with the people there. the chief of that tribe across the river a few miles off has a blood-feud with me, and i have always to go armed and with a guard lest he should waylay me; at night i cannot leave my fort, but have to sleep ready armed in my tower. and i am like most of us in this country: we all have our enemies, and never know when we may meet them. but you can go into any of our villages and among all the tribes, although you have not even got a revolver with you, and, more than that, you get a welcome, too." in some parts of the country across the border it is necessary to take a fresh guide every few miles, as the various villages are on bad terms, and might injure the traveller on the lands of the opposing village merely in order to get their enemies involved in a feud, or into trouble with the government. these guides are called badragga, and within the tribal boundary any member of the clan, even a child, is often sufficient protection, as that is sufficient to show that the traveller has received the sanction of the tribe to move about within their boundaries. if, however, marauding bands are known to be about, or if the tribe is at feud with a neighbouring one, then they will send a fully-armed badragga of several men with you. i have, however, seen a traveller consigned to the care of a boy of nine years or so, and, no doubt, with perfect security. on one occasion when it had been arranged that the badragga of a certain clan was to meet me at a prearranged rendezvous, i arrived at the appointed time and place under the care of the badragga of the clan through whose territories i had just passed, but no one was forthcoming. we waited an hour or so, but still no one came; my badragga then accompanied us a little way forward till we came in view of the first village of the next clan. here they stopped and said: "we can go no farther. if we were to go into that village, there would very likely be bloodshed, as there is enmity between us and them; but we will sit at the top of this knoll here and watch you while you go on to the village, and if anyone interferes with you on the way we will shoot." i went on with an indian hospital assistant who was with me, and when nearing the village a man came up and shook hands with great heartiness, saying: "don't you remember me? i brought my brother to your hospital when he was shot and his leg broken, and we were with you for two months." he brought me to the village and to his brother, who hobbled out on a crutch to meet us, and was very pleased. they insisted on our stopping while they called some of the other villagers, who were anxious to see the doctor, and finally sent us forward on our journey with a fresh escort and a hearty "god-speed." chapter vi a day in the wards the truce of suffering--a patient's request--typical cases--a painful journey--the biter bit--the conditions of amputation--"i am a better shot than he is"--the son's life or revenge--the hunter's adventure--a nephew's devotion--a miserly patient--an enemy converted into a friend--the doctor's welcome. as i have already said, the afghans never forget their tribal feuds except in the presence of foes from without. then they may put them aside for a while, especially if their foe be not mussulman in faith, but only for a while. the feuds begin again as soon as the danger is past. but in the wards of the mission hospital all this is changed, and here may be seen representatives of all the frontier tribes chatting fraternally together, who as likely as not would be lying in ambush for one another if they were a few miles off across the frontier. but it is generally recognized among them that feuds are to be forgotten in hospital; and accordingly the doctor gets an audience from half a dozen different tribes in one ward when he is drawing out the conversation from the land of feuds to the prince of peace, and when he contrasts the gospel of loving your neighbour with their rule of "shoot your neighbour and get his rifle." they say in a half-apologetic tone: "true; but god has decreed that there shall always be discord among the afghans, so what can we do?" sometimes a patient will say: "i want to be in a ward that has no windows, because i am afraid that one of my enemies may come at night when the lamp is burning in the ward and shoot me through the window by its light." great as is the variety of physiognomy, of dress, and of dialect, even more diverse are the complaints for which they come. eye diseases form more than a quarter of the whole, and few cases give so much satisfaction both to surgeon and patient as these, in many of which the surgeon is able to restore sight that has been lost for years, and to send the patient back to his home rejoicing and full of gratitude. here is a bannuchi malik suffering from consumption, a not uncommon complaint in their crowded villages; next him is a wazir lad from the hills, muhammad payo by name, suffering from chronic malarial poisoning. he is an old acquaintance, as he returns to his home when he feels strong enough, and then, what with coarse fare and exposure (for he is a poor lad), soon relapses and comes back to us at death's door, as white as a sheet, and has to be nursed back again to vigour. just now he is convalescent, and is going about the ward doing little services for the other patients, and telling them what to do and what not to do, as though he had been in the hospital all his life. poor fellow! he has lost both his parents in a village raid, and would have been dead long ago himself but for the open door of the mission hospital. in another bed is a fair-haired, blue-eyed boy of twelve from khost, suffering from disease of the bones of his right leg, which he has not been able to put to the ground for two years. his home is eighty miles away across the mountains, and he had no one to bring him to bannu, though he had begged some of the traders to let him sit on one of their baggage camels; but who was going to inconvenience himself with a friendless boy like that? he had heard such wonderful stories of the cures effected in the bannu hospital from a man in his village who had been an inmate for six weeks for an ulcer of the leg, that he determined to get there by hook or by crook, and he had accomplished the greater part of the journey crawling on his hands and knees, with an occasional lift from some friendly horseman, and had been six weeks on the road, begging a dinner here and a night's lodging there from the villages through which he passed. when he arrived, his state can be better imagined than described: the weary, suffering look of his face; the few dirty rags that covered him; the malodorous wound on his leg, full of maggots, bound round with the last remains of his pagari; while now there is no brighter, happier boy in the hospital, with his white hospital shirt and pyjamas, clean, gentle face and pleasant smile, as he moves about from bed to bed with his crutch, chatting with the other patients. passing on, we see a big swarthy afghan, with fine martial features, in which suffering is gradually wearing out the old truculent air. he had gone armed with a friend one night to a village where there was a militia guard. he maintains that they had merely gone to visit a friend, and had been delayed on the road till night overtook them; but to be out armed at night is of itself sufficient to raise a prima-facie case against a man on the border, and when the militia soldiers challenged him, and instead of replying he and his friend took cover, it was so clear to the former that they must be marauders, that they opened fire. the friend escaped, but our patient received a bullet through the left thigh, which shattered the bone. he was not brought to the mission hospital for some time, and when we first saw him it was obvious that unless the limb were speedily removed, his days were numbered. he, like all afghans, had an innate repugnance to amputation, but finally consented on condition that the amputated limb should be given to him to take back to his home, that it might ultimately be interred in his grave; only thus, he thought, would he be safe from being a limb short in the next world. once i tried to argue an afghan out of this illogical idea, and when other arguments failed, i suggested that the unsavoury object might be buried in a spot in the mission compound, and he might leave a note in his grave specifying where it might be found. he answered at once: "do you suppose the angels will have nothing better to do on the resurrection day than going about looking for my leg? and even if they would take the trouble, they would not come into this heretic place for it." so the limb was removed and carefully wrapped up and stored away somewhere, so that he might on recovery take it back with him to his village. his wound is nearly healed now, and he has sent off his sister, who was in hospital to nurse him, to his home to fetch a horse on which to ride back the forty miles to his village, where he will wile away many a long winter's night with stories of his experiences in the bannu mission hospital, and how kind the feringis were to him. among afghans a man's nearest relations are often his deadliest enemies, and "he hates like a cousin" is a common expression. thus it came to pass that one day a wounded afghan was brought to the mission hospital on a bed borne of four, and examination showed a serious condition. he had been shot at close quarters the night before while returning to his house from the mosque after evening prayers. the bullet had passed completely through the left side of the chest, the left lung was collapsed, and the patient was blanched and faint from the severe bleeding that had occurred. a compress of charred cloth and yolk of egg had been applied, through which the red stream was slowly trickling. he believed he had been shot by his uncle, with whom he had a dispute about the possession of a field, but had not seen his face clearly. a room was got ready, the patient's blood-saturated garments were replaced by hospital linen, and the wound was cleansed and dressed. for a long time he hovered between life and death, constantly attended by two brothers, who, if they had been as instructed as they were assiduous, would have made two very excellent nurses. gradually, however, he recovered strength, and the wound healed; and one day when visiting his ward i found him sitting up with a smile on his face, and after the usual greetings, he said: "please come to me, sahib; i have a request to make." i sat by his bedside, and asked what i could do for him. he drew me closely to him, and said in a subdued voice: "sahib, i want you to get me some cartridges; see, here are four rupees i have brought for them." "why, what do you want them for?" said i. "look here," said he, pointing to the wound in his chest; "here is this score to pay off. i am stronger now, and in a few days i can go home and have my revenge." i said to him deprecatingly: "cannot you forego your revenge after all the good counsels you have been hearing while in hospital? we have, after so much trouble and nursing, cured you, and now, i suppose, in a few days we shall be having your uncle brought here on a bed likewise, and have to take the same trouble over him." "don't fear that, sahib," was the prompt reply; "i am a better shot than he is." well, we never did have to deal with that uncle, though i never gave him the cartridges; probably he got them elsewhere. another day a similar cortã¨ge came to the hospital. this time the man on the bed was a fine young pathan of about twenty summers, and his father--a greybeard, with handsome but stern features, and one arm stiffened from an old sword-cut on the shoulder--accompanied the bearers, carefully shielding his son's face from the sun with an old umbrella. his was a long-standing feud with the malik of a village hard by, and he had been shot through the thigh at long range while tending his flocks on the mountain-side. it had happened four days ago, but the journey being a difficult one, they had delayed bringing him; and meanwhile they had slain a goat, and, stripping the skin off the carcass, had bound it round the injured limb with the raw side against the flesh. under the influence of the hot weather the discharges from the wound and the reeking skin had brought about a condition of affairs which made bearers and bystanders, all except the father and the doctor, wind their turbans over their mouths and noses as soon as the hospital dresser began to unfold and cut through the long folds of greasy pagari which bound the limb to an improvised splint and that to the bed. it was a severe compound fracture of the thigh-bone, with collateral injuries, and i called the father aside and said: "the only hope of your son's life is immediate amputation. if i delay, the limb will mortify, and he will certainly die." the old man, visibly restraining his emotion, said: "if you amputate the leg, can you promise me that he will recover?" "no," i said; "even then he might die, for the injury is severe, and he is weak from loss of blood; but without amputation there is no hope." "then," said the father, "let it be as god wills: let him die, for, by our tribal custom, if he dies as he is i can go and shoot my enemy; but if he dies from your operation then i could not, and i want my revenge." after this they would not even accept my offer of keeping the wounded lad in the hospital to nurse, but bore him away as they had brought him, so that he might die at home among his people, and then--well, the mind pictured the stealthy form crouching behind the rock; the hapless tribesman of the other village with his rifle loaded and slung on his shoulder right enough, but who was to warn him of his lurking enemy? and then the shot, the cry, and exultation. a man of the khattak tribe was out on the hills with a friend after mountain goats; he tracked one, but in following it up passed over into the hills of a section of the wazir tribe. he was passing along one of those deep gorges which the mountain torrents have worn through the maze of sandstone ridges, where the stunted acacia and tufted grass afford pasturage to little else than the mountain goats, when his practised eye descried two heads looking over the ridge four hundred feet above him. seeing they were observed, the two wazirs stood up and challenged them. "who called you to come poaching in our country?" "i shall come when i choose, without asking your permission," retorted the khattak. "swine! has your father turned you out because there was no maize in your corn-bin?" the khattak retorted with something stronger, and each proceeded to impugn the character of the other's female relations, till the wazir, thinking he had excited the khattak to give him sufficient provocation, sent a bullet whistling past his head. the khattak made a jump for the cover of a neighbouring rock, but before he had time to gain shelter a second bullet had struck him in the leg, bringing him headlong to earth. his companion had got the shelter of a rock and opened fire on the wazirs; but the latter, thinking they had sufficiently vindicated the privacy of their stony hills, made off another way. the khattak could do no more than lift his friend into the shelter of a cliff, stanch the bleeding with a piece torn from his pagari, and make off in hot haste for his village to sound a chigah and bring a bed on which the wounded man might be carried home. the chigah, of course, came too late to track the wazirs, but they bore the wounded man home, and next morning brought him to the mission hospital. he lay there for three months, carefully tended by his father and a brother, and there all three were attentive listeners to the daily exposition of the gospel by the doctor or catechist; but the wounded man got weaker and weaker, and when it became clear to all that his recovery could not be hoped for, they took him off to his home to die. the next day a wazir of the same tribe that had shot him was brought in suffering from an almost identical gunshot wound, and we thought at first it had been the work of an avenger, but it proved to have been received in another feud about the possession of a few ber-trees (zizyphus jujuba). this wazir submitted to amputation, and is now going about the hills the proud possessor of an artificial limb from england, which his father sold a rifle to buy, and which is the wonder and admiration of his neighbours. the devotion shown in some cases by relations who have accompanied some sick or wounded man to hospital is very touching, and in pleasing contrast to their frequent enmity. one case that imprinted itself on my memory was that of a man from kabul, who had been a sufferer for several years from severe fistula; his nearest relation was a nephew, and he was a talib (student). both were poor, but the man sold up some little household belongings and hired a camel-driver to bring him down on his camel. the journey to bannu occupied fourteen days, and the sick man suffered much from the constraint and jolting of the camel-ride. an operation was performed, but it was some months before the patient was cured and discharged, and during all that time he was assiduously nursed by the talib, who sat day and night by his bedside, attending to his wants and reading to him either the suras of the quran or some persian poet, only leaving him to go into some mosque in bannu, or in a village near, where some charitable muhammadans would give him his morning and evening meal. to save the patients from the danger of having their money stolen by other patients or visitors, we advise them on admission to give up their money into our charge, to be kept safely until they get their discharge, when it is returned to them. usually they readily agree to this, but sometimes we have some wary characters, usually kabulis or peshawuris, whose experience of the world has led them to trust no one, and these refuse to let their possessions out of their own keeping, usually securing their money in a bag purse tied round their waist under their clothes. one such kabuli came into the hospital terribly ill with dysentery. fearing, i suppose, we might take his money by force, he swore, in answer to the usual question, that he had not a single anna on him, and all through his illness he begged a few pice from us or from other patients to buy some little delicacy he fancied to supplement the regular hospital diet. he said he had no relations or friends living; "all had died," and certainly none ever came to inquire after him. his disease resisted all our efforts to cure it--he had been worn out with exposure and hard living--and at last, one morning, we found him dead in his bed; he had passed away quietly in the night, without even the patient in the bed next him knowing of it. we then found a bag containing eighty rupees bound round his waist; he had kept it carefully concealed from everyone throughout, and now died leaving behind him what might have purchased him so many little delicacies. there being no claimant for the money, we made it into a fund for helping indigent patients to get back to their more distant homes. there was once a mullah in bannu who was particularly virulent in his public denunciations of the mission and everything connected with it. he would frequently give public lectures which were tirades against all christians, and missionaries in particular, telling the people that if they died in the mission hospital they would assuredly go to hell, and all the mission medicine they drank would be turned into so much lead, which would drag them relentlessly down, down to the bottomless pit--and very much more in that strain. we were therefore somewhat surprised when one fine morning we beheld four white-robed talibs bringing a bed to the hospital, on which was a form covered by a white sheet, and on lifting the sheet, there was this very mullah! we did not ask him awkward questions, but admitted him at once, and i think our christian assistants throughout his long and dangerous illness showed him particular attentions, and nursed him with special care. they never taunted him with his former attitude to us, but strove, by the exhibition of christian forbearance and sympathy, to give him a practical exposition of what christianity is. when he left the hospital he thanked us in the presence of his disciples, offered a prayer for blessing on the hospital, and is now one of our staunchest friends. here is a very sad case in bed 18, called "the gleaners' bed," because it is supported by the gleaners' union of lambeth: a young man of twenty-five or thirty, blind from his birth, and yet brought to the hospital cruelly slashed in several places with sword and knife; one cut on the right shoulder went through the muscle down to the bone. and this was done only to rob him of the few things he possessed. had the culprit known that the man was blind, let us hope he would not have been so brutal, but poor mirzada was on the ground asleep, covered up with a sheet, as is the custom with the natives, and had been attacked in this way before he could escape or beg them to spare him. it was so sad to see him stretched moaning on his bed, with eyes that had never seen the light or the beauty of god's creation, heart that had never felt, ear that had never heard of the "light of life" or the "glory that shall be revealed." our christian assistants sat beside him day by day, and told him of christ and his love; but he never, so far as we could judge, seemed to grasp the truth for himself, and, when his wounds were healed, left us to beg by the wayside. we pray for mirzada, "who sitteth by the wayside begging," that he may yet find the light! he at least has learnt to bless the mission hospital and the christian friends in england, through whose charity he can say: "i was a stranger, and ye took me in; sick, and ye visited me." the doctor or his assistants may go a long journey up and down the frontier and both sides of the border without coming to a village where they will not get a hearty welcome from some old patient. he will be made to sit down for a little good cheer in the village chauk, that the grateful patient may call his acquaintances round to shake hands with the daktar sahib, whose patient he was while in the mission hospital, and with stories about whom he has so often regaled them in the winter evenings. chapter vii from morning to night first duties--calls for the doctor--some of the out-patients--importunate blind--school classes--operation cases--untimely visitors--recreation--cases to decide. an eastern day begins early. as the first streak of dawn lightens the eastern sky the slumberers are awakened by the long-drawn-out chant of the muezzin calling to prayer from all the mosques in the city. "god is great, god is great. i give witness there is no god but god. i give witness that muhammad is the prophet of god. come to prayer; prayer is better than sleep." and forthwith every pious muslim hastily rises, performs the necessary ablutions, and commences the day with ascription of praise to the creator. the hindus follow suit: little bells tinkle in their temples as their priests rouse the slumbering gods, or as the puritanical arya samajist offers his early sacrifice of "hawan," or incense. meanwhile, the church bell calls the little christian community together for early morning worship, and they unite in prayer and praise before separating, each to his or her own sphere of work for the day. if the missionary desires a morning "quiet time" he must get up early enough to get it in before this, as after morning service the busy round of duties leaves him little leisure till the evening shades close in. darya khan, the "lord of the rivers," the hospital cook, is waiting for the day's supplies, and reports fifty patients on full diet, twenty on middle, and fifteen on milk diet. so many cases have left the hospital, so many admitted; such a one died last night. and so the supplies for the day are measured out and weighed, and orders given for the purchase of fresh goods as needed. then come the ward clerks, with their tale of soiled linen and case sheets to be checked, and clean towels, bandages, bed-linen, and clothes for the in-patients have to be dealt out according to the needs of each one. this over, the head gardener, 'alam khan, or the "lord of the world," is standing by with the day's supply of vegetables and flowers, and these have to be apportioned to the patients in the hospital and to the various members of the staff whose families reside on the premises. he follows with a string of questions, each of which requires due consideration, such as, "are the mulberries to be shaken yet?" "where are the young pipul tree saplings to be planted?" "some oranges were stolen in the night; would i come and see the footmarks?" "a hostel boy ('light of religion') was caught among the plum-trees with some fruit in his pocket. would i punish him?" and so on, as long as one has leisure to listen and adjudicate. the clock strikes eight, leaving just half an hour to visit the wards before out-patients begin. there is the abdominal section operation of yesterday to examine; the house-surgeon has come to report that the case of tubercular glands has had a hã¦morrhage during the night. we are just hurrying over to see them, when up comes 'alam gul, the "flower of the earth," to say his brother was coming down from the roof that morning, when his foot slipped on the ladder; he fell on his head, and was lying unconscious. would i go and see him? the serious cases seen, and 'alam gul's brother visited, the out-patient department is demanding our attention. the verandahs are full of patients, the men in one and the women and children in another, and while the catechist is preaching to the former, a bible-woman is similarly engaged with the latter. outside are some patients lying on the native beds, or charpais, and a variety of other equipages which have all brought patients--palanquins, camels, oxen, asses, and so on. let us see some of these. here is a wazir shepherd from the mountains. he has been shot through the thigh while tending his flocks, and eight rough-looking tribesmen of his have bound him securely on a bed and carried him down, journeying all night through, and they have left their rifles, without which they could not have ventured out, at the police post on the frontier. another of those on the beds is a man of about fifty years, suffering from dropsy. he has been carried sixty miles on this bed from khost, a district in afghanistan. a third, who has been brought from another transfrontier village on an ox, is suffering from a tumour of his leg, which will require amputation. and so on with some half-dozen others. after this brief examination, saying a word of welcome to the travel-stained afghans who have borne their precious burdens in with so much labour, and even danger, and with a word of comfort and reassurance to the sick ones themselves, the doctor enters his consulting-room, and the patients are brought in one by one to be examined. those requiring in-patient treatment are sent off to the wards, and the remainder get the required medicines, or have their wounds dressed and leave for their homes. a great number of the out-patients are cases of eye disease, and sometimes four or five blind men will come in a line, holding on to each other, and led by one who is not yet quite blind. very likely they have trudged painfully upwards of a hundred miles, stumbling over the stones in the mountain roads, and arriving with wounded feet and bruised bodies. they sit together, listening, perhaps for the first time in their lives, to the gospel address, and eagerly awaiting the interview with the doctor, when they will hear if they are to receive their sight there and then, or to undergo an operation, or what. for the stories they have heard of the power of western skill lead them to believe that if the doctor does not cure them on the spot it must be that he is too busy or they are too poor. when, therefore, as sometimes happens, the doctor sees at the first glance that the case is a hopeless one, and that the sight is gone never to be brought back, it is a painful duty to have to explain the fact to the patient, and often the doctor needlessly prolongs the examination of the eye lest the man should think that it was want of interest in his case that makes the doctor say he can do nothing. and then the beseeching, "oh, sahib, just a little sight!" "see, i can tell light from darkness; i can see the light from that window there." "i have come all the way from kabul because they said the feringi doctor could cure everything. why do you not cure me?" one man refused to budge till i had taken him to see my mother; she might be able to do something--she must have more skill than i, for from whom had i learnt? another went to her to beg her to intercede with me for him, because he was sure it was want of will, not want of power, that prevented him gaining his end. at last, when they are convinced that nothing can be done, it is touching to see them as they resignedly say, often with tears rolling down their cheeks: "it is god's will. i will be patient." then they may begin their weary trudge home again, or stop in the bannu bazaar for a few days to beg some money to get them a lift on a camel for part of the long journey. a commotion at the door, and a bannuchi boy of about seven is carried in on the shoulders of his father, with his hand tied up in the folds of a turban. "we were crushing sugar-cane in our press, when my beloved mir jahan got his hand in the cogs of the wheel, and it was all crushed before we could stop the buffalo. oh! do see him quick--he is my only son, a piece of my liver!" and the father bursts into tears. mir jahan is chloroformed at once, the bandages unbound, and a terrible sight we see; the hand has been crushed into a pulp, but the thumb is only a little cut. that will enable him to pull the trigger of a rifle when he grows up, and that is what his father and he consider of great importance. so the thumb is saved, and the mangled remains of the other fingers removed, and a shapely stump fashioned. it is fortunate that the bannuchis have not much machinery. this sugar-press is almost the only piece they have, and we get several crushed hands every year as a result, usually because they let their children play in dangerous proximity to the wheels, and then leave them to "qismet" (fate). meanwhile, perhaps, some big chief has come in with several attendants. he wants to have a special consultation with the doctor, and has to be treated with as many of the formalities of oriental courtesy as the doctor can find time for. he gives some fee for the hospital, or perhaps may send one or two ox-burdens of wheat or indian corn as his contribution to the hospital stores. the patients are still coming, when a schoolboy comes to say that it is time for the doctor to take his classes in school. it is not every mission station that can provide a distinct european missionary for the school, and bannu is one of those where the supervision of the school is one of the duties of the medical missionary, who takes the senior classes in scripture, english, and science. so the consulting-room is changed for the class-room, and the missionary finds himself surrounded by a class of twenty to twenty-five intelligent young fellows preparing for the matriculation at the panjab university, and waiting to be initiated into the mysteries of optics, or chemistry, or mechanics, or to practise english composition, or he may have them attentively listening while he goes with them through the ever-fresh stories from the life of our lord, hearing and asking them questions as its inimitable teachings are brought home to them by precept and by illustration. class-work over, a visit of inspection is paid to the other class-rooms, where the remainder of the school staff are at their work, which the school principal must criticize and supervise, giving some advice here, some correction there, and seeing generally that everything is kept up to the mark. now we must go to see what progress has been made with the new ward which is being built in the hospital. the beams must be selected and tested. here a carpenter has been putting some bad work into a lintel, thinking it will not be noticed; there the bricklayers have been idle, and have not finished the stipulated number of layers. the foreman has a complaint to make of some of the coolies, who went away from work without his permission. "we only went to say our prayers. surely you would not have us miss them?" they plausibly urge. put them on piecework, and their prayers are got over very quickly; but pay them by the day, and even the ablutions seem interminable! but such is human nature, and they have such an air of injured innocence it is difficult to be angry with them. they are mahsud wazirs from over the border, and work hard when well managed, so are let off with a warning this time. this done, a visit must be paid to the mission press. here not only is printing in vernacular and in english carried on for the mission's own requirements, but work is executed for the various offices and merchants in the city. accounts have to be checked, bills have to be made out, proofs have to be corrected, and directions given for the day's work. now it is time to visit the hospital wards, and perform the day's operations. usually, patients are operated on the same day that they are admitted. if this were not done, not only would the wards become hopelessly congested, but in many cases the courage of the patients would ooze out of their fingers' ends, and, instead of finding them ready for the ordeal, one would be greeted by "i have just heard that my father has been taken seriously ill. if i do not go home at once, i shall never see him again." another: "i quite forgot to arrange for my donkey to get hay during my absence. i will go home and make arrangements for it, and return in two days." of course, one knows that these stories are pure fabrications, but it would be useless to tell them so, or to argue; one can only return them their own clothes, take back the hospital linen, and let them go. sometimes they come back later on, and tell more fibs about their father or their donkey in justification of themselves; more often they are not seen again. while the operation cases are being prepared by the house-surgeon, the doctor goes the round of the wards, examining, prescribing, and saying words of cheer from bed to bed. this done, he is just about to commence operations, when a man comes running up to say that his brother was out shooting when his gun exploded, blowing off his hand; would the doctor see him at once lest he bled to death? and close behind him is the wounded man brought up on a bed. the doctor examines him, sets a dresser to apply a temporary dressing, and perhaps a tourniquet, so that the case may safely wait till the conclusion of the other operations. the operation cases to-day are representative of an average day in the busy time of the year: they begin with five old men and three women suffering from cataract, then two cases of incurved lids, then an amputation, the removal of a tumour, and two cases of bone disease. these over, the man with the injured hand is chloroformed and the wound stitched up, except for two fingers, which were so damaged that they had to be removed altogether. the schoolboys are out now in the field playing football, and the doctor, after refreshing himself with a cup of tea, thinks that nothing would be more invigorating than a good hour's exercise with them; but he has scarcely got his togs on before the servant comes to announce that a certain big malik, or chief, has come to make a call. one would like to put him off with an excuse for a more convenient time; but then it was he who gave us lodging and hospitality when itinerating in his neighbourhood six months ago, and this would be a poor return for his courtesy; so he is ushered in, with four or five of his retainers, and some minutes are spent in formal courtesies and talking about nothing in particular. then, just as one is going to suggest that as one has something to do the interview might terminate, he comes to the point and object of his interview. he has got a lawsuit on in one of the local courts against a neighbouring malik. his case is an absolutely just one; but as the other party have some relationship with the head-clerk of the judge's office, he fears he will not get justice, unless--unless--would i just write a few lines to the judge, asking him to give his case full consideration? it would be no trouble to me, and would confer a benefit on him which he will remember to his dying day. one launches into an explanation, which is wearying because one has so often given it in similar cases before, that the judge would be very angry if i adopted such a method of influencing his case, that if his case is a just one there is no need of such measures, that he must rely on the integrity of his witnesses, and so on; no, he cannot or will not understand why you profess friendship with him, and yet refuse so very humble a request as the writing of a note. by the time the visitor has departed only half an hour is left for the game of football, and there is a man waiting to take you to a case of pneumonia at the other side of the bazaar, and two other calls have to be made on medical cases in the city. it is evening now, and once more the church-bell collects the little christian community together for the evening hymn of praise and worship, and the pastor gives some words of instruction and encouragement, specially intended for the catechumens and inquirers who are present. at last, however, these duties accomplished, dinner is negotiated, and then the doctor can sit down to his newspaper and his correspondence. he is not, however, long left free from interruption. the first to come is the superintendent of the boarding-house; he reports that some of the hindu boarders have been cooking meat in the school saucepan, and now the vegetarian party refuse to eat food cooked in that vessel, which has ipso facto become unclean. the arguments of both sides are heard, and the case decided, that the meat party are to provide their own saucepan. then the house-surgeon comes in with his nightly report of the wards, stating the condition of the operation cases or of any other serious cases, and taking the orders for the night. following on him comes a catechumen who has a quarter of an hour's instruction every night; then three of the senior boarders, to ask some questions about the english composition for the morrow, and get some hints for their essays. lastly, the night-watchman comes to report that, as there is a gang of wazir marauders about, special precautions must be taken for the security of the compound; but he thinks that if i get him a new pistol and some cartridges all will be safe. a day such as i have described is not at all above the average during the busy months of the year, and the doctor may consider himself lucky if the soundness of his slumbers is not disturbed by any calls during the night. chapter viii the itinerant missionary the medical missionary's advantage--how to know the people--the real india--god's guest-house--the reception of the guest--oriental customs--pitfalls for the unwary--the mullah and the padre--afghan logic--a patient's welcome--the mullah conciliated--a rough journey--among thieves--a swimming adventure--friends or enemies?--work in camp--rest at last. there is this difference between the medical missionary and the preacher pure and simple: that while the latter has to seek his congregation, the former will have his congregation come to him, and often in such numbers that, like our lord and his disciples, he will not have leisure even so much as to eat. but even a doctor, who finds his time at headquarters fully and profitably occupied, will be committing a great mistake if he never itinerates. for it is in camp and in village life that the missionary gets to know and understand the people, and by travelling from village to village, and living with them as their guest, he gets to know their real inner life in a way that otherwise he never would, and for a missionary, at least, such an experience is indispensable. there are two methods of itineration. on the one hand, he may carry tents and a full camp equipment, and pitch his camp near some large village, or in the midst of several small ones, and may receive his patients and do his daily work there, while visiting the villages after his day's work is done. by this plan he is independent, and can work at his own time, and can stay or move as his fancy dictates. on the other hand, he may become the guest of one of the chief men of the village, who will put his guest-house at his disposal and give him hospitality. by this plan he is brought into much closer contact with the people and will see more of them, but he will forfeit his independence, will be obliged to consult his host in all his plans, and must be prepared to put himself and his time at the disposal of his host and the villagers, both by day and night. both methods have their advantages. for a new district, and where the people are suspicious, the latter plan, though more exacting, is probably the better; when the missionary has become well known and has much work to do, the former is preferable. the traveller who has spent a winter in touring india, but has only visited the large towns and show places, and has never lived in an indian village, remains altogether a stranger to the deep inner life of the indian. the real india is not seen in the westernized bazaars of the large cities, but in the myriads of villages, wherein more than 80 per cent. of the population of india dwell. moreover, a much better and more attractive side of indian life is seen in the villages than in the towns, and it is among their less sophisticated population that the missionary spends his happiest hours. when travelling without camp equipment, we generally follow the bible precept. we arrive at a village, and, "inquiring who within it is worthy, abide there till we depart thence." this is usually some malik, or head man, who possesses that great institution of afghanistan, a hujra, or guest-house. we are shown to this house, usually a mud building with a low door and a few small apertures in the walls in the place of windows, and a clean-swept earthen floor, which may be covered by a few palm-mats. hearing of our arrival, the owner of the guest-house comes to receive us in the oriental fashion so familiar to readers of the old testament. thus, on one occasion i came rather late at night to one such guest-house. the host had already retired, but rose from his bed to receive me. i inquired if that was his hujra. he answered: "no; it is god's, but i am in charge of it." such expressions are not mere form, as was shown by the cheerful and unostentatious way in which the owner put himself out in order to insure my comfort. once i arrived about midnight at a village, the head man of which i did not know personally, though it appears he knew me well. he was not satisfied until i consented to occupy his bed, which he had just vacated for me, while he went off to make himself a shift elsewhere. the acceptance of such an offer might not always prove very attractive among those afghans whose ideas of cleanliness are not the same as ours, but to refuse it would--at least, on the part of a missionary--be an act so discourteous as to injure the attainment of those relations with the people which he should desire. the head man will at once call for some of his attendants, who, except at the busy time of sowing and harvest, are probably lounging about the chauk, and they at once bring a number of the plain wooden bedsteads of the country, which are almost universally used, even by the richer classes, in preference to chairs. rugs and pillows are brought, and perhaps a carpet may be spread on the floor. tea is then ordered, and an attendant brings in a tray on which is a very large teapot and a number of very small saucerless cups, called in these parts balghami, and used all over central asia for tea-drinking. the whole is covered by an embroidered cloth, which is removed by the attendant. sugar is added to the teapot to a degree which to many western palates appears nauseating. cardamoms, and sometimes other spices, are also added. the milk, too, is usually added to the teapot, although some hosts, who have learnt by experience the peculiarity of western taste, leave the milk and the sugar to be added by the guests themselves. tea is poured out and handed round, and drunk usually very hot; and if the guests drink it with very loud smackings of the lips, it is supposed to indicate that they particularly appreciate it. the cups are filled repeatedly, and when the guest wishes to indicate that he has had enough he turns the cup upside down. by this time the news of our arrival has spread through the village. there are probably a number of old patients there, who have once or oftener been inmates of the base hospital, and they help to collect all the blind, the halt, the maimed, and the sick of the village, and we proceed to unpack our medicines and commence prescribing and physicking. then will come the mullah of the village, with his quran under his arm and his rosary in his hand, and with a very sanctimonious and superior kind of air. he has come to see that the faith of the flock is not endangered, and is followed by a number of his talibs, or students, whose great desire is to hear a wordy battle between the padre and the mullah, and to see the former ignominiously defeated. eastern ideas are cast in such a very different mould to western, and their system of logic and habit of mind are so unlike ours, that the young missionary may consider himself fortunate if he is not frequently held up to ridicule by some ignorant mullah, who on such an occasion as this, before an audience who are naturally inclined to side with him, and can appreciate his language and arguments very much better than ours, has all the advantage on his side. it is no doubt better to avoid such discussions as far as possible. but this cannot always be done, as the refusal to answer questions would be assumed to imply inability to do so, and would be taken by the audience to indicate defeat. what really impresses the people would not usually be our arguments, but the patience and courtesy with which we meet, or ought to meet, the endeavours of our opponent to make us lose our temper. according to eastern ideas, the mere stroking of the beard is supposed to indicate irritation arising from the inability to answer the questions, and if the inexperienced disputant incautiously puts his hand to his beard, his opponent will most probably show off his advantage by pretending to apologize to him for having made him lose his temper. on one occasion, while touring among the frontier villages, i was spending the night at a hujra, and after dark a mullah had come in for discussion, and a great number of the men of the village, attracted by the hope of an interesting conflict between their champion and the padre sahib, had collected to listen. it was winter, and there was a fire of twigs burning in the middle of the room, which was filling the place with its smoke, as there was only one quite inadequate aperture in the centre of the room by which it could find its exit. round all four sides were a number of the native beds, on which both disputants and audience were seated cross-legged or reclining at their ease. as the fire burnt low a boy would bring in some crackling thorns and branches which were piled outside the room, and throw some on the fire, which would blaze up and illuminate the faces of all around; for the only other light was the little earthen oil lamp in a niche in one corner, which only served to make the darkness visible. the mullah was evidently bent on making a display of his own dialectic skill at my expense, and began in a rather condescending tone to ask if i knew anything about theology; and on my replying that i had come to the country in order to teach the christian religion, he turned to the audience, and said somewhat contemptuously: "i do not suppose these padres know much, but we will see." he then turned to me and said: "can you tell me the colour of faith?" rather puzzled by the question, i asked what he meant. he said: "why, is it white, or green, or red, or what colour?" i replied that, as an abstract idea, it did not possess the quality of colour. mullah: "then can you tell me what shape it is? is it round, or square, or what?" i: "neither has it any shape. it is only an abstract quality." mullah: "it is evident that he does not know much about theology, seeing he cannot answer such simple questions as the colour and shape of faith." at this time i did not know that the muhammadans ascribed such concrete qualities to all their abstract religious ideas. mullah: "do you know anything about astronomy?" i thought that here at least my knowledge might not be far inferior to that of this mullah, and said: "yes, i think i can answer you any questions on that subject." mullah: "tell me, then, what becomes of the sun when it sinks below the horizon every evening?" i then proceeded to as simple and lucid an explanation as i could of the revolutions of the earth on its axis, but could see from the looks and ejaculations of the audience that they thought the idea rather a mad one. the mullah himself made no effort to conceal his contempt, and said: "that, then, is all you know about it?" a little nettled, i said: "well, what explanation do you give?" "we all know that the fires of hell are under the earth. the sun passes down there every night, and therefore comes up blazing hot in the morning." i rather had my breath taken away by this explanation, which met with ejaculations of approbation from the men around me, and i incautiously asked the mullah if he could explain the seasons. mullah (turning to the people): "it is evident that i shall have to teach him everything from the beginning." to me: "it is in the spring that the devil makes up his fires, and piles on the firewood. therefore the fires get very hot in the summer, and cool down later on. that is why the summer sun is so hot." needless to say, the explanations of the mullah appeared to the audience as rational and lucid as mine were far-fetched and incomprehensible, and they had no doubt as to which of the disputants had won the day. from this it can be seen that if a young missionary thinks that a mere knowledge of western learning and western logic will enable him to cope with the very limited learning of the afghan mullahs on their own ground, he is vastly mistaken, and will before long be put to ridicule, as i was on the above occasion, which was one of my earliest experiences on the frontier. since then i have learnt how to argue with afghan logic, and from the afghan point of view. if it happens that the mullah, or some friend of his, is in need of medical or surgical advice, his attitude to you will undergo a great change, and you will have much greater facilities for carrying on your work among the people. sometimes, when he sees the benefits accruing to the poor people who had no other prospect of getting medical relief, his attitude becomes unexpectedly friendly, as his better feelings prevail over his religious animosity. once, having set out on an itineration, some pathans came to tell me i might as well save myself the trouble of going in that direction because a certain mullah, who had much influence in those parts, had gone before us, warning the people not to accept our treatment, listen to our preaching, or even come near us. i answered by the remark which appeals to the muhammadan mind under almost every conceivable circumstance: "whatever god's will has ordained will be," and told him we should adhere to our original plan. on the first two days the people certainly seemed suspicious, and very few came near us. while we were on the march on the third day, passing not very far from a village, a man who had apparently noticed us from the village, which was situated on an eminence above the road, came running down to us, and, after the usual salutations, said: "there is an old patient of yours here who is very anxious to see you; please turn aside and come to the house." on arrival we found that it was a woman who, a year before, had been an inmate of the bannu hospital for malignant tumour on the leg, which had required amputation. before she left the hospital we had made her a rough wooden pin leg, on which she now appeared hobbling along to greet us. she showed great delight at unexpectedly meeting us, and had apparently been telling her fellow-villagers wonderful stories of what she had seen and heard in the mission hospital, and of the unaccountable love and sympathy which had been shown her there, for others of her neighbours came crowding into her little courtyard, and among them, though unknown to us, the mullah who was supposed to be preaching a crusade against us. he had apparently come in on the quiet to see for himself what we and our work were like, and was greatly struck at the undisguised delight with which we were greeted by our old patients; for when the woman of the house begged us to stop while she prepared us a meal, he came forward and disclosed himself, saying: "no; my house is in the next village, and it is my prerogative to entertain the padre sahib. he must come on to my house." at the same time he took up some pashtu gospels which we had been giving away, but which the people, for fear of theological displeasure, had been afraid to take openly, and said: "this is kalam ullah [word of god], and is a good book." thus, in a moment, by this providential presence of the mullah, the whole attitude of our reception was changed. word was passed on from village to village that we had become the guests and eaten the bread of the mullah himself, and that he had pronounced in favour of our books, telling the people that we were ahl-el-kitab, or people of the book, the term which muhammadan theologians apply to christians and jews when they wish to speak of them in a friendly spirit. we were not always equally fortunate, especially in our earlier years on the frontier. about two years after i first went to bannu i went out on a short itineration with my assistant jahan khan, an account of whom is given in chapter xvi. we came to one village where the mullahs had been exciting the feelings of the people against us, and telling them that any food or vessel we touched was thereby defiled. we found it difficult to get food or drinking-vessel even on payment, and some of the patients who came to us were induced to go away, and in some cases to throw away the medicine they had already received. with some difficulty we got a lodging for the night, and early next morning we started off to look for a village where we might get a more hospitable reception. but the minds of the people had already been poisoned against us. we went into the courtyard of the patwar-khana (village bailiff), and sat down and opened our medicines. some hindus came for treatment, and we got one of them to bring us some food; but the muhammadans were universally hostile, and stationed one of their number at the gate to prevent any muhammadan communicating with us. they then apparently became annoyed with the hindus, that they should be participating in benefits from which they had excluded themselves, and stones began to fall into the courtyard where we were seated; and as the hindus in these villages are not only in a small minority, but live in dread of the fiercer muhammadans, even they who had already come to us disappeared, and we were left alone. it seemed useless to stop in a village where we were not welcomed, so we saddled our animals and departed. many years have passed since this experience. patients from both these villages frequently come to the bannu hospital, and now i and my assistants get a welcome and hospitality whenever we visit them. at other times the difficulties of itineration are not so much from the people as from the hardships of travelling among the frontier mountains, where the roads are nil, and the bridle-tracks such that it is often impossible to get a loaded camel through. i will therefore give a short account of a journey from bannu across the wazir hills to thal, which we made in the summer of 1904. as our route lay chiefly through independent territory, it was difficult to procure camel-men for so trying a journey. the men with the first camels we hired ran away when they found we were going into the hills, as not only is the road very difficult for laden animals, but they are afraid of being attacked by wazir robbers, the wazirs having the worst reputation of all the tribes of afghans who live on the border. with some difficulty we got four more camels, and as their owners were themselves wazirs, we prevailed on them to accompany us. we loaded up our tents, medicines, and bedding, and about 9 a. m., when the sun was already very hot, we finally started. besides the two camel-men, there were a hospital assistant, two servants, a muhammadan inquirer, whom i was taking along for the sake of instructing him, and one of the schoolboys, who had persuaded me to let him accompany us, so that we were quite a large party. after toiling for some hours along a mountain defile we came to gumatti post, one of those frontier forts that line the north-west border. this was built close to an old wazir fort, in capturing which, two years ago, colonel tonnochy and captain white lost their lives, as described in chapter i. we passed through the wire entanglement, and spent the heat of the day talking to the native officer and soldiers in charge. in the afternoon we set out again, and marched along the bed of the kurram river, which we had to ford six times, so that before we reached our night camp it had become quite dark. taking advantage of the dark, some light-fingered wazir thieves managed to steal the tent carpet off the back of a camel without our catching sight of them. our camp was in a wazir village, built on a cliff overhanging the river. the people were rather excited, as another wazir clan had been up during the day and made off with twenty head of cattle. however, there were some old patients among the people, so we got a hearty welcome. they made us some tea, and set some of their number to watch round our beds with their martini-henrys ready loaded in case enemies should come during the night. the mullah of the place came and had a talk with us, and then we were soon all fast asleep. next morning we were up betimes, and i found my bed surrounded by a number of women with squalling babies. one mother wanted me to see her baby's eyes, another the stomach of hers, another the ears; in fact, all the babies seemed to have made common cause to delay my departure as long as possible. however, after doling out various lotions and pills, and giving the mothers many instructions, which, i fear, were only heard to be forgotten, we managed to get the camels loaded and started. now, however, a new difficulty confronted us. during the night there must have been heavy rain higher up the valley, for the river was in flood and unfordable. i knew by experience how strong yet deceptive the currents of the river are when it is in flood, for a few weeks before i had been out on a bathing excursion with some of our schoolboys in another part of the same river. i had dived into a deep pool, when i found myself in a return current, which was carrying me back under a small waterfall, where the water was sweeping over an obstruction like a mill-race, with a fall of about four feet. as soon as i got to the fall i went down, down, down, till i thought i was never coming up again. however, i did come up, only, however, to be pulled back at once under the waterfall and down into the depths again. the third time i came up i got a momentary glimpse of two of the boys trying to throw me the end of a pagari. they were, however, much too far away for me to reach it, and i was pulled under again before i had time to get even one good breath. as i went down i wondered if i should ever see the boys again, and how many times i should come up before it was all over. then all at once it struck me that i was very foolish trying to get out at the surface, where the current was beyond my strength, and i must change my tactics; so i turned over and dived down till i felt the boulders at the bottom, and then crept along the bottom with the aid of the current--which there, of course, was flowing downstream--as long as i could. when i could do so no more, and had to strike upwards, i found, to my delight and thankfulness, that i was out of the eddy and going downstream. so it was clearly impossible to keep along the river, even if we had not had laden animals with us. we were obliged, therefore, to make a long dã©tour through the hills, which took us nearly all day. so rough and precipitous was the path that we had the greatest difficulty in getting the camels along, and had several times to unload them in order to get them over bad places. during the afternoon we saw a party of fifteen or sixteen armed wazirs hastening towards us. at first we thought they were coming to loot us, and one of the wazirs with us told us to stop, while he went forward and called out, "are you friends or enemies?" when they replied "friends" he went up to them, and then called us on to join him, when i found that they were a party of outlaws who had fallen foul of the government, and, therefore, had made their escape across the frontier. they got me to sit down with them in the shade of a rock and write down a list of their grievances for them, so that they might propitiate the political officer and obtain permission to return to british india. i was very happy to render them this service, and we parted good friends. i noticed, however, that the wazirs with us seemed uncomfortable, and kept their rifles ready cocked till they had disappeared behind a turn in the defile. i make it a principle never to carry any arms myself, and think i am much safer on that account, but the villagers who accompany me always go well armed; in fact, across the border few afghans can go out of their houses without their rifles on their shoulders ready for use, so terribly prevalent are the blood-feuds and village quarrels. we spent that night in a wazir village, where we saw a number of patients and made fresh friends. the head man of the village apologized next morning for not accompanying us more than half a mile. he said that he had blood-feuds with most of the villages round, and could not, therefore, venture farther. the fame of the bannu mission hospital, however, was our best escort, and passport too, and we got a welcome at almost every village we passed, through the mediation of numerous old patients, who had recounted in all the villages the kind treatment they had received at the hands of the feringis (europeans) in bannu. progress was somewhat delayed by frequent calls to visit a sick person in one or another village, but openings for the gospel were at the same time secured, and the lessons of the parable of the good samaritan imparted. by midday we reached thal, which was for some days to be our field hospital. here we pitched our tents, under the shade of some willows, by a small stream outside the town, and early the next morning started work. a large crowd of sick and their friends had collected from thal itself and the villages round. i first read a passage out of the pashtu testament, and explained it to them in that language. the gospel address over, i wrote out prescriptions for each one in order, which my assistant dispensed to them. after a minor operation or two, a fresh crowd had collected, another address was given, and they, too, were seen and attended to. in this way five lots of patients were treated, and about 200 or 300 people heard the gospel story in their own language. then, as evening was drawing on, we shut up our books and our boxes, washed off the dust of the day's work in the brook hard by, and proceeded to interest ourselves in the operations which the cook was conducting over an improvised fireplace, made of a couple of bricks placed on either side of a small hole in the ground. dinner over, we had family prayers, and then fell soundly asleep. an interesting town where we have sometimes stopped in our itinerations is that of kalabagh. it is situated on the right bank of the river indus where it finally breaks forth from the rocky gorge that has hemmed it in with high, often precipitous, sides, which rise at dimdot to a sheer height of four hundred feet above the surging river, on to the boundless alluvial plain of the panjab. in some of the bends between attock and kalabagh, it rushes at a great speed over rapids, where the boatmen warily guide their heavy river boats, lest they be drawn into some whirlpool, or dashed against the precipitous sides; at others there are deep, silent reaches where the bottom is two hundred feet from the surface. during the hot weather, when the river is in flood, it is an exciting experience to be ferried across its dark grey surging stream. at kalabagh there are extensive quarries of salt of a beautiful pink and white colour and great purity; these bring in a considerable revenue to the government. the town itself is built on the side of a hill of red salt marl, some of the houses being quarried out of the salt itself, so that the owner has only to chip off a bit of his own wall in order to season his cooking-pot. it is a standing grievance with the inhabitants that their own walls are government contraband, and they are subject to a fine if they sell a brick from their wall without paying duty on it. the streets are narrow and winding, and being, many of them, roofed and even built over, are very dark, and in the hot summer nights insufferably close and hot, and at all times distinctly insanitary and malodorous. the people are pale and anã¦mic, and nearly all suffer from goitre in a greater or less degree. they form a great contrast to the hardy mountaineers of the bangi khel khattak tribe on the hills behind them. these form one of the great recruiting grounds of the pathan regiments of the frontier, while from kalabagh itself it would be hard to find a score of men who could pass the recruiting officer. in the sultry summer weather the inhabitants spend the day under a number of large banyan-trees (ficus indica) which are scattered along the edge of the river. here, too, the civil officers of the district hold their courts, and i was encamped under a spacious banyan. its spreading branches not only sheltered me and all the sick and visitors who thronged around me, but also the deputy commissioner of the district and his court, together with the crowd of suitors and applicants that always followed in his train; and the district judge, with his court, and a crowd of litigants, pleaders and witnesses--and this all without incommoding one another. the land away from the river is pulsating with the fervid heat of the summer sun, and the town itself is like an oven; but there is nearly always a cool breeze blowing on the bank of the river, and, when heated and dusty with the day's work, one can throw off one's clothes and cool oneself with a swim in the river, where the young men of the place are disporting themselves all their leisure time. they use the inflated skin of a goat or of a cow, and, supporting themselves on this, can rest on the deep, cool bosom of the river as long as they like without fatigue. the river is too rapid for them to travel upstream, but when business takes them downstream, they simply fasten their clothes in a bundle on their heads, lie across their inflated skin, and quietly drift downstream at about four miles an hour as far as they desire. on returning, they simply deflate their skin, and sling it over their shoulders. we were usually thronged with patients here from morning to evening, and i have seen as many as three hundred in one day, the work including a number of operations. one day a noted muhammadan sheikh visited the place. he was a convert from hinduism, and was travelling about the country preaching islam and decrying the christian and hindu religions. he sent us a challenge to meet him in a public discussion on the respective merits of the cross and the crescent. i was reluctant, as such discussions are seldom conducted fairly or sincerely; but, finding my reluctance was being misunderstood, i consented, and we met one evening, a muhammadan gentleman of the place being appointed chairman. it was arranged that we were each in turn to ask a question, which the other was to answer. he was given the first question, and asked how it was that we had not miraculous powers, seeing that the bible said that those who believed in christ should be able to take poison or be bitten of snakes without suffering injury. the catechist with me gave so lucid and categorical a reply that the muhammadan disputant and chairman changed their tone, and said that, as the time was getting late, it would be better to postpone my question till another time. needless to say, that more convenient time never came, and we were not again challenged to a discussion at kalabagh, and the sheikh left for fresh pastures a few days later. chapter ix afghan mullahs no priesthood in islam--yet the mullahs ubiquitous--their great influence--theological refinements--the power of a charm--bazaar disputations--a friend in need--a frontier pope--in a militia post--a long ride--a local canterbury--an enemy becomes a friend--the ghazi fanatic--an outrage on an english officer. here we are met by an apparent paradox. there is no section of the people of afghanistan which has a greater influence on the life of the people than the mullahs, yet it has been truly said that there is no priesthood in islam. according to the tenets of islam, there is no act of worship and no religious rite which may not, in the absence of a mullah, be equally well performed by any pious layman; yet, on the other hand, circumstances have enabled the mullahs of afghanistan to wield a power over the populations which is sometimes, it appears, greater than the power of the throne itself. for one thing, knowledge has been almost limited to the priestly class, and in a village where the mullahs are almost the only men who can lay claim to anything more than the most rudimentary learning it is only natural that they should have the people of the village entirely in their own control. then, the afghan is a muhammadan to the backbone, and prides himself on his religious zeal, so that the mullah becomes to him the embodiment of what is most national and sacred. the mullahs are, too, the ultimate dispensers of justice, for there are only two legal appeals in afghanistan--one to the theological law, as laid down by muhammad and interpreted by the mullahs; the other to the autocracy of the throne--and even the absolute amir would hesitate to give an order at variance with muhammadan law, as laid down by the leading mullahs. his religion enters into the minutest detail of an afghan's everyday life, so that there is no affair, however trivial, in which it may not become necessary to make an appeal to the mullah. birth, betrothal, marriage, sickness, death--all require his presence, and as often as not the afghan thinks that if he has called in a mullah to a sick relation there is no further necessity of calling in a doctor. thus the mullah becomes an integral part of afghan life, and as he naturally feels that the advance of mission work and of education must mean the steady diminishing of his influence, he leaves no stone unturned to withstand the teaching of missionaries and to prejudice the minds of the people against them. the great religious fervour of the afghans must be evident to anyone who has had even a cursory acquaintance with them, whether in their mountain homes or as travellers through india. i remember once sitting in a village chauk while a religious discussion was going on which threatened to launch the two opponent parties into making bodily attacks on each other, and the whole of the matter under discussion was whether prayers said by a worshipper on the skin of a jackal were efficacious or not. according to the tenets of islam, if a worshipper were to perform his genuflections on the bare ground they would be of no effect, because the ground might certainly be assumed to be ceremonially polluted. ordinarily, the worshipper will spread a piece of clean cloth, or mat, or skin on the ground, and, removing his shoes beforehand, will perform his prayers thereon. it might be contended, however, that even though the skin of the jackal were absolutely clean, yet the unclean nature of the animal still attached to it, and rendered the prayers ineffective. the matter in this case was referred to a renowned mullah who lived some way off, and to whom both parties had to send deputations several days' journey. then, in the mission hospital the question has frequently been raised by the afghan patients as to whether it was lawful to say prayers in the clothes provided by the mission for the patients, even though these may have come direct from the washing; and we have been unable to persuade patients to put on clothes, however clean, which might possibly prevent them from saying their prayers until they have brought the case before some mullah who was willing to give an ex cathedrã¢ pronouncement in our favour. mullahs sometimes use the power and influence they possess to rouse the tribes to concerted warfare against the infidels, as they tell them that the english are; and often a prelude to one of the little frontier wars has been some ardent mullah going up and down on the frontier, like peter the hermit, rousing the tribes to come down and fight. often they lay claim to magical powers whereby those who submit themselves to their incantations become invulnerable, so that they are able to stand up before the bullets of the english troops unscathed. before the war of 1897, a mullah, known as the mullah povindah, was reputed to have this power; and many of the afghans i met maintained that they had put it to the test, and seen with their own eyes the bullets fall harmless off the people to whom he had extended his protection. it was useless to say that they were trying to impose upon them, for they thoroughly believed it themselves, as was shown in many cases by the reckless daring with which they charged down on the british troops. even those who may be supposed to be free from the superstition of the ignorant believe with equal fervour in this power of the mullahs and holy men. an instance of this occurs in the memoirs of the late amir abdurrahman, who relates that once during a military review a soldier deliberately shot at him as he was sitting in a chair. the bullet passed through the back of the chair, and wounded a page-boy standing behind. he attributes his escape entirely to a charm written on a piece of paper which a holy man had given to him when a boy. he says: "at first i did not believe in its power to protect; i therefore tried it by tying it round the neck of a sheep, and though i tried hard to shoot the animal, no bullet injured her." one of the commonest experiences of the open-air preacher on the borders of afghanistan is the wordy warfare in which he is obliged to engage with some bellicose mullah. the mullah has heard that the missionary has begun to preach, and he regards it as his duty to come down and champion islam. he brings a big volume of the quran ostentatiously under his arm, and is followed by four or five students, or talibs, ready to applaud all his thrusts, while ridiculing in a very forcible way the replies of the preacher. such arguments can hardly be expected to bear any reasonable fruit, because the object of the mullah is not to ascertain what your views on any doctrine really are, but only to gain a strategical victory and hold you up to ridicule; but it is equally impossible to refuse the challenge, for then not only would the audience conclude that you had no answer to give, but the mullah would take care that no one remained to listen to you. frequently the object of the mullah is to egg the people on to acts of open violence, and then, when they see that the row is well started, they suddenly make themselves scarce, and leave their flock to take the risk of any subsequent police investigations which may result. on one occasion i had a providential deliverance from an unpleasant incident. on proceeding to the place in the market where i usually preached, i found a mullah in possession preaching to a scowling crowd of townsmen. as we had always preached in that particular place for years, i saw it was only a ruse to oust us from preaching first there and then anywhere else where we might go, so i promptly took my place by the mullah's side, and commenced preaching to the same audience. the mullah vociferated, and the audience scowled more and more, and then the mullah, turning to me, said: "look here, you had better get out of this, as these people here are up to mischief, and it may go hard with you." i felt much like micah when the danites said to him: "let not thy voice be heard among us, lest angry fellows run upon thee." but i told the mullah that i held him responsible for the acts of his followers, and i did not intend to forsake the place to which long custom had given us a right. just as the storm seemed about to break, and i momentarily expected to be pitched across the street, a stalwart smith, a well-known muhammadan, himself respected by the people, pushed through the crowd, and, taking the mullah by the arm, said: "now, mullah sahib, you know the padre sahib never interferes with you in your place, and that this is not your proper preaching-place. why do you want to make a row and injure him?" so saying, he took the rather unwilling mullah off to his usual place, and the more unruly portion of the crowd, after hurling a few imprecations at me, followed him, too. our friend the smith was an old hospital patient, so this, too, may be set down, under the overruling providence of god, to the mollifying influence of a medical mission. one of the most influential mullahs on the british side of the afghan border is the mullah karbogha, so called from the village which forms his canterbury. in some respects his influence was directed towards the moral improvement of the people, while in others his religious schools became hotbeds of fanaticism. thus he set his face steadily against the evil practice, which is so prevalent among the frontier afghans, of selling their daughters in marriage to the highest bidder. not long ago a mullah of considerable power, who had himself sold his daughter in marriage, had to make the most abject profession of repentance lest the mullah karbogha should excommunicate him, and he should have to fly the country. he regards the smoking of tobacco as one of the works of the devil, and when the mullah makes his visitation to some village there is a general scramble to hide away all the pipes; for not only would any that he found be publicly broken, but the owner would incur his displeasure. as the afghans do not confine themselves to the soothing weed, but mix it up with a number of intoxicating and injurious substances, such as indian hemp or charras, this attitude of the mullah may be regarded in the light of a reform. unfortunately, he regards it as a heinous sin for any muhammadan to take service with, or to receive pay from, the british government. often on the frontier a grave crisis has threatened to result from the refusal of one of his underlings, or sheikhs, as they are called, to grant the rites of marriage or burial to some unfortunate pathan who has enlisted in one of the regiments of the indian army. the missionaries, of course, are regarded by him and his sheikhs as the embodiment of the heresies of an infidel government. for many years the mullah karbogha apparently ignored me, but finally i had information that his attitude was going to become more distinctly hostile. i thought it better, therefore, to act on the biblical adage to "agree with thine adversary quickly, whilst thou art in the way with him," and to seek to modify his attitude by a personal interview. it was one hot august day that found me and an indian medical assistant riding to this frontier mecca. it was a part of the district notorious for deeds of violence, and after riding some ten miles, when the hot summer sun made us feel the need of some refreshment, we came to one of those villages where is posted a guard of some twenty militia sepoys, who represent the army of the government in their midst. it was only a roughly-built house, loopholed and strengthened in some parts to simulate a fort, and the soldiers themselves were only removed by a few months' military training, a simple uniform, and the salt of the sarkar, which they had eaten, from the families of brigands and highwaymen from which they had been enlisted. there had been a double murder that morning in a village a few miles off, and most of the soldiers were scouring the country round in quest of the marauders; but, as usually happens, the murderers had got a good start, and were already probably well across the frontier. when the soldiers who remained in charge found that it was the bannu daktar sahib who had come so suddenly upon them, they were all attention. tea was brewed, and milk and unleavened cakes were fetched from the village, while men suffering from ague and women bringing their children suffering from various ailments to which afghan children are liable soon came crowding in, and a little store of medicines that we had carried on our saddles was in great request. after refreshing ourselves with their simple hospitality, and chatting with them on the various subjects which come most naturally to travellers and to missionaries, we tightened our saddle-girths, which had been loosened to give the horses a feed, mounted, and rode on. the road lay through a wide and picturesque valley. a small river was dashing into silver spray over the boulders on some steep descent, and elsewhere deepening into some pool overshadowed by acacias and oleanders, where the fish could be seen disporting themselves on the shingly bottom. the sides of the valley rose up to right and left in rough escarpments, where the olive and the gurguri-berry gave a clothing of green to the bare rocks, while here and there the hills receded sufficiently to enable the thrifty husbandman to clear a little piece of land from stones and to plant it with millet, which in good seasons would supply his household with bread through the winter months. after a couple of hours of such riding, we approached the watershed of the valley, northward of which the streams flowed in the opposite direction towards the miranzai and the kurram. it was one of those wide stony plains called in afghanistan raghzas, covered for the most part with stones stained black by oxides of iron and manganese, and called by the people dozakhi kanrai, or "hell-stones," from their tradition that they were thrown there in some ancient conflict between the devils and the angels. the coarse grass springs up in tufts between the stones, and affords a pasturage to the flocks of hardy goats and sheep. shepherds may be seen here and there guarding and attending them, while in parts there may be sufficient soil to give in a rainy season a fair crop of millet or of barley. before long we descried four tall minarets rising up beyond an undulation of the plain. this was our first view of the famed cathedral of this canterbury of the frontier where the mullah karbogha held his court and issued his decrees and excommunications, which carried dismay into any hapless chief's home or village against whom they had been fulminated. as we drew near we met various other travellers, who had come, it may be, to bear the mullah their respects and some votive offerings, or it may be to bring some long-standing dispute for settlement. we wondered within ourselves what the result of our pilgrimage would be. as we drew near we got a fine view of the really beautiful and artistic mosque which the offerings of the faithful had enabled the mullah to build at no little cost in this wild region, where both skilled labour and building material were at a premium. there was a beautiful tank of clear limpid water, supplied by a fountain in the hill above, and here the faithful performed their ablutions before worship. some of the talibs and sheikhs were sitting round the tank and in the courtyard of the mosque, and appeared not a little surprised to see the bannu daktar sahib come to their own mecca. we were informed that the mullah himself had gone to a neighbouring village to decide some dispute, but two of the sons came out to receive us, and led us into a verandah, where we were soon surrounded by the curious of the place. they led our horses away with the promise to look after their needs, and inquired as to the reason of our unexpected arrival. we told them how the fame of the mullah karbogha had reached bannu, and how we had long been desirous of ourselves making his personal acquaintance. after some hesitation, the mullah's eldest son, who was the chief in authority during his absence, asked if he should bring us refreshments. this was what we wished, not so much because the hot august sun had made us both tired and thirsty, but because it had a deeper signification; for, after having once offered us hospitality and broken bread with us, we should be recognized as guests of the mullah, and any opposition which he might have been contemplating against us would be seen at once by the observant afghans around to have been laid aside in favour of the reception due to an honoured guest. we therefore accepted the offer without demur, and tea sweetened with plenty of sugar and flavoured with cardamoms was brought, with biscuits, for our refection. our repast over, and various questions asked and answered, we were left for a time to ourselves, for in the hot summer days of india the noonday hours are as sacred to retirement and repose as those of midnight. after a few hours' interval, wherein we were left to rest ourselves, the mullahs returned and commenced conversation somewhat more affably. they had no doubt found themselves between the horns of a dilemma, for their outward rejection of our advances might have led to acts of open violence on the part of the fanatical inhabitants of the town, the responsibility for which would ultimately have come home to themselves in a way far from pleasant; while, on the other hand, our reception as guests broke down their attitude of hostility, as at once it would be noised all down the countryside that the great mullah had broken the bread of friendship with the daktar sahib from bannu, and among the afghans the relationship between host and guest is inviolable. thus, it came about that on our host making inquiries as to where we intended to spend the night, and finding that we had no other plans, he insisted on our stopping as his guests, and there and then sent his servants for the preparation of our lodging and our evening repast. the ice thus broken, we were able to proceed from general topics to the more abstruse theological speculations, in which his reverence excelled, and, like a summer shower, this friendly interchange of ideas washed away the dust of many old prejudices and misunderstandings, and as the evening hours drew on our talk continued under the starlit canopy of the glorious eastern night, and we were vowing mutual friendship, and he promising on his own behalf and on that of his father himself to become our guests on the next occasion of a visit to bannu. when at last we lay down to rest, we first thanked god, who had so prospered our journey, and broken down the great barrier of prejudice, and opened a way for us to carry on our work in the villages round. many of the people still looked askance at us, and spoke of us as "infidels" and "blasphemers," and would, no doubt, have been led to proceed further at a hint from the mullahs; but our mission had been accepted, and we knew it was only a matter of time that we should be actually welcomed. even now, grown bolder by the attitude of the mullah, some old patients appeared, and insisted on our accompanying them to various houses in the village where there were patients in need of medical help and advice. one cannot overestimate the religious influences emanating from a place like karbogha. numbers of religious students are attracted there by the fame of the mullah even from distant places on both sides of the border, and the offerings of the faithful enable the mullah to give a free-handed hospitality to one and all, and in afghanistan there is no quicker road to influence than the ability to do this. it was a tradition in the villages round that when the mullah daily prepared his saucepans of rice and cakes of unleavened bread in his kitchens, the amount was always found to be sufficient for the pilgrims of that day, even though hundreds might come in before night, unexpected and unprepared for. after imbibing not only his theological teaching, but his religious and political ideals, these students are scattered far and wide from kabul to peshawur, and from zwat to waziristan, where they become his staunch adherents against rival mullahs or against a materialistic government. the more fanatical of these mullahs do not hesitate to incite their pupils to acts of religious fanaticism, or ghaza, as it is called. the ghazi is a man who has taken an oath to kill some non-muhammadan, preferably a european, as representing the ruling race; but, failing that, a hindu or a sikh is a lawful object of his fanaticism. the mullah instils into him the idea that if in so doing he loses his own life, he goes at once to paradise, and enjoys the special delights of the houris and the gardens which are set apart for religious martyrs. when such a disciple has been worked up to the requisite degree of religious excitement, he is usually further fortified by copious draughts of bhang, or indian hemp, which produces a kind of intoxication in which one sees everything red, and the bullet and the bayonet have no longer any terror for him. not a year passes on the frontier but some young officer falls a victim to one of these ghazi fanatics. probably the ghazi has never seen him before in his life, and can have no grudge against him as a man; but he is a "dog and a heretic," and his death a sure road to paradise. one summer afternoon in bannu i went out with some of our schoolboys who were training for the mile race in the coming school tournament. i was accompanying them on my bicycle as they were running round the polo-ground, where some officers of the garrison were enjoying a game of golf. suddenly a young afghan of some eighteen summers, who had been able to arm himself with no more formidable weapon than a sharp axe, rushed up to one of the officers, and, before he could realize what was coming, dealt him a violent blow across the neck. the officer partly shielded himself with his golf-club, and probably thereby saved his life, for the axe came within a hair-breadth of severing the main arteries, and before the fanatic could deal another stroke he was felled to the ground by a blow from another officer with his golf-club. he was only a village youth, with little knowledge of the world, but had been incited to this act of suicidal fanaticism by a mullah, who, without the grit to become a martyr himself, thought it an act of piety to incite the ignorant boy to the murder of an innocent fellow-creature at the sacrifice of his own life. in this case it became known who the mullah in question was, and which was the mosque in which he had given this teaching, and while the boy himself suffered the extreme penalty of the law, the mullah and the mosque were not exempted from its operation. the former was transported to the andamans and the latter dismantled. still, it is well known that other mullahs are daily engaged in the same teaching on both sides of the frontier, and other young bloods are equally desirous of obtaining the sweets of martyrdom. chapter x a tale of a talib early days--the theological curriculum--visit to bannu--a public discussion--new ideas--the forbearance of a native christian--first acquaintance with christians--first confession--a lost love--a stern chase--the lost sheep recovered--bringing his teacher--the mullah converted--excommunication--faithful unto death--fresh temptations--a vain search--a night quest--the mullahs circumvented--dark days--hope ever. muhammad taib was born in the village of thandkoi, in the peshawur district. his father was a small farmer, a good example of the better sort of muhammadan of the yusufzai tribe, thoroughly religious, yet not fanatical, and honest withal. he was careful not only to bring up muhammad taib in a knowledge of his religion, but to preserve him from the vices which are rife among the youth of the pathan villages. taib's inclinations were towards study, and he showed a great aptitude for books. his father, however, was of the old school, which looked with suspicion on the education of the feringis; so it happened with him as with most young men in afghanistan who desire to cultivate their minds: he became a religious student, or talib. there happened to be a mullah in the village known as the khani mullah, who took a great fancy to young taib, so he was placed under his tutelage, and passed his days studying arabic and persian in the village mosque, while at the same time all the tenets and rites of the religion of islam were inculcated and explained. a talib could, however, never attain the knowledge and experience expected of a mullah if he were to remain in his own town; he must travel and sit at the feet of several at least of the mullahs most renowned for their sanctity and learning. so, when young taib was fifteen years of age, he tied up his few books in a shawl, and set out from home to sit at the feet of the renowned manki mullah. the learned man himself would not condescend to teach so immature a pupil, but he was surrounded by his sheikhs, who acted as his staff, and taught the talibs who flocked there from all parts of the country. besides, here taib met with mullahs from delhi, lucknow, bukhara, kabul, and other far-famed seats of learning, contact with whom could not fail to widen the horizon and enlarge the experience of the pupils who sat around them, and listened to their arguments and dissertations on the various schools of thought, and engaged in wordy polemics, which practised the budding mullahs in the art of drawing fine theological distinctions on the interpretation of a hadis or the difference of a vowel point in the quran. of a night the talibs would wile the hours away by telling tales of their respective countries or capping verses from the persian poets. but taib must travel and visit other mullahs, too; so it happened that, when seventeen years old, he visited bannu, and lodged in the mosque of a noted mullah near the bazaar. one day, when passing down the bannu bazaar, he saw a crowd, and, going up, he found an animated discussion going on between two afghans. while one was obviously a mullah, the other seemed not to be; but with him was a companion dressed as a mullah, whose face struck taib as not quite that of any of the afghan tribes he knew. he began to listen to see if the enigma would be solved, but was still more surprised to find that the argument was as to whether the ingil (gospel) and tauret (pentateuch) should be read by muhammadans or not. the mullah was arguing that the books had been abrogated by the mission of muhammad and the descent of the quran on that prophet, saying that, though it was right to read them till muhammad came, since then it was only lawful to read the quran. the stranger, on the other hand, pointed out that muhammad himself expressly referred his followers to the perusal and study of the "former scriptures," and clinched his argument by quotations from the quran itself. finally, the mullah, finding himself getting into a dilemma, obtained a release by the artifice with which we are very familiar by now. "it is time for afternoon prayers. i must hurry off, or my prayers will lapse by default," he said; and, folding up his quran in his shawl, hurried off. finding their champion gone, another in the crowd called out: "all who are mussalmans go away; he is no true mussalman who stops to listen to these kafirs. there is no god but god, and muhammad is the prophet of god." and then with one voice all the crowd took up the last sentence and shouted in unison: "la ilaha ilia 'llahu, muhammadun rasulu 'llah!" till the bazaar echoed with the sound; and then, with jeers and curses at the two preachers, in which taib thought it the proper thing to join, the crowd dispersed. "who were those two kafirs?" said taib to a bannuchi talib who was walking away with him. "the one in the dress of a mullah is a feringi whom we call the padre sahib. he has built a hospital here, where he preaches to the people about hazrat 'esa, and he has, indeed, misled many; in fact, the other kafir who was with him was led astray by him: he is an afghan from laghman, and has brought disgrace on the prophet. may god destroy them both!" taib thought here would be good opportunities for acquiring the art of theological polemics, so he came regularly every day with other talibs to support the muslim champion and jeer at the christians if they appeared at all discomfited. he could not help, however, being struck by the forbearance of the laghmani, who preserved an equable temper, though the talibs tried to excite him by all the opprobrious epithets with which their repertory is so well supplied. he saw, too, that the more difficult their champions found it to answer his arguments, the more they resorted to the expedient of crying him down with derisive shouts and jeers, and he began to have a feeling of sympathy, if not admiration, for him. then one day he waited behind till the talibs with him had gone, and the afghan preacher, seeing him lingering, took him by the arm and entered into conversation with him. they went on talking till they reached the mission compound, and taib accepted the invitation of the preacher to stop the night with him. instead of finding him a reviler of the prophet and a miscreant, as he expected, he found that all he said was quite reasonable and free from the rancour which his talib friends always introduced into their theological arguments. then the peace and comfort of a christian home, where the wife, instead of being a chattel or a drudge, was a real helpmate, opened up new trains of thought in his mind. the laghmani, too, was a pathan, like himself, with the same afghan prejudices and predilections, and yet there was an undefinable something in him, a spirit of self-control and self-abnegation and inward peace of mind, that he did not remember having met with in any pathan before. in short, taib, instead of being the guest of one night, as he had at first, not without misgiving, consented to be, stopped on to learn more of the new doctrine and discover the secret of the change that had been effected in the afghan preacher. taib proved an apt pupil, and the natural gentleness and fairness of his character made christianity all the more attractive to him, and he applied himself with assiduity to the study of the christian scriptures, and attended the christian worship. there were struggles without and doubts within to contend against. his former talib companions came in a body to see whether the padre sahib had kidnapped him, and when they found him stopping in the mission compound of his own freewill abused him and threatened him, but did not succeed in getting him away. one of the chief bannu mullahs came and argued with him for hours, telling him he was guilty of mortal sin in even allowing himself to entertain doubts about the truth of islam. but taib had become fascinated with the scriptures, and especially with the teaching of the gospels, as is often the case with those who have never read them till adult life, and he had no intention of forsaking his host till quite decided one way or the other. ultimately he decided that the prophet christ must indeed be the son of god, the very saviour that he claimed to be, and he asked for baptism. it was thought better to let him wait a few months till he had a maturer knowledge of the doctrines of christianity, and had shown his sincerity by standing some of the fire of persecution. there was no lack of the latter. when he accompanied us to the bazaar preaching, the foulest abuse was showered on him, and sometimes stones were thrown, and on one occasion, when he was caught alone, he received a beating from some talibs and others. the bishop of lahore visited the station about that time, and muhammad taib was baptized under the new name of taib khan, and was radiant with delight at having been at last admitted to the christian church. i was going on a long medical itineration about that time, and he accompanied me, and was zealous in his new-found faith, taking every opportunity of drawing mullahs and others into conversation about the claims of christ and the witness of the quran to him. those were perhaps the happiest days he ever experienced. then came a new trial. taib had been betrothed to a girl in his village, and his relations, having heard of his baptism, came to bannu. in nothing is the honour and sharm of the pathan more nearly touched than in his marital relation, and the taunt that he had lost the sharm which every pathan so dearly loves, came nearer home to him than persecution or loss of land and patrimony. one morning i found that taib had disappeared. no one knew exactly when or how, but he had been seen with the people from his village the night before, and nothing more was known. i assumed that by inducement or force they had taken him away to his village, and therefore would have gone by the kohat road; but they had already had at least eight hours' start, and the sun was now declining. however, no time was to be lost, so i got an ekka, or native pony-cart, and, taking with me a young bannuchi convert, sahib khan by name, started off in pursuit. for a long time we could get no news of the fugitives; then, at a village thirty-five miles from bannu, i was told that some pathans answering to the description of taib and his captors had said their afternoon prayers in the mosque there and then gone on. our pony was too tired to go farther; it was already midnight; the next stage was eleven miles on, and they would certainly leave there before daybreak. what was to be done? while we were debating this, we heard the bugle of the tonga with the mails. this runs between bannu and kohat every day in the winter and every night in the summer, and accommodates three passengers. if the seats had not been taken, we might go on in this. it so happened that two seats were vacant, so we got in, and soon arrived at the next stage, a village called banda. here we alighted. it was 1 a.m. the village was silent and dark except for the light of the half-moon. on the side of the hill above the village was the village mosque, and we knew that was the most likely place for travellers to lodge; so we passed through the silent village, and, removing our shoes, entered the courtyard of the mosque. thirteen men were stretched on the ground fast asleep and covered with their chadars, the sheet or shawl which an afghan always carries about him and uses as a girdle or shawl during the day, and wraps himself up in cap-ã -pie at night. as afghans always sleep with their heads covered in their sheet or quilt, we could not recognize the object of our search, and to wake all would mean certain defeat. but the bannuchies are at home in any night-work requiring stealth, so by the light of the setting moon my companion lifted the corner of the sheet from off the faces of the sleepers without waking any of them, and the last one was taib himself. a touch on his shoulder and he was roused, and recognized us. i merely said to him: "will you come back with me to bannu?" he answered, "yes, sahib," and got up, wound on his turban, and left with us without another word. we had to walk back to khurram, the village where we had left our pony-cart, and, finding it still there, drove back to bannu with the lost sheep, found none too soon. months now passed in study and in learning the work of a ward assistant in the mission hospital, so that he might be able to earn his own living, and use the opportunities of the mission hospital in working among the afghans attending it. there was a mullah in a village not far from bannu, where he acted as the imam and village schoolmaster. at one time taib had himself been his pupil, and was much attached to him. he had long been desirous of getting this mullah, his quondam teacher, or ustad, to study the claims of christ, and one day he had visited him with this object. when the mullah mentioned that he had been suffering from some deafness for some months past, "come to the mission hospital," said taib; "the padre sahib there will certainly cure you." the mullah hesitated at first when he heard that every day an address on christian doctrine was given to the assembled out-patients before they were treated. he thought it hardly seemly that he, a mullah and an ustad, should sit and listen to heretical teaching without being able to protest. however, tales of others who had been under treatment and recovered won the day, and he decided to go. "after all," he said, "i need not listen, and i can say extra prayers to atone for any sin there may be in my going." he came regularly till the cure was complete, but he did not keep up his intention of not listening to the preacher; in fact, some things that were said riveted his attention, and made him go home and search his quran, and his curiosity was aroused, and he talked over many things with taib khan, and finally came to me to ask me if i would read the gospels with him. he was careful to say that he had not any intention of becoming a christian, but merely desired to read them because every muhammadan regarded them with veneration as the word of god. the sermon on the mount entranced him, and he used to kiss the book and place it on his head, as muhammadans do with their quran. he would read by the hour, but as i had not much time to devote to him, he used to betake himself to the room of taib khan, and sit there half the day studying the scriptures. this could not go on, of course; the people of the village heard of it, and said that they must have an imam who was free from the suspicion of heresy; he lost his pupils, and at last a synod of the chief mullahs of bannu formally excommunicated him. he then came to live in the mission compound, and spent some happy months in study, while supporting himself as custodian of the mission bookshop. seldom have i seen so remarkable a growth of the christian graces in the character of any of our converts as in this man, and it was a great delight to see him admitted to christian baptism, already more mature in christian character than many who had been in the visible church for years. he bore the most scurrilous abuse with exemplary forbearance, and even when struck, as happened several times when going through the bazaar, forbore to retaliate, which for an afghan is the acme of self-control. he was a seyyid--that is, one who claims descent from muhammad--and when he came with us to the bazaar preachings, and stood by our side, the people were furious with him, saying that it was bad enough that he, a mullah and a seyyid, should have become a christian, but to parade it there in the bazaar in that shameless way was too much, and if he did not desist they would certainly kill him. i recommended him to abstain from accompanying us to the bazaar preachings, because i feared that the people would indeed put their threat into execution, but he would not hear of it. he had read, he said, that our lord said he would be ashamed of those who were ashamed of him before the world, so how could he refrain from showing publicly that he had become a christian? he would think it an honour if he could obtain the crown of martyrdom for the sake of the saviour in whom he had believed. one morning he found an afghan dagger lying outside his door. we thought perhaps his enemy had come in the night, but had been startled by the night watchman and escaped, dropping his weapon; or it might be that it had been left there to scare him, as much as to say, "that is what is waiting for you if you do not desist." as a precaution i told him not to sleep there any more, but gave him a bed in the house of a native christian near where i slept myself; for it was summer, and we were all sleeping in the open. three nights later i was awakened about one o'clock in the morning by the report of a gun, and, running over instinctively to seyyid badshah, found the enemy had indeed come and shot him through the stomach. everything possible was done for him, but the wound was mortal, and that evening he passed away, his last words being: "o lord jesus, i am thy servant!" there were many moist eyes as we carried seyyid badshah to his last resting-place in the little cemetery at bannu. his had been a very lovable character, and in his short christian life he had been the means of influencing more than one afghan towards christ. one in particular was a mullah from the yusufzai country, abdullah by name; and we sometimes spoke of the "four generations," as in these few years taib had been brought by the afghan preacher from laghman, whose story is given in chapter xvi.; then taib had been the instrument in bringing seyyid badshah; and through seyyid badshah's influence this other mullah believed. taib khan continued in the work of the mission hospital, but fresh trials were about to test and sift him more severely than ever. the old friend of his boyhood, the khani mullah, and some relations came down to bannu, and while pretending at first to acquiesce in his having become a christian, recalled to him the memories and associations of his boyhood. he became violently homesick. the old village scenes, his patrimony there only waiting for him to claim, the girl to whom he had been engaged, and whom her parents were, they said, still keeping unmarried in hopes that taib would recant and claim her--all these old scenes and ideas came to him with such irresistible force that he came to me one day and asked for a month's leave, that he might revisit his village. i well knew the dangers to which he would be exposed, but i sympathized with his homesick state of mind, and knew it would be futile to expect him to stifle it, so i gave him leave, and, warning him of the specious nature of the suggestions and temptations which would be offered to him there, reluctantly parted from him. at the same time i told him that if he did not return at the expiration of the month, i should conclude that something was wrong, and go in search of him. the month passed, and taib did not appear, so i started for peshawur, and thence to thandkoi, to get news of him. i took as my companion azizuddin, an afghan, who but for his conversion to christianity would have been a distinguished mullah, but now was a simple mission catechist. it was a long walk of about seventeen miles from the station to the village, and we were caught in a tropical thunderstorm. watercourses that had been all but dry an hour before were now surging up to our armpits, and could only be forded with difficulty. we reached the village like drowned rats, and the people were kind to us and dried our clothes and gave us breakfast; but all inquiries as to taib khan were fruitless, though someone indeed told us that he had gone to the akhund of swat in company with the khani mullah. we had to return to peshawur after a bootless search. a fortnight later, while on tour in the kohat district, news was brought me that taib was again in his village. this time i took a convert from islam with the very muhammadan name of muhammad hoseã¯n. though children born of christian parents are never given names distinctive of islam, yet when converts have such names, and are not desirous of changing them, we do not advocate a change of name, because we wish them to feel that the change is a spiritual and not a material one. so muhammad hoseã¯n and i set off, but resolved to proceed more warily than in my previous visit; so, instead of going straight into the village, we sat down by a well outside the neighbouring town of zaida, and my companion, leaving me there, went into the town to make inquiries. zaida is a larger and more important place than thandkoi, and contains many mosques, while the overlord is a well-educated muhammadan nobleman, an alumnus of the peshawur mission school. he was led to believe that taib was secreted in one of the mosques there, but would not be allowed to appear except perhaps at night. he returned to me at the well, and by this time it had become known who we were, so there was less hope than ever of taib being allowed to show himself. as evening drew on we made as though we would return to peshawur, but on reaching the first village on the peshawur road i let my friend go on alone, while i returned for a night quest. at the same time i told him to wait for me till morning at the ferry over the kabul river, fifteen miles distant. i bound my turban over my face, as is the custom with pathans when they wish to be incognito, and, throwing my lungi, or shawl, over all, returned to zaida. i entered the mosques one by one, and finally discovered taib seated with some mullahs in one of them. i was still far from the attainment of my object, as to have made myself known to taib under such conditions would, of course, have been fatal; so i betook myself to the chief of the village above mentioned. he, being in government service, was away, but his brother received me, and i told him that i had reason to believe that taib khan was being kept there against his will, and wished him to call the young man and inquire from him whether he wished to return to bannu with me or no. the chief, who had received me with the greatest good-nature, even though he had been roused from his sleep for the purpose, acceded to my request and sent a messenger to have taib and the other mullahs called. taib was much astonished, and apparently ashamed too, when he saw me; but when the chief addressed him, saying, "do you wish to stop here as a muhammadan or return with the padre sahib?" he at once replied: "i will go with the padre sahib." there was a great clamour from the mullahs, on the one hand urging taib not to leave, and reviling him when he persisted, and on the other insisting to the chief that taib was really a true muhammadan, and did not want to go, but the eye of the padre sahib had a mesmeric influence on him, and he should not, as a true mussulman himself, allow taib to go away with me. both taib and the chief, however, stood firm, and the chief, turning to me, said: "now take him away with you, and look better after him in the future; but make haste, and do not loiter on the way. i will see that no one leaves the village for half an hour; after that you must look out for yourselves." i thanked him for his courtesy, and taib and i wasted no time on the road, and reached the kabul river at dawn, just as muhammad hoseã¯n was about to cross over. some years passed, and taib khan became one of our valued mission workers, and i hoped that he was mature and strong enough to stand any vicissitudes; but often one finds that, while a convert in his first enthusiasm will suffer much for the gospel's sake, afterwards an inordinate idea of his own power and importance grows upon him, and he falls a victim to the blandishments of false friends who seek his downfall. so it turned out with taib khan: he, like most of the afghan converts, would not have shrunk from martyrdom, and, in fact, he had already undergone great hardships and sufferings for the gospel's sake. he was put in joint charge with another indian christian of a rather remote dispensary. the muhammadans of the place became very friendly, and pointed out how needless it was for him to forsake his village, his relations, and the graves of his forefathers just because he wished to be a christian; let him be a christian if he liked--it was no doubt written in his fate that he should be so--but let him go and live in his village. with the knowledge that he had acquired of medicine he could easily earn enough to support himself and his wife and child, and besides that he could claim the piece of land that was his by right, if he took the trouble to prove his title to it. then followed a spiritual decline. hypercritical objections to christianity, which had never troubled him before, were made into excuses for returning more and more to his original muhammadan position. finally he went to live in his village, conforming himself outwardly at least to the muhammadan standard, though, no doubt, professing in some respects still to have an attachment to the christian religion. who is to judge? even through perverts christian doctrine continues to permeate the great mass of islam, and god will undoubtedly bring back his own at the last. so, "undeterred by seeming failure," we work and pray on, leaving the result with him who knows the hearts of men. chapter xi school-work different views of educational work--the changed attitude of the mullahs--his majesty the amir and education--dangers of secular education--the mission hostel--india emphatically religious--indian schoolboys contrasted with english schoolboys--school and marriage--advantage of personal contact--uses of a swimming-tank--an unpromising scholar--unwelcome discipline--a ward of court--morning prayers--an afghan university--a cricket-match--an exciting finish--a sad sequel--an officer's funeral--a contrast--just in time. there are four attitudes towards educational work: that of the people at large, who desire learning, not usually for learning's sake, but because that is the portal of government preferment and commercial success; that of the priests and religious-conservative element, who oppose it tooth and nail as subversive of the old religious ideas and priestly power; that of the missionary, who finds therein his vantage-ground for familiarizing the intelligent and influential section of the people with the doctrines and ideals of the christian religion; and that of the government, which, indifferent alike to the motives of the missionary and the opposition of the mullahs, requires educated young men for administrative posts, and believes that education eclipses fanaticism. "any parent sending his son to the mission school will be excommunicated" was the fatwa of the mullahs at bannu when the mission school was inaugurated; the delinquent would be unable to get priestly assistance for marriage, for burial, or for the other rites so essential to a muhammadan's religious safety. but parents and boys alike were desirous of availing themselves of the advantages of the school, so the mullahs relented, and said: "let the boys go to school, but beware lest they learn english, for english is the language of infidelity, and will certainly destroy their souls." but without english all the best government appointments were unattainable, and their boys would have to be content with inferior posts and inferior pay; so pressure was again brought to bear on the mullahs, and the fiat went forth: "let the boys read english, so long as they do not read the christian scriptures, for the christians have tampered with those books, and it is no longer lawful for true muhammadans to read them." again a little patience and a little gaining of confidence, and the mullahs tacitly retracted this restriction too, and now many of the most prominent mullahs themselves send their sons to the mission school. the muhammadan lads compete zealously with the others for the scripture prizes, and in 1907 two muhammadan officials gave prizes to be awarded to the boys who were most proficient in scripture in the matriculation class. sic tempora mutantur! a significant occurrence was the visit of his majesty the amir of afghanistan to the islamic college at lahore, when he made a speech, in which he reiterated the advice: "acquire knowledge! acquire knowledge! acquire knowledge!" and went on to say that if they had been previously well grounded in their religion they need not fear lest the study of western science might overthrow their beliefs or undermine their faith. thus most of the muhammadan boys in our school have already studied the quran in a mosque, and many continue to receive religious teaching from their mullah while studying in school. thus they enter school at an older age than the hindu students, who, except in family life, take little count of their religion, and slight their priests. the danger is obvious: faith in the old order is lost, and there is nothing but a conceited and bumptious materialism to take its place. here it is that the mission school holds the advantage of the government institution. the latter, in the endeavour to be impartial, excludes all religious teaching, and therewith loses the most valuable means of moral training. the mission school, on the other hand, gives special prominence to religious and moral training, which go hand-in-hand. "i prefer sending my son to the mission school," said a muhammadan father to me once, "because he will be taught the religious incentives to moral conduct there, and i shall not be afraid of his character losing its moral balance." and this was said by a man thoroughly orthodox and zealous in his own religion. there can be no doubt that a far smaller proportion of the students in mission schools and colleges lose the religious instinct of their forefathers, and it is often the loss of this which results in moral instability and ruin. "i never took an interest in studying my own religion till i was taught scripture in the mission school," said a pupil to me; and, of course, we encourage the boys not only to perform the religious duties inculcated by their own religion, but to study it thoughtfully, and see how far it satisfies the aspirations of their souls. a visitor to our school hostel of an early morning would find the muhammadans saying their prayers and the hindus their devotions, and we encourage this, and give facilities for it by setting apart places for its performance, because it is a terrible thing to take away a boy's faith, even though it be a faith in a mistaken creed, and i think the man who has argued or bantered a young fellow out of his faith without bringing him to a higher faith has incurred a grave responsibility. the real enemy of the christian faith is not so much islam or hinduism, but infidelity and a gross materialism. it is not education that is to blame for the unrest, sedition, and materialism which threatens to engulf india, but the government system of education has undoubtedly much to answer for. god is ignored in government schools, prayer is proscribed, and the teachings of english socialistic and materialistic philosophers are poured into the capacious but untrained minds of the students. the result is mental intoxication and libertinism. india has always been religious to the core, and learning and religion have gone hand-in-hand. the result of their divorce is destructive to moral stability, and the nemesis of the policy will pursue the country for years, even if, as is to be hoped, the policy itself be discontinued. when i first went to india i had a prejudice against mission schools, and protested against a medical missionary having to superintend one; but i have become convinced that the hope of india is in her mission colleges and schools, for it is in their alumni that we find young men who have been able to acquire western knowledge without losing the religious spirit, learning without moral atrophy, mental nobility without a conceited mien and disrespect for their parents, and breadth of view without disloyalty and sedition. i should like to see the government close all their schools and colleges except those for primary and technical education, and devote the money saved to the encouragement of private effort on lines more germane to the spirit of the country. the indian student is an attractive personality and well worth sympathetic study, for he is the future of the country in embryo. the schoolboy has not yet lost the ancient indian respect, even love, of the pupil to the master, and is therefore much more readily subjected to discipline than his english counterpart. his chief failing is his incorrigible propensity to what is known in english schools as "sneaking"; schoolboy honour and esprit de corps are being developed in mission schools, but have very little basis on which to build. "please, sir, mahtab din has been pinching me." "shuja'at 'ali has stolen my book." "ram chand has spilt the ink on my copy-book." if the master is willing to listen to tales of this kind, he will get a continuous supply of them all day long. there are few boys who are not ready, by fair means or foul, to use a master for paying off a grudge against a fellow-student, and as the schemes are often deeply laid and the schemers very plausible, the master has to be very much "all there," or, on the plea of maintaining discipline, he will be merely a tool in a personal quarrel. once two or three of the senior students came to bring to me serious charges against the moral character of one of the junior masters. they were prima facie well substantiated by witnesses, but on further investigation it turned out that the whole affair had been engineered merely because the master had broken up an undesirable clique of theirs. such habits have, of course, to be sternly repressed. there is much greater diversity in the social status of the boys in an indian school than in english schools. in the bannu mission school every class of the community is represented--from the son of the rich landowner to that of the labourer, from the brahmin to the outcast--and not only do they get on well together, without the poor boy having to feel by taunt or treatment that he is unwelcome or despised, but i have often come across genuine acts of charity which have been done quite naturally and without any ostentation; in fact, they tried to keep it secret in more cases than one. thus, a poor boy, unable to buy his books, has had them supplied to him by the richer boys in the class. in one case a poor boy was left quite destitute by the death of his father, and some of the boys arranged a small subscription month by month to enable him to remain at school. the bannu school course commences in the infant class, where little toddles of five summers sit on grass-mats and learn their alphabet, to the big lads of eighteen in the fifth form, who are preparing for the matriculation of the punjab university. visitors are sometimes surprised to be told that many of the boys in this class are married and have children, but such is unfortunately still the case. at one time even much younger boys married, but a school law was passed that any pupil marrying under the age of sixteen would be expelled. since then some twenty or more boys have had to leave because their parents, usually much against the boys' will, insisted on getting them married below this age. but many marriages have been postponed, and there is a healthier public feeling against early marriage, and we hope that before long there will be no married boys in the school at all. i place great importance on the influence of the school hostels. these are the boarding-houses where those students whose homes are in the remoter parts of the district reside, and the contrast between our raw material, the uncouth, prejudiced village lad, and the finished product, the gentlemanly, affectionate student who is about to leave us, is an object-lesson in itself. the boarders, though comparatively few in number, are really the nucleus of the school, and take a prominent part in matches and in school life in general quite out of proportion to their numbers. the missionary is constantly in contact with them, and they come to him at all seasons, till the relationship is more like that of a father to his family than of a master to his students. such students leave the hostel with friendly feelings towards christians and englishmen, which show themselves in after-years in the hospitable and hearty reception which they accord not only to the missionary, but to others who may be visiting their village. there is a swimming-tank attached to the hostel, and the boys bathe every morning except in the coldest winter months, when they bathe at the well, where the water is several degrees warmer. woe betide the boy who is found asleep after sunrise! for should the manager come round and find him so, he is hauled out by two of the monitors, who, seizing him by hands and feet, toss him far into the swimming-tank before he quite knows whether he is dreaming or awake. a similar punishment is inflicted on a boy using foul language, who is thrown in, clothes and all, for purification from its stain. at one time visitors often got opportunities of seeing the punishment inflicted, but it is getting rarer now as the standard rises. a strange fragment of frontier boyhood was amal khan. he was brought down to us from afghanistan by a friendly sardar, who had taken an interest in him. he was only about eleven years old, but his father and most of his family had been killed in vendettas, and his ruling passion was to grow big and strong, buy a rifle, and go in quest of the murderers or their relatives. his gentle little face and winsome manner seemed so out of keeping with the cold bloodthirstiness of the remarks he used to make with the greatest naã¯vetã© that he was looked on as a kind of curiosity. later on, when he had made some acquaintance with scripture, he used to like to hear the gospel stories of the gentleness of jesus--the good shepherd, the miracles of compassion, the parable of the good samaritan, and such like; but even then the passion for revenge seemed to dominate his little breast, and he finally went back to his village across the afghan border in order to apply himself more seriously to the object of his fate. once a well-to-do afghan brought down his three sons to place them in our hostel, and told me i might use any means i liked to discipline them, short of shooting them. he had evidently found them too much of a handful himself. they had been accustomed to run wild in a wild country, and any idea of sitting still in a classroom to learn lessons seemed to have never entered their heads. they seemed so accustomed to the use of knife and revolver that the other boys, afghans though they were, came to ask me to take precautions for their safety. finally, when i had to "discipline" them, and that was not before very long, they all three disappeared, and i never saw them till, some years later, i visited their village. once a government civilian wrote asking me to take a young ward of court into my hostel. the account of him was not promising, as, though only sixteen, he had been turned out of two schools for misconduct. his family was of noble afghan descent, but had been bereft of most of its male members owing to the wretched blood-feuds, and this boy was now the head of the family. hoping to be able yet to save him and to make him a power for good instead of for evil, as he must by his position become one or other, i consented, and a day was appointed for his admission. the day passed, but the boy did not appear. i then got a letter from the officer responsible for him, saying that as he had just murdered his younger brother, the hope of his schooling must be abandoned. some of the masters of the little government primary schools in the more remote parts lead very unenviable lives, especially if they happen to be hindus. their pupils often defy their authority, and they are afraid to chastise them. i have myself seen a boy allowed to sit in class with a loaded revolver in his belt. the unwillingness of the master to enforce his authority is excusable, yet, had he complained, he would merely have lost his place and his pittance. on another occasion i came upon a poor hindu schoolmaster in a certain village who was about to send in his resignation. he had punished a boy for playing truant, and the father had just been round with a loaded rifle and dared him to touch his son again. in the mission school the work of the day commences with roll-call, at which a portion of scripture is read by the headmaster, and the lord's prayer repeated. during the latter the boys have to stand. they do not object to this, but i remember once a hindu boy being accused of having become a christian because he had shut his eyes and folded his hands during the prayer. he told me that many of the boys really joined in the prayer, and certainly they have got to value and appreciate prayer. on a sunday evening the boarders come to my house to sing hymns from "sacred songs and solos" and vernacular collections, and if i omit to offer the usual prayer at the close, they remind me of the omission; they do not wish to go away without it. once, at a cricket-match with a rival school, when the issue of the game was hanging in the balance, and depended on the last man, who had just gone in, making four runs, a muhammadan afghan, one of the eleven, retired to a corner of the field and repeated the lord's prayer, closing it with a petition for the victory of the school, and returned to find the winning run just made! at meetings of the schoolboys among themselves it is not uncommon for prayer to be offered by one of the number, and at a farewell dinner given me in 1908 by some pupils a very beautiful and touching prayer was offered by an old hindu student, now reading in the lahore medical college, and all the other muhammadans, hindus, and christians stood up for it. missionaries were the first to open schools on modern lines, but at the present time muhammadans, hindus, and sikhs are endowing their own schools and colleges on the most lavish scale, and teaching their own religions therein, just as the mission schools teach christianity. this certainly has many advantages over the government system, where religion is ignored. his majesty the amir of afghanistan is alive to the necessity of keeping up with the times, and is founding a college on modern lines at kabul, which will be the first step towards the foundation of an afghan university. during his recent visit to india he selected a number of trained muhammadan graduates from lahore and elsewhere, who are to inaugurate the new scheme. he will, no doubt, encounter the opposition of some of the more fanatical mullahs, who already look upon him as having been contaminated with many western and heretical ideas; but the ultimate result will be good, and the attempt shows that even for afghanistan a new era is approaching. perhaps it may not be long before a mission school at kabul will receive the royal sanction. the following episode i relate in this place because it shows the striking contrast between the uneducated ghazi fanatic of the hills and young men of the same race and antecedents who have passed through the humanizing and civilizing influences of a mission school. it is a lovely autumn afternoon in the little frontier town of bannu. the trees round the recreation-ground between the city and cantonments are becoming sere and showing variegated tints of yellow and brown. there is an unusual crowd round the greensward which forms the station cricket-pitch, and as it is friday, the bannu market-day, a number of wazirs and other hillmen who are coming to and from market stop for a few minutes to gaze on the scene that lies before them, and probably to wonder in their minds what mysterious ultimate object the feringis have in the evolutions they are watching enacted, or whether it is some preliminary to military operations on their own hill fastnesses. turning to the recreation-ground itself, we find that it is a cricket-match between the garrison officers and the mission high school students. the boys have been stealing a number of runs, and their score is beginning to draw on towards a century, when the officers put on a new slow bowler, and a succession of unwary batsmen fall victims to his wiles, and soon the innings is over with a score of eighty-eight. the officers begin to bat, and the score rises rapidly; then some good catches send several players back to the pavilion (here represented by some shady shisham-trees). the score reaches eighty-eight, and the last player goes in, a young fair-haired boy, the son of the slow bowler; the winning run is made, and the boy caught at point next ball, and the innings is over. just one week has passed. again it is market-day, but no tribesmen can be seen anywhere near the recreation-ground; instead we see long lines of khaki-dressed native infantry, while sentries and patrols guard all the roads leading thereto, and all is silent as the grave. then we see a long procession slowly, silently moving out of the fort, long ranks of native infantry--sikh, pathan, and punjabi mussulmans--with slow, measured tread and arms reversed; then a gun-carriage surmounted by a coffin covered with the union jack and wreaths, the masterless steed, the mourners; a group of sunburnt officers of the frontier force and some more troops bring up the rear. it is the funeral of a distinguished frontier officer, and the slow bowler of last friday, now borne to his last resting-place, the victim of a dastardly ghazi outrage the day before. just facing the cricket-ground is a shady and flowery patch of ground, enclosed by a simple brick wall and containing a number of white tombstones. here lie many gallant officers, military and civil--some killed in action; others, like the present captain donaldson, killed by religious fanatics in bannu and the neighbourhood while in the execution of their duties; others, again, carried off by pestilence and disease. here, too, in lowlier grass-grown graves, lie a number of the native christian community. east and west, high and low, all gathered in one small plot, covered with the same mother earth to await their common resurrection--so glorious in its expectations for some, so dread in its possibilities for others. here, just facing the now deserted cricket-ground, the long procession halts; the chaplain, just arrived after a hasty drive of ninety miles from dera ismaã¯l khan, begins to recite the solemn verses of the burial service, and the booted and spurred officers do their last brotherly service and shoulder their comrade's coffin from the gun-carriage to the grave. the strains of the "last post" sound forth--a shrill call to the sombre mountains round as the last rays of the setting sun fall slanting through the foliage on the faces of the mourners; some sharp words of command ring forth from a native officer; the troops wheel about, and all is solitude and silence. only the day before a new regiment was to arrive in bannu, and, as the custom is, the station regiments were marching out with their band to welcome them in. at the head of the regiment a group of officers were riding, including the officer commanding the district, colonel aylmer, v. c., and his brigade-major, captain donaldson. just beyond the fort the road narrows a little to pass over a culvert, and the officer on the outside of captain donaldson fell back a little to make room for him. behind that culvert a mahsud wazir was in hiding, determined to kill an infidel and gain a martyrdom in the most sensational manner possible, so that for many an evening in years to come the tribal bards might sing his praises round the camp-fires and in the village chauks. just as captain donaldson, now on the outside rank, came abreast of him, he sprang out; a pistol shot rang through the air, and the officer fell mortally wounded. there was, of course, no escape for the mahsud; bullet and bayonet at once disabled him, though he lived long enough to be hanged that afternoon. our first feelings are those of horror at the enormity of the act--killing a stranger who has never seen or injured him--but who is worthy of our severer judgment, this young and ignorant soldier (for he had recently served in the border militia), thirsting for religious fame by a deed of daring, or the muhammadan priest who had assiduously taught him that all feringis were kafirs, and that to kill one of them, in no matter how dastardly a manner, was a sure passport to paradise, and that eternal joys were awaiting him as the reward of the valour and righteousness of his deed? here, at any rate, we see the two extremes--the gentlemanly afghan from the mission school, entering with zest and sport into the game of cricket with the officers, and, so far from feeling any resentment towards them, ready, if need be, to fight with them shoulder to shoulder in the common cause of humanity, under the same flag, and defend them with their own blood from the fanaticism of their fellow-countrymen; on the other hand, the fanatical tool of the mullah, who quails before his ex-cathedrã¢ denunciations, but is ready at his suggestion to meet a bloody death as a martyr in the cause of his religion. as an example of the former, i might mention muzaffar khan, an old student of the bannu mission school, who risked his life to save that of the political officer of the tochi valley, with whom he was on tour. while that officer was viewing a muhammadan shrine a fanatic rushed out and ran a dagger into his body; but, quick as thought, muzaffar khan threw himself on the would-be murderer and dragged him back before he had been able to inflict a fatal wound. the ghazi was secured and hanged soon after, while the officer recovered, the stab having just missed a vital part, although it had pierced right through his body. yet, but for the mission school, muzaffar khan might have been the ghazi himself. race and religion were the same, but their environments had been different. chapter xii an afghan football team native sport--tent-pegging--a novel game--a football tournament--a victory for bannu--increasing popularity of english games--a tour through india--football under difficulties--welcome at hyderabad--an unexpected defeat--matches at bombay and karachi--riots in calcutta--an unprovoked assault--the calcutta police-court--reparation--home again. the reader must imagine himself on a flat open piece of ground covered by the hard alluvial earth known in the panjab as pat. this kind of earth is somewhat saline, and has a universally smooth surface, unbroken by grass or shrub, which is utilized by the villagers for their games and fairs, and by the british for the evolutions of their troops. around are a number of bannu villages, but the men and children have all collected round this piece of ground in their gala-day attire, for it is the day of the feast, "'id-el-fitr," or the breaking of the fast, following the month of ramazan, and is to be celebrated as usual by sports and merry-making. all the men who own or can borrow a horse are mounted upon steeds of all descriptions, more or less richly caparisoned, according to the ability of the owner. saddles are of the high-backed pattern universally used in afghanistan, with a long wooden croup, which helps the rider to retain his seat. they are all carrying the long bamboo iron-tipped lance for their national sport of tent-pegging, or nezabazi, as the afghans call it. some of the boys who are there as spectators are mounted two or even three on a horse, and others, mounted on riding camels, are able to get a good view of the games over the heads of the others. the pegs, cut out of the wood of the date-palm, are fixed in the ground, three or four abreast, so that an equal number of horsemen may be able to compete simultaneously. the competitors, with their embroidered turbans and gay, many-coloured coats and shawls, form a brave show at one end of the course, as they pass the intervening time in showing off feats of horsemanship on their prancing chargers. then, at a given word, three or four strike their heels into the horses' sides--for they wear no spurs--and as often as not rousing their own excitement and that of their horses by shouting out the muhammadan kalimah ("la ilaha illa 'llahu, muhammadun rasulu 'llah"), career wildly down on the pegs, and, if successful, gallop on triumphantly, waving the peg at the end of their lances. this goes on till men and horses are weary, and then a new game commences. this is known as tod or kari. the people form a large circle; then some young athlete, stripped except for his loin-cloth, tied tightly round, or secured by a leather waistband, jumps lightly out into the arena, his muscular frame showing to advantage as he contracts his muscles under his glossy, well-oiled skin. two other athletes, similar in attire and appearance, answer his challenge from the party on the opposite side. the endeavour of the challenger is to avoid capture, while yet allowing the pursuers to come near enough for him to give them at least three slaps with the open hand; while the pursuers in their turn try to seize him and throw him on to the ground, in which case they are adjudged the winners, and a fresh challenger comes forth. both sides are apt to get very excited, and the throws are often so violent that bones are broken, or other injuries received; and if that side believes this to be due to malice prepense, the game not unfrequently terminates in a free fight. these amusements and games go on until nightfall, when they may be followed by some fireworks, and competitors and spectators, both equally wearied, go home to their feast of pulao and halwa. such scenes have no doubt been common in afghanistan for centuries past, but the reader must now come with me to a different scene, and he will see how western influences are changing even the sports of the people. this time we are in a large grassy sward between bannu city and the cantonments. there is a crowd, as before, of some thousands of spectators, but the football goal-posts and flags show that the game is something different. it is the day of the provincial tournament of all the schools of the province, and teams of the various frontier schools from peshawur, kohat, dera ismaã¯l khan, as well as those of bannu, have collected here to pit their skill and prowess against one another in games and athletics. the referee, an english officer from the garrison, has blown his whistle, and the youthful champions come out, amid the cheers of their supporters, from the opposite sides of the ground. the bannu team are somewhat smaller in stature, and are wearing a uniform of the school colours--pink "shorts" and light blue shirts. the peshawur team are heavier in build, and are wearing their blue-and-black uniform. the referee blows his whistle again, and both sides are exerting all their powers to reach their adversaries' goal. as the ball travels up and down, and the chances of one or other side appear in the ascendant, the cheers from their supporters redouble, and as goals are attempted and gained or lost the excitement of all the spectators is not less than may be witnessed at a similar match in england. the captain of the bannu side is a native christian, whose father is a convert from muhammadanism; but the other muhammadans and hindus in his team are loyal to him to the backbone, and carry out his every order with that alacrity which displays the new esprit de corps which has developed in our mission schools. on his outside left is a young hindu, who carries the ball past the opposing half-backs and backs right up to the corner, from which he centres with great skill to the captain. the captain is, however, being marked by the other opposing back, so he passes to a muhammadan lad on his inside right, and then the whole line of forwards--muhammadan, hindu, and christian--rush the ball through the goal, amid the triumphant cheers of their side. the game is restarted, and peshawur makes a number of desperate rallies and skilful rushes, which, however, are all foiled by the vigilance of the bannu backs and the agility of the goal-keeper, a tall muhammadan lad, whose weight and height both tell in his favour. once one of the peshawur forwards brought the ball right up to the mouth of the goal. the bannu custodian seized it, but the peshawari was upon him. the goal-keeper held the ball securely, awaited the charge of the peshawari, who bounded back off him as from a wall, and then cleared the ball with his fist far up the field to the bannu left half. the whistle for "time" is sounded, and the bannu boys rush into the field and carry off their victorious schoolfellows shoulder high, amid great clapping and cheering. the next day the final cricket-match is held. in this the dera ismaã¯l khan boys are pitted against one of the peshawur teams. peshawur has already defeated bannu and kohat, and the dera ismaã¯l khan boys have disposed of the other peshawur team. all the technicalities of the game are observed with as much punctiliousness as in england, and their white flannels show off well under the bright indian sun, and but for their dark faces and bare feet one might imagine that he was watching a public school match in england. to-day the laurels rest with dera ismaã¯l khan, and they triumphantly bear off a belt with silver shields awarded annually to the winning team. the old order changes and gives place to the new. tent-pegging will always retain its charm, with its brave show and splendid opportunities for the display of manly courage and dextrous horsemanship, so dear to a militant nation like the afghans, and will always remain their favourite pastime. but the simpler native games are gradually giving place to the superior attractions of cricket and football, and the tournaments which of recent years have been organized between the various native regiments and between the different tribes inhabiting each district and between the schools of the provinces are doing much to create a spirit of friendly rivalry, and to develop among these frontier people a fascination for those sports which have done so much to make england what she is. some tribes among the afghans, such as the marwats, are very stay-at-home, and soon become homesick if they enlist in a regiment or undertake a journey. others, like the povindahs, are perhaps the greatest overland merchants of the east. they travel down from their mountains in khorasan, through the passes in the north-west frontier, and traverse with their merchandise the length and breadth of india, and numbers of them engaged in the trade in camels cross over the seas to australia and take service there. with the idea of developing the esprit de corps of the school, and gratifying their love of travel, while at the same time conferring on them the benefits of a well-planned educational tour through the chief cities of india, i arranged in the summer of 1906 to take the football team of the mission high school at bannu on a tour through a great part of northern india. a number of colleges and schools from calcutta to karachi not only accepted our challenge for football matches, but offered us hospitality for such time as we should be in their town. our team represented all classes--muhammadans, hindus, native christians, and sikhs. the captain of the team was an afghan lad of the khattak tribe, shah jahan khan by name, while the vice-captain was a native christian, james benjamin. various difficulties presented themselves, but all were eventually successfully surmounted. stress of work and school duties compelled us to make the tour in the slacker time of the year--viz., in july, august, and september. this was also the hottest time in most of the places we visited, and some of the matches were played in a temperature bordering on 100â° f., while the spectators were sitting under punkahs. at this time of year the river indus is in full flood, and presents a remarkable sight as, bursting forth from its rocky defile at kalabagh, it spreads out over the flat alluvial plain of the western panjab. in the winter it may be confined to one, two, or three channels, each about one to four hundred yards wide; but in the early summer, swollen by the melting snows of the himalayas, it overflows its banks, and not infrequently forms a wide expanse of water ten miles broad from bank to bank. at such a time the villages, which are built on the more raised areas of its bed, appear as little islands scattered here and there, the people of which get to and from the mainland in their boats. it is then that the tonga, or cart, has often to be dragged over miles of submerged road, with water from one to three feet deep, before it reaches the place where it is able to transfer its passengers and burden to the ferry-boats, which are waiting to carry them across the deeper portions of the river, and it may be that several changes from boat to cart and cart to boat have to be made before the traveller attains the farther shore, where is the railway-station and the train waiting to carry him down to karachi or up to lahore. in our case, after getting across the main stream in the ferry-boat, we put our luggage into two carts, and, removing our superfluous clothing, started to trudge through the inundated country to the station of darya khan, on the eastern bank. sometimes there was a quarter of a mile or so of fields not yet submerged; sometimes the water was up to our knees or hips for miles together, and in one place there was a deep channel about one hundred yards wide, where a ferry-boat was in readiness for the luggage, but we enjoyed having a swim across. two of the team, who were less practised swimmers, and had miscalculated the strength of the current, found themselves being carried rapidly down the stream; but just as some of those who had already gained the opposite bank were about to return to the rescue, they found their feet on a sandbank, and were able to struggle across. the thirteen miles across the swollen river took us from nine in the morning till four in the afternoon, though it must be admitted we loitered several times to enjoy a swim in the cool waters of the deeper channels. we found, too, that the football season differs in various places. while calcutta plays football in july and august, karachi plays from december to march, and bombay in the spring. however, even those colleges which were not in their actual football season sportingly agreed to get up matches during our visit. in no place did we find greater enthusiasm among the colleges and schools for football and a more open-handed hospitality than in hyderabad, the capital of the nizam's government, and here our team experienced their first defeat in this tour. we had had thirty hours' travelling from ahmadnagar, in the north, and the stations on this line were so ill supplied with refreshments that we had been unable to get anything except some biscuits and sweets, and, arriving at hyderabad at midday, we found the match had been fixed for 4 p.m., so that the team had only time for a hastily-prepared meal before the match. the college of the nizam put a strong team against us, and for the first time in the tour the bannu boys were distinctly outmatched. it was, however, nice to see what good feeling was evinced by both teams in this and nearly all the matches of the tour, both sides fraternizing with the greatest bonhomie both before and after the matches, and friendships were made which continued long after our team got back to bannu. tours such as this undoubtedly tend to promote that feeling of friendship and union between the races of various parts of india which has hitherto been so little in evidence. it also tends to widen sympathies and to lessen religious prejudices. not only did the members of our team sink the prejudices which might have arisen from diversity of religious opinion, but our hosts, too, represented all classes and faiths. thus, in hyderabad the organizer of hospitality was a christian missionary, the rev. canon goldsmith. a house was lent us for residence by a parsi gentleman, and dinners were given us by the muhammadans of the place. further south the hindus were more in evidence, and entertained us royally at bezwada and masulipatam. in the latter place we were the guests of the staff of the noble college, belonging to the church missionary society, and here an amusing incident took place. the boys in these parts are accustomed to play football with bare feet, and are light, lithe, and wiry, while our northerners were heavy, big-boned, and wore the usual football boots; so it came about that when they saw our team arrive, their hearts melted within them for fear, and they refused to play unless our boys consented to play barefooted; and this they refused to do, as they had had no practice in playing like that. it seemed as though we should have to go away without a match, but a missionary there had a boarding-house of christian lads of the district, and these sportingly declared that they were ready to play. both teams appeared at the appointed time amid a great concourse of spectators. the bannu boys, with their football boots, looked much the heavier team; but the telegu boys proved themselves much the more nimble, and outran and ran round our boys time after time, and as the bannu boys played very cleanly and were careful not to hack, they did not suffer from want of boots; but, on the other hand, several of our boys took off theirs at half-time, hoping thereby to become as nimble as their antagonists. they, however, lost by one goal to love, amid the greatest excitement. the teams which had refused to play were now most importunate in begging us to stop for other matches, but as we were engaged for a match next day at guntur it could not be done. with one exception, our afghans had never seen the sea, and they were all greatly desirous of making its acquaintance. i accordingly arranged for the journey from karachi to bombay to be on one of the british india steamers which ply between those two ports. it was the height of the july monsoon, and they had not realized what their request entailed. there was a strong wind on our beam the whole of our forty hours' journey, and the little steamer kassara rolled continuously the whole time, the billows sometimes breaking over her fore-deck. all but three of them suffered the terrors of mal-de-mer in its worst form, and earnestly wished that they had never been so rash as to dare the terrors of the ocean at such a time. we arrived at bombay amid a torrential rain--a bedraggled, dispirited, and staggering crew. it was pitch dark, and it was only with some difficulty that we found our way to the money school of the church missionary society, where we were to receive hospitality. the shops were closed and the watchman asleep, but after some delay we aroused him, got some tea at a belated coffee-shop, and lay down on the boards to wish for the morrow. it rained almost continuously during our stay at bombay, but we managed one match with the city club, of which the following account appeared in the bombay gazette: "match between the bannu football team and the city club. "the visitors opened the attack last evening from the southern end of the oval, and although the city club at times were pressed, the game was more or less of an even nature. the bannu combination was the first to score, and soon after followed up with their second goal. pulling themselves together, the city club then made several good rushes, and eventually succeeded in scoring. soon after they annexed their second goal, and equalized matters. in the second half the game was intensely exciting, as either side tried to get the winning goal. the visitors had a warm time of it, but eventually succeeded in getting their third goal. a minute before the close of time, however, the city men equalized by a well-judged shot, and the match thus ended in a draw of three goals each." one of the best matches of the tour was with the y.m.c.a. of karachi, which was thus described by the sindh gazette: "an interesting football match was played on tuesday evening last on the howard institute ground, between the team of the y.m.c.a. and dr. pennell's team of pathan boys from the c.m.s. high school, bannu. the first goal was scored soon after the match began, by a soft drive, and was in favour of bannu. almost immediately the y.m.c.a. equalized by bannu heading into their own goal during a mãªlã©e from a corner kick. soon afterwards the y.m.c.a. took the lead through a clever run up by wolfe, who passed neatly to morton, who netted with a neat shot. on the whole play was very even till half-time, when the y.m.c.a. led by two goals to one. at half-time the y.m.c.a. lost the services of their outside right, who retired on account of a weak knee. bannu generally took the lead in attacking, and scored twice again, the last time from a stinging shot well up the field. the bannu team played consistently, and altogether without roughness. we are glad to have seen them in karachi, and wish them all success in the remainder of their tour." from guntur we travelled north to calcutta, where a series of matches had been arranged, after which we had arranged a number of matches with the schools and colleges of the united provinces of agra and oudh, and those of the panjab; but an unforeseen and unaccountable misadventure brought our tour to a premature conclusion a few hours before the time fixed for our departure from calcutta. it was the outcome of one of those waves of unrest which followed the outburst of the storm with which the bengalis exhibited their resentment at the partition of bengal. the bengalis had organized a boycott of european goods, and in the fervour of their campaign had placed a number of boy sentinels at the doors of the shops of those merchants who dealt in articles of western manufacture. these were largely marwari merchants from the bombay presidency, and they thought to relieve themselves of this wasp-like horde of boy sentinels by circulating the rumour that a number of panjabis and afghans had come down from the north to kidnap boys and children whom they could lay hands on. this rumour was widely believed by the credulous mob of calcutta, and, all unknown to us, who were ignorant even of the existence of the rumours, our team had been pointed out as some of the probable kidnappers. we had returned on the morning of august 23, 1906, from playing a number of matches in krishnagar, and were to leave calcutta the same afternoon to play a match the following day at bhagalpur. the team had broken up into two parties to get their breakfast in one of those eating shops which abound in the calcutta bazaar, and i had gone along to howrah station to purchase the tickets. it was a hot day, and on my return i stopped at a refreshment shop in the harrison road, near the church mission boarding-house, where we were stopping, to get a glass of lemonade. i was sitting quietly drinking it in the shop front, when i noticed the whole bazaar was in an uproar. the crowd was rushing to and fro, and the shopkeepers were hurriedly putting up their shutters. all ignorant of the fact that it was my own boys who were being attacked, i quietly finished my glass and strolled back to our hostel, thinking there was no reason why i should trouble myself about affairs of calcutta which did not concern me. no sooner had i entered the gates of the compound when i saw one of our team--rahim bakhsh--his face covered with blood, and another one injured. "do you not know," cried one, "that our boys have been murderously assaulted, and perhaps killed?" "where are they?" i hurriedly asked. "they are probably in the hospital by this time." a cab was passing at the moment, and i jumped in, and drove off to the hospital. running up into the casualty room, i was horrified to find six of the team lying about with their clothes all torn and covered with blood and mud. their heads had been shaved by the casualty dressers, and were so cut and swollen that i could not recognize them all until i had spoken to them, and then for the first time i learnt what had happened. a party of nine had gone in a refreshment room, and were having their breakfast. meanwhile they noticed that a crowd of many hundreds had collected outside. scarcely realizing that they were the cause of the crowd, after finishing their meal, they came out to return to the mission boarding-house, but were met by cries on all sides: "these are the kidnappers! kill them! kill them!" even now they did not understand the cause of the excitement, but when they asked what it was all about, and what was wanted from them, they were only answered by derisive shouts and a shower of stones and brickbats. before they had time to organize any resistance they were separated one from another, in the midst of a raging mob, who belaboured them with stones and sticks until they fell senseless in the street. two only managed to escape--rahim bakhsh, whom i had met in the hostel, and one other, who had managed to get into a passing carriage. five of them, having been reduced to a state of insensibility, were taken by the mob and thrown into a back alley, where the blood from their wounds continued to flow and trickle down in a red stream into the street gutter. one of them--ganpat rai--was rescued by a friendly bengal gentleman, who bundled him into his house and attended to his wounds, and afterwards sent him under escort to the hospital. another--gurmukh das--was being belaboured by some ruffians while lying in the middle of the road, when an english gentleman passed in his carriage. naturally indignant at what he saw, he jumped down and asked them what they thought themselves to be, beating a senseless man in that way; and if he had committed a crime, why did they not take him to the police-station? someone in the crowd called out, "this englishman is their officer: let us kill him!" and, leaving the boy, they all set on him. he defended himself for some time, when some ruffian, coming up behind, turned a basket over his head, and it would have gone hard with him had not some friendly natives pulled him into the ripon college, which was close at hand. we would fain have got away from calcutta as soon as the condition of the wounded enabled us to travel, for the unaccustomed diet and climate was affecting the health of all of us; but we found ourselves prisoners to the will of the government, who required us to remain in calcutta as witnesses in the prosecution which the government was instituting, and we had to spend day after day of weary waiting, hanging about the police-courts of bow street bazaar. the police had secured a number of men who had been shown to have taken part in the riot, and most of these had secured barristers and pleaders for their defence; consequently, there was a formidable array of advocates on the side of the defence, each one of whom thought it his duty to cross-examine each member of the team at tedious length, and regardless of some of the questions having been asked us time after time by his brothers of the law. the brow-beating and cross-examining which we had to undergo could not have been worse had we been the aggressors instead of the victims, while the irrelevancy of the questions and the needless waste of time, entailing constant postponement from day to day, was exceedingly trying to us in our wounded and feeble condition, only anxious to get back to our homes on the frontier. the barristers and pleaders of the defence professed notwithstanding to be very sympathetic with us in our troubles, and one and another would come up and say something like this: "we people of calcutta are most sorry for this very unfortunate occurrence. no doubt most of the men in the dock are guilty, and should be punished for so unwarranted an attack on innocent travellers, but there is one man who has been arrested by some mistake of the police. he had nothing to do with it, and should be released, because he is quite innocent." as in each case the man "arrested by mistake" proved to be the one for which the barrister was holding a brief, their protestations lost something of their force. a more pleasant feature was the genuine sympathy shown by a certain section of the bengalis, a sympathy which was voiced by the hon. surendra nath bannerji, who convened a public meeting, in which he expressed the regrets of the calcutta citizens in an address which was presented to us in a silver casket. at last the court, taking pity on our uncomfortable condition, consented to take our examination and cross-examination previous to that of the hundred and more witnesses which the defence were going to bring, and which would have entailed some months' stay in calcutta, had we been kept back to the end of the trial. when we reached bannu we were honoured with a civic reception, which went far to make up to the members of the team for the discomforts that they had undergone. the civil officer of the district, the municipal commissioners, and a great number of the citizens, met us with a band some few miles before reaching bannu, and we were escorted in amid great rejoicings. chapter xiii 'alam gul's choice a farmer and his two sons--learning the quran--a village school--at work and at play--the visit of the inspector--pros and cons of the mission school from a native standpoint--admission to bannu school--new associations--in danger of losing heaven--first night in the boarding-house--a boy's dilemma. pir badshah was a well-to-do farmer of the bangash tribe, not far from kohat, and he had married a woman of the afridi tribe from over the border, called margilarri, or "the pearl." he had not to pay for her, because it was arranged that his sister was to marry her brother, and in cases where an exchange like this is made nothing further is required. they had two sons, 'alam gul and abdul majid. the father intended that the elder should be educated, and one day he hoped would become a great man, perhaps tahsildar (meaning revenue officer) of the british government, so he was going to give him the best education he could afford; while abdul majid was to look after the lands and become a farmer, for which it is not supposed that any education is necessary. pir badshah was very orthodox and punctilious in all the observances of his religion, so the two boys were not to learn anything else until they had sat at the feet of the village mullah, and learnt to read the quran. the mosque was a little building on the hillside. it was built of stones cemented together with mud, and in the centre was a little niche towards the setting sun, where the mullah, with his face towards mecca, led the congregation in their prayers. there was a wooden verandah, the corners of which were ornamented with the horns of the markhor, or mountain goat. beyond this was the open court, in which prayers were said when the weather was fine, and either in this verandah or the courtyard 'alam gul and his brother used to sit at the feet of the old mullah, reciting verses from the quran in a drawling monotone, and swaying their bodies backwards and forwards in the way that all easterns learn to do from the cradle when reciting or singing. when they had finished the quran and learnt the prayers and other essentials of the muhammadan religion, 'alam gul was sent to the village school, while abdul majid began to make himself useful on the farm. he used to go out with his father's buffaloes to take them to pasture, and sometimes he used to take his brother out for a ride on one of these ungainly animals. then, when the harvest was ripening, a bed was fastened up at the top of four high poles, and he had to sit all day on this to protect the crops from the birds. for this purpose cords are fastened across the field up to the bed, and oil-cans or other pieces of tin are fastened to them here and there, so that as abdul majid had all the ends of the cords in his hands, he could make a din in any part of the field where he wished to frighten away the birds, and sometimes was able to take half a dozen home for the evening meal. 'alam gul, on the other hand, was being initiated into the mysteries of the hindustani language and of arithmetic. the school was a little mud building in the centre of the village, and the schoolmaster was a muhammadan from the panjab, who found himself rather uncomfortable in the midst of these frontier pathans, whose language seemed to him so uncouth and their habits so barbarous. his meagre salary of ten rupees (13s. 4d.) a month was somewhat augmented by his holding the additional post of village postmaster; but it had this disadvantage--that when one of the villagers came in to buy an envelope, and get the postmaster to address it, as probably he did not know how to write himself, teaching had to be dropped for a season: for it must be remembered that for a pathan villager to send off a letter is quite an event, and he may well afford to spend a quarter of an hour or so, and give the postmaster a few annas extra to get it properly addressed and despatched to his satisfaction. meantime, 'alam gul and his companions would take the opportunity of drawing figures on the sand of the floor, or of playing with a tame bullfinch or a quail, which they were fond of bringing into the school. to make up for these little interruptions, the schoolmaster used to sit from morning to night, and expect his pupils to be there almost as long, only giving them an interval of about an hour or so in the middle of the day to go home and get their morning meal. friday used to be a whole holiday, for it was on that day that all the men of the village had to assemble in the mosque for the morning prayers, and when these were over 'alam gul used to go out with some of the elder village boys to catch quails in the fields. this they did by means of a long net spread across about thirty or forty feet of the field. the quails were driven up into this, and the meshes of it were of such a size that, though they could get their heads through, their wings became hopelessly entangled, and they fell an easy prey to the fowlers. the male quails were then kept in little string or wicker baskets for the great quail fights, which were one of the chief excitements and pastimes of the village. this pastime is one of the most universal in afghanistan, and even well-to-do men think there is no shame in spending a great part of the day toying with their favourite quails, and backing the more redoubtable ones against some quail belonging to a friend, while all the men of the neighbourhood will be collected round to see the two champions fight. 'alam gul had to spend five years in this school. at the end of this time the government inspector came round to examine the pupils for the government primary examination. this was an eventful day for the schoolmaster, for on the report of the inspector his promotion to some more congenial sphere and the increase of his salary would depend. the boys, too, were all excitement, for if they passed this examination, they would be allowed to go to the big school at hangu or kohat. the schoolmaster would spend days drilling them how they were to answer the questions of the inspector; how they were to salaam him; how they were to bring him a hookah if he required one, bring him tea, or do him any other service which it might be supposed would put him in a better mood for making a good report of the school. the inspector was a peshawuri pathan of portly presence (it is commonly believed that among the upper ranks of native government officials a man's salary may be gauged by the girth of his body) and of supercilious manners, as though his chief aim in life were to criticize everyone and everything. all the boys had put on their best clothes for the occasion, and 'alam gul had borrowed the turban which his father was accustomed to wear on feast days. on the arrival of the inspector, the boys hurriedly got into line. the schoolmaster called out: "right-hand salute!" for though not a boy in the school knew a word of english, it is the custom to give all the class orders in that language. then one boy was hurried off to hold his horse, another to go and get it some hay, a third to get a chair for the great man, while the schoolmaster himself was obsequious in obeying his every sign. the boys were examined in urdu, writing and reading, arithmetic, geography, and persian. there were five boys altogether in the top class, and of these, to the delight of the schoolmaster, the inspector declared four to have passed, among them being 'alam gul. his father wanted to send 'alam gul to the government school at kohat, but 'alam gul had a friend who had been reading in the bannu mission school, and the tales that he had heard from him had given him a great desire to be allowed to go there to study. his father, however, was opposed to the idea, because the mullah told him that people who went to mission schools must become infidels, because they were taught by feringis, who were all infidels, and that if he sent his son there he would excommunicate him. there would have been no hope of 'alam gul attaining his wish had it not been that just at that time the subadar (native officer), an uncle of 'alam gul's, came to the village on leave from his regiment, which was stationed at bannu, and it so happened that he had made the acquaintance of the missionary in charge of the bannu school, and had been very favourably impressed with what he had seen of the institution, and he offered to take 'alam gul back with him to the regiment, and let him live with him. the father had now to propitiate the mullah, so he killed a sheep, and made some luscious dishes with the meat, and some halwa, or sweet pudding, which is supposed to be a delicacy to which the mullahs are very partial, and called his reverence in to partake of the feast; and when his heart was merry, he propounded the scheme to him. after he had heard the arguments of the subadar, the mullah relented, and said that he knew how to make a charm which, if it were always worn round the boy's neck, would effectually prevent him from being contaminated by any heretical teaching which he might have in the school; and if 'alam gul were admonished to be careful always to wear this charm, he might safely be allowed to go with his uncle. so when the leave of the latter expired, 'alam gul was put into his charge, and went off with great excitement, filled with hopes of what he would do in the great school of which he had heard so much. the day after his arrival in bannu the subadar sent 'alam gul down to the school in charge of a soldier of his regiment. the soldier and 'alam gul came into the mission compound, and, seeing some boys standing about, told them their errand. one of the boys offered to take them to the head-master. they were taken to the school office, and here they found the head-master. he was an old gentleman with a grey beard and a kindly face, mr. benjamin by name. when a young man he had himself been converted from muhammadanism to christianity, so that he was able to sympathize with the religious difficulties of the boys under his charge, and he had been for thirty years head-master in this school, and was looked up to by the boys as their father. 'alam gul's certificates were examined, and he was told what books he must obtain, and that if he came the next morning he would be enrolled as a scholar of the bannu mission school. this being an anglo-vernacular school, where english is taught in all but the very lowest classes, boys who come from the village schools have to spend one whole year in learning english, in order that the following year they may be able to take their place with the other boys in the class to which they are entitled; so 'alam gul was enrolled in this, which is called the "special class." the next day the soldier again brought him, and left him alone in the school. here he was surrounded by a greater number of boys than he had ever seen before in his life--boys of all ages, all sorts, all sizes, and all religions. there were some muhammadans from his district, but none from his village, or that he knew, so he felt very nervous, and wished himself back again in the little village school on the mountain-side among his old playmates. then the letters of the english language seemed so uncouth and different from the euphonious sounds of the arabic and persian alphabet, to which he had been accustomed. "a, b, c," said the master, and "a, b, c," repeated the other boys in the class; but he found he could not shape his mouth to these unfamiliar sounds, and tears began to flow at the apparent hopelessness of the task which he had undertaken with so much enthusiasm. however, day by day the work grew easier, and new friends and acquaintances began to be made among his class-mates. every day there was some fresh astonishment for him. in the village school he had played what they called balli-ball, a village imitation of cricket, played with rough imitations of bats and wickets; but here he found that every class had its own cricket team, which played with real polished bats and balls brought all the way from lahore. and above all was the school eleven, composed of boys who were looked up to by young hopefuls of the lower classes, much as we might regard a county eleven in england--boys who played in real wilayiti flannels, and had matches with the english officers of the garrison, and saw that the other boys in the school treated them with the respect due to their position. 'alam gul wondered if ever the day would come when he would find himself numbered among this favoured throng. it was not long before the captain of his class told him that he must come and practise, to see if they could make him one of their class cricket team. he would have accepted with alacrity had it not been for one circumstance, which gave his unformed religious ideas a rude shock. the captain of the party was a hindu! it seemed to him ignominious, if not subversive of his religion, that he should subject himself to the orders of a hindu class-fellow, and he would have refused had not a muhammadan from his district, reading in the class above him, to whom he confided his scruples, laughed at him, and said: "you silly fellow! we do not trouble about that here; everyone has his religion ordained by fate. what does it matter, be he muhammadan, hindu, or christian, if he play cricket well?" when his fears had been thus allayed, 'alam gul joined his party, and soon became as enthusiastic a member of it as any. a year passed, and he was promoted to the first middle class, where he took up the full curriculum of subjects, learning not only english, but arithmetic, urdu, persian, arabic, geography, indian history, and elementary science. before he had been many months in this class he was attacked by malarial fever, which is so virulent in the bannu valley in the autumn months. his uncle sent a soldier to say that he had sent him back to his village in charge of a man of his regiment, and that he would come back after recovering; so his name was entered on the roll of those absent for sick-leave. about three weeks later his father himself appeared at the school one day, and requested to interview the head-master. after the usual salutations were over, the father began: "sir, i have a request to make." "what is it?" "i wish you to strike the name of my son off the roll-call of your school." "why so? what has happened?" "he is ill--very ill." "but i have given him sick-leave. he can stop at home as long as he is ill, and then come back to school. his name can remain on the register, and he return when he is quite well." "certainly, he will come back if he recovers; but, then, he is very ill. supposing he were to die?" "if he were to die, then what matter whether his name be on our register or not?" "sir, the mullah tells me that if he die with his name still on the register of the mission school, he could never go to heaven." arguments were useless, and the head-master had perforce to satisfy the father by giving the boy a leaving certificate. ultimately, however, 'alam gul recovered, and was allowed to go back to the mission school; but a few months later the regiment in which his uncle the subadar was was transferred to another station, and the uncle wished to take his nephew with him there. but the boy had by this time formed a great attachment to the school, and begged to be allowed to remain, so it was arranged that he should be entered in the school boarding-house. this hostel accommodated a number of those pupils whose homes were too far from bannu for them to attend as day scholars, and who had no relations in the town with whom they might lodge. each boy is provided with a bedstead and a mat, and he brings his own bedding, books and utensils. the first night 'alam gul felt very strange. instead of the small crowded room of his house was a large airy dormitory, shared by some twenty of his schoolfellows. at one end of the dormitory was the room of the superintendent, so that he could supervise the boys both by day and night. the superintendent was a hindu, but 'alam gul had got used by this time to respect his masters, even though they were not muhammadan, and had overcome some of his old prejudice. as the superintendent treated him kindly, and there was a muhammadan friend of his in the next bed, he was soon very happy there. attached to the hostel was a pond of water supplied daily from the kurram river, in which it was the duty of every boarder to bathe regularly. this tank served other purposes too, as 'alam gul found to his cost. it was the rule that all boarders were to be up and have their bedding tidily folded by sunrise. the principal of the school every now and again paid surprise visits to the boarding-house about that time, and woe betide the luckless boy who was found still asleep in bed! two of the monitors were told to take him by the head and heels and swing him far into the middle of the tank. 'alam gul had not been many weeks in the boarding-house before one morning he overslept himself, and before he had time to rub his eyes or change his clothes he found himself plunged in the water, which at that time--the early spring--was cold enough to become a real incentive to early rising. schoolboys freshly joined were often found to have the bad habit of freely abusing each other, and using foul language. the swimming-tank formed an excellent corrective for this too, because the boy found guilty was treated in the same way, being pitched in with all his clothes on, and allowed to creep out and dry himself at leisure. once, indeed, 'alam gul felt very much like leaving the school altogether. every day in each class a period is set apart for the scripture lesson. at first 'alam gul did not wish to be present at this, but when he found that all the other boys attended it without demur, and remembered the power of the charm which the mullah had given him, he thought it did not, after all, matter; he need not pay attention to what was taught, and so he went. but this day a verse came to his turn to read in which were the words, "jesus christ, the son of god." he remained silent. the catechist who was teaching him said: "why do you not read?" "i cannot read that." "why, what is wrong? read it." "that is blasphemy. god had no son. i cannot read that." "it is written in the book, and you must read it." "i will not read it!" the catechist was not willing, however, to grant him exemption, and gave him some punishment. 'alam gul had a fit of pathan temper then, and there was a serious breach of discipline, which could not be overlooked. before, however, he had time to arrange with his father for leaving the school, he had cooled down sufficiently to take a less prejudiced view of the case, and decided to undergo the discipline, and stay on with us. chapter xiv 'alam gul's choice (continued) the cricket captain--a conscientious schoolboy--the scripture lesson--first awakenings--the mullah's wrath--the crisis--standing fire--schoolboy justice--"blessed are ye when men shall persecute you for my name's sake"--escape from poisoning--escape from home--baptism--disinherited--new friends. about this time three circumstances occurred which brought about a change in 'alam gul's ideas. the first happened in this way. the captain of the cricket eleven chanced to be a christian boy, and as two or three of the members of the cricket eleven had left, he was in need of some fresh talent to fill their places; so a match had been arranged with a number of the boys of the school who were aspirants to places in the coveted eleven. 'alam gul by this time had developed into a very steady player, who could be relied upon to keep his wicket up at times when his side was going to pieces; and on this particular occasion he was one of those selected for trial, and it so happened that he made one of the best scores of the match. this was the commencement of the friendship with the cricket captain, which went a long way to mould his ideas. hitherto he had rather fought shy of making friends with the christian boys, for fear anything should be said repellent to his religious ideas; but as his friendship with the cricket captain increased, they had many a chat--not only on cricket and school matters, but on deeper things that concerned the faith in their hearts. the second circumstance arose in this wise: on the occasion of a paper-chase the track had led through an orchard, and some of the boys were not proof against the temptation of helping themselves to the fruit, and the next day the owner of the garden came in high dudgeon to the principal of the school to complain that some of the fruit had been stolen. "you call yourself a mission school, and here are your boys coming into my orchard and taking my fruit!" the next day the principal had a roll-call of the school, and made a short speech to them, saying that he much regretted that some of the boys had brought a bad name on the school by stealing plums. he then ordered that the boys who had taken any should fall out and stand in a row in front. after much exchange of glances and hesitation, twenty or so of the boys fell out. these were ranged up in line, facing the rest of the school, while the principal told them that he intended to make an example of them as a warning to others not to sully the fair name of the school. one of the printers from the mission press was then called, with his printing-roller well inked, and this was rolled three times down the face of each boy, leaving one long black streak down the forehead and nose and one down each cheek, which they were not allowed to wash off for the rest of the day. 'alam gul was rather surprised to see that one of these boys was a member of the cricket eleven, who evidently felt the indignity very acutely. 'alam gul had been by his side during the paper-chase, and he had noticed that he had passed by the fruit without taking any; so he went up afterwards to console him, and ask him why he had fallen out with those who had taken the fruit. he told him that when he saw the other boys plucking the plums, he had himself taken one; but then he thought how they had been told in the scripture lessons that that was a wrong thing to do, and so he had thrown the plum away. 'alam gul had hitherto never looked on the scripture lesson as a time for moral improvement, but rather as a time when fidelity to his religion required him to shut his ears; so when he found his schoolmate with a conscience that had become so tender through listening to the scripture teaching that he even thought it necessary to confess to having plucked a single plum which he had not eaten, his mind was filled with an inrush of new conflicting ideas. the third influence came to him through the scripture lesson itself. the indian pastor was teaching them from that chapter of the greatest pathos in all history--the crucifixion of our lord. when it came to his turn he read the verse: "father, forgive them, for they know not what they do." not very long before he would have resented even having to read a verse addressing the almighty as "father," but now his heart was full of new emotions. "how could the prophet christ pray for the forgiveness of enemies?" he remembered how an uncle of his, on his death-bed, in making his last testament to his sons, had enumerated his enemies and what evil they had done him, and impressed upon them that revenge for those wrongs was the heirloom which he had bequeathed to them, and which they must regard as their bounden duty to perform. he remembered, too, how many of his own family had been killed in blood-feuds, and even now his uncle, the subadar in the regiment, took precautions against somebody whom he suspected of being his enemy. if christ was able to die in this way and his teaching had still such moral power, how was it that muhammad, who professed that his teaching had superseded that of christ, had not been able to give his followers an equal power? why were there muhammadan tribes always torn with discord and feud and bloodshed on every side, and by those who professed to do such deeds in his name? 'alam gul now began to study the gospels for himself, and an interest was awakened in his heart which surprised him; and instead of trying to shirk the scripture lessons, he began always to look forward to them, and asked many questions which showed the greater insight that he was gaining into their meaning. the next vacation, when he went home, he took an early opportunity of visiting the old mullah who had given him the charm when first he joined the school five years before, and asked him about some of his difficulties. he wanted to know why the muhammadans always spoke of the book of the law and of the gospels with respect, and yet would not allow people to read them, and why the gospels spoke of christ as the son of god, which he had been taught to consider blasphemy. the mullah, however, did not deign to try to solve his difficulties, but became very angry, and abused him roundly, and that evening went to his father to tell him to take his son away before he became utterly corrupted. 'alam gul got a great beating that night, and ran away to the house of a relation, and did not come back for three days, and asked no further questions. his father, no doubt, thought that the beating had had its effect, and, when the time arrived for rejoining school, allowed him to go back. the crisis came on the day of a school picnic. it was a may morning, and the masters and boys were going to a shady spot on the banks of the kurram river, where the day would be spent in aquatic sports and merry-making. 'alam gul sought counsel of the missionary in a quiet spot under the trees, where he might unburden his heart without being disturbed. "does christ demand that i should confess him openly? should i not wait till my parents are dead?--because it will be a great trouble to them when they hear that i have become a christian, and they will never want to see me again. cannot i be a secret follower, and continue to live as a muhammadan, and attend the prayers in the mosque?" "if any man confess me not before men, neither will i confess him before my father. if any man love father or mother more than me, he is not worthy of me." "let the dead bury their dead, but follow thou me." how pulsating with the deepest verities of life these sayings seem, when we put them forward to such an inquirer in answer to such questions! how charged with the magnetism which draws the seeking soul almost in spite of itself--a two-edged sword dividing asunder the bones and the marrow! "no; you must go home and tell your father what your intention is. persecution must come, sooner or later, and unless you are willing to bear it for christ's sake now, how can you be received into the company of his soldiers? you have a duty to your parents, from which you cannot absolve yourself, and no blessing of god will rest on your actions when you are deceiving them, and till you are of full age you are bound to obey them." 'alam gul was awake a long time that night after the lights were out and all the other boys in the dormitory were fast asleep under their quilts. at last he got up, and, with his pocket-knife, cut the cord that still bound the charm that the old mullah had made for him, and stuffed it away among his books. he then knelt down by his bedside for a few minutes, and when he got into bed again he had made his choice, and his mind was made up; but there were to be many vicissitudes before the goal was reached. 'alam gul was in the matriculation class now, and a member of the coveted cricket eleven. he still performed his muhammadan prayers, and kept the fast of ramazan; but the moments which gave him most satisfaction in the day were those in which he took his little english testament into a quiet corner on the roof of the school-house, and read the words of our lord, calling the weary and sin-laden to himself, and, after set portions of the muhammadan prayers were over, in the part reserved for the munajat, or private petitions, he would pray earnestly in the name of christ that god would make the way clear to him to become his disciple, and to incline the hearts of his relations thereto as well. he had to stand fire, too, among his school-fellows, now that it had become known that he was an inquirer; but his position in the school, and the fact that he was nearly the best bat in the cricket team, and therefore of value to the honour of the school in the inter-school tournaments, prevented them from carrying the persecution very far, and it was more banter and sneers than anything worse. a few irreconcilables, however, tried to injure his reputation by spreading lying rumours about him, even going to the head-master with some concocted evidence against his moral character, which, had that official been less conversant with the wiles of the backbiters, might have resulted in his expulsion from school, but actually resulted in their utter discomfiture. one muhammadan youth, who professed great zeal for his religion, was always starting some recriminating religious discussion, till the other boarders passed a resolution that any of their number starting such a discussion was to be fined one rupee. before the lapse of many days there were the two at it again, hammer and tongs, in the middle of the dinner-hour. a schoolboy court was appointed to name the culprit responsible for starting the discussion, and it is a pleasing tribute to the schoolboys' love of fair play that, though the judges chosen were one muhammadan and one hindu, they both decided that the muhammadan was guilty, and should be fined. the latter declared that he was going to pay no fine! they then held a fresh council, to settle how they were to bring the pressure required for the carrying out of their law. at last one boy said: "i have it. till he pays the fine, not one of us is to speak to him or have anything to do with him, on the pain of a fine of one anna." this bright idea was passed unanimously, and, after a few anna fines had been levied, the recalcitrant member gave in. sweets were bought with the proceeds, there was a general merry-making, and no more disturbances of the peace on 'alam gul's account, who was tacitly allowed to have what opinions and fads he liked without further interference. he had not so easy a time, however, when the vacation came round and he went home, and in much fear and trembling made his longings known to his father. first they resorted to blandishments, reminded him of his good family and noble ancestors, and of the bright future which lay before so clever and well educated a boy. his brother was about to be married; even then they were preparing for the wedding-guests. this would have to be all stopped, for the family of the bride would refuse to give her into a family disgraced, and then his brother would die of shame, and no one would be able to wipe the stain away for ever. when these tactics failed, the old mullah was called. he was too wroth to argue when he found that 'alam gul no longer wore the charm, and abused him with all the epithets that he could think of, and left the house threatening to excommunicate the whole family. later on he came back in a calmer mood with two older mullahs from a neighbouring village, who were much revered for their learning and sanctity, and these surrounded 'alam gul, and argued for hours to show him the error of his ways and the corruption of the christian scriptures. 'alam gul had one argument, to which they had no answer to give: "if you say these scriptures are corrupted by the christians, then where have you genuine copies by comparison with which we can see the proof of it? had the muhammadans themselves no copies of the scriptures which they were able to preserve from those wicked people who wanted to corrupt them?" finding their arguments of no avail, they formally cursed him with all the anathemas of the quran, both for this life and the next. the next trial was to be the most heart-searching and trying of all, and 'alam gul felt he would ten times rather have had the anathemas of the mullahs or the beatings of his enemies. it was when he went into the zenana. his mother was there with other women, and as soon as they saw him they began weeping and loudly lamenting. his mother came with her hair dishevelled, and, falling down before him, beat her breast, and bewailed with loud cries and frantic gesticulations that she had borne a son who was going to disgrace the family and bring down her grey hairs with sorrow to the grave. 'alam gul burst into tears, and besought his mother to be comforted; saying that she had been misinformed as to what he was going to do, and who the christians were. he was not going to forsake her, but would serve her to the day of his death. "i adjure thee," she said, "swear to me that you will never go near those christians again or read their books." "no, mother, i cannot do that; for their book is the kalam ullah [the word of god], and god is with them of very truth." the women were still weeping, and 'alam gul persuading, when his father came in, and, seizing 'alam gul, pulled him outside, and, getting a thick stick, beat him till he was black and blue all over, and then left him with a kick and a curse. that night 'alam gul found that all his clothes had been taken away, and he was left with only a loin-cloth. this had been done lest he should run away and escape, they thinking that in a few days, finding the hopelessness of his position, he would relent and submit. six days he remained thus, being given nothing more than a bit of stale bread once a day and a little water. still he remained firm, and refused to go to the mosque or repeat the kalimah; and when he found himself alone for a time, he knelt down and prayed for help and deliverance. on the seventh morning an uncle came, and sat down by his side, and began to commiserate him and profess his sympathy for the hardships he was undergoing. he then untied the corner of his shawl, and got out some sweetmeats and gave them to 'alam gul, as some amends for the privations he had been undergoing. something, however, in his demeanour made 'alam gul suspicious, and he excused himself for not eating the sweetmeats at once, and put them in a handkerchief by his side. when his uncle had departed, he gave some of the sweetmeats to one of the dogs in the house. very shortly afterwards the dog began to vomit and show signs of pain. he was now sure that the plan had been to poison him in such a way that his death might be reported as due to some ordinary sickness, and he made up his mind to escape at all costs. it was midday, and nearly everyone was enjoying a sleep during the oppressive noon of a summer day. searching about, he found a shirt and an old turban, and, donning these, he slipped out, and was soon through the deserted village street out in the fields beyond. he dared not take the direct route to bannu, for he knew that pursuit would be made, and the pursuers would probably take that direction; so he turned northwards towards kohat, and came to the village of a schoolmate, who gave him shelter and food for that night in his house and a pair of shoes for his feet, which had become blistered on the hot rocks over which he had been travelling. the next night he slept in a mosque, and then reached the highroad from kohat to bannu, and got a lift on a bullock-waggon travelling to the salt-mines of bahadur khel. on the fifth day after leaving his village, very footsore, tired, and ragged, he appeared in the mission compound at bannu. he was now nineteen years of age, so nothing stood in the way of his being admitted as a catechumen, of which he was greatly desirous, and the following easter he was baptized into the christian church. he had, of course, been publicly disowned and disinherited by his family, who now regarded him as one dead; but he was supremely happy in his faith, and was always seeking opportunities of leading, not only his schoolmates, but also mullahs and others whom he encountered in the bazaar or elsewhere, into conversation concerning the claims of jesus christ. his original acquaintance with the quran and islam had been deepened and extended by the study of books of controversy and his knowledge of christianity by daily bible study, so that even the mullahs found they had to deal with one who could not be silenced by the threadbare arguments and trite sophisms which were all that most of them knew how to use. there was a great crowd of students and others both inside and outside the native church on the day when, arrayed in clean white clothes, he came to receive the rite of baptism, and the deepest silence was upon all when he answered a clear, unfaltering "i do" to each of the questions of the native clergyman who was officiating. his reception afterwards by his muhammadan acquaintances was not altogether a hostile one. students form a remarkable contrast to the ignorant portion of the population in the comparative absence of religious fanaticism and their ability to recognize and honour sincerity of motive, even in those who are to them apostates, and many of his muhammadan schoolmates maintained their friendship with him, and others who at first had joined in the opposition and abuse of the crowd came round before long and resumed their old relations as though nothing had happened. judging by other cases, even his own relations will probably resume friendly relations after the lapse of time has enabled them to do so without incurring a fresh stigma among the villagers, and they will be all the more ready to do this if he has won for himself a good position in government service, and is able to help them to meet the dunnings of the money-lender in a bad season. when 'alam gul had to find some way of earning his own living, he found many avenues closed to him. the muhammadans would not give him work, and even in government offices, if his immediate superior was at all a bigoted muhammadan, he would find it impossible to stop there without getting involved in traps that had been laid for him almost every day, and which would ultimately and inevitably result in his dismissal in disgrace. finally he obtained a post in the government telegraph office, and, by his industry and punctuality, rapidly made progress and attained a position which was a universal silencer to the common taunt, "he has only become a christian for the sake of bread," with which young converts are assailed, even when the charge is palpably untrue. chapter xv afghan women their inferior position--hard labour--on the march--suffering in silence--a heartless husband--buying a wife--punishment for immorality--patching up an injured wife--a streaky nose--evils of divorce--a domestic tragedy--ignorance and superstition--"beautiful pearl"--a tragic case--a crying need--lady doctors--the mother's influence. in all muhammadan countries women hold a very inferior, almost humiliating, position, being regarded as very distinctly existing for the requirements of the stronger sex. in afghanistan they labour under this additional hardship, that the men are nearly all cruel and jealous to a degree in their disposition, and among the lower sections of the community the severe conditions of life compel the women to labour very hard and continuously--labour which the men think it beneath their dignity to lighten or share. the wife has to grind the corn, fetch the water, cook the food, tend the children, keep the house clean--in fact, do everything except shopping, from which she is strictly debarred. the husband will not only buy the articles of food required for the daily household consumption, but he will buy her dresses too--or, at least, the material for them--and the lady must be content with his selection, and make up her dresses at home with what her lord is pleased to bring her. how would their sisters in england approve of that? the fetching of the water is often no sinecure. if the well is in the village precincts it may be pleasant enough, as it no doubt affords excellent opportunity for retailing all the village gossip; but in some places, as, for instance, during summer in marwat, the nearest water is six or seven, or even ten, miles away, and the journey there and back has to be made at least every other day. in marwat the women saddle up their asses with the leathern bottles made from goatskins long before daybreak, and the nocturnal traveller sometimes meets long strings of these animals going to or returning from the watering-place under the care of a number of the village women and girls. the animals in these cases have to be satisfied with what they drink while at the source of the water-supply. when the women get back to their houses it will be still scarcely dawn, but they have a busy time before them, which will occupy them till midday. first the grain has to be ground in the hand-mills; then yesterday's milk churned; then the cows and goats milked; then the food cooked, the house cleaned, and a hundred and one other duties attended to which only a woman could describe. when on the march the women are heavily loaded. they can often be seen not only carrying the children and household utensils, but driving the pack animals too, while the lordly men are content to carry only their rifle, or at most give a lift to one of the children. yet it is not because the men are callous, but because it is the custom. their fathers and forefathers did the same, and the women would be the first to rebuke a young wife who ventured to complain or object. some of the women of the povindah tribe are splendid specimens of robust womanhood. these people travel hundreds of miles from khorasan to india, carrying their families and household goods with them, and the women can load and manage the camels almost as well as the men, and carry burdens better. the outdoor, vigorous, active life has made them healthy, muscular, and strong, and buxom and good-looking withal, though their good looks do not last so long as they would were their life less rough. but when a baby is born, then comes the suffering. the caravan cannot halt, and there is seldom a camel or ox available for the woman to ride. she usually has to march on the next day, with the baby in her arms or slung over her shoulder, as though nothing had happened. then it is that they endure sufferings which bring them to our hospital, often injured for life. if there is no hospital, well, they just suffer in silence, or--they die. the afghan noblemen maintain the strictest parda, or seclusion, of their women, who pass their days monotonously behind the curtains and lattices of their palace prison-houses, with little to do except criticize their clothes and jewels and retail slander; and afghan boys of good family suffer much moral injury from being brought up in the effeminate and voluptuous surroundings of these zenanas. the poorer classes cannot afford to seclude their women, so they try to safeguard their virtue by the most barbarous punishments, not only for actual immorality, but for any fancied breach of decorum. a certain trans-frontier chief that i know, on coming to his house unexpectedly one day, saw his wife speaking to a neighbour over the wall of his compound. drawing his sword in a fit of jealousy, he struck off her head and threw it over the wall, and said to the man: "there! you are so enamoured of her, you can have her." the man concerned discreetly moved house to a neighbouring village. the recognized punishment in such a case of undue familiarity would have been to have cut off the nose of the woman and, if possible, of the man too. this chief, in his anger, exceeded his right, and if he had been a lesser man and the woman had had powerful relations, he might have been brought to regret it. but as a rule a woman has no redress; she is the man's property, and a man can do what he likes with his own. this is the general feeling, and no one would take the trouble or run the risk of interfering in another man's domestic arrangements. a man practically buys his wife, bargaining with her father, or, if he is dead, with her brother; and so she becomes his property, and the father has little power of interfering for her protection afterwards, seeing he has received her price. the chief exception is marriage by exchange. suppose in each of two families there is an unmarried son and an unmarried daughter; then they frequently arrange a mutual double marriage without any payments. in such cases the condition of the wives is a little, but only a little, better than in the marriage by purchase. if a man and a woman are detected in immorality, then the husband is at liberty to kill both; but if he lets the man escape, he is not allowed to kill him subsequently in cold blood. if he does, then a blood-feud will be started, and the relations of the murdered man legitimately retaliate, or he must pay up the difference in the price between that of a man's life and that of a woman's honour. in practice, one often finds that a man has been murdered where, by tribal custom, he should only have had his nose cut off; as it is obviously easier for the aggrieved husband to ambush and shoot him unawares than to overpower him sufficiently to cut off his nose. every year in the mission hospital we get a number of cases, many more women than men, where the sufferer has had the nose cut off by a clean cut with a knife, which sometimes cuts away a portion of the upper lip as well. this being a very old mutilation in india, the people centuries ago elaborated an operation for the removal of the deformity, whereby a portion of skin is brought down from the forehead and stitched on the raw surface where the nose had been cut off, and we still use this operation, with certain modifications, for the cases that come to us. two years ago a forbidding-looking afghan brought down his wife to the bannu mission hospital. in a fit of jealousy he had cut off her nose, but when he reflected in a cooler moment that he had paid a good sum for her, and had only injured his own property and his domestic happiness, he was sorry for it, and brought her for us to restore to her as far as possible her pristine beauty. she had a low forehead, unsuitable for the usual operation, so i said to the husband that i did not think the result of the operation would be very satisfactory; but if he would pay the price i would purchase him an artificial nose from england, which, if it did not make her as handsome as before, would at any rate conceal the deformity. "how much will it cost?" said the afghan. "about thirty rupees." there was a silence: he was evidently racked by conflicting sentiments. "well, my man, what are you thinking about? will you have it or no?" "i was thinking this, sir," he replied, "you say it costs thirty rupees, and i could get a new wife for eighty rupees." and this was said before the poor woman herself, without anything to show that he felt he had said anything out of the common! i am glad to say, however, that he ultimately decided to have the original wife patched up, paid the money, and i procured him the article from england, which gave, i believe, entire satisfaction, and the last time i heard of them they were living happily together. perhaps he is able to hold out the threat of locking up her nose should she annoy him, and knows he can remove it as often as he likes now without having to pay up another thirty rupees. in a case where i procured a false nose for a man, the shop in england sent out a pale flesh-coloured nose, while his skin was dark olive! obviously this had to be remedied, so i procured some walnut stain, and gave him something not very different from the colour of the rest of his face. unfortunately, he started off home before it was dry, and was caught in a rainstorm. he was annoyed to find himself the centre of merriment on his arrival at his village, and came back to me to complain. the nose was all streaky! the fine physique and good health of the hill afghans and nomadic tribes is largely due to the fact that their girls do not marry till full grown, not usually till over twenty, and till then they lead healthy, vigorous, outdoor lives. they form a great contrast to the puny hindu weaklings, the offspring of the marriage of couples scarcely in their "teens." the two greatest social evils from which the afghan women suffer are the purchase of wives and the facility of divorce. i might add a third--namely, plurality of wives; but though admittedly an evil where it exists, it is not universally prevalent, like the other two--in fact, only men who are well-to-do can afford to have more than one wife. the muhammadans themselves are beginning to stem the evil and explain away the verses in the quran which permit it, by saying that there is the proviso that a man may only marry a plurality of wives if he can be quite impartial to all of them; and as that is not possible, monogamy must be considered the law for ordinary mortals. the following, which was enacted under my eyes, shows the evil that results from divorce and polygamy. there were three brothers, whom we will call abraham, sandullah, and fath, all happily married to one wife each. abraham, the eldest brother, died. the second brother was now entitled to marry the widow; but she did not like him, while she had a decided liking for the youngest brother, fath. she had, however, a hatred for fath's wife, and was determined not to be junior wife to her. fath, carried away by the charms and cajolings of the widow, consented to divorce his own wife on condition of the widow marrying him. she agreed, vowing she would never marry sandullah, and then fath divorced his wife. but meanwhile sandullah insisted on his rights, and forced the widow to marry him. she perforce submitted, but i think he got some lively times at home, and the woman took opportunities of meeting fath. then what does the insatiable and foolish sandullah do but marry the divorced wife of his younger brother. the widow was now furious: she had refused to marry the man she fancied unless he divorced that woman, and now she is married to the man she did not want, and has got the hated woman as co-wife into the bargain. there was a man of desperate character in the village who had been captivated by the widow's charms. she had so far refused his advances, but now, to have her way, she told him that if he desired to gain his end he must first dispose of her present husband. that was no obstacle to the lover, and, with the collusion of the woman, he enticed the man out into his cornfield one day, and there strangled him. the murder eventually was brought home to the unscrupulous lover, and he got penal servitude, while the foul enchantress was left free to marry the youngest brother, fath, whom she originally desired. very few of the afghan women can read the quran; for the rest they are absolutely ignorant of all learning, and often when we are trying to explain some directions for treatment in the hospital, they excuse their denseness by saying: "we are only cattle: how can we understand?" they know very little of their own religion beyond the prayers and a variety of charms and superstitions. some time ago we had a strange case in the women's (holtby) ward. she was a feeble old hindu woman who felt she had not long to live, and who had such a horror of her body being burnt to ashes after death, as is the custom with hindus, that to escape from her relatives she came into the hospital, saying, she wished to become a muhammadan, so that she might be buried. we began to explain to her the gospel of christ, but she appeared too old to take in something so novel, and finding we were not the muhammadans she took us for, she sent word to a muhammadan anjuman to have her taken away. we assured her that we would nurse and care for her, and not burn her body; but no! perhaps we might only be some kind of hindus in disguise! so she went off with her muhammadan friends, and in due time was buried. unlike this old lady, some of the cases that come into our women's ward are tragic beyond words. let me give one story as told us by the poor sufferer herself, and she is only one of many who are suffering, unknown and uncared for, in afghanistan at the present time. for, indeed--for the women especially--it is a country full of the habitations of cruelty. her name was dur jamala, or "beautiful pearl." she and her husband were both suffering from cataract, and lived near kabul. they were trying to resign themselves to lives of blindness and beggary when someone visited their village who told them of a doctor in bannu who cured all kinds of eye diseases. so, getting together all they could, which only came to about eighteen rupees, they started out on foot on their long and weary journey to bannu--one hundred and fifty miles of rough road, with two mountain passes to cross on the way! they took with them their only child, a girl of about ten, and travelled slowly, stage by stage, towards bannu. but before they had got far on their way, in a lonely part of the road, some cruel brigands robbed them of all their savings, beat her husband to death before her eyes, and tore away the weeping child, whom they would sell for a good price into some harim. poor dur jamala was left alone and helpless, crushed with grief. from that time it took her just ten months to get to bannu, having been helped first by one and then by another on the way. she reached bannu very worn and weary, and in rags, and was very grateful indeed to us for a comfortable bed and a good meal. the operation was successful, and resulted in her obtaining good sight in that eye. but meanwhile someone had frightened her, telling her that hell would be her punishment for listening to our teaching. she wept very much, and refused to allow us to operate on the other eye or listen to any more of our "wicked religion." we saw no more of her for about four months, when she appeared one day in our out-patient department in great pain from suppuration of the second eye. she had been to some charlatan, who, in operating on it, had completely destroyed the vision of that eye, and she had suffered so much that she was only too glad to put herself again under our treatment. the second eye had to be removed, but she is able to work, as the sight of the first is good, and she often comes to us now and listens to the teaching, although she still says: "your medicine is very good, but your religion is wicked." yet in listening to the gospel story she finds some solace in the great sorrow which has so clouded the life of poor "beautiful pearl." if some of our medical ladies and nurses in england saw how their poor afghan sisters suffered, often in silence and hopelessness, would not some of them come out to do the work of christ and bear his name among them? "i was sick, and ye visited me." though till now we have only had a man doctor in bannu, yet forty or fifty women attend the out-patients' department nearly every day, and many of these have undertaken long and wearisome journeys to reach us. there are the hindu women from bannu city collected together in one corner of the verandah, lest they should be polluted by contact with the muhammadan women from the villages. for the women are much greater sticklers for the observance of all the niceties of hindu ceremonial than their more westernized husbands, and would have to undergo the trouble of a complete bath on returning home if they had been in contact with anything ceremonially impure. one can recognize the hindu women at once by their clothes. they wear the same three garments winter and summer--a skirt reaching down to their ankles; a curious upper garment, like a waistcoat with no back to it; and a veil, which falls over and covers their otherwise bare back, and which they hurriedly pull over their faces when they see a man. the muhammadan women have indeed the veil, but the other garments are quite different. the upper garment is a full dress, coming down at least to the knees, and full of pleats and puckers, and ornamented by rows of silver and brass coins across the breast, while the nether garment is a pair of loose, baggy pyjamas of some dark-coloured material, usually blue or red, with very remarkable funnel-like extremities below the knees. at this point the baggy portion is succeeded by a tightly-fitting trouser, the piece about twice the length of the leg, and which is, therefore, crowded up above the ankle into a number of folds, which accumulate the dust and dirt, if nothing worse. the povindah women--strong, robust, and rosy from the bracing highlands of khorasan--are dressed almost entirely in black, the marwat women in blue veils and red-and-blue pyjamas, the bannuchi women in black veils and red pyjamas, and the women of other tribes each in their own characteristic dress. even the style in which the hair is plaited and worn is sufficient not only to indicate what tribe the woman belongs to, but also whether she is married or unmarried. the povindah women are very fond of blue tattoo marks over their foreheads, while all alike are proud of the row of silver coins which is worn hanging over the forehead. the hindu women plaster the hair of the forehead and temples with a vermilion paste, not merely for cosmetic reasons, but because it is sacred to their god vishnu. then, the sturdy, sunburnt faces of the wazir women tell tales of the hard, rough outdoor life they perforce lead, and contrast with the more delicate and gentler faces of the hindus. notwithstanding the careful way in which all except the hill women veil their faces from masculine gaze, they are very sensitive as to what is being thought of them, and sometimes an impudent man meets a woman who at once closely veils herself, and remarks to his companion: "ah! her nose has been cut off!" this imputation, not only on her looks, but on her character, is usually too much for her, and she indignantly unveils her face, to cover it up again at once in shame when she finds it was only a ruse! the hill women rarely, if ever, wash either their bodies or their clothes, and suffer much in the hot weather from skin troubles as a result. the hindu women, on the other hand, who appear to aim at doing in everything the exact opposite to their muhammadan sisters, bathe on the slightest pretext, summer and winter, and often women who carefully veil their faces when passing down the street bathe in the river and streams in a state of nudity, regardless of passers-by. most of the women have a great aversion to telling their own name, because it is considered a very indelicate thing for a married woman to mention her own name. it would be very difficult to make the necessary entries in the register were it not that there is usually some other woman with her, and etiquette does not prevent her friend telling what her name is. otherwise she will usually mention the name of her eldest son, who may be a baby in arms, or may be a grown man--never, of course, of a daughter: she must only be mentioned in a whisper, and with an apology, if at all--saying: "i am the mother of paira lai," or "i am the mother of muhammad ismaã¯l." notwithstanding the state of servitude in which the women are kept and their crass ignorance and superstition, they have great power in their home circles, and mould the characters of the rising generations more even than the fathers. this fact was brought home very forcibly to me one day in school. a subject had to be fixed on for the next meeting of the school debating society. various subjects had been proposed and negatived. i suggested: "who has most influence in moulding our characters--our fathers or our mothers?" "how could we have so one-sided a debate?" responded half a dozen boys at once. "who could be found to argue for the fathers? of course, our mothers have all the influence." how important, then, for the future of the nation that something should be done to raise, and elevate, and purify the mothers of the nation! chapter xvi the story of a convert a trans-frontier merchant--left an orphan--takes service--first contact with christians--interest aroused in an unexpected way--assaulted--baptism--a dangerous journey--taken for a spy--a mother's love--falls among thieves--choosing a wife--an afghan becomes a foreign missionary--a responsible post--saved by a grateful patient. in the highlands between kabul and jelalabad is a secluded valley, girt with pine-clad hills, and down which a tributary of the kabul river flows, fertilizing the rice crops which rise terrace above terrace on the slopes of the hills, and meandering in sparkling rivulets through the villages which lie nestling among orchards of peaches and apples, interspersed with fine walnut and plane trees. this is the valley of laghman, and, like the kabulis, the men are great merchants, and travel about between central asia and hindustan. one of these merchants took his young son, jahan khan, down with him to india on one of his journeys, in order that he might serve his apprenticeship in the trade of his father and see something of the wealthy cities and beautiful buildings of india, the fame of which had so often roused the boyish imaginations of the youth of laghman, and made it the desire of their lives to travel down once to india and see for themselves its glories and its wealth. father and son travelled about for two years, buying and selling and taking contracts for road-making, at which the afghans are great adepts, till one summer the father was stricken down with dysentery. the boy took him to a mission hospital, where for the first time he heard the story of the gospel; but he had been always taught to look upon the english as infidels, and he used to stop his ears, lest any of the words spoken by the mission doctor might defile his faith. the disease grew worse, and the father paid some men to carry him to the shrine of a noted saint in the neighbourhood, called sakhi sarwar, which was renowned for its power in healing diseases. he made a votive offering, but still the malady grew worse, and at last one morning jahan khan found himself an orphan hundreds of miles away from home and relations, with no friends and no money to help him home. it is the great desire of an afghan who dies away from his country to have his body embalmed and carried back, it may be, hundreds of miles on a camel, to be interred in his ancestral graveyard; but how could the poor boy, without money or friends, perform this duty? he had to be content with burying his father near the tomb of the famous saint, whose benign influence might be expected to serve him in good stead on the day of the resurrection. jahan khan then took service with some muhammadans of the country, and it was in this way that i first met him. soon after my arrival in india i wanted a body-servant who knew no language but pashtu, in order that i might the more easily gain proficiency in that language. the muhammadan gentleman to whom i applied recommended me jahan khan; but jahan khan himself resented the idea of becoming servant to a feringi and an infidel, which he thought would jeopardize his faith and his salvation. his muhammadan patron laughed at his scruples, and quoted the pashtu proverb, "the feringis in their religion, and we in ours," saying: "so long as you say your prayers regularly, and read the quran, and keep the fast, and do not eat their food, lest by any chance there should be swine's flesh in it, you have no reason to fear." for some time jahan khan served me well, but was evidently chary of too dangerous an intimacy. i had at that time an educated afghan who was teaching me pashtu, and he sometimes twitted jahan khan with his inability to read. this made the boy desirous of learning, and he persuaded the munshi to give him a lesson every day. when the alphabet had been mastered, the munshi was looking about for some simple book for reading-lessons, and he happened to take up a pashtu gospel which had been given him and laid aside, and from this jahan khan got his first reading-lessons. before long the teaching of the book he was reading riveted his attention. it was so different from the old muhammadan ideas with which he had been brought up. instead of the law of "eye for eye and tooth for tooth," was the almost incredible command to forgive your enemies. his reading-lesson became the event of the day for him, not merely on account of the advance in learning, but because of the new ideas which were stirring in his mind. when the munshi observed that a change had come over him, he became alarmed, and told jahan khan that he must have no more reading-lessons at all, and that he had better give up all idea of learning to read. the seed was, however, already sown, and despite the adjurations of the munshi, jahan khan astonished me one day by coming to ask that i should continue the reading-lessons with him. it was a delight to notice week by week the growth of the spirit in the boy's heart, but with all that there were many storms to brave and many seasons of darkness and unbelief, which threatened to crush the young seedling before it was yet able to weather the storm. the afghan nature is hot-tempered and reckless, and he found it difficult to curb his spirit under the taunts of those around him. one afternoon, as i was sitting in my room, i heard shouts from outside--"o daktar sahib! o daktar sahib!"--and on running out found that two muhammadans had seized him and were beating him, while they were trying to stifle his cries by twisting his turban round his neck. this was only the first of many times that the young convert was to bear the reproach of the cross, and he had not yet learnt to take the vindictiveness of his muhammadan compatriots with the forbearance which was a later growth of the spirit. this assault, however, resulted in a parting of the ways, and from that time jahan khan publicly avowed himself a christian. he had many a battle yet to fight--not so much with outward enemies as with his own pathan nature--but the spirit was to conquer. some time after his baptism jahan khan conceived a burning desire to revisit his childhood's home. his widowed mother was still living there with his brothers and cousins, and he wanted to tell them of his new-found faith. we pointed out to him the great dangers that attended his enterprise. in that country, to become a pervert from muhammadanism was a capital offence, and even the nearest relation could not be depended on to incur the odium and danger of protecting a relative who had brought disgrace on islam. jahan khan could not, however, be dissuaded, and at last the preparations were made. some copies of the gospels in the persian and pashtu languages were sewn inside his trousers, a baggy afghan garment, lending itself appropriately to this kind of secretion. on reaching jelalabad, some of the afghan police arrested him on suspicion of being a spy of the ex-amir, y'akub khan, and he was in imminent danger of discovery. a few rupees in the hands of the not too conscientious officials saved the situation, and after sundry other vicissitudes he reached his home. his mother and brothers received him with every token of delight, and for some days there were great rejoicings. then came the time when he had to make known his change of faith. at first, when the villagers missed him from the public prayers in the mosque, they thought it was merely the weariness of the journey; but as the days passed by, and he still did not appear, it became necessary to give explanations. no sooner was it known that he was a christian than the villagers clamoured for his life. an uncle of his, however, who was himself a mullah, managed to appease them on condition that he should leave the country at once; and that night there were great weepings in his house, for his mother felt that she was not only going to lose her newly returned son, but that he had sold his soul to the devil and disgraced her whole family. still, however, mother's love conquered, and she prepared him his food for the journey, and parted with many embraces. "o that you should have become a feringi! woe is me, but still you are my son!" he left the books with some mullahs there, who, though they would have been afraid to accept them openly, or let it be known that they were in the possession of such heretical literature, were nevertheless actuated by curiosity to hide the books away, that they might see, at some quiet opportunity, what the teaching of the book of the christians was. jahan khan's dangers were not yet, however, over. travellers from kabul to india could not venture through the passes in small parties, but joined one of those enormous caravans which pass twice weekly through the khaiber pass. in these caravans, besides the honest trader and bona-fide traveller, there are usually some unscrupulous robbers, who try by trickery or by force to get the property of their fellow-travellers. a common method with them is some evening, after the day's journey is over, to propose a convivial party. "we have just slain a kid," they will say to the unsuspecting traveller, "and we have cooked the most delicious soup. will you come and share it?" but in the soup they have mixed a quantity of a poisonous herb, which causes insensibility, or it may be madness, in those who partake of it. whether they knew of jahan khan's secret, or whether they thought that he might be carrying money with him, i cannot say; but he, all unsuspectingly, joined in one of these evening feasts, and remembered nothing more until, some days later, the caravan entered peshawur. with a great effort he struggled up to the mission bungalow, but it was some days before he was able to undertake the journey to bannu, and still longer before he regained his previous health. his visit to his home had not been without fruit, and about a year later a brother and two cousins journeyed down from laghman to bannu, and while there one at least was brought to ask for christian baptism, and is to this day working in one of our frontier medical missions. the others placed themselves under instruction, but they could not stand the heat of the indian summer, and became so homesick for their mountain village that they returned there. among the thousand and one duties that fall to the lot of a frontier missionary is that of becoming a matchmaker to some of the converts. it may be that in one station a number of young men are brought into the christian fold where there is no corresponding women's work, whereby they might be enabled to set up house for themselves, while it would be courting many dangers to expect them to live for an indefinite period in a state of single blessedness. thus it came about that i undertook a journey with jahan khan down to india, and in one of the zenana missions there we found a girl who was to become his helpmeet through life. she came of one of those afghan families which had long been domiciled in british india, and had been brought to the christian faith through the devoted efforts of some lady missionary. she had also received the training of a compounder and midwife from the lady doctor where she had been converted, and so was able to be, not only a light to his home, but also an efficient helper in the work of the mission. some time after the happy pair had made their home in bannu, and after on three successive occasions the arrival of a young afghan had brought still more happiness into their married life, a letter came from a devoted missionary working in a difficult outpost in the persian gulf. the letter set forth how the missionary had been left almost without a helper in one of the most difficult and fanatical fields of missionary effort among muhammadans, and ended by an appeal for some native worker to come out and help. it was difficult to resist such an appeal, and though loth to lose the services of jahan khan even for a time, one felt that one had no worker more eminently suited for stepping into the breach. the afghan makes an excellent pioneer. his pride of race and self-reliance enable him to work in an isolated and difficult field, where a convert from the plains of india would quickly lose heart. so it came about, in a few weeks' time, that we had a farewell meeting in bannu for bidding god-speed to jahan khan and family in their new sphere of missionary labour; and we felt what a privilege it was, for not only had we seen the first-fruits of the harvest of afghanistan, but had also seen an afghan convert going out as a missionary to what was as much a foreign country for him as india is for us. for some time he shared with the devoted american missionaries the vicissitudes of work among the fanatical arabs of bahrain, and here his eldest daughter was taken from him and laid to rest in the little christian cemetery. when some time later he could be spared to return to bannu, we put him to work in the mission hospital, where he was not only able to influence the numerous afghans who every week came from over the border as patients, but was able also to acquire great proficiency in medical and surgical practice. some years after this we had occasion to open fresh work in a village--kharrak--in the midst of the pathan population of the kohat district, and when we were in need of a thoroughly reliable man to place in this isolated outpost, we found no one better suited than jahan khan. kharrak is a chief salt mart in the kohat districts, and in the centre of a fertile valley, which, from the amount of grain it produces, has been called the "granary of the khattaks." hard by are salt-quarries, which employ a good number of labourers, and attract merchants with their caravans from distant parts. i first visited this town in 1895, in company with jahan khan, and found a rough and fanatical population, who refused to listen to our message, and even rejected our medical aid. as years passed by many of them had occasion to become patients in the bannu mission hospital, and they carried back good accounts to their fellow-townsmen of the benefits they had received and the sympathy that had been displayed towards them, with the result that before long our visits were welcomed, we were able to preach in their bazaars, and eventually they asked us to open permanent work there, gave us a suitable site close to the town, and raised subscriptions to help in the building. when first jahan khan and his devoted wife started work at kharrak, they had a great deal of prejudice and antagonism to overcome, owing to their being converts from muhammadanism; but, by patience and consistency of life, by uniform kindness to all the sick and needy who came for their aid, they gradually lived it down. i have now no greater pleasure in my work than to visit kharrak, and to see these two faithful workers in their hospital, surrounded by the sick and needy, telling them of the precious sacrifice of christ--the very muhammadans who were once, in their fanaticism, thirsting for his blood, now quietly sitting round and listening attentively while he recounts, day by day, the story of the cross. i will give an instance to show how a consistent christian life can influence even such wild, ferocious pathans as those of kharrak. some fanatical muhammadans, irritated at the preaching of the gospel in their town, hired a professional assassin to come to shoot jahan khan; but the man happened to be one who had been indebted to the young doctor for recovery from a severe illness, in which he had, by his unremitting attention, been the means of saving his life. when he found who it was he was required to kill, he returned the money and informed jahan khan, that he might be on his guard. jahan khan called for the men who had hired the assassin, expostulated with them for their ingratitude for the benefits they had received in the hospital, and, when they expressed their contrition, freely forgave them, and now they are his staunch partisans. chapter xvii the hindu ascetics the hindu sadhus more than two thousand years ago much as to-day--muhammadan faqirs much more recent--the indian ideal--this presents a difficulty to the missionary--becoming a sadhu--an afghan disciple--initiation and equipment--hardwar the holy--a religious settlement--natural beauties of the locality--only man is vile--individualism versus altruism--the water god--wanton monkeys--tendency to make anything unusual an object of worship--a brahman fellow-traveller--a night in a temple--waking the gods--a hindu sacrament--a religious bedlam--a ward for imbeciles--religious delusions--"all humbugs"--yogis and hypnotism--voluntary maniacs--the daily meal--feeding, flesh, fish, and fowl. all the travellers and tourists who have recorded their experiences of india mention the strange, fantastic, ochre-habited ascetics who are met with in town and village, by the roadside and at fairs--nay, even in the modern railway-station, where they seem strangely out of place. but few have cared to cultivate their more intimate acquaintance; they have little in them that is attractive to the western eye, and often appear absolutely repulsive. yet, to a missionary at least, there is a fascination about them. they embody the religious ideals of the east, and carry one back to the hoary past, long before alexander marched into india, when the same enigmas of life were puzzling the mystical mind of the east, and the same sadhus were seeking their solution in her trackless jungles and beside her mighty rivers. sadhus, i say, because then there were no faqirs. faqirs are of comparatively recent origin, dating from the time of the muhammadan invasions, about the tenth century of our era. now the distinction is often lost sight of. the word "faqir" is an arabic one, and denotes a muhammadan ascetic; while the word "sadhu" is sanskrit, and is best retained for the hindu ascetic. the muhammadan faqir is altogether different from the hindu sadhu in his motives, his ideals, his habits, his dress--in fact, in nearly everything; yet contact with the hindu sadhus has had a profound effect upon him, and their philosophies have coloured his religious ideas. the hindus have, on their part too, not been unaffected by the influx of muhammadans, bringing their new monotheistic ideas, and some of the hindu orders appear to be attempts to graft the muslim monotheism on to the mystical hindu pantheism. this is seen most developed in the kabir panthis and the various orders originating from guru nanak. a desire to propitiate and attract their muhammadan conquerors was probably not wanting in the moulding of these new orders; indeed, kabir and guru nanak seem to have had visions of elaborating a creed in which muhammadan and hindu could unite together. the indian religious ideal has always been ascetic and despondent: ascetic, perhaps, because life seemed sad and hopeless. on the other hand, the western ideal is an altruistic and optimistic one. the young missionary, who very likely appeared to his sympathetic friends in england to be making great sacrifices in order to go "to preach the gospel to the heathen," sometimes ignorantly imagines that the people round him in india will recognize what he has denied himself in order to come among them, and will respect him in due proportion. poor deluded man! the modern christian in england has not even learnt the alphabet of austerities and self-denials practised in the name of religion, of which the indians are past masters. he appears to them as one of the ruling race, surrounded by the comforts and luxuries of a house, many servants, books, flowers, photographs, pictures, and the various little creations of civilization, which custom has made the western no longer to look on as superfluous articles of luxury! their ideal has been nearer that of the swami, who had so overcome the bonds of the flesh that he required neither clothes nor viands, but sat nude and impassive, maintaining his vitality on an occasional banana or mango! should the missionary try to accommodate himself to the eastern ideal, and forego many things that are lawful to him in order to gain more influence with the people for his message? every indian missionary has probably asked himself this question at some period of his career. at one time such questionings forced themselves on me with great importunity. there seemed such a gulf between myself, in my comfortable house, surrounded by so many conveniences, and the poor people, around me. the multitudinous administrative duties of the missionary in charge of a station seemed to leave so little time for spiritual dealings with inquirers, and at the end of a long day weariness made it difficult to maintain that very essential equipment of every missionary--"a heart at leisure from itself to soothe and sympathize." then i had a desire to learn more about these men, who might be supposed to represent the embodiment of the religious ideals of the east. the best way seemed to be to adopt their dress and habits, and travel about among them for a time. a young afghan, who was a pupil of mine and a muhammadan student in the school, begged to be allowed to accompany me as a chela, or disciple. as the time at my disposal was limited, it would not have been possible to visit many of the places where sadhus most do congregate had we confined ourselves to the more orthodox method of progression on foot, so we decided to ride our bicycles. this did not seem to affect the reception we met with from the fraternity--in fact, it is not at all uncommon to see sadhus riding; often pious hindus seek to gain merit for themselves by providing them with the means for doing so. when we left bannu, we took no money with us; but we seldom were in want, as we received ungrudging hospitality from hindus, muhammadans, and christians alike. the ochre-coloured garments are sufficient passport all over india, and people give alms and offer hospitality without requiring further evidence of the genuineness of the claims of the applicant on their charity. in fact, unless the sadhu is of known bad character, the hindu would gain his end--that of acquiring merit by almsgiving--as much by giving to one as another; and he would be very unhappy were he not afforded these opportunities of keeping up the credit side of his account, all the more if his gains are ill-gotten, or he is conscious of some underhand dealings which require corresponding acts of merit to balance them. one of the most interesting places we visited was hardwar, the holy bathing-place on the ganges, which is visited by tens of thousands of hindu pilgrims from every part of india every year, and the neighbouring sadhu colony of rishikes. the latter is a village inhabited only by the sanzasis and other sadhus, who have built themselves grass huts in a very picturesque spot, where the ganges river emerges from the himalaya mountains, and commences its long course through the densely-populated plains of india. it is at hardwar that the great ganges canal, one of the great engineering feats of the british rule, has been taken from the river to vivify thousands of acres of good land in the united provinces to the south, and supply their teeming populations with bread. a little above the town of rurki a massive aqueduct carries the whole volume of the canal high above a river flowing beneath, and yet higher up two river-beds are conducted over the canal, which passes beneath them. the uniqueness of this piece of engineering is dependent on two other factors--the crystalline limpidity of the blue water and the glorious scenery which forms a setting to all. i no longer needed to inquire why the common consent of countless generations of hindus had made this neighbourhood their holy land; the appropriateness of it flashed on my mind the moment the glorious vista opened before me. there beyond me were the majestic himalayas, the higher ranges clothed in the purest dazzling white, emblem of the great eternal purity, looking down impassive on all the vicissitudes of puny man, enacting his drama of life with a selfish meanness so sordid in contrast with that spotless purity; and yet not unmoved, for is there not a stream of life-giving water ever issuing from those silent solitudes, without which the very springs of man's existence would dry up and wither? and then, in the nearer distance, the lower ranges clothed in the richest verdure of the primeval forest, vast tracts not yet subdued by the plough of man, where the religious devotee can strive to rise from nature to nature's god, amid those solitudes and recesses where no handiwork of man distracts the soul from the contemplation of the illimitable and mysterious first cause. while looking down from the elevation of the canal, there was spread out at our feet a bucolic scene of peace and plenty, where villages and hamlets, surrounded by green fields and cultivation, lay scattered among sylvan glades, drinking in vivifying streams which had journeyed down by chasm and defile, through valley and meadow, from those distant solitudes. how natural it seemed that in those early vedic ages, when the reverence for the forces of nature was still unsullied by the man-worship engendered by the development of his inventive genius, this vast cathedral of god's own architecture should have been made the chosen place of worship of the race, where the more devout spirits strove not only to worship and adore, but to shake off the trammels of a mere mundane corporal existence, till the spirit was as free as the birds in the air around, as clear from earthly dross as the limpid waters below, and as integral a part of the great eternal whole as nature around, so diverse in its manifestations, yet knitted together in one congruous whole by a pervading and uniform natural law. but facilis descensus averni! how often the most glorious inspirations are dragged down and down till they subserve the basest instincts of man! so here a little farther on--at hardwar--we were to have the spiritual elation engendered by the natural scene cruelly shattered by a sight of the vileness and sordidness of the most repulsive aspects of humanity, and by realizing how the most divine conceptions can be dragged down and abased to pander to all that is brutal and evil in man. not, of course, that all the sadhus at hardwar and rishikes have debased their holy profession. many among them, as i shall shortly describe, are as earnest seekers after divine illumination as could be met with in any country; but, by one of those strange paradoxes so common in the east, they live side by side with the basest charlatans and the most immoral caricatures of their own ideals without evincing any consciousness of the impropriety of it, or resentment at their profession being thus debased before the public eye. the individualistic idea eclipses that of the public weal, and each is so intent on perfecting his own salvation, and drawing himself nearer, step by step, to his goal of absorption in the eternal spirit, that he has come to forget that man has a duty to those around him from which he cannot absolve himself. st. paul tells us, "no man liveth to himself, and no man dieth to himself." the sadhu says each unit is only concerned in building up its own karma, or balance of good and evil actions, whereby it must work out its own destiny regardless of the weal and woe of those around. the hindu idea connects the soul with those other souls before and behind it in a long concatenation of births; the christian idea connects the soul with the other souls around it, contemporaneous with its own corporeal existence, and linked with it by the good and evil vibrations of its own vitality. thus the vista of the sadhu is always introspective, even to a vesting of the natural vital functions of the body with spiritual significations, which require the most laborious practisings and purifications to make them all subserve his great ideal of absolute subjection of the body to the spirit. the vista of the christian missionary and philanthropist is extraspective, seeking to make his own life a means for elevating spiritually and materially the lives of those around him, and disciplining his own body and soul rather, that he may thereby more effectually further this end. "for their sakes i sanctify myself, that they also may be sanctified." a constant stream of pilgrims is ever passing through the bazaar of hardwar to and from that particular part of the river, the water of which is supposed to possess a superlative sanctity. here they bring the calcined bones and ashes of their dead relations, and there is ever a stream of pious hindus bringing these doleful relics for consignment to the sacred stream. as i looked down into the crystal waters i could see the fragments of white bones lying about on the pebbles beneath, with the fish playing in and out among them. strange commingling of life and death! and this has been going on at this spot for three thousand years, for woe to the hindu who has no son to perform his funeral rites, no relative to bring his ashes to the cleansing waters of the mighty ganges! his soul will wander about restlessly, and the sequence of its reincarnations leading to its ultimate absorption in the eternal spirit, will be hampered and retarded! there they fill the glass bottles of all sizes, which they have brought for the purpose, and then place them in wicker baskets on the two ends of a bamboo pole, which is balanced over the shoulder, and with which they will often travel hundreds of miles on foot till they reach their destination. if the hindu for whom the water is being obtained is well-to-do, he will have the water fetched with great pomp and ceremony, ringing of bells, playing of instruments, and chanting of mantras, while the baskets containing the water are gorgeously decorated, and a servant is deputed to fan the aqueous god as he is borne along. probably the hindu would grudge a tenth part of the cost to purify or amplify the water-supply of his own village! naturally the town drives a thriving trade in the bamboo rods, baskets, bottles, and all appurtenances of the mighty pilgrimage. the bazaar is crowded with monkeys, the feeding of which affords boundless opportunities to pious hindus for accumulating merit. these favours the monkeys repay by surreptitiously snatching sweetmeats and fruits from the open shop-fronts and darting off with the booty to the roofs of the shops opposite, where they devour them in quiet with sly winks and leers at the luckless shopkeeper. though inwardly wrathful, he cannot retaliate on the sacred animals, lest he be dubbed a heretic and his trade depart. here, too, we see everywhere exemplified the irrepressible faculty of the hindu for worshipping anything which can possibly be made into an object of veneration. probably all the world through, no race is to be found so bent on turning all the events and circumstances of life into religious acts of worship. if anything or anyone is pre-eminently good or pre-eminently bad, or has any particular quality, good or evil, developed to excess, or is a monstrosity in any way, then he or it is sure to become an object of worship. a hindu addicted to wine-bibbing will sometimes turn his drinking orgy into an act of religious worship, in which the wine-bottle is set up on a pedestal and duly garlanded, apostrophized, and adored. a sadhu may be a notoriously bad man, but if his vices have given him a preeminence over his fellow-men, he will find multitudes of hindus, men and women, who will regard them only as so many proofs of his divinity, and worship him accordingly. it is not that the hindu does not recognize or reprobate vice--he does both; but, then, he holds the idea that spirit is eternally pure and good, and matter eternally gross and evil, and that if a sadhu attains the stage where spirit has triumphed over body, his actions become divorced from ethics, and are no longer to be judged as though his spirit was capable of contamination from the acts of its earthly tabernacle. hence it is that the stories of the hindu divinities, which seem to us distinctly immoral, do not strike the pantheistic hindu mind as such, for ethics have ceased to be a concern to one whose austerities have won for him union with the divine essence. here in hardwar was a weird collection of bovine monstrosities--cows with three horns, one eye, or a hideous tumour; calves with two heads or two bodies. these were paraded forth by their fortunate possessors, who reaped a good harvest of coins from the devout visitors, who worshipped them as illustrations of the vagaries of divinity, and hoped, by offering them alms, to propitiate their destinies. rishikes, the city of the sadhus, is eighteen miles higher up the river from hardwar, and the road lies through a dense forest. the road is only a rough track, but pious hindus have erected temples and rest-houses at short intervals, where travellers can spend the night and get refreshment. after proceeding some distance through the forest i met a brahman journeying the same way with a heavily-laden pony. the pony was obstreperous, and the luggage kept falling off, so the brahman gladly accepted the offer of my assistance, and after repacking the luggage in a securer manner we got along very well. the brahman beguiled the time by telling me histories of the past glories of the rishis of the himalayas, and how the spread of infidelity and cow-killing was undermining the fabric of hinduism. false sadhus and sanyasis from the lower non-brahman castes were crowding into their ranks for the sake of an easier living, till it was almost impossible to distinguish the true from the false, and a bad name was brought upon all. any hindu of the three upper castes may become a sadhu, and should, according to manu's code, become a sanyasi in his later years. but he does not thereby attain to the sanctity of a brahman, and the brahmans have many stories to relate to show how many have undergone extreme austerities and bodily afflictions in order to obtain spiritual power, and have thereby gained great gifts from the gods, but without attaining the coveted sanctity of the born brahman. the sun had already set, and the forest path was becoming difficult to follow in the gathering gloom when we reached a clearing with a temple and a few cottages built round it, so we decided to spend the night there. through the kind offices of the brahman, i was given a small room adjoining the temple, on the stone floor of which i spread my blanket, and prepared to make myself comfortable for the night. i had consumed my supper of bread and pulse, and given the remnants to the temple cow, and settled myself to sleep, when i was roused by a fearful din. the temple in which i had found refuge was dedicated to vishnu and lakshmi, and their full-size images, dressed up in gaudy tinsel, were within. the time for their evening meal had arrived, but the gods were asleep, and the violent tomtoming and clashing of cymbals which awoke me so suddenly was really intended to make the drowsy gods bestir themselves to partake of the supper which their worshippers had reverently brought them. when the gods were thoroughly roused, and the dainty food had been set before them, the priest proceeded to fan them with some peacocks' feathers while the meal might be imagined to be in course of consumption, and meanwhile the worshippers bowed themselves on the floor before them, prostrating themselves with arms and legs extended on the stones and foreheads in the dust, the more zealous continuing their prostrations as long as the meal lasted. in these prostrations eight parts of the body have to touch the ground--the forehead, breast, hands, knees, and insteps--and i have seen pilgrims travelling towards a holy place some hundreds of miles distant by continuous prostrations of this kind, the feet being brought up to where the hands were, and the prostration repeated, and thus the whole distance measured out by interminable prostrations. this formidable austerity may take years, but will gain the performer great sanctity and power with the gods whose shrine he thus visits. the meal over, the worshippers knelt reverently in line, and received a few drops each of the water left over, and a few grains of corn that had been sanctified by being part of the meal of the gods, taking them from the priest in their open palm, and drinking the water and eating the corn with raptures of pleasure and renewed prostrations. one could not but be forcibly reminded of a somewhat ceremonious celebration of the christian eucharist. this over, the worshippers departed, the gods were gently fanned to sleep, the priest and the most substantial part of the dinner were left alone, and i became oblivious. the next morning the brahman and i were up betimes, and girded ourselves for the accomplishment of the nine miles of forest which still lay between us and our destination, before reaching which we had to ford several small rivers. however, the rays of the sun had scarcely become pleasantly warm when we found ourselves elbowing our way through the sadhus and pilgrims who were crowding the small but striking bazaar of rishikes. this place has so little in common with the world in general, is so diverse from all one's preconceived notions and ideas, its mental atmosphere departs so far from the ordinary human standard, that it is hard to know whether to describe it in the ordinary terms of human experience, or whether to look on it as a weird dream of the bygone ages of another world. as for myself, i had not been wandering among its ochre-habited devotees for a quarter of an hour before my mind involuntarily reverted to a time, many years past, when i was a student of mental disease in bethlem hospital, and to a dream i had had at that time, when i imagined i found myself an inmate, no longer as a psychological student, but with the indescribably uncanny feeling, "i am one of them myself. now these madmen around me are only counterparts of myself." so now, as some of these forms of voluntary self-torture and eccentricity, nudity, or ash-besmeared bodies, aroused feelings of abhorrence, i had to check myself with the thought: "but you yourself are one of them too: these weird sadhus are your accepted brothers in uniform." and so the illusion continued so long as i moved among them, and when finally i left rishikes behind me, it was like waking from some nightmare. accompany me round the imaginary wards, and we will first visit that for imbeciles. we find most of them sitting out in the jungle under trees or mats, avoiding the proximity of their fellow-creatures, recoiling from any intrusion on their privacy, preserving a vacuous expression and an unbroken silence, resenting any effort to draw them into conversation or to break into the impassivity of their abstraction. they do not look up as you approach; they offer you no sign of recognition; whether you seat yourself or remain standing, they show no consciousness of your presence. flies may alight on their faces, but still their eyes remain fixed on the tip of their noses, and their hands remain clasping their crossed legs. they have sought to obtain fusion with the eternal spirit by cultivating an ecstatic vacuity of mind, and have fallen into the error of imagining that the material part of their nature can be etherealized by merely ignoring it, until the process of atrophy from disuse often proceeds so far that there is no mind left to be etherealized at all, and there is little left to distinguish them from one of those demented unfortunates who have been deprived by disease of that highest ornament of humanity. leaving these, let us proceed to the ward set apart for delusional insanity. the first sadhu tells you that he is possessed by a spirit which forbids him to eat except every third day. another avers that he is in reality a cow in human form, and therefore must eat nothing but grass and roots. a third i found sitting in nudity and arrogance on his grass mat, and repeating sententiously time after time: "i am god, i am god!" i remember a patient at bethlem whose delusion was that he was himself the superintendent of the asylum, the one sane man among all the mad, and he went round the ward pointing out to me each patient with the remark: "he is mad--quite mad. he, too, he also is mad," and so on. but i was much surprised to meet the same gentleman here. he was in the form of a bengali babu, a b.a. of the calcutta university, and had held high posts under government; but now, in later life, in dissatisfaction with the world at large, had thrown it all up and sought in the garb of a sanyasi recluse at rishikes for that peace which an office and babudom can never afford. recognizing me as a novice, he took me by the arm, saying in english (which in itself seemed strange and out of place amid these surroundings): "come along; i explain to you jolly well all the show." we strolled in and out among the various groups of sadhus, and at each new form of sadhuism he would deliver himself after this manner: "see this man--he is a humbug, pure humbug. see that man lying on all the sharp stones--he is a humbug. look at these here--humbugs! there, that man, reciting the mantras--he pure humbug. all these humbugs!" and so on. here is the section for the study and practice of hypnotism. these yogis maintain that by a knowledge of the spiritual states engendered by various samadhs or contorted positions of the body and legs, and by elaborate breathing exercises, they are able to subdue the unruly and material currents of the bodily senses and the brain, and tap that inner source of spiritual knowledge and divinity which makes them ipso facto masters of all knowledge, able to commune at will with the deity himself. the contortions into which they are able to thrust their limbs, and the length of time that they are able to sit impassive and imperturbable in what appear to be the most painfully constrained postures, show that years of practice, commenced when the joints and sinews are supple, must be required for the attainment of this ecstatic state. there can be no doubt, i think, that masters do exercise the power of hypnotism on their chelas, and are thereby able to perform painful operations on them (such as piercing various parts of their anatomy with iron skewers) without their wincing or showing visible signs of pain. other practices which these yogis have been carrying on for centuries in their haunts in the himalayas remind one forcibly of the modus operandi of the western hypnotist, and no doubt both attain success through a knowledge, empirical though it may be, of the same psycho-physiological laws. leaving these, let us examine some of the cases of mania--a few of them acute, others more or less chronic, or passing on into a drivelling dementia. here is a man quite naked, except for the white ashes rubbed over his dusky body, who, with long dishevelled locks and wild expression, hurries up and down the bazaar barking like a dog, and making it his boast never to use intelligible language. another, after painting his naked body partly white and partly black, has tied all the little bits of rag he has picked up in the road to various parts of his person. a third has adorned his filthy, mud-covered body with wild-flowers, whose varying beauty, now withering in the noonday sun, seems a picture of how his mind and conscience, once the glory of his manhood, have now faded into a shadow. another is lying by choice in the mud by the roadside, to be fouled by the dust of the passers-by, and almost trampled on by the cows, hoping by this abject affectation of humility to be thought the greater saint. for, by a curious paradox, it is often those who make the greatest display of humility and subjection of the passions who show the greatest sensitiveness to public opinion of their sanctity, and quite fail in concealing their jealousy when some other sadhu outdoes them, and gains the greater meed of public admiration. there is another man to be seen wandering aimlessly about and picking up bits of filth and ordure, and putting them in his mouth and chewing them. but to give a further account of these caricatures of humanity would be loathsome to the reader, as their contemplation became to me--the more so as the thought kept recurring to my mind, "and you are one of them, too, now"; and who knows to what point the imitative faculty of man, that contagion of the mind, may not raise or lower him? by this time, however, the long fast and the fresh, keen air from the ganges made me begin to wonder how i was going to satisfy a call from within. it was now close on midday, and i saw the sadhus collecting round certain houses with bowls, gourds, and other receptacles. these were the kitchens established by pious hindus of various parts of india with the object of acquiring sufficient merit to counterpoise their demerits--the bribery, chicanery, and lying of their offices, or the more covert sins of their private life. a rich hindu may establish a kitchen in his own name alone, but more often a number unite together to form a guild to keep the kitchen going, and the merit is portioned out like the dividends of a joint-stock company to its shareholders. there were some twenty or more of such kitchens here, in each of which three chapattis and a modicum of dal, potatoes, greens, or some other vegetable were given; and there was nothing to debar a sadhu from going to as many kitchens as he desired--in fact, he knew he was conferring a benefit on the shareholders by consuming their victuals and supplying them thereby with merit. the gnawing pangs of hunger made me mingle with the shoving, jostling throng, and hurry from kitchen to kitchen till i had accumulated nine chapattis, and vegetables in proportion. modesty then made me withdraw, but not so most of my companions. one of these who rejoined me a little later had been to eight kitchens, and brought a supply of twenty-four chapattis, and a large bowl of dal, potatoes, and other vegetables. the custom of the place then required me to descend to the margin of the ganges, and, squatting on a stone which was lapped by its pellucid waters, to consume my portion with draughts of the holy water. but not without a preliminary ceremony, for while the sadhus had been collecting round the kitchens, the cows and bulls had been collecting on the banks of the river, and it was de rigueur first to set aside three portions, and give one to these holy animals, a second portion to the birds in the air, and a third to the fish in the river, after which the remainder, whether one chapatti or twenty, might be consumed with an easy conscience and a courageous digestion. chapter xviii sadhus and faqirs buried gold--power of sympathy--a neglected field--a sadhu converted to christianity--his experiences--causes of the development of the ascetic idea in india--more unworthy motives common at the present time--the prime minister of a state becomes a recluse--a cavalry officer sadhu--dedicated from birth--experiences of a young sadhu--an unpleasant bed-fellow--honest toil--orders of muhammadan ascetics--their characteristics--a faqir's curse--women and faqirs--muhammadan faqirs usually unorthodox--sufistic tendencies--habits of inebriation--the sanctity and powers of a faqir's grave. there were, however, some bright spots even in rishikes, gems among the rubble, lumps of gold concealed among the mass of baser metals--minds earnestly seeking a higher spiritual life, losing themselves, wearying themselves in the quest after truth, intensely conscious of the vanity of this world and its pursuits and pleasures, and striving to obtain in a contemplation of the one only pure, the only unchangeable, the only true, that peace of mind which they instinctively felt and experimentally found was not to be realized in the pursuit of material objects. the painful mistake which made their quest so hopeless was the endeavour to divest themselves of the bonds of their bodily material tabernacle, which, if subjugated to the spirit, forms the basis on which that spirit can work healthily and naturally to its divinest development, but which, if altogether ignored and contemned, reduces that same spirit to a morbid fantasy. with regard to the learning of many of the sanyasis there is not a shadow of doubt. there are men there fit to be sanskrit professors in the universities, and who are deep in the lore of the ancient and voluminous literature of hinduism. yet who benefits by all their learning? they may transmit it to a few disciples, or it may live and die with them; they make no attempt to methodize it, to draw conclusions, to contrast the old order with the new, to summarize or to classify, but cultivate it purely as a mental exercise or religious duty, without apparently even the desire to benefit the world at large thereby. this self-centred individualism, each mind self-satisfied, self-contained, with the springs of sympathy and altruism hard frozen, ever revolving on itself, and evolving a maze of mysticism, at length becomes so entangled in its own introspection that other minds and the world outside cease to have any practical existence for it. this is at once the most salient and the saddest feature of the learned and meditative sadhu. but there they are--men who might have shone academically, who might have enriched the world with thought, research, and criticism, but who have chosen to live for and within themselves, careless whether others live or die, are instructed or remain ignorant. though they have categorically rejected altruism, and denied that they have a duty towards their neighbour, and done their best to shut up the doors of sympathy, yet even with them human nature refuses to be utterly crushed, and will assert itself. one can often discern a suppressed, yet insuppressible, hunger after sympathy, and one has no doubt but that the sympathy which finds its highest expression in the love of christ, whether acted or recounted, will penetrate their hearts, and find a response. unused, any organ will atrophy, and so their capacity for sympathy may be latent and not easily roused. let someone, however, go to them as a fellow-creature, full of love and sympathy--not to despise and to fault-find, but to take hand in hand and bring soul to soul--and he will find that the sadhus of rishikes are human, very human, with the same spiritual hungerings and thirstings, and able to realize and rejoice in the same salvation. it is a pity that more missionaries have not devoted themselves to working among these people. they would need to be men of great devotion and self-abnegation, but there have been many such in other spheres. they would be repelled and disappointed by the callousness and fraud of the majority, but there are the gems to be sought out, and how much hard granite is the miner willing laboriously to crush when he is sure of finding nuggets of gold here and there! and among these sadhus are men who, converted to christianity, would be apostolic in their zeal and devotion, and might, by travelling up and down india, not now in the vain accumulation of merit, but as heralds of the gospel of goodwill, become the wesleys and whitefields of a mighty mass movement of the people towards christ. as an example of such a one and the way in which he was converted from the life of a sadhu to that of a christian preacher, i will quote here the account that rev. b. b. roy gives of his conversion. it shows how strong a hold the ascetic sadhu idea has on a religiously-minded hindu, and how spontaneously his heart seeks in austerity and retirement for the peace which a growing sense of sin and of the evil of the world has taken away. at the same time it shows that, as in the case of buddha, asceticism fails to afford any lasting comfort or peace to the weary storm-tossed soul. he says: "constant starvation and exposure to all sorts of weather reduced my body to a living skeleton. "after a few months' travel i came to hardwar, and then proceeded to a place called rishikes, celebrated for its sadhus and sanyasis. my intention was to stay there and practise yoga [a kind of meditative asceticism], to attain to final beatitude; but a strange event took place, which entirely changed my purpose. the rainy season had already set in; the jungle path was muddy, and at places full of water, so when i reached rishikes i was almost covered with mud. leaving my things in a dharmsala, i was going to bring water from the ganges when i smelt a very bad odour. as i turned round i saw a dead body in the street, rotting in the mud. around the corpse were the huts of the sanyasis, who were performing tap-jap almost the whole day; but none of them had even enough of compassion to dispose of the body of the poor man who had died helpless on the street. i thought that if this was religion, then what was irreligion? my spirit revolted against these sadhus. "i perceived in my heart of hearts that yog-sadhan cannot create that love in man which makes a man feel for a fellow-man. where there is no such love there can be no religion from god." and then he goes on to relate how, leaving rishikes, he fell in with a christian preacher, and eventually found in christ that peace which all his voluntary hardship had failed to afford, and how he had been led on and on in his pilgrim walk, till he had now the blessed and responsible work of teaching others of his fellow-countrymen how best to bring the good news of the eternal love to all the hungry and thirsty souls around. (he was then principal of a theological seminary.) there have already been many such cases of sadhus and faqirs converted to christianity, and these men and women have, as might be expected, exerted an immense influence on their fellow-countrymen. they have presented them with a christianity in an eastern dress which they can recognize as congenial to the sentiments of their country, and exemplified in their own self-denying lives, full of the spirit of that austerity which the indian has long believed to be inseparable from religious zeal. devotion, austerity, and asceticism in the cause of religion have been characteristic of india as far back as history records. life has always been precarious for the majority of the population in the east, and plagues, famines and wars have familiarized them with the tragic spectacles of multitudes of young and old being suddenly carried off in the midst of business or enjoyment. consequently, their sages dwelt much on the uncertainty of life, and developed the doctrine that the world and its gay shows were only an illusion of the senses, and the goal of the spirit was to divest itself of this illusion and rise superior to the limitations of matter. by the practice of austerities, the grossness of the flesh, the demands of the body, and the storms of the passions, would be subdued, and the spirit gain freedom from the endless round of reincarnation, and ultimately join the illimitable sea whence it came, as the drop on the lotus-leaf falls back into the water and is lost therein. then, it is universally believed that by these austerities the ascetic gains power with the gods, and can bring down blessings from above for himself and his votaries. he can, in fact, extort favours from the unwilling gods if he only carry his self-torture and privations to the requisite extreme. we find much the same idea in the ascetic saints of the early christian era. thus tennyson, in his poem "st. simeon stylites," puts the following words into the mouth of the saint. he is addressing a crowd of people who have come to worship him, and who believe that, owing to his great austerities, he has the power of granting their requests. "speak! is there any of you halt or maim'd? i think you know i have some power with heaven from my long penance; let him speak his wish." the idea of merit is ever present to the hindu. by practising austerity himself, or by paying another to practise it for him, he can accumulate merit, which will render each succeeding birth more propitious, and bring him nearer his ideal of bliss, when his soul will be finally freed from the endless chain of reincarnations. it must, sad to say, be admitted that with the great majority of the sadhus of the present day the motives which actuate them are much more mundane and sordid than what i have described above. lazy good-for-nothings, too indolent to work, find that in the garb of a sadhu they can be assured of a living which, though it may not be a luxurious one, is yet one free from anxiety and toil. fraudulent scamps enrich themselves on the credulity of the people by counterfeiting austerities and miraculous powers, which successfully deceive the simple-minded, who, without even a desire to examine their claims and reputed performances too critically, freely bestow gifts of money and kind on them, in the hopes of gaining their favour for the attainment of some benefit or cure, or other object. then, there are the political faqirs, who use their position to disseminate political propaganda, usually of a seditious nature. from their habit of travelling all over the country they have special opportunities of becoming the channels for the transmission of news, and before the days of telegraph and post-office the people would get most of their news of the rest of the country through these pilgrims and ascetics; and even at the present day they are able to disseminate secret intelligence and transmit the orders of the organizing authorities in such a way as to be very difficult of detection. when i travelled as a faqir i was frequently shadowed by the police, and sometimes a talkative and inquisitive companion would join me who eventually proved to be a detective in his disguise. as examples of the superior sadhu--the man who from high aspirations has voluntarily given up position, honour, and wealth in the world for the life of a recluse--i will give the two following instances. i met a man at rishikes who had been the prime minister of a native state. while in that capacity he had to deal with bands of robbers who infested the highways, and had committed some cold-blooded murders for the sake of the money and goods of the travellers. when a number of these men had been caught and participation in murders proved against them, he found it his duty to condemn them to death by hanging. the sentence was duly executed, but from that day he got no rest at nights. visions of the culprits would rise before him as soon as he lay down on his couch, and they would appear to be pointing their fingers at him as the cause of their death. this so unnerved him that he could not get a night's rest, and dreaded going to sleep. want of rest and nervous perturbation prevented him from duly carrying on the work of the state, and he asked for leave, nominally to attend the funeral of his mother, but really to expiate his sin, and gain repose of mind by a pilgrimage to a noted holy place. but he failed to get ease of mind there, and had it impressed on him that only by leaving the world and spending the rest of his days in seclusion, meditating on god, would he find rest from the blood-guiltiness that was tormenting him. he forthwith resigned his position in the state, divided his property amongst his family, put on the garb of a sanyasi, and was spending the rest of his days in contemplation and religious exercises. the other case i met in a village on the pir pangal range, where he had built himself a cottage with a garden, in which he spent his days in religious studies and contemplation, and receiving the many people who used to come to him for advice, or to derive advantage from contact with his superior sanctity and wisdom. he had been risaldar-major in one of the regiments of bengal cavalry, and had fought under the british flag in several campaigns, and won wounds and medals. on retirement he forsook his home and relations and all worldly pursuits, and spent his time in the contemplation of the deity and such works of charity as came in his way. both these men were truly devout, unostentatious spirits, who had found that the delights of divine communion exceeded the pleasures of this transitory world. some sadhus are set aside from birth for this life by their parents, and as a good example of such a one i will tell the story of a man who joined company with me on the road near ludhiana. i will relate it in his own words: "my father is a small hindu farmer in the state of patiala, and when three sons had been born to him, he made a vow that he would consecrate the fourth to the service of god. when i was born he allowed me to stop with my mother only till i was four years old, and then he took me to a certain large city, where there is a famous shrine, and a very holy man who is renowned for his piety and deep learning. at first i wept much at being taken away from my brothers and sisters, but the swami treated me kindly and gave me sweetmeats, and i used to fetch his mat and books and put oil in his lamp and do other little services for him. then, as i got older, he taught me to read, first in bhasha and then in sanskrit, and he taught me all the laws of worship and guides to bhagti (devotion). when i became a lusty young man, he told me to make pilgrimages to various sacred places and to visit other sages and holy men, and i went forth on my first journey, taking with me only a staff, a gourd for drinking-water, a blanket, and a couple of shasters (holy books). "i had never been out in the world before, and at first i was very timid of asking people for food in new places that i had never hitherto seen; but people were nearly always kind to me and gave me food to eat and shelter at night, and so i got bolder, and i would recite to them verses out of the holy books in return for their kindness, for i had no money or anything else to give them. in this way i have travelled many hundreds of miles on foot, and seen many sacred places and holy men. after each journey i return to my preceptor, and tell him my experiences, receive fresh counsel and instruction from him, and now i am just starting on a fresh journey to dwarka." looking down at my bicycle, i felt quite a luxurious traveller compared with this brave fellow, starting off with no hesitation and no misgivings on a journey of hundreds of miles, with not a pice in his wallet, and a kit even more slender than my own. he had little idea as to where dwarka was, but was content to ask his way day by day, and trust to god and the hospitality of his co-religionists on the way for sustenance. "yes," he said, "sometimes i do want to see my family. my brothers are all gryasthas (married householders) now, and i sometimes take a few days' leave from my master to visit them and my parents. i am quite happy in this life, and do not desire money or service or children; for when my heart is lonely i read in my copy of the bhagvad gita and get consolation, and i like that better than any other book because it makes my heart glad. no, i have never met anyone who has spoken to me of christ, and i do not know anything about him; but i am quite happy because i am sure that if i continue a life of penury and celibacy and pilgrimage i shall attain salvation." to resume my own experiences at rishikes. when night came on i was given shelter in one of the monasteries, and though the floor was stone, and a chill wind blew through the cloisters, i should have slept soundly had not my next bed-fellow--or rather floor-fellow, for there were no beds--thought it incumbent on him to spend the night shouting out in varying cadence, "ram, ram, jai sita ram, ram, ram!" i suggested that keeping a weary fellow-pilgrim awake all night would detract from the merit he was acquiring, but only received the consolation that if he kept me awake i was thereby sharing, though in a minor degree, in that merit; so it perforce went on till, in the early morning hours, my ears grew duller to the "ram, ram," and my mind gradually shaped itself into an uneasy dream of ash-covered faqirs, chapattis, cows, and squatting sadhus. next day, in the forest road near rishikes, i came across a string of hillmen bowed down under heavy loads of firewood, which they had been cutting in the hills near to sell for a few pice in the bazaar. this was their daily lot, earning just sufficient by continuous hard labour to find for themselves and their families sufficient coarse food for a meagre sustenance. the question rose in my mind, who approached nearer the ideal?--the idle sadhu, who makes religion an excuse for living in greasy plenty on the hard-won earnings of others, while doing next to nothing himself, or these woodmen of the forest, and all the dusty toilers in the ranks of honest labour? and an answer came, clear and sure: "honest toil is holy service; faithful work is praise and prayer. they who tread the path of labour follow where my feet have trod; they that work without complaining do the holy will of god. where the many toil together, there am i among my own; where the tired labourer sleepeth, there am i with him alone." the ascetics of afghanistan are almost all muhammadans, and i shall therefore speak of them as faqirs, that being the counterpart of the hindu sadhu. these faqirs have started from an entirely different religious standpoint, and travelled along a very different experimental road to those of their hindu brethren; but the ultimate result is strikingly similar in many salient features, and hindu asceticism and pantheistic thought have deeply coloured their ideas and habits. there are endless different orders of muhammadan faqirs, most of which had their origin in central asia, bukhara and baghdad having contributed perhaps the largest share. each of these orders has its own method of initiation, its own habit of dress, set phrases and formulã¦, and other characteristics. except in a few cases in india, none of these orders of faqirs or dervishes adopt the ochre garments of the sadhus. the most characteristic garment of the faqir is known as the dilaq, which is a patchwork, particoloured cloak. the owner goes on adding patches of pieces of coloured cloth which take his fancy, but i have never seen him washing it, and as it gets old he stitches and patches it till very little of the original is left. the older and more patched it is, the greater is the pride he takes in it, and he would not part with it for love or money. the order which is most commonly seen in afghanistan is that known as malang, or wandering dervish. these men have a dilaq, a staff, and a begging-bowl, and travel all about the country begging. they are nearly all illiterate, and their knowledge of their own religion does not usually extend beyond certain chapters from the quran and stock formulã¦. but they have a wonderful vocabulary of words of abuse and curses, and the people are in great fear of being visited by some calamity if they offend one of them and incur his wrath, as they believe in their being able to blast the life of a child or the offspring of a pregnant woman, or to bring other calamities down from heaven on the heads of those with whom they are wroth. once while i was stopping in a village on the border one of these gentlemen came to say his prayers in the mosque, and had left his shoes at the entrance, as is the custom. after he had said his prayers with great sanctimoniousness he went to resume his foot-gear, but found, to his dismay, that some thief had gone off with them. then followed a torrent of curses on whoever the thief might be, in which all imaginable calamities and diseases were invoked on him and his relations, accompanied by every epithet of abuse in the pashtu vocabulary, and that is pretty rich in them! the very volubility and eloquence of his anathemas would have dismayed any ordinary thief had he been within earshot, but whether he ever got back his shoes or not i cannot say. women who are childless will visit various faqirs, whose prayers have a reputation for being efficacious for the removal of sterility. they write charms, and dictate elaborate instructions for the behaviour of the woman till her wish be fulfilled, and they take the gifts which the suppliant has brought with her. were this nothing more than a fraud dictated by avarice, it would be reprehensible, but worse things happen; and when a child is born after due time, the husband of the woman cannot always claim paternity. it is a strange thing that in a country where husbands so jealously guard their women from strangers they allow them so much freedom in their dealings with faqirs, whom they know to be morally corrupt. it recalls the hindu sadhu and divinity, who is popularly supposed to have attained an elevation where ethics are no longer taken account of. in a religion such as islam it is scarcely possible for an order of dervishes to be orthodox, and, as a matter of fact, most of them are extremely unorthodox, and there is often considerable disputing between them and the priesthood on this account. but the faqirs have such a hold over the people at large, and in many ways are so useful to the propagation of islam, that the mullah find it more politic to overlook their heresies and use them in the promotion of religious zeal and fanaticism. it will be found that the underlying current of religious thought in nearly all these orders is that of sufism, and sufism is the product of the aspiration of the mussalman soul, wearied with the endless repetition of forms and ceremonies, after something more spiritual; and in its search after this spirituality it has drawn most on the pantheistic philosophies of hinduism. pantheism is, of course, the antithesis of the judaic theocracy of islam, and we read of a faqir who went about calling out, "ana hu, ana el haqq" ("i am he, i am the truth"), being put to death for blasphemy; but all the same, these muhammadans, who feel most the aspirations of the soul for divine communion, find it in a greater or less assimilation of pantheistic doctrine. most of the faqirs one meets with in afghanistan are lazy fellows, who abhor hard work, and find they can make an easy living by begging, and acquire at the same time, what is so dear to many natures, the homage and respect of the credulous and superstitious. when one does meet with one who is willing and able to converse on spiritual topics, one usually finds that he is a disciple of hafiz, the great sufi poet of the persians. like the hindu sadhus, they are much addicted to the use of intoxicants (though rarely alcohol), and charras and bhang (indian hemp) are constantly smoked with tobacco in their chilams. when thus intoxicated they are known as mast, and are believed by the populace to be possessed by divinity, and to have miraculous powers of gaining favours from heaven for those who propitiate them. when such a faqir dies he is buried in some prominent place, often at the crossing of roads, and his tomb has even greater efficacy than he himself had when living; and those who wish to obtain his intercession with the almighty for themselves bring little earthen cups full of oil, with little cotton wicks, which they burn at his grave, as a roman catholic burns candles at the shrine of a saint. the most propitious time for doing this is on thursday night, and at such times one can see the tombs of most renowned sanctity a veritable illumination with the numbers of little lamps burning far into the night. at the same time offerings are given to the custodian of the shrine, who is himself a faqir, by preference a disciple of the one whose grave he tends. in one such shrine that i visited there were the remains of what must once have been a fine sycamore-tree, but which was then, with the exception of one branch, a mere withered shell, which had to be propped up to prevent its falling to the ground. the one green branch was said to be miraculously kept alive by the shadow of the tomb falling on it; and if any childless pilgrim would take home a few leaves and give a decoction of them to his wife, he would assuredly before long be the happy father of a son; while for the relief of the other ills to which flesh is heir there was a masonry tank outside, in which the sick, the halt, and the blind bathed, and were said to receive the healing they came for. many of our hospital patients have already been to this and similar faith-healing establishments, so they are not always efficacious. chapter xix my life as a mendicant dependent on the charitable--an incident on the bridge over the jhelum river--a rebuff on the feast-day--an indian railway-station--a churlish muhammadan--helped by a soldier--a partner in the concern--a friendly native christian--the prophet of qadian--a new muhammadan development--crossing the beas river--reception in a sikh village--recognized by his highness yakub khan, late amir--allahabad--encounter with a brahman at bombay--landing at karachi--value of native dress--relation to natives--need of sympathy--the effect of clothes--disabilities in railway travelling--english manners--reception of visitors. in this chapter i shall recount a few of the more interesting incidents that befell me and my disciple when on our pilgrimage as sadhus. as we were travelling without money, we were dependent on the offerings of the charitable not only for our daily food, but for such little items as the toll required for crossing the bridges over the five great rivers of the panjab. the first river we came to was the indus, and there being no bridge over that part of the river, it is crossed in ferry-boats. we had no difficulty here, for we were known; and one of my pupils was on duty at the ferry and assisted us over. it was not so easy, however, at the jhelum river. when we reached the western end of the bridge, the toll-keeper stopped us for payment. i told him that i was a christian sadhu journeying to hindustan, and that we had no money of any kind with us. he may have believed us, he may not; but from the way he eyed the bicycles, probably he did not. anyway, he told us plainly--no pice, no path; and no setting forth of the peculiar privileges of a sadhu could make him budge from the practical financial view of the question, so we had nothing for it but to sit quietly down by the roadside and await events. shortly afterwards a party of hindus, on their way to their morning ablutions in the river, sauntered up, and stopped to gaze at the novel combination of bicycles and sadhus. this soon led to conversation, in the course of which we told them the object of our journey and the cause of our detention. they then tried with no little earnestness to get us to relinquish the preaching of the gospel for the promulgation of the vedas, and even offered to pay the two annas required for our toll if we would accede to their plan. this gave me an opportunity for pointing out the attraction of christ, which made it impossible for one who had once tasted the sweets of following in his footsteps to desert him for another master. they clothed their contempt for the message of the cross in their compassion for our hopeless predicament, as they considered it; "for," they said, "there are no christians here to help you over, and it is not likely that hindus or mussulmans would help you on such a mission." i replied that i was content to wait by the roadside till help came, and that i felt sure we should not have long to wait. "go back into the town--there are christian missionaries there who will help you; but no one will be coming this way if you wait all day." i replied that if it was the will of allah that we should cross, he could send to us there the means requisite, as much as in the city. i had scarcely spoken when we saw an officer, attended by a sowar, riding up in the direction of the bridge. when he reached us we recognized an officer from the frontier, who had, as we learnt, just then been sent down to jhelum on special duty. he recognized me, and appeared amused and surprised at meeting me under such peculiar circumstances. when he learnt what was the cause of our detention, naturally the toll-keeper had not long to wait for his two annas, and i was able to point out to my hindu friends that it had not taken long for god to send us help from even so far as peshawur, and we went on with light and thankful hearts. truly, two annas is worth much more in some circumstances than one hundred rupees in others! we then wheeled comfortably along the interesting grand trunk road, now to the north and now to the south of the railway-line. the crisp morning air of a panjab winter has an exhilarating effect on the appetite, and we were only exceptional in that we had the appetite but no wherewithal in our wallets to satisfy the same. to tantalize us the more, it was the feast-day succeeding the great muhammadan fast, and in all the villages the men were feasting, and the children, gaily dressed in their gala clothes, were amusing themselves on numerous swings, hung up on the trees round the villages, or in playing about on the roads. my afghan companion, who had been having the fast without the feast, finally went up to a party of merrymakers, and, after saluting them with the customary "salaam alaikum," said that he was very hungry, and would be glad of a share of the 'id cakes. the man addressed surveyed us in a leisurely fashion from head to foot, and said: "you! you call yourselves faqirs, ride bicycles, and beg your bread! phew!" and turned his back on us. my companion turned to me with a very un-sadhu-like expression on his face, saying: "we afghans used always to say that panjabi muhammadans are only half mussulmans; but now i see we were wrong: they are not a quarter. in our country we call in every stranger and traveller to share our feast." the latter part of his statement was certainly true; as to the former, i must leave those who know them best to judge. shortly after midday we reached lala musa, and, visiting the station, found the train had just come in. we mingled with the bustling crowd, and watched the native sweetmeat and refreshment vendors going from carriage to carriage, calling out: "garm chapati! garm chapati awe dal!" (hot rolls! hot rolls and pulse!); "ghi ki pakorian!" (vegetable fritters fried in butter!); "garm dudh!" (hot milk!), and various other delicacies; and we watched the fortunate possessors of pice selecting some tempting sweetmeat or panake. then we passed on to the refreshment-rooms, where the european passengers were taking a hurried meal, and i remembered many occasions when i had been into that same refreshment-room without being a tithe as hungry, and now, how could i venture inside? should i not be greeted with: "now then, out of this; no faqirs wanted here!" so i wandered back among the third-class passengers. a sikh native officer spoke kindly to me and offered me some cardamoms, and then the whistle blew. the passengers hurried to their seats, and we were left alone. a railway porter entered into conversation, and, finding who we were, directed us to go to the village, where there was a christian preacher. we went to the caravanserai, where there were some afghan traders sitting on a bed. they seemed surprised at getting a greeting in pashtu, but returned it heartily. then i saw a well-dressed man walking off towards the bazaar, and something in his face and a book in his hand seemed to indicate him as the christian preacher, and, on introducing ourselves, we found we were not mistaken. he asked us into his house to rest, and informed us that he was an agent of the scotch mission at gujrat. after the rebuff of the morning we were loth to say that, though the sun was now declining towards the west, we were still awaiting our breakfast; so after a time i rose to go, when, to our no small satisfaction, the kind man asked us to stop till tea was ready. it was my custom at most of the towns to preach in the bazaar, and usually, during or after the preaching, someone in the audience would offer us hospitality. when we reached pind dadan khan, however, it was too late for this, darkness having set in; and after wandering about the bazaar for a time, and talking to a few people, none of whom offered us hospitality, we went to the public serai, or inn, known as "victoria ghar," where travellers can rest without payment, and spent the night there. someone had given us two pice, and with this we bought a pice chapati and a pice of sugarcane, and dined off this. being thirsty, i asked a respectable muhammadan who was dining on a bed hard by for a glass of water. he gave it; but when i raised the glass to my lips, he said: "i would like to know first what your religion is." i replied: "i am a christian." hearing this, the gentleman took the glass from me, saying: "i do not wish to sully my glass with your touch." this was a bigotry which i am glad to say i rarely met with, and is certainly not justified by the teaching of the quran, which permits commensality with christians and jews. after this rebuff we did not care to ask any other inhabitant of the place for water. the next day we travelled on to khewra, and, on passing through the bazaar, saw the government doctor, a hindu assistant-surgeon, sitting outside the dispensary seeing patients. he knew us, and in place of water brought us milk, and then got us a breakfast. welcome as this was, his kind greeting cheered us even more. the next river we had to cross was the chenab. on arriving at the bridge, i found a detachment of english soldiers on the march, and one of these gave the two annas required for our toll. about two years later, when visiting lahore, a missionary friend there said to me: "i met a friend of yours the other day." "indeed! who was that?" "i was travelling up to peshawur by rail, when some english soldiers got into the carriage, and one of them, looking at me, asked me if i was a padre. on my answering his question in the affirmative, he then said he was glad of that, because he took an interest in missions. i asked him why he did so. 'you see,' he said, 'some time ago we were on the march to lahore, and at the chenab bridge there was a missionary chap who hadn't the money for crossing the bridge, and so i paid it for him. i became a kind of partner in the concern; that is why i take an interest in missions.' this was your friend, was it not?" i, of course, recalled the incident at the chenab bridge, and hope my friend has continued his practical interest in mission work. the last day of the year 1903 found us at narowal, a village famed in the missionary annals of the panjab. leaving that, we soon reached the ravi river, which lower down flows by the walls of the capital of the panjab. here it was running clear and cold below a sandy cliff on its western bank. it had evidently been encroaching on the lands of the farmers, and engulfing many a fertile acre, and the houses of the village, too, the ruins of the latter showing some way along the bank. the east bank was a low, wide expanse of sand, which had long been left dry by the receding stream. seeing no other way of crossing, we were preparing to doff our clothes and ford, when a good soul of a zamindar came up. "peace be with you." "and on you be peace." "whither are you going, o sadhu-log, and what is your order and sect?" "we are christian sadhus travelling from afghanistan to india, and are seeking means to cross this river." "then you are my teacher," said the zamindar, brightening into a smile, "and i will get a boat and take you across." although the good fellow had been brought to the brink of ruin by the destruction of his lands and house by the rapacious river, he went and procured a boat and rowed us across, knowing that it was not in our power to give him any reward, except to pray for him that he might recover his lost land, and to give him some spiritual comfort. after the pleasure of meeting with this brother so opportunely, we went on encouraged, and soon reached dera baba nanak, the residence of the descendants of the famous guru and the seat of a darbar (sikh temple), the gilded dome of which we saw glittering in the sun. passing over our stay here and at other intervening places, i might mention our visit to gadian, rendered famous by being the headquarters of the muhammadan reformer mirza ghulam ahmad, who died in 1908. this man had collected round him a band of zealous followers, but, unfortunately, the good he might have done was nullified by his impious claim to be the returned messiah, in accordance with which he professed miraculous powers, and demanded a correspondingly abject obedience. heavy rain-clouds were overcasting the sky when we set out, and we had scarcely covered the eleven miles of unmade road that connects batala with gadian when the downpour commenced, and continued throughout the day. moulvi muhammad sadiq, the head-master of the mirza's high school, received us with the greatest courtesy, and gave us one of the schoolrooms to rest in, and shortly afterwards, as the mirza himself was indisposed and unable to see us, we were taken into the presence of his lieutenant, moulvi moha-ud-din. this moulvi is very learned, probably the most learned in gadian; he comes from the town of bhera, in the panjab, but has travelled a good deal. he was teaching theology to a large class of youths and men in eastern fashion, reclining on a simple mat and cushion himself, while his pupils sat on the ground round him. tea was brought in for us and him while he went on teaching. the hadis from which the pupils were reading was on the subject of prayer, and the moulvi explained the passages with great force and perspicuity as the pupils read them out turn by turn. after some dissertation on the correct intonation of prayers, he took up (probably for our benefit) a comparison of the texts of the quran and the bible, showing how the custom of committing the former to memory had resulted in its verbal correctness. following the same line, muhammad sadiq compared with this the recent criticisms on the bible by the christian expositors; and the "encyclopã¦dia biblica," which he seemed to have studied minutely, afforded him an inexhaustible store of argument. after this the midday meal was brought in, and then we were sent for by a relation of the nawab of maler-kotla, who had become a disciple of the mirza, and had devoted himself and his resources to his service, and was living in the village in a simple, almost spartan, manner. after conversation with him and others, i was shown the high school, college classes, and boarding-house. though the buildings for the latter were second-rate, yet the management seemed good, and the inmates orderly and well trained. in particular i noticed that, though the next morning was chilly and drizzly, yet all were up at the first streak of dawn, and turned methodically out of their warm beds into the cold yard, and proceeded to the mosque, where all united in morning prayers, after which most of them devoted themselves to reading the quran for half an hour to one hour. many of the masters, too, seemed very earnest in their work, and had given up much higher emoluments to work for quite normal salaries in the cause to which they had devoted themselves. we were fairly tired out with a long day of talking and interviewing, and slept soundly. we were disappointed, too, in receiving a message that the mirza was still too unwell to see us, but would do so in the morning. however, when morning dawned we heard with much regret that he had passed a bad night and was still unable to see anyone. as his attendants were unable to hold out any prospect of a speedy interview, and as, indeed, we felt doubtful whether the interview was desired, we prepared for an early start. we had been kindly and hospitably received, and there was something inspiriting in seeing a number of educated men thoroughly zealous and keen in the active pursuit of religion, though the strong spirit of antagonism to christianity was saddening. moreover, one could not but feel that, as in similar cases in england and america, here was a man of great ability who had effectually deceived himself, and had then been the means of deceiving a multitude of others into believing his false claims. as we read in matthew xxiv. 11, "false prophets shall arise and shall deceive many." the next river we came to was the beas, and when approaching it from the direction of gurdaspur, on a bright winter's morning, we were struck by the beauty of the landscape. on our left was a glorious panorama of the himalaya mountains, range surmounting range of glistening snow, a vision of dazzling white. all was set off by the varying greens and browns of the rich panjab plain to the east and south, the forests and fields of which lay mapped out before us, and the river beas a gleaming streak of silver meandering through its fertile tracts. reaching the river, we found that the toll-keeper was on the farther side and the river itself unfordable. asking the boatmen whether we could cross without paying toll, as we had no means of doing so, they said the only way was for one of us to cross over and ask. we thought on our part that it would be better for both of us to cross over and ask, and as the boatmen saw no objection to this, we heaved our machines on board one of the boats and crossed over with a number of camels and bullocks. safely arrived on the other side, we went to the toll-office and did what most easterns do when they are in a quandary--sat down and waited to see what would turn up. the official in a leisurely way took the toll of all the passengers, quadruped and biped alike, eyed us narrowly without speaking, and then, in still more leisurely fashion, began to smoke his hookah. as time passed we both became contemplative, he on the wreathing columns of smoke from his pipe, i on the bucolic landscape around me. his patience was the first to waver, and he broke the silence with: "now, sadhu-ji, your pice." "indeed, i carry no such mundane articles." "then what right had you to cross the sarkar's river in the sarkar's boat?" "indeed, our purpose was to crave a favour of your worthy self." "what do you desire of me, o sadhu-ji?" "merely that, as we are on a pilgrimage to india and have no money, you would allow us to cross without paying toll; and as you were on this side and we were on that, and nobody would take our message, there was nothing for it but to come in person to ask the favour." "very well, sadhu-ji, your request is granted, and may you remember me." as an instance of the reception we got in a hindu village, i may cite the case of one which we reached in the late afternoon in the sirhind district. most of the men must have been working out in the fields when we arrived, for we scarcely saw anyone as we wended our way to what seemed the principal house in the village, and, sitting down outside it, my companion began to sing a popular indian hymn: "zara tak soch ai ghafil kih kya dam ka thikana nai" (think a little, o careless one, how little certainty there is of this life.) first some children and then some men collected, chief among the latter being a venerable and stately old sikh, the owner of the house and the religious guru or sodhi of the place. the song ended, he inquired who we were, and what were our object and destination; and when he had been satisfied on all these points, he informed us that, though he had never entertained christian sadhus before, yet if we were ready to be treated like other sadhus, he would be very glad to offer us the hospitality of his house. we thankfully accepted his offer, and he prepared a room for us, and later on brought us a supper of rice and milk in his own vessels, which to us, after a long and tiring day, seemed quite a royal repast. it was not often that i was recognized as a european, until i had declared myself, but the following occasion was a notable exception. i was sitting in the little jungle station of raval, and a party of gentlemen in semi-indian costume arrived from a hunting expedition. the chief was an elderly thick-set man with an iron-grey beard, dark piercing eyes and gold spectacles. he eyed me narrowly a short time, and then said to one of those with him in the persian language: "that man is an englishman." i replied, "i recognize you gentlemen as afghans." he assented, and i entered into conversation with one of the afghans with him, who told me that it was his highness yakub khan, ex-amir of afghanistan, who had thus recognized me. on the other hand, at allahabad i was going on my bicycle along a road which was slippery from a recent shower of rain. in turning a corner the machine skidded and i fell, and as i was picking myself up, an english girl who was passing, called out: "o sadhu! you must have stolen that bicycle, and that is why you do not know how to ride." finally we made our way to bombay, having been helped the last part of our journey by a friend who bought us our railway-tickets. here we desired to return homewards by taking the steamer to karachi. we then had no money, but i was asked to give a lecture on my travels, and after the lecture several of the audience gave me sums amounting altogether to eleven rupees. when, however, we went down to the docks to take passage, we found that our steerage fare cost ten rupees, and five rupees was demanded for each of the bicycles too! we purchased our tickets and stood on the quay awaiting developments. among the crowd was a brahman holy man, who was sprinkling the passengers with holy water and receiving a harvest of coppers in return. he came to sprinkle us, but we declined the honour. he then asked why we were waiting instead of going aboard with the other passengers. i told him that we were waiting because we could not pay the fare of our bicycles. he retorted that unless we invoked his blessing (for a remuneration) we should assuredly never start, but that, having done so, everything would turn out well. when we still declined, he went away prophesying that all sorts of misfortunes would befall us. the last of the passengers had gone aboard, the appointed time for starting had arrived, but no friend had appeared to help us out of the difficulty. the brahman came back and taunted us with our position, and what it might have been had we but accepted his offer. all i could say was, "wait and see." just as the steamer was about to start a ship's officer called to us and said that the captain was willing to take our bicycles free of charge. with a friendly nod to the brahman, we crossed the drawbridge and in a minute more were under way. we had now one rupee left for food, but still we were not left in want, for when that was finished the goanese cooks came and inquired about us and gave us a share of their own dinner. at karachi the steamers anchor out in the harbour a considerable distance from the landing wharves, and passengers are taken ashore in native boats, a number of which crowd alongside the moment the ship is moored. but these boatmen naturally require remuneration, and we had none to give, so that it now seemed as though we should have greater difficulty in getting off the steamer than we had in getting on. just then a launch came alongside for the mails, and a ship's officer came up and asked if we would like to go ashore on it. of course we accepted the offer with alacrity, had our machines on board in a trice, and were safely on terra firma again before the native boats had got away from the steamer. this pilgrimage gave me many opportunities for philosophizing on the rã´le that a man's clothes play in gaining him a reception or a rejection. my missionary brethren took various views on the subject. most exhibited incredulity as to the expediency of donning native garb, while showing some sympathetic interest; few were antagonistic on principle, though one missionary brother, indeed, weighed the matter a long time before admitting us into his house. he thought that the gulf between east and west was a priori unbridgeable; therefore no attempt should be made to bridge it, and that the relation between a missionary and his native associates should be sympathetic (patronizing?), but not familiar. to go about with an indian brother, sharing the same plate and same lodging, seemed to him the height of unwisdom, even to shake hands being to go beyond the bounds of propriety; while as for an englishman donning native clothes, he was dimming the glamour of the british name in india, which in his eyes was next door to undermining the british rule itself. my mind had been made up on this subject before i had been very long in india, and on no occasion did circumstances tend to weaken my own opinion that the gulf is by no means unbridgeable, and that the sooner and the more heartily we set about bridging it, the better it will be for the promotion of the kingdom of christ in this land. sympathy cannot be wholly made to order: it is largely dependent on extraneous and adventitious circumstances, and i believe that the adoption of native dress increases that sympathy on both sides--on the side of the missionary, because it enables him to realize more vividly what treatment is often meted out to our native brethren and how they feel under it, and on the part of the indians because the restraint which they usually feel--at least, in country districts--in approaching a sahib is removed. no doubt one reason why indian christians are so largely adopting western dress is that they receive much more courtesy, conspicuously so when travelling on the railway. i had occasion to make some inquiries in batala station office. i might have drummed my heels on the threshold till i was tired had i not been fortunate in meeting an indian brother wearing english dress, who walked in without diffidence, though when i attempted to follow him, i was met with a push and a "nikal jao!" (get out!). on another occasion, travelling by the night mail from lahore, i was anxious to get some sleep, and i saw that the native compartment was crowded, while in the european compartment there was only a single english soldier. he barred my entrance with a "can't you see this is only for europeans?" i humbly suggested that i belonged to that category, but his prompt "don't tell me any blooming lies!" made me think it better to seek my night's rest in another compartment. while at lucknow i essayed to visit the european cemetery at the old residency, but the custodian would not hear of admitting me, utterly discrediting my statement that i was a european. surely this unnecessary and most offensive restriction might be removed. i can readily judge from my own feelings at the time how naturally and greatly self-respecting indians would resent this piece of racial antipathy, which permits a common gate-keeper to subject any indian to indignity. one naturally associates with those who give the heartiest welcome, and when in native garb the attraction is to those for the sake of whom we have come out to this land, while, on the other hand, there is danger that, when dressed for the drawing-room or the tennis-courts, we may spend too much of our time on that side of the gulf. if we english realized how much pain we often cause our indian brethren, not so much by what we say or do as by the way we say or do it and the way we act towards them, a great cause of racial misunderstanding and ill-feeling would be removed. suppose a sahib is seated in his study, and the bearer announces "a sahib has come to call," the answer is given at once: "ask him into the drawing-room." a moment after an indian gentleman arrives, and the bearer is told to give him a chair in the verandah, or he may be even left standing in the sun, as happened to me more than once, till the sahib had finished eating his lunch or writing his letters. at more than one bungalow, whether it belonged to a missionary or an official, the bearer would not even report my presence till he had catechized me as to who i was and what i wanted. i have had to wait as long as two hours before the sahib found leisure to see me, being left meanwhile without a seat except god's good earth, in the wind and cold, or in the heat and sun, as the case might be. a missionary, of all people, should not have a room set apart and tacitly understood to be "for english visitors only," or make a habit of receiving the two kinds of visitors in altogether different style, or allow his menial servants to hustle and hector the already diffident and nervous native visitor. when i was on my pilgrimage with my disciple, how our hearts opened to those true friends who received both of us alike, and did not chill us at the outset with the suggestion, "i suppose your friend would like to be taken to the house of the catechist." why, forsooth? many a time we were both the guests of the humblest of our indian brothers, and perfectly happy in unrestrained communion with them; others, too, of stations high above our own received us both with an unreserved hospitality, in which nothing was allowed to show that any difference was made between english and indian, and we honoured and loved them for it. why, then, should others be at pains to show that they had one treatment for the englishman and another for the indian, or perhaps conceal that feeling so poorly that we were never able to feel at ease with them? which, i ask, is more likely to remove racial antipathy and unrest, and to make our indian brethren feel that the christianity which we preach is really genuine and means what it says? chapter xx a frontier episode a merchant caravan in the tochi pass--manak khan--a sudden onslaught--first aid--native remedies--a desperate case--a last resort--the feringi doctor--setting out on the journey--arrival at bannu--refuses amputation--returns to afghanistan--his wife and children frightened away. it is evening, and a party of lohani merchants are slowly defiling with their camels through the tochi pass, one of the mountain gorges which connect our indian empire with afghanistan, and its last beams are shining in the faces of a dozen stalwart men now returning to their homes near ghuzni, with the proceeds of their winter's trading on the plains of india. the men and some five or six women are on foot, while their children and two or three more women are mounted on some of the camels, which would otherwise be returning unladen, their loads having been sold in multan. the women, veiled as usual, show little more to the passer-by than one eye and a small triangular piece of cheek; while the men are either holding the nose-strings of the camels, or walking beside them with their guns over their shoulders, and a pistol and long knife or sword peeping out from their open cloak; for the weather is getting hot now with approaching summer, and they are passing through the hostile country of the wazirs, that wild border mountain tribe who think it their ancestral right to harass and plunder the merchant caravans passing through their district as much as opportunity allows. among the merchants we are struck by one fine, tall, broad-shouldered fellow, stalking along by the side of the foremost of his three camels, his gun and sword ready for use, but, in the absence of any sign of an enemy, walking at ease, humming quietly to himself a native ditty, in expectation of speedily seeing his home again, and rejoining his wife and three children, who have not accompanied him on this journey. these three camels form his wealth and the centre of his hopes and prospects, for by means of them does he yearly take down his merchandise of skins and fruit to the markets of india, and return in early summer--it is now the month of may--with the proceeds to his home. manak khan--for that is his name--has been down many a winter now with his three camels to the derajat, or that part of india nearest afghanistan, and has had more than one scuffle with the wazirs, while passing through their land, in defence of his little stock-in-trade. his fellow-travellers evidently consider him one of their boldest and best men, for it requires no little knowledge of the country, and courage, too, to lead a party composed largely of women and children, and encumbered by a lot of baggage, through mountain passes, where they are daily and nightly exposed to the attacks of the mountaineers hiding behind the rocks, or crowning the heights on either side, and thirsting for their small possessions. the sun has now disappeared behind the hill before them, and, like good muhammadans, they make a brief halt for the evening prayers. the men cleanse their hands and feet with sand--for there is no water to be had here--and, selecting a smooth piece of ground, spread their shawl and, facing the holy city, perform the requisite number of genuflections and calls on god. suddenly there is the loud report of several guns; the bullets whistle through the midst of the party, and in a moment all is confusion and uproar. the camels start up and try to escape; the women seize their children or the camel-ropes; while the men snatch their guns, which had been just now put down, and hastily take aim at some dozen men running down the mountain-side in the direction of the camels, with their long knives ready for action. but the first volley had not been without effect: manak khan is lying on the ground, blood flowing fast from a wound in his left leg just above the knee, and anxiously is he watching what is now a hand-to-hand conflict close by him. the wazirs have rushed among the camels and have cut their cords, and are attempting to drive them off; while the other merchants, having discharged their matchlocks, attack them with their swords, and camels and men are mingled in one shouting, slashing mãªlã©e. fortunately for the lohanis, two of the leading wazirs fall quickly with fatal sword wounds, and the remainder, seeing that the lohanis have not been caught napping, and that the tide is turning against them, make off as quickly as they appeared, and the merchants have far too much to do in quieting their frightened camels to think of a pursuit. a hasty council is held. it is found that one man has his arm broken by a sword cut, and manak khan has his leg broken, the ball having passed through the bone and opened the knee-joint, while most of the remainder can show smaller cuts. the women now come to the rescue. a veil is torn up and the wounds bound, some being stitched by the women pulling hairs out of their own heads, and using their ordinary sewing-needles on their husbands' skin. an immediate march is resolved upon, but then comes the difficulty about manak khan. moving him causes him great pain and the blood to gush forth afresh, while to leave him is out of the question, for his throat would be cut long before morning. whatever may be the faults of an afghan, he is not one to forsake a friend in the hour of need, and so it proves here. a piece of cloth is half burnt, and the blackened shreds, soaked with oil, rubbed over the wound, and the leg then bound to a musket with the ample folds of a shawl, and, lastly, our hero is tied on a rough bed, and mounted high on the back of a camel. great were the lamentations when manak khan reached his village home; and instead of his strong step and hearty greeting consoling his wife for her long winter of separation, she came forth only to see the pain-marked face and helpless form carried in on a bed, and to hear the account of the night attack in the dread tochi pass. "bismillah! let the will of god be done," consoles the village mullah, while some practical friend starts off for the nearest hakim, or doctor. the latter shortly arrives; and the wife retires into the cottage, while the greybeards assemble in the courtyard to offer their bits of experience and advice, and vow vengeance over the quran on the luckless wazirs who committed the deed. after no little ceremony and interchange of ideas, the doctor decides on a combination of two remedies, for the case is a serious one: the leg is greatly swollen from the groin to the calf, and unhealthy matter is issuing from both the apertures of entry and exit of the bullet, while the shattered bones grate on each other, and cause the man to bite convulsively the rolled-up end of his turban, on the slightest movement. for the first remedy a fat sheep is bought and slain and immediately skinned, the reeking skin being applied at once to the bare leg, with the bloody side next the skin, from groin to heel, and the whole bound up and placed in the hollow formed by burning out the central core from the half of a three-foot length of tree-trunk. for the second remedy a message is sent to a certain religious devotee, who has an asylum in the neighbourhood and a great reputation for charms which will cure all manner of diseases (when it is the will of god that they shall be cured). next day he arrives, clad in simple goatskin, with the hair outside, and a cap of similar material. many long prayers are gone through with the help of the mullah, and at last a small piece of printed paper torn from an arabic tract is produced, and carefully sewn up in a small piece of leather, and tied in the name of god round the man's ankle. then comes the last ceremony, and one not to be overlooked on any account--that of providing a feast at the sick man's expense for all parties concerned. his little store of rupees is fetched out, and returns lighter by a third to the folds of the old turban in which it was carefully hoarded, while the charm-maker is seen leading away a fine milch goat. day follows day, and night follows night, but still manak khan lies tossing feverish on a bed of pain, and still is the patient sadura watching by his bedside, and daily bringing in fresh milk and butter and sugar, and making tempting pancakes, only to be left half tasted by the fever-stricken frame of her loved one. at last the tenth day comes, on which the sheepskin is to be removed, and the hakim comes, and the mullah comes, and the greybeards come, and prayers are read, and money is given; but, to the disappointment of all, the limb is found no better, swollen as before, and bathed in evil-smelling matter, which makes his friends, all but his faithful wife, bind a fold or two of their turbans over their noses and mouths. so week follows week. one herb is tried after another; the last of his rupees disappears among the hakims, for, peradventure, think they, the doctor did not heal it at once because his fee was not high enough, so a larger fee is given, and a hint that if only he will say for what price he will speedily heal it, they will go all lengths to pay him; for it must be unwillingness, not incapability, that prevents his doing so. so two months passed away, but still the limb was swollen and sore, still was he unable to rise from his bed of pain. then they determined to send a messenger to the neighbouring town of ghuzni, and call in a doctor of great repute from there. true, his charge was high--one of the three camels must be sold to defray it--but what hope was there for them with the breadwinner hopelessly crippled? so the messenger went and the doctor came, and his remedy was tried. two bunches of wool were thoroughly soaked in oil and then set fire to, and fastened on the skin near the knee; the pain was great, but manak khan stood it bravely, tightly biting his turban-end and grasping his friend's arm in a spasmodic grip. when the burnt flesh separated after a few days the ulcers left were dressed with some leaves from a plant growing on the shrine of a noted saint, and renewed every two or three days. still there was no improvement, though charms and amulets were bought at high prices from many a saint, and the ghuzni doctor came again and took away his second camel. manak khan and sadura were beginning to lose all hope, when one day a traveller was passing through their village on the road to kabul, and as he was sitting with the villagers, telling them the latest news from india, one of them asked him about a scar on his left arm. "ah," he said, "when i was in dera ismaã¯l khan i had a terrible abscess; but there was an english doctor there, and he lanced it, and got it quite well in a couple of weeks; and," he went on, "numbers of people have been going to him, and i have seen some wonderful cures." "really!" say they; "and had you to pay him a great deal?" "no; that is the strange part: he will not take any money from anyone, but sees all the people that go to him, be they ever so poor, for nothing." "that cannot be; he must have a reason behind it all." "no, not unless it be this--that you know he is a feringi, and, like all other feringis, an unbeliever; but, more than that, he seems to want all the people to believe on hazrat 'esa" (lord jesus) "as being the son of god" (here the mullah and several of the men spit on the ground and say, "tauba, tauba"), "and to this end he has got an assistant who preaches to all the people who go to him, and tells them about hazrat 'esa, and how he was a hakim and cured people." "well, this is strange, but i wonder if he could cure manak khan." and so all particulars are asked, and the advice of all the greybeards, while manak khan catches at the idea as a dying man at a straw. sadura, however, is not so easily convinced. she did not relish the idea of her husband being separated from her once more, and moreover, said she, where the doctor of ghuzni had failed, how was it likely that another doctor, and he a blasphemer of their prophet, would succeed? so the idea was waived for a time, and things went on as before, while their last camel was sold to pay their increasing debts, and gloom settled on the little circle. but as the september days were lengthening and still no hope appeared, they settled that they would try the feringi's medicine. but then came the difficulty as to ways and means; their last camel had been sold, and manak had no friends who would take him down to the plains free of expense. at last a bright idea struck them: their little daughter, gul bibi, was now seven years old, and many a man would be willing to lend eighty or ninety rupees on condition of her being kept for his wife. and so it was settled: the bargain was struck, and with the proceeds a man was engaged to take him on camel-back down to the derajat plains. the village carpenter made a kind of litter, which could be fastened on the back of a camel, and as his wife must stop for the children, his old mother volunteered to take the journey with him and tend him through it. it was a sad farewell this time, and long did sadura stand at the outskirts of the village watching the camel and its precious burden, with the old mother and sturdy camel-driver trudging by the side, gradually disappear round a corner of the defile. on the seventh day they emerged from the gomal pass on to the plain of tank, and here they stayed a little to recuperate with the kind dr. john williams, of the christian hospital there; then going on till the trees and mudhouses of dera ismaã¯l khan came in sight. here a fresh disappointment awaited them: the feringi doctor had left dera, and gone to carry on his work in bannu, one hundred miles farther. but what cannot be cured must be endured, and so the camel's head is turned towards bannu, and the weary march resumed once more. five days later, as the evening was drawing on--it was now late in november--bannu was reached, and the new feringi doctor inquired for; and a few minutes later the camel, with its strange burden, came through the gates of the mission compound, and the long tedium of the three hundred miles' journey was brought to a close. such was the story with which manak khan came to me, and which he gradually unfolded to me some two months later, as confidence had increased, and i used to sit by his bedside hearing tales of his mountain home. great was the sorrow with which i had to tell him that his case was incurable, that his leg had become thoroughly disorganized, and amputation was necessary; but, like most of his race, his aversion to the loss of a limb made him prefer the long months of a bed of sickness and the tedious and repeated operations performed in an endeavour to save the limb in a usable condition. in this way he and his mother remained with us till the middle of april, when, as the heat of the plain began to be felt, they were compelled to return to their mountain home, with little or no improvement. yet with one great difference, which lightened up the sadness of his departure: he had learnt to believe on christ jesus as his own saviour, and to look up to him as the one who carries us safely through sickness and trial, and is preparing a home for us at last; and very earnestly did he assure me that during the long days of patient suffering in our little mission hospital he had learnt to lift his heart in prayer to him who hath borne our griefs and carried our sorrows, and look up to him as his saviour. "and," said he, "if god spares my life, i will tell my people of him, and come back with my family to be received into the christian church." so he left us, and our prayers followed him on his long and painful journey home; and may it not be that he is a light shining in a dark place, and witnessing in that little afghan village of how he went for bodily healing, but god saw fit to pour light into his soul instead, and make the very tedium of a protracted illness in the bannu mission hospital the guiding light to heaven? every now and again we got news of manak khan. he had taken with him some books in the pashtu language, a new testament and some others, and these used to be read by a mullah in his village and some other friends of his who could read. his leg, however, never got well, and was the cause of his death some three years later. when on his death-bed, he directed his wife to go to bannu with her children and place herself under my protection, and one autumn morning she arrived, with three children. before she had been with us many days, however, others of her tribe came and warned her that if she stopped with us she would lose her religion, sell herself to the evil one, and be lost for ever, and they accompanied these admonitions with threats, so that ultimately she left us, and we have not seen her since. but who knows? sometimes after the lapse of years these people return to us, and the thread of circumstance is picked up again where it had been cut, as though there had never been any breach of continuity at all! or it may be the seed goes on growing in some distant afghan village unknown to us, but known to and tenderly cared for by him who will not let even a sparrow fall to the ground without his will, and who has counted among his own many a one now resting in a muhammadan graveyard against that day when the secrets of all hearts shall be revealed. chapter xxi frontier campaigning the pathan warrior--a christian native officer--a secret mission--a victim of treachery--a soldier convert--influence of a christian officer--crude ideas and strange motives of pathan soldiers--camaraderie in frontier regiments--example of sympathy between students of different religions in mission school--a famous sikh regiment--sikh soldiers and religion--fort lockhart--saraghari--the last man--a rifle thief--caught red-handed. some of the finest fighting material of the indian army comes from the pathan tribes, both on the british side of the border and across it in tirah and waziristan, and very pleasant fellows some of these pathan warriors are. often when wandering about the frontier have i received the hospitality of some outpost or stayed with the native officer in some blockhouse, and listened to them recounting tales of active service or of their mountain homes. many of these native officers are old students of the frontier mission schools, and these extend a doubly hearty welcome. some are serious religious inquirers, and, from having travelled and mixed with all kinds of men, are able to examine the claims of christianity with less prejudice than the priestly class. a notable instance is that of delawar khan, who was a subadar of the famed corps of guides. he was at one time a notorious robber on the peshawur frontier, and a price had been set on his head. the rev. r. clark relates of this man [2] that once a government officer met him in a frontier village beyond the border, and offered him service in the guide corps if he would lead an honest life, or the gallows the first time he was caught within our territory if he refused. the excitement of his adventurous career had a great charm for him, and the teaching of the priests had persuaded him that he was doing god's service in his lawless course. he, therefore, scornfully refused the englishman's offer, saying he would continue his lawless life, in spite of whatever the sahibs could do. after a time, however, he thought better of it, and as a price was set on his head, he determined to apply for it in person, thinking he might as well have it himself as anyone else, and so, taking his own head on his shoulders, he went and claimed the reward. the officer, knowing the kind of man he was, again offered him service, which he then accepted, and enlisted as a soldier in the guide corps, in which, by his bravery and fidelity, he rapidly rose to be a native officer. ultimately he became convinced of the truth of the christian doctrine which he had heard the missionaries preach in the peshawur bazaar, and, with his characteristic bravery, did not hesitate publicly to acknowledge himself a christian and receive christian baptism. through his example and under his protection some other soldiers in the same corps also became christians. his death is thus related by the rev. r. clark in his account of his life: "a few months ago he was sent by government on a secret mission into central asia. he was a christian, and government trusted him. he passed safely through kabul on his way to badakhshan. as he was travelling in disguise, a man who had heard him preach in the peshawur bazaar betrayed him to the judge, who condemned him to be blown away from a cannon as an apostate. during the trial a copy of one of dr. pfander's works dropped from his bosom. the judge took it and tore it in two. the king of the country, however, heard of it, and asked to see the book, and, having read a part of it, pronounced it to be a good book, and set delawar khan at liberty. soon after, however, he died in the snow on the mountains, a victim to the treachery of the king of chitral." a native officer in the native levies of the kurram valley was converted through reading a pashtu testament which an officer gave him, and when i visited him in his home in shlozan, in the kurram valley, i found that he was in the habit of reading the book to some of his neighbours who came together to listen; and although up to that time he had never met a missionary, he had made much progress in christian experience and knowledge of the bible. i had a pupil in the mission school who enlisted in one of the frontier regiments. he was the son of a mullah of the khattak tribe. after he had been in the regiment about a year he wrote me a letter saying that he desired christian baptism, and was looking forward to the day when he would be standing by my side preaching the gospel to his fellow-countrymen. this was through the influence of a christian officer in his regiment. not that the officer tried to convert his men--far from it--but the beautiful transparency of his character and the sincerity of his religion drew his men irresistibly to him, and several desired to become christians. a pathan becomes very much attached to an officer whom he admires, and will bear any hardship or danger for him, and therefore it is not surprising that some have become desirous of adopting his religion. for a long time there was a sect on the frontier called the nikal sains, who formed a kind of schismatic christian sect owing to their devotion to nicholson, of delhi fame, which amounted in their case almost to a worship of him. on one occasion a pathan soldier in a frontier regiment came to me, urgently begging me "to make him a christian." he was so ignorant of what christianity meant that i could only offer to give him instruction, but he was so much on outpost duty that this was very difficult. he knew that in order to become a mussulman it was sufficient to repeat the kalimah in a mosque, and he thought that there must be some corresponding christian formula, and that by repeating it in our church he might become a christian. he thought, further, to prove his sincerity to me by saying he was ready to wear a topi (hat) instead of a turban. his desire apparently rose merely from an admiration of his christian regimental officers. in the tochi militia there was a wazir subadar, a fine fellow, who had seen much active service, and would soon be retiring. one day he was murdered, possibly by a sepoy whom he had been obliged to punish. shortly afterwards his son came to me, earnestly begging me to admit him to the christian church. apparently it was to escape from the duty that devolved on him as a muhammadan of revenging his father's death by another murder. he was not a coward by any means, but knew he would be killing an innocent person, for the real murderer was beyond his reach, and he recoiled from committing such a crime, and he knew that our teaching was against revenge, and therefore desired to become a christian. as he was a soldier, i would not act without a reference to his commanding officer, and as he was excited and suffering from much mental tension, i thought it better to wait. ultimately he did shoot a man, who may have been his father's murderer or not, and i believe was sentenced to penal servitude for life in consequence. there is something peculiarly attractive, i think, about the frontier regiments. they have very hard service, constant outpost duty, few nights in bed, with ever the danger of the pathan rifle thief and ambuscades. and yet officers and men are always cheerful, hospitable, and full of the spirit of camaraderie. even the sikhs and pathans seem to lay aside their hereditary feuds, and fight and work heartily together, shoulder to shoulder. some of the most striking tributes to the influence of the christian rule of england are seen in this fellowship between different races and religions. in the little frontier wars one sees pathan soldiers side by side with the stalwart sikhs, or, it may be, the little gurkhas with the tall panjabi muhammadans. much the same is seen in the playing-fields of our mission schools, where christians, muhammadans, hindus, and sikhs are as loyal to one another as if they had never had a religious difference. a scene i shall always remember was the funeral of a young sikh student, who was a brilliant member of the school football eleven, and was carried off one summer recently by sudden illness. his muhammadan, christian, and hindu fellow-students vied with each other in showing honour to his memory, and accompanied the body to the burning-ground on the banks of the kurram river. for the muhammadans at least this would have at one time been considered as most inconsonant with their religion. the fine, tall sikh soldiery of the frontier regiments are some of the nicest men one could have to deal with; the native officers are such perfect gentlemen, and so gentle and docile when conversing about their sikh religion or the christian scriptures, that it is difficult to realize what lions they are in the fight, and how they are the heroes of so many a frontier epic. a sikh soldier is always ready to talk on religious matters, and delights in singing the beautiful theistic hymns of kabir and nanak and others of his countrymen; and they will sit round untiringly, listening with unflagging interest for hours, while i talk or read to them from the christian scriptures. in the frontier war of 1897 no sikh regiment covered itself with greater glory than the 36th, which was quartered at fort lockhart when the afridi rising first broke out. i was in camp on the samana range, outside fort lockhart, that august just before the outbreak, and these fine soldiers used to sit round me on the rocks outside the fort while we talked of the teachings of our lord jesus christ, and of those of guru nanak, which present so many points of resemblance to them. a few weeks later, and many of those very men had died fighting bravely on the rugged mountains and defiles of tirah, on which we were then looking down. one incident will bear repetition, as possibly some of the very men to whom i was then speaking were the heroes of it. a few hundred yards from fort lockhart is a small fort called saraghari, which commands one of the eminences of the samana range. this was occupied by a handful of these sikhs under a native officer. looking down westward from the samana range are the terraced valleys and a labyrinth of the rugged mountain ranges of the afridis; and so suddenly did these tribes respond to the tocsin of war when seyyid akbar and his associate mullahs sounded it all through tirah that the various forts on the samana were surrounded by the lashkars before it was possible to reinforce or withdraw the little garrison of saraghari. the garrisons of forts lockhart and gulistan had, in fact, their hands full with the tribesmen who had entrenched themselves in sangars all around, from which they kept up such a fire that no one could show himself. the afridis saw that the post of saraghari was the most easily won; the fort itself was smaller and less strongly built, and contained only a small garrison of their hereditary enemies, the sikhs. there was a signaller in the little garrison, and he signalled over their dire straits to fort lockhart, but from there the answer was returned to them that it was impossible to send reinforcements--they must fight to the end. for them to retreat was impossible, for the few hundred yards between the two forts was swept by the pathan bullets, while their riflemen swarmed in the sangars and behind the rocks all along. not a man could have lived to reach a distance of twenty yards from the fort. the sikhs knew that the pathans would give them no quarter, so they prepared to sell their lives dearly. the afridis worked nearer and nearer, and many of the brave defenders fell. the signaller signalled to fort lockhart, "five of us have fallen"--ten, twelve, and finally there was only the signaller left. the pathans swarmed over the walls with their exulting "allahu akbar!" and the throat of the last wounded sikh was cut; so the noble garrison fell at their posts to a man. the fort has never been rebuilt, but there is a monument at the place to record this gallant bit of frontier warfare, and another monument to them was erected in the centre of their holy city, amritsar, not far from the golden temple, their chief place of worship. here i made the acquaintance of the gallant officers of this regiment, who were in a few weeks to bear the brunt of the severest of the fighting and hardships of that campaign. i read service on the last sunday before hostilities commenced, and among the officers who attended was their brave commander, colonel haughton, whose commanding presence and bravery made him an easy target later on for the tribesman's bullet, but not before he had covered himself and his regiment with glory. i will here record two little episodes, which are of common enough occurrence on the frontier, but illustrate the dangers that the sentries run when on duty among such cunning and stealthy rifle thieves as the pathans; and show also that, wily though he is, the pathan is not infrequently caught by an equally wily native police or levy officer. a regiment had marched into bannu, and, there being no quarters available, were encamped on the parade ground. the night being dark and rainy, sentries had been doubled, and were much on the alert. suddenly two of them were stabbed from behind by pathans who had crept into the lines unnoticed, and watched their opportunity for running their long afghan knives into the chest of the unsuspecting soldiers. the thieves got off with both rifles, and, though a hue and cry was raised, no trace of them was found. once i was spending a night in a levy post on the frontier, when the native officer in the command of the post got information through a spy that an afridi was about to cross the frontier, having in his possession a number of cartridges that had been stolen from the lines of a british regiment in peshawur. a train was just about to arrive from kohat, and the officer went down to meet it. all the passengers seemed quite innocent; some traders returning from market, a few soldiers going on leave, and some camp followers, appeared to be all who had arrived. there was, however, a mullah with a quran, which he was carrying rather ostentatiously, and a wallet, which was less obvious, under the folds of his shawl. here was his man. he went up to him. the mullah was indignant at the supposition--he had merely been into kohat to buy a few household trinkets. he was marched off to the levy post all the same, and, on turning out the contents of his wallet, eighty-one lee-metford cartridges were disclosed. that night the mullah spent in the cells reciting passages in the quran with a long and monotonous intonation which kept me awake a long time with its weirdness. i suppose, however, it may have been meant to procure some indulgence for his offences, or to serve as a proof of his sanctity; but it certainly did not soften the heart of his captor, the native officer, himself a muhammadan and a pathan; nor, i trow, did it mitigate his subsequent punishment. i was once travelling in the garb of a mullah from kohat to peshawur. i had walked through the kohat pass, and reached a village called mitanni, about sixteen miles from peshawur. i was tired, and finding here a tumtum about to start for peshawur, i obtained a seat therein for one rupee. two other peshawuris were fellow-passengers, but were not present when i paid the driver my fare. on the road the driver stopped at a village, and his place was taken by another man. the first driver omitted to tell him that i had already paid my fare, so when we got near peshawur he demanded it. i told him i had already paid the other driver, but he would not believe it. unluckily the other passengers were unable to corroborate my statement; an altercation ensued in the bazaar at peshawur, and he wanted to keep my bedding in lieu of the fare. as a crowd was collecting, it was decided to settle the case by driving me to the police-station. the driver began volubly to tell the police inspector how "this bannu mullah has got into the tumtum at mitanni, and now refuses to pay his fare." the inspector asked me a question or two, and took in the situation, and then told the driver to take me to my destination, and the case would be seen into, if necessary, when the other driver arrived. before alighting i told the driver who i was, and that i was sorry he seemed to put so little faith in the word of a mullah. "ah, sahib," said he, "this is an evil age, and even if the mullah swears on the quran, we can only believe what we see." when travelling in native garb one often sees the reverse of the picture, and is able to see common events in new lights. officers of the government while on tour are often quite unconsciously a great tax on the village where their camp is pitched. their servants take provisions from the people at merely nominal prices, or even without payment at all. many officers, knowing how villainously some native underlings will extort when they get the opportunity, often insist on all payments being made before them according to a fixed scale. even then the men find other ways of living in clover at the expense of the villagers. this was brought home to me one night when i was stopping at a village called moach. the police officer of the district was in camp there, but i arrived late, and went to the house of a native, where an old patient of mine visited me, and, finding me hungry and tired, went off to get me some milk. he sent it me by the hand of a young boy, who had to pass by the camp of the police officer, where his cook was preparing his dinner. by his side was a saucepan containing several pints of milk which had been ordered for the great man's supper, each house bringing its share according to a roster kept for the purpose at the police-station. the cook saw the boy coming with the milk, and said to him: "come along; pour it in here." "but i have not brought this for the police sahib. i have brought it for---" "nonsense! who else here wants milk? all the milk has been ordered for the sahib. pour it in, or i will send you to the lock-up." i got no milk for my supper, and i do not suppose the officer had more than would go into a custard-pudding and a cup of cocoa; but his myrmidons--they knew how to look after themselves, and enjoyed a good time. chapter xxii chikki, the freebooter the mountains of tirah--work as a miller's labourer--joins fortune with a thief--a night raid--the value of a disguise--the thief caught--the cattle "lifter"--murder by proxy--the price of blood--tribal factions--becomes chieftain of the tribe--the zenith of power--characteristics--precautionary measures--journey to chinarak--a remarkable fort--a curious congregation--punctiliousness in prayers--changed attitude--refrains from hostilities--meets his death. between the khaibar pass on the north and the kurram valley on the south lies a tangled mass of mountains and valleys called tirah. here almost inaccessible escarpments, on which the wary goatherd leads his surefooted flock, alternate with delightful little green glens, where rivulets of clear water dance down to the rice-fields, and hamlets nestle among the walnut and plane trees. in one of these villages was a poor country lad called muhammad sarwar. his father was too poor to own flocks, and, having no land of his own, sarwar took work with a miller. it was one of those picturesque little mills which you see in the valleys of the afridis, where a mountain-stream comes dashing down the side of a hill, and is then trained aside to where the simple building of stones and mud covers in the mill-stones, while two or three mulberry-trees round give such delightful shade that the mill becomes a rendezvous for the idle men and gossips of the village to wile away the hot summer noons. but sarwar was of a restless disposition, and the pittance of flour which, together with a kid and a new turban on the feast-days, was all he got for his labours, did not satisfy his ambition. then there was his friend abdul asghar, who, though as poor as himself to start with, now had four kanals of land of his own and a flock of some forty sheep and goats browsing on the mountain-side. it would not do to inquire too closely how abdul asghar came by this wealth, but he used to be out a good deal of nights, and he was one of those who was "wanted" at the border military police-station at thal for his part in several recent cases of highway robbery with violence. this kind of life was more to the taste of sarwar than the drudgery of mill-grinding, and before long he and asghar had joined hands. once, indeed, they were fairly caught, though they escaped the penalty of their misdeeds. they were on the prowl one dark night, when they saw a shrouded figure creeping along by a farm wall. they had scarcely hid behind a bush when the unknown man turned and came directly towards them. thinking they had been observed, asghar called out: "who are you? stand, or i fire." the figure halted, and said in a low tone: "it is well; i am your own." the man then came up and suggested that they should spend that night together and share their luck. he told them, too, that there was a fine fat dumba in the farmyard hard by that they might begin upon. asghar slipped over the wall, while sarwar and the stranger kept guard, and soon returned with the sheep across his shoulders, its head wrapped up in his chadar to stop its cries. they took it off into the jungle, and as the stranger said he wished to be home early that night, they decided to stay and divide it there and then. the stranger surprised them by saying that he would be content with merely the head as his share, so the "allahu akbar" was pronounced, the throat cut, and the head given to the stranger, who went off with their parting greeting, "may it be well before you," which he returned by saying, "in the safety of god." next morning they were astonished by the sudden appearance of a posse of the border military police, who, before they were able to escape or offer resistance, handcuffed them and led them off, vouchsafing no more explanation than that the chhota sahib had ordered it. they were much mystified, and could not think which of their enemies had got up a case against them; but they could learn nothing from the police, who either could or would tell nothing more. when, finally, they were taken before the sahib, and he started away with, "so, you have been after your old game again, and stole a sheep last night from the farm of nuruddin" (the light of religion), it was with difficulty they could conceal their astonishment and compose themselves quickly enough to reply that they were honest men, had never stolen anything all their lives, and could bring witnesses to prove that last night they never stirred from the chauk of fath muhammad of dilrogha village. the sahib had a twinkle in his eye as he led them on with further questions to forswear themselves still more hopelessly, and then finally turned to a sepoy by his side and simply said, "bring it in." the sepoy saluted, went out, and in a moment returned bringing something wrapped up in a chadar, which he placed on the table before him. the sahib unrolled it, and exposed to their astonished gaze the very sheep's head they had given to the stranger the night before. he had been none other than the sahib himself! they could no longer hide their confusion, and could say nothing more than "la haula wala kowata ilia bi 'llah" (there is no majesty or power but in god; he only is great). they were treated to a very pointed lecture, and told that none of their movements could remain concealed from the eyes of the sarkar, and that next time they were caught they would be lodged in the hawalat (gaol). though sarwar and his friend gained hereby a wholesome dread of the ubiquity of their ruler, yet the lesson did not restrain them from carrying on their depredations. not long after asghar was killed in a cattle-lifting raid on a neighbouring tribe. the villagers were aroused by the barking of the village dogs, started a chigah in pursuit, and, though sarwar escaped, a stray shot hit asghar in the chest and put an end to his career. sarwar made such progress in the art, and carried his depredations so far afield, that he became known on all the hills round by the sobriquet of "chikki," or the "lifter." one day a chance circumstance gave a fresh turn to his career. mullah darweza, of saman village, had a bitter grudge against a malik of the village because he had enticed away one of his talibs, a beautiful boy of thirteen, and now, instead of the boy spending his days over the quran and sheikh sadi, the persian poet, he was walking about the village with his eyebrows blackened with antimony and a gold-braided turban on his head, and danced in the malik's chauk while the village dum played a rebab. mullah darweza would dearly have liked the luxury of stabbing the malik himself some dark night, but his profession had to be considered, and what would become of his reputation for sanctity if the story got about, let alone the danger of retaliation, which would mean that he would be a prisoner in his house after dark, and would not be able to go to the mosque to say the night prayers, even if he had not to leave the village altogether? the mullah was leading prayers in the mosque that day when his eye fell on chikki among the worshippers, and as they were leaving the mosque he whispered to him to come to his house that night after the night prayers had been said. what passed there is known only to those two, but chikki bore away a bag of rupees, and a few nights later, as the malik had gone down to a stream to perform his ablutions before evening prayers, a shot rung out from no one knows where, and the malik, without a cry, fell forward into the stream, and when the villagers arrived and picked him up they found he had been shot through the heart, and no one ever knew who had done it. this windfall whetted chikki's appetite, and he soon found this occupation even more lucrative than that of cattle lifting. as his fame increased, secret commissions came to him from many quarters--from men who had life enemies, but who feared to risk their own lives in ridding themselves of them. with success, however, came danger. chikki was a marked man, and had to take unusually strict precautions for the preservation of his own life; his repeating rifle was never out of his hand, and no one ever saw him off his guard. he built himself a strong tower, and at night-time retired into this by means of a rope ladder to the upper window (it had no lower windows), then, drawing up the ladder after him, he secured the window. then came the opportunity of his life. there were two factions in the tribe, the gur and the samil, and these had been on bad terms for a long time, but hostilities had so far been confined to a few murders and thefts. then one day a prominent malik of the gur faction was shot while on a visit to a samil village. this could not be atoned for without war, and within twenty-four hours the tocsin of war was beating in every gur village all over the hills. the samil replied by burning a gur village, and soon the whole mountain-side was in arms on one side or the other; desultory warfare was carried on for some time, and much blood had been shed on both sides, but the samil party lacked a leader. then they bethought them of chikki, and sent a deputation, asking him to take their lead. he consented on condition of their recognizing him as paramount chief of the zaimukhts in the event of success attending his arms. they agreed, and he, collecting together some other soldiers of fortune who had thrown in their lot with him, took the field against the gur faction. the latter were defeated in several engagements, and finally both sides tired of the fray, and they were all the more ready to come to terms as the harvest was ripe and would spoil if not rapidly gathered in. both sides agreed to call a jirgah, which met, drew up conditions of peace acceptable to both sides, and smoked the pipe of peace. the agreement was ratified by a big feast, in which twenty fat dumbas were slain and cooked, with immeasurable quantities of ghi, and a dance, in which the men of the two sides, which had so recently been moving heaven and earth to shoot each other, danced together as though they had never been anything but the greatest of friends all their lives. chikki was now at the zenith of his power. eight thousand riflemen, all armed with weapons of precision and all good shots, obeyed his call, and he was able to build a strong fort at chinarak, in the zaimukht mountains, which he garrisoned with his bodyguard of outlaws, while acres of rich land all round brought him supplies of grain and other produce, which enabled him to offer to all who came that open-handed, unstinting hospitality which is the surest path to popularity in afghanistan. yet withal he maintained his simple mode of life and plain hillman's costume; and once when he came down into sadda, a town in british territory, to meet the great political officer there, he formed a marked contrast to the gay clothes and coloured shawls and gold-banded turbans of the sahib's satellites. he wore simply shirt and trousers of plain homespun, and a black turban, ornamented only by a fringe with a few beads on, and had on his feet a pair of palm-leaf sandals, such as could be bought in any bazaar for the sum of one anna. but his rifle was the best there, and the well-filled cartridge-belt and the six-chambered revolver buckled on excited the envy of many a man round him, while the firm tread and the thick-set frame and the determined features displayed the commanding and reckless character of the man. yet in society that he cared for he would unbend and display a boisterous good-humour, though of a kind which would make a jest of acts of cruelty involving human suffering and even death. as may be supposed, chikki had many enemies who were seeking his life, and he would not allow anyone not known to him to approach him at night or even in the day, and rarely had his fingers off his revolver or the trigger of his rifle. once he was being shaved by his barber when the foolish man said to him: "muhammad anim" (one of chikki's sworn enemies) "offered me five hundred rupees the other day if, while i was shaving you, i should slip the razor and cut your throat; but ma'uzbillah! i seek refuge in god; i am your sacrifice, and refused the son of a pig." chikki said nothing then, but when the shaving was over he whipped out his revolver, and said to the luckless barber: "you refused this time, but next time the temptation may be too great for you, so i had better be first in." the tongue of that barber wagged no more, and chikki got a new and probably more discreet practitioner. it fell on a day that there was illness in chikki's household, and someone brought him word that the bannu doctor was in camp not far off at thal; so it came about that while i was seeing patients by my tent that afternoon four of chikki's stalwarts, armed cap-ã -pie, appeared with a polite and urgent request that i would accompany them back to his stronghold, chinarak, and use my medical skill on the sick ones. as soon as the day's work was over we started off. there was a thunderstorm on the mountains above us, and a mountain-torrent had to be crossed which would not be fordable in flood, so we urged on to a point whence a view could be got of the river-bed. on reaching it we saw the turbid waters of the flood sweeping down about a mile higher up the valley from the place where we had to cross, while we had considerably over a mile of rough ground to traverse before we could reach the ford. all pressed forward, the footmen running at the horses' stirrups, and we just managed to get through the rising stream before the flood reached us, thus saving what would have been some hours of waiting for the flood to subside. chinarak is a mud fort, with towers and an intricate maze of yards, houses, and passages within; but its strength lies more in its inaccessibility, for the narrow gorge, with high, overhanging cliffs, by which we approached might easily be defended by a few marksmen. on the north side, however, the approach to it is easier. after the sick had been seen, chikki informed me that, as he had heard that i was a preacher of the injil, he wished to hear me, so that he might judge of the comparative merits of christianity and muhammadanism; and to that purpose he had called his mullah, and we two should sit on either side and speak in turn, while he judged. his men collected round us, truly a motley crew, nearly all of them men who had fled across the border from british justice for some murder or other crime, and had found congenial employment in his bodyguard. i had just been visiting some of their houses professionally, and found representatives of all the tribes down the frontier, and even a few hindustanis. there they were, with a devil-may-care look in their truculent faces, which made you feel that they would take half a dozen lives, to rob a cottage, with as little compunction as if they were cutting sugar-cane. perhaps chikki thought i was eyeing my congregation suspiciously, for he turned to me with a twinkle, and said: "do not alarm yourself about all these fellows round. they may be all rascals, no doubt; but i have my martini-henry here, and if anyone molests you, i will send a bullet through him." no doubt with a good aim, too, for he was reputed the best marksman in the tribe, a fact which i may illustrate by an anecdote. like most afghans, he was very punctilious in the performance of the prescribed muhammadan prayers, and beyond the regular five times used to indulge in those prayers of supererogation which muhammad appointed for the devout, or for those who had sins which might be expiated by their performance. chikki, too, appeared to believe that he kept a credit and debit account of this kind, and that some particularly unwarranted murder would be suitably balanced by the repetition of a number of extra prayers. he had a little book of arabic prayers called the "ganj-el-arus" hung round his neck, and, when at leisure from his more warlike pursuits, would employ himself in the repletion of his credit account therefrom. he handed the book to me, and showed me with some little pride a prayer in it which he said he had composed himself, and which he said was always heard. it was in his own vernacular pashtu, for he did not know arabic; and the prayer was that, whenever he raised his rifle to his shoulder to shoot, the bullet might not miss its mark. before i came away i left some pashtu testaments and other literature with chikki, and i have reason to believe that he studied them with interest. he, at least, gave up some of his predatory and warlike habits, and devoted himself to more peaceful avocations. when the frontier war of 1897 broke out, not long after, and the tribes all round him were flocking round the standards of jehad, and the tocsin of war resounded from the valleys of swat in the north to the suliman mountains of waziristan in the south, he resisted all the allurements of the mullahs to take part in the campaign against the kafirs, the english, and restrained the men of his own tribe from any participation in the warfare. it can be seen by a reference to the map that this abstention of the zaimukht tribe, which numbers about eight thousand fighting men, made a considerable difference to the troops acting in the miranzai and kurram valleys, in the angle between which their territory is situate. he pressed me to begin medical mission work in his own territory, and promised me support, both material and influential, if i would do so. it was a tempting field, and, no doubt, it would have exerted a widespread influence for peace on the neighbourhood; but there were insurmountable difficulties of another nature, and the project had to be abandoned. a few years ago i heard with regret that my old friend chikki had been ambuscaded by a section of the khujjal khel wazirs, with whom he had an old-standing quarrel. he and the men with him fell riddled with bullets, and the victors exultingly cut out his heart and bore it off in triumph, boasting that it weighed ten seers (twenty pounds). chapter xxiii rough diamonds a novel inquirer--attends the bazaar preaching--attacked by his countrymen--in the police-station--before the english magistrate--declares he is a christian--arrival of his mother--tied up in his village--escape--takes refuge in the hills--a murder case--circumstantial evidence--condemned--a last struggle for liberty--qazi abdul karim--his origin--eccentricities--enthusiasm--crosses the frontier--captured--confesses his faith--torture--martyrdom. i will recount shortly in this chapter the stories of two afghan converts, to show what strange cases we have to deal with, and how difficult it is to discover the motives at work, even if we ever do discover them. seronai was one of the marwat clan of pathans, which inhabits the southern part of the bannu district. one afternoon in the year 1899 i had been conducting the open-air preaching in the bannu bazaar, and was returning home, when i noticed that i was being followed by a stalwart afghan, over six feet high and broad in proportion. i had noticed him among the crowd at the preaching, as he was quite the biggest man there. "what is it i can do for you?" i said to him. "i am going to join your religion," was the reply. i took him home, found that he was a farmer in a small way, possessed a few acres of land in a very criminal village right at the base of the frontier hills, could not read or write, and knew very little indeed of the muhammadan religion beyond the prayers. yet when i asked him, "why do you wish to join our religion?" the only answer i could obtain was, "because it is my wish." "but you do not know anything about either religion." "you can teach me; i will learn." so importunate a pupil it was impossible to refuse. he was willing enough to learn, but proved very slow of comprehension. it is our rule not to let inquirers idle away their time, but to give them work, whereby they may at least prove that they do not intend to become burdens on the mission. seronai was willing enough to work, and had the appetite of an ox; but, unless watched, his strength was far in excess of his discrimination. given a field to dig up, and he dug up the flower-beds round, too. given a tree to cut down, and he brought it down quick enough, crashing through a verandah, till finally we found that if we kept him at all it was most economical not to let him do anything. about his zeal there was no doubt. not only did he attend all the christian services, but insisted on accompanying us to the bazaar preaching, and letting all and sundry know that he intended to--in fact, had already--become a christian. this naturally roused the ire of the people in the bazaar, and when one day there were some of his fellow-countrymen in the audience, i could see that they meant ill, though, from seronai's great size and strength, they would no doubt be careful in their tactics. the next day, the bazaar preaching being over, seronai returned towards the mission, while i stopped behind a few moments conversing with a questioner in the crowd. i had gone a little way up the street when i saw an excited mob and heard much shouting, and out of the crowd burst seronai, tearing himself away from his captors with clothes torn, turban off, and his long locks dishevelled about his face. he ran towards me, calling out, "save me from these men!" it did not seem likely when he had been unable to save himself. however, i did my best to enable him to escape, but we were at once surrounded by the crowd, and though no violence was intentionally done to me, seronai was torn away and mercilessly beaten. before long, however, the police appeared and dispersed the crowd, and marched off seronai to the lock-up. as that seemed the safest place for the time being, i told him to keep up his spirits, and that the next day arrangements would be made for him. the next day he was brought before the civil officer of the district, who also called for the chief man of the section of the tribe which had been creating the disturbance the day before. seronai was then asked whether he wished to be a muhammadan or christian. "i wish to become a christian and to remain with the padre sahib," he said decidedly. "very well, you shall," said the officer, and told the chief to explain to his people that they must not resort to further violence. the next week an old lady in a great state of excitement appeared in the mission compound. with her was a lad of about fourteen summers. they were seronai's mother and younger brother. she had been told that her son had become a hindu. as to what a christian was, she had no idea. she had never heard of such a thing. all she knew was that her son had disgraced her, and when seronai came she wept on him, and called him reproachful names, and caressed him, all in turns and all together. seronai was very quiet, and he was genuinely sorry for the old lady's trouble, and came to me and said: "i must go back to my village with my mother to comfort her, and then i will return to you." it was about a week later. we were sitting in church at evening service, when in came seronai, looking very hot and dishevelled. he said that the people in his village had seized him, and tied him down to a bed, and set a guard over him night and day. it was impossible to escape till one day a raiding party of wazirs came down suddenly on the village grazing grounds and carried off about twenty camels. a chigah was sounded, and all the able-bodied men of the village started off in pursuit. his mother came and untied him, and he had escaped to us, doing the forty-five miles that lay between his village and the mission without a stop. seronai's condition pointed to the truth of his story, which was, indeed, a very credible one. we heard afterwards that the camel raid had taken place in the way he related. seronai went on now learning about the christian religion, but making very little visible progress. he was zealous, and did not for a moment try to avoid persecution by hiding his light--in fact, he seemed to delight in courting it. some suggested that he was becoming a christian in order to spite some relation. this does occasionally happen; but there were no grounds for supposing it to be the case here. others suggested that he had made a bet that he would become one, but this would hardly account for his carrying the rã´le so far at such great personal suffering. in short, though his spiritual aspirations were not, as far as we could see, sufficient to account for it, we were quite at a loss to find any other satisfactory explanation. about a month later he disappeared once again, and then i did not hear of him for two years. at the end of that time, i was seated one day in school teaching one of the classes, when i got a message from the head of the gaol saying there was a prisoner who professed to be a christian, and desired to see me. on responding to the call, imagine my surprise to find seronai. he said that on leaving us he had intended to work his land, but, owing to the enmity of the people, had been obliged to seek refuge in the mountains, where a certain malik had befriended him and given him shelter. he had remained there till a few weeks back, when he wished to pay a visit to his mother and his village. on arrival there, he found that a tragedy had just been enacted. he had a sister there married to a farmer in the village; this lady had accepted the advances of another swain from the next village, and had prepared to elope with him. they had, however, been frustrated in their intentions, for the corpses of the two had been found--the woman shot through the head, her lover through the heart. suspicion would most naturally fall on the husband, but the arrival of seronai at this moment suggested an alternative: the people of the village would be glad to get an apostate, such as they considered him to be, into trouble; circumstantial evidence was not difficult to arrange, and witnesses in support might be had for the asking. besides, by making a scapegoat of seronai, the rest of the village would escape the harrying of the police myrmidons, who might otherwise settle on their village like a swarm of locusts, for no one knew how long. thus it came about that seronai was in gaol on the charge of double murder. it was not much that i could do for him beyond giving him the consolations of religion; circumstantial evidence was very black against him, and it was not a matter of surprise when the judge found him guilty and awarded him the extreme penalty of hanging. two days yet remained to the carrying out of the sentence, when there was a great uproar in the gaol. seronai and another prisoner, also under sentence of death, had broken loose from cells, but, unable to scale the outer wall of the prison, had clambered on to the roof of one of the buildings, from which they bade defiance to all who ventured near. they tore up the cornice, and if anyone came near he ran the risk of having his head smashed with a well-directed brick. this siege went on for two and a half hours; the two defenders were so alert that if a ladder was put up at one side while a feint was made at the other, they ran from side to side, aiming bricks at anyone within reach. this could not be allowed to go on, so the superintendent of police made the guard fall in with loaded rifles, and then took out his watch, and, addressing the two men, told them that if they did not surrender in four minutes the guard would fire. there was breathless suspense among the spectators, who by this time numbered several hundreds, as the minutes passed and the men were still defiant. half a minute remained when the two men surrendered to the guard, and were marched back to the cells. two days later the extreme penalty of the law was enforced. qazi abdul karim was altogether a different type of man to seronai; he came of a good afghan family and was a very learned man, being, as his name denotes, a qazi, or one entitled to adjudicate muhammadan law. he was well versed in the quran, the hadis, and muhammadan theology and literature, and held a position of honour in the towns of quetta and kandahar. he was a man of property, too, so that no one could taunt him with having become a christian for the sake of bread. he was converted many years ago at quetta, where he was baptized by the medical missionary, dr. sutton; he passed through many dangers and privations, but i go on at once to speak of my first acquaintance with him at bannu. he had worked for a time at most of the frontier mission stations, but did not seem able to settle down anywhere. the missionary society requires those who desire to become its recognized agents to pass certain examinations, and examinations were not in his line, and he would not present himself for one; thus he never became a recognized agent of the society. he had a repugnance to doing work in the hospital wards, so it was difficult to know how he was to gain his support. his habits, too, were rather expensive, as he had been accustomed to entertain freely in his muhammadan days, and could not realize that he must not ask all and any into meals when he had not the wherewithal to pay for them. he had given up almost everything to become a christian, and he could not understand why the society would not support him to work on his own lines, without the trammels of rules and regulations. he was very sensitive in his nature, and ready to think that he was being slighted or not wanted, so he seldom stopped long in any one station. he did not get on well, as a rule, with the other native christians, and often imagined that schemes were being laid for poisoning his food. this led to bickerings, which the missionary often had trouble in allaying. thus, notwithstanding his great gifts, abdul karim was not a persona grata in any of the missions, and the missionary was often glad when he realized that he had outstayed his welcome and passed on to another station. yet, though certainly not popular with the native christians, they all admired him for the troubles he had undergone for the sake of christ, and for his pluck in confessing his faith before all audiences, and regardless of consequences. the last time he visited bannu he had been undergoing great hardships in a voluntary tramp through the country, literally "despised and rejected of men," because of his uncompromising advocacy of christianity. he was worn quite thin, and looked so haggard that i did not at first recognize him, and his clothes were reduced to a few rags. we fed him up and got him some new clothes; but even then he could not rid himself of the idea that some people were trying to poison him. this gave rise to the report that he was mad, and certainly his eccentricity in this respect was sufficient to give colour to the report. i feel sure, however--and i knew him well--that his devotion to christ was very real, and amounted to a real passion to suffer for his sake. in the summer of 1907 he was taken with an intense desire to enter afghanistan, and preach the gospel there. he crossed over the frontier at chaman, and was seized by some afghan soldiers. these finally brought him before the governor of kandahar. he was offered rewards and honours if he would recant and accept muhammadanism, and, when he refused, he was cast into prison loaded with eighty pounds of chains. he was examined by h. m. the amir and the amir's brother, nasirullah, but remained firm in his confession of christianity. finally, he was marched off to kabul under very painful conditions. as far as could be gathered from the reports that filtered down to india, he had to walk loaded with chains and with a bit and bridle in his mouth from kandahar to kabul, while any muhammadan who met him on the way was to smite him on the cheek and pull a hair from his beard. after reaching kabul, it was reported that he died in prison there; but another report, which purported to be that of an eyewitness, and seemed worthy of credence, related that he had been set at liberty in kabul, and had set out alone for india. on the way the people in a village where he was resting found out who he was--probably one of them had heard him preaching in india--and they carried him off to their mosque to force him to repeat the muhammadan kalimah, "there is no god but god, and muhammad is the prophet of god." this is the accepted formula of accepting islam, and if a convert can be persuaded to say this publicly, it is regarded as his recantation. abdul karim refused. a sword was then produced, and his right arm cut off, and he was again ordered to repeat it, but again refused. the left arm was then severed in the same way, and, on his refusing the third time, his throat was cut. there is no doubt that, whatever the details of his martyrdom may be, abdul karim witnessed faithfully up to the last for his saviour christ, and died because he would not deny him. there are many secret disciples in afghanistan who honour christ as we do, and make his teachings their daily guide, but are not yet prepared to follow him even to the death; and there is no doubt that, at the present time, a public acknowledgment of christianity would mean death, and probably a cruel death. at the same time, i believe that the church in afghanistan will not be established till there have been many such martyrs, who will seal their faith with their blood. when the news of the death of abdul karim reached bannu, more than one of our afghan christians offered to go over into afghanistan and take his place as herald of the cross, and bear the consequences, but i pointed out to them that the time was not yet. chapter xxiv deductions number of converts not a reliable estimate of mission work--spurious converts versus indigenous christianity--latitude should be allowed to the indian church--we should introduce christ to india rather than occidental christianity--christianizing sects among hindus and muhammadans--missionary work not restricted to missionaries--influence of the best of hindu and muhammadan thought should be welcomed--the conversion of the nation requires our attention more than that of the individual--christian friars adapted to modern missions--a true representation of christ to india--misconceptions that must be removed. i have completed these sketches of mission work, and i wish to summarize in this chapter some of the conclusions that i have been led to draw from the experiences of the last sixteen years, and then in a concluding chapter to point out what i think to be the most promising lines of advance. it has too long been the habit to gauge the results of mission work by the number of converts or baptisms, but this is wrong both by omission and by commission: by omission, because it takes no count of what is the larger portion of mission work--the gradual permeation of the country with the teachings and example of christ; by commission, because it encourages missionaries to baptize and register numbers, chiefly of the lower classes, who have no right to it, because they come from egregiously unworthy motives. such converts not only are a dead weight on the mission to which they are attached, but too often utterly discredit christianity in the eyes of the non-christians around them by their greed and unworthy conduct. it is well that we should sometimes stop and think what it is that we are desirous of doing, and then face the question: "are we really accomplishing that, or doing something altogether different?" are we desirous of planting in india a christian church on the lines which we see developed in england or america? if so, i sincerely hope that we shall never succeed. are we desirous of binding on eastern converts the same burden of dogmas which has disrupted and still distresses the western church? again, i sincerely hope not. are we desirous of giving india the life and teaching of our lord jesus christ, and of living him before the people? there we have a worthy object--to compass which no sacrifice is too great--worthy of the best and most devoted of our men and women, and claiming the spiritual and material support of the whole western church. now, it is quite possible--in fact, we have seen it enacted before our eyes--that, having given india christ and the bible, india's sons and sages may not interpret everything as we have done, but may do so in their own mystical and transcendental way. we may not always be able to admit such by baptism into the fold of the christian church--they may not themselves desire it--but are we to say that our mission has not been accomplished? accomplished it assuredly has been, but perhaps not on the lines which we desired or imagined. if, again, after studying the life and words of christ, and comparing them with the christianity which they see practised in the west, or in the westerns who reside among them, they are not drawn to western christianity while yet having a devotion to christ; if they do not feel they can consistently join any of our western churches; and if they form a church of india, are we then to be disappointed and think we have failed of our mission? a thousand times, no! let us rather praise god that, instead of a number of hothouse plants requiring careful watering and tending lest they sicken and wither, we have a harvest of indigenous growth nurtured on the native soil of india, and ripening to a fruitful maturity under its own sun, and fed by the natural showers of heaven without the aid of the missionaries of a foreign clime. we see, therefore, that the gathering in of converts is not the first or most important work of the missionary. his work is rather, first, to live christ before the people of the country; secondly, to give them the teachings of christ by giving them the scriptures in their own tongue, and preaching and explaining the same to them. we often find in practice that when some indian has been captivated by the gospel, he is hurried on to baptism, and thereby cut off prematurely from his old stock and grafted on the new--prematurely because he is often insufficiently grounded in the christian faith to withstand the torrent of persecution which is his lot the moment he is baptized, and because the leavening influence which he would otherwise be exerting on a wide circle of his relations and acquaintances is at once destroyed. christians at home encourage the missionary to think that nothing has been accomplished till the inquirer is baptized, and that, once baptized and recorded in the church register and the mission report, the work, as far as that individual is concerned, is completed, and the missionary may leave him and turn his attention to someone else. fatal mistake! injurious to the convert because, left only half grounded in the faith, he falls into worldly and covetous habits, or may even apostatize outright; injurious to the unevangelized remainder because, instead of being attracted for a time longer to the study of christianity by the influence of the inquirer, they are thrown into a position of violent antagonism by the secession of the convert, and are no longer willing to give the claims of christ any hearing at all. herein lies the inestimable value of the much-maligned mission schools and colleges. they do not produce a great crop of immediate baptisms, and so are belittled by some as barren agencies; but nothing else is more surely permeating the great mass of muhammadan and hindu thought with christian thoughts, christian ideals, and christian aspirations. we see all around us in present-day india attempts to reclothe islam and hinduism in christian habiliments, or else ardent reformers, hopeless of that augean task, creating new little sects and offshoots, in which christian ideas are served up for muhammadan and hindu consumers thinly disguised in a dressing of their own religions. these sects sometimes affect a display of hostility to christianity, lest those whom they wish to draw should mistake them for being only missionary ruses for catching them with guile; but, all the same, they are steps, and i think inevitable steps, in the gradual permeation of the country with the religion of christ. india has been surfeited with philosophies and dogmas and rites and ceremonies from the hoary vedic ages down, but she is hungering and thirsting for a living power to draw her god-ward, and such a power is christ. she cannot have too much of him, whether this life be set forth in the devoted service of christian men and women, in hospitals, and schools, and zenanas, and plague camps, and leper asylums, or in the daily preaching and teaching of him in town and village, in the crowded bazaars, or in the hermitages of the sadhus and faqirs. this is not a work restricted to those who have been set apart as missionaries, but one which claims every professed christian in the land. every european christian, be he in civil or military service, in trade or profession, or merely a temporary visitant for pleasure-seeking, can and should be doing this essentially christian missionary work if he is living honestly and purely up to the tenets of his religion; and many of the best converts in the land have been first drawn to christ by watching the consistent private and public christian life of some such unobtrusive englishman or englishwoman, who never was or tried to be a missionary in the usual sense of the term. on the other hand, the christianizing of the country has been made all the more remote and difficult by those englishmen who contemn or discredit the religion they profess, or live lives openly and flagrantly at variance with its ethics. we do not gain anything from a missionary point of view, and we dishonour god, when we speak of everything in islam or hinduism as evil. the mussulman has given a witness to the unity of god and the folly of idolatry which has been unsurpassed in the religious history of the world, and he has qualities of devotion and self-abnegation which the christian church may well desire to enlist in her service rather than to ignore or decry. the hindu has evolved philosophies on the enigmas of life, and sin, and pain, and death, which have for ages been the solace and guide of the myriad inhabitants of india, and he has attained heights of self-abnegation and austerity in the pursuit of his religious ideals which would have made the christian ascetics of the early centuries of our era envious. religion has been to them a pervading force which has coloured the most commonplace acts of daily life. here we have qualities which have prepared the soil for the implanting of the christian faith, and which, when imbued and enlightened with the love of christ, will reach a luxuriance of christian energy worthy of the religious east, in which so many of the religions of the world have had their birth. india, indeed, wants christ, but the future christianity of india will not be that occidental form which we have been accustomed to, but something that will have incorporated all the best god-given qualities and capacities and thoughts of the muhammadans and hindus. it is a great pity that missionary energy is still largely destructive rather than constructive. in the earlier days of mission work it was popularly supposed that missionaries were to attack the citadels of islam and hinduism, which were considered to be the great obstacles to the acceptance of christianity by the people of india, and it was thought that, those once overthrown, we should find a christian country. much more probably we should find an atheistic and materialistic india, in which mammon, wealth, industrial success, and worldliness had become the new gods. the real and most deadly enemies with which the missionary has to contend are infidelity and mammon worship. we may well try to enlist the religious spirit of all the indian creeds in the struggle against these, the common enemies of all faiths, or we may find, when too late, that we have destroyed the fabric of faith, and set up nothing in its place. the old islam, the old hinduism, are already doomed, not by the efforts of the missionaries, but by the contact with the west, by the growth of commerce, by the spread of education, by the thirst for wealth and luxury which the west has implanted in the east. all the power of christianity is required to give india a new and living and robust faith, which shall be able to withstand these disrupting forces. some of the christian attacks on eastern religions are painful to read, because one cannot help seeing that the same weapons have been used in the west, and often with success, against belief in the christian scriptures, and the missionaries are only preparing tools which will one day be used against themselves. they may for the moment win a pyrrhic victory against the forces of islam and hinduism, but they are at the same time undermining the religious spirit, the ardent faith, the unquestioning devotion, which have been the crown and glory of india for ages. let it rather be their endeavour to present a real, living, pulsating christianity, capable of enlisting all these divine forces in its own service without weakening or destroying one of them, and all that is best in islam and hinduism will be drawn into it. the product will be nearer to the mind of christ than much that passes by the name of christianity in the west, yet has lost the power of the living christ. do not destroy, but give something worthy of acceptance, and be careful of the type. converts will come right enough when we work on these lines, but they will not so often be the man-made converts which have been drawn by the outward attractions which missions sometimes offer. they will more often be those who have been drawn of the spirit, and become converts in spite of us and our little faith. and they will inherit the blessing of isaac as assuredly as the first class partake of the waywardness of ishmael. the east has long possessed and developed in a myriad different ways the idea of sacrifice, while the more practical west has been tending more and more towards a philanthropic christianity which makes a life of service its ideal. the best will be when we bring about a union of the religious devotion of the east with the altruism of the west. so far the asceticism and devotion of the orient has been rendered nugatory and disappointing by its uselessness--by, if we may use a paradoxical expression, its very selfishness--for it was directed to the emancipation of the individual soul rather than to the salvation of the race. but when the sacrifice of the orient and the service of the occident join hands and go forth in the name of christ to mitigate and remove the ills and sorrows of this sad, sad world, then indeed will the spirit of christ be fulfilled in his church. a recent writer, whose missionary enthusiasm had caught a spark from the mystic fires of the east, writes: "the thing which is lacking (in mission work) i believe to be the vision of the homeless, suffering, serving jesus--the jesus who came to serve, and laid down his life for the sheep." [3] he then goes on to enunciate the need for christian friars, who may bring a knowledge of christ to india in the only way to which her people have ever been accustomed. from time immemorial all the religions that have occupied the arena of the indian stage, and compelled the adherence and devotion of her people, have been promulgated by peripatetic ascetics, who have shown by their devotion to their ideals the intensity of their convictions, and have not wearied of journeying from end to end of the land, through heat and through cold, through privations and hunger and nakedness, that they might make known to the people how they were to obtain salvation. the friars suggested by the above writer would therefore be such as india is already familiar with, and would work on a prepared soil. he writes: "the part of the friars is to live christ so literally before the church and the world, that both may become conscious of him. the church is lacking in ideal and devotion; the friars must, therefore, lead lives of such heroism and devoted service in the face of every danger that the church may be fired by their example.... if such a body of men were to act in this way, none would be so quick to cast themselves at the master's feet as the people of india, and the high castes would lead the way." but it must be clearly understood that these friars are not to replace or render unnecessary any section of the existing missionary body. every one of the various activities of the present mission work is wanted, urgently wanted. they will, however, fire their energies, enlarge their scope, and increase their usefulness. two misconceptions require to be removed from the indian mind. one is, that missionary activity is a political activity, a department of the government artfully disguised. the other is, that the english are, after all, only lukewarm about their religion, and do not hesitate to disregard it if it clashes with their comfort or interest. to combat these ideas it is the lives of the missionaries that are of more importance than the organization, and the more christ is lived and exemplified, the more spiritual and lasting will be the result. chapter xxv a forward policy frontier medical missions--their value as outposts--ancient christianity in central asia--kafiristan: a lost opportunity of the christian church--forcible conversion to islam--fields for missionary enterprise beyond the north-west frontier--the first missionaries should be medical men--an example of the power of a medical mission to overcome opposition--the need for branch dispensaries--scheme of advance--needs. down the north-west frontier is the long line of mission outposts: srinagar, mardan, peshawur, karak, and thal, in the kohat district; bannu, tank, dera ismaã¯l khan, dera ghazi khan, quetta. all of these comprise medical mission work as part of their activities. several have educational work as well. yet we regard them as something more than outposts: they are bases. the strength of the british military stations on that frontier is far in excess of the requirements of their immediate surroundings, because under conceivable conditions they have to act as the bases of an army acting beyond them, or they might have to stem the advance of an invading force. in a precisely similar way we must regard our frontier missions, not merely in relation to their environments, but as the means whereby we shall be able to go forward and evangelize the yet unoccupied lands to the west and the north. they should be sufficiently well equipped in both personnel and material, so that when need arises they might be able to supply the men and means for occupying mission stations farther on. the countries of central asia to the west and north of india are a challenge and a reproach to the christian church--a reproach because in the early centuries of the christian era the zeal of the first missionaries carried the gospel right across turkestan and tibet to china, and christian churches flourished from asia minor to mongolia. dr. stein, in his recent work, "buried cities of khotan," tells us how in those days there were fair towns and running streams and orchards, where now is only a sandy, waterless waste. the rains ceased, the water channels dried up, the people had to leave their towns and villages, and the sand was blown in and covered houses and trees and everything deep in its drifting dunes, where they have been unvisited and forgotten till the present traveller unearthed them. a similar spiritual drought seems to have fallen on the armenian and nestorian churches of those parts, and, deadened and retrograde, they were unable to withstand the great muhammadan invasions of the sixth and succeeding centuries, which swept like tornadoes right across asia into china. in again proclaiming the gospel in turkestan the christian church will only be reoccupying her lost territories, where at one time christian congregations gathered in their churches, but for centuries only the muhammadan call to prayer has been permitted to be heard. it is a reproach, again, because on our north-west frontier, only separated from chitral by a range of mountains, is the interesting land known as kafiristan. there is reason to believe that the inhabitants of this land, known as the kafirs, are the descendants of some of the greeks whom alexander of macedon brought over in his train three hundred years before christ. two stories are current among the kafirs regarding their origin, but both point to their arrival about the third century before christ. one is that a number of greeks, expelled from the lowlands by the advance of surrounding and more powerful tribes, took refuge in these mountain fastnesses; and the other is that they are the descendants of wounded soldiers left by alexander the great in the neighbouring region of bajour. they still practised till a few years ago pagan idolatrous rites, which had probably changed little for two thousand years, and they resisted the inroads of the muhammadans, who were obliged to recoil before their inaccessible mountain fastnesses. they welcomed some christian missionaries who visited their valleys at different times in the last century, and there is every reason to believe that, had the christian church accepted the task, the whole of that nation would have adopted the christian religion. but though these travellers urged on the church her opportunity and her responsibility, no step was taken. colonel wingate, a retired frontier officer, writes: [4] "i had gone for a stroll one day in the summer of 1895 with another officer for a short distance outside the military camp. though we were wearing the uniform of officers, we were without arms, when suddenly we saw a party of natives approaching. they were travelling at a rapid rate, and as they drew near we observed that they were armed with bows and arrows and spears, each carrying a coloured blanket in a roll over the shoulder, their food of dried meat and rice tied on to their girdles. the whole party were warriors, as indicated by the rows of shells sewn on to the kilts worn round their waists. they proved to be an influential deputation from kafiristan to the headquarters camp to obtain the assurance of the british nation that they would still enjoy their protection. from time to time, commencing with the mission of major biddulph, interviews between headmen of the kafiri tribes and officers of the british government had taken place, resulting in the belief that the independence of kafiristan would be preserved. but the unexpected and ominous answer came over the field telegraph wires: 'tell them they are now the subjects of the amir.' while waiting for the answer i had some conversation with them. they were wonderfully bright and generous-hearted, and fond of a joke. when i asked them if they were ready to embrace the christian religion, they replied: 'we do not want to change the religion of our fathers; but if we must change, then we would far rather become christians than muhammadans, because we should still be kafirs,' alluding to the common application of this word by muhammadans to all unbelievers.... the unsparing proselytism of muhammadan conquest has done its worst. hearths and homes in their mountain fastnesses, which had been preserved inviolate for one thousand years against the hated mussulman foe, have been ruthlessly invaded and spoiled. the bravest of their defenders have been forcibly made into muhammadans, and the fairest of their daughters have been torn from the arms of their natural protectors and carried off as new supplies for the harims of their conquerors." another lost opportunity to add to the account of the christian church! but there are lands now in that historic region "where three empires meet" which may yet be occupied by the messengers of "peace and goodwill towards men." is the church going to rise to the present opportunities or let them, too, slip by? swat, chitral, baltistan, hunza, astor, chilas, are each of them the home of a nation. then the great historic cities of bukhara, samarcand, tashkend, merv, kokan, kashgar, have some of them been in their time the capitals of great kingdoms. in some of these places there are already missionaries at work, most of them belonging to swedish and german societies; but how utterly inadequate these few scattered workers are to the great problem which they have to face! what is needed at the present are medical missions. a medical man would be welcomed by the people in all these places. the time for the preacher has yet to come. it would not be wise, even were it possible, to send up clerical missionaries and evangelists into these parts at present. but the doctor will find his sphere everywhere, and will find his hands full of work as soon as he arrives. he will be able to overcome suspicion and prejudice, and his timely aid and sympathetic treatment will disarm opposition, and his life will be a better setting forth of christianity than his words. there is a door everywhere that can be opened by love and sympathy and practical service, and no one is more in a position to have a key for every door than the doctor. i have already said much to show how powerful an agency medical work is for overcoming prejudice, but i will cite one instance more, where the doctor was the son of a convert of the very place where he was working, and had succeeded by his loving and skilful attentions in overcoming the opposition and much of the prejudice of the people. the first branch dispensary in connection with the bannu medical mission was opened at shekh mahmud in 1895. this is a large village near the tahsil town of isa khel, on the right bank of the indus river. about thirty-five years ago a landowner of this place was converted to christianity, and, together with his family, received into the christian church. at first he passed through great vicissitudes: his house was burnt over his head by his fellow-villagers, and he and his family barely escaped with their lives. his enemies then tried to expatriate him by erasing his name from the village registers, and swearing in court that he was a stranger to the district. eventually, however, their perjury was found out, and the court restored him his lands and had a new house built for him in the place of the one that had been burnt down. this man passed to his rest trusting in our lord jesus christ, leaving three sons, who were all following in their father's footsteps, and have been privileged to see many of their former enemies brought to christ themselves. the eldest son has also died, but leaving two sons, of whom the elder has obtained the government qualification of doctor, and is destined to take charge of the branch dispensary which we are about to open at thal. the second and third sons have received a medical training in the mission hospital, and are both engaged in medical mission work--the second at the bannu headquarters hospital, and the youngest is in charge of a branch dispensary built on the very land that his muhammadan countrymen tried to wrest from his father. on the last occasion of my visiting this branch, just before leaving india for my visit to england in 1908, this young doctor--fazl khan by name--had made a dinner for the poor of the village, and nearly two hundred must have come to partake of his hospitality. this custom of feeding the poor is often done in india by those undertaking a long journey or some other enterprise, so that the prayers of the poor may be a blessing on the work. well, after all the guests had partaken, the christian doctor offered prayers for my safe journey to england, and for the medical mission work at bannu and at sheikh mahmud, and after each petition all present raised the cry of "allah," being their way of saying "amen." now, these were the sons and relatives of the very men who had burnt the house of the christian doctor's father, and tried to oust him from his lands. this is an example of what may be accomplished in a fanatical frontier district through the agency of medical mission work carried on by an indian christian. i am constantly getting requests from maliks (chiefs) of these trans-frontier tribes to visit them in their mountain homes, and when i have accepted i have received a cordial welcome, and been well treated, while i have had abundant opportunities of medical mission work. there is great scope for the itinerant medical missionary among them, but he requires a base to which he can send cases requiring severe operations or ward treatment. small branch dispensaries in charge of indian hospital assistants are of the greatest value, and there are many suitable places for such along our indian frontier. the advantages of such dispensaries i believe to be as follows; (1) they exert an extraordinary christianizing, civilizing, and pacifying influence on the tribes in their immediate vicinity. (2) they form subsidiary bases for the medical missionary, not only enabling him to work up that particular district, but relieving the pressure on the headquarters hospital. the assistant-in-charge sifts the cases that come to him, tells some that their disease is irremediable, thereby saving them the expense and weariness of a long journey, and recommending others to go up to headquarters for operations. (3) they form training-schools for our indian helpers, whereby they are prepared for taking posts of even greater responsibility. this matter of efficient training of our indian helpers is, i believe, a matter of paramount importance. my hope is, then, in the near future to see a number of new centres of medical mission work opened in these hitherto almost untouched lands of central asia, and, associated with these centres, a number of village dispensaries for the more remote tracks. the central missions would have a staff of at least two european medical men, and the branches would be in the charge of indian assistants. there is no reason, however, why an indian of sufficient qualifications and experience should not take the place of one of the european staff when circumstances admit of it. the central hospital should be well equipped in both outand in-patient departments, and have sanitary wards accommodating from thirty to eighty in-patients. the branches should also be able to take in from six to ten in-patients, as not only will the assistant in charge often get cases of urgency, which require immediate indoor treatment, and cannot be forwarded to the base hospital, but when the head medical missionary visits these out-stations he will be glad to be able to accommodate a few operation cases which may be waiting for him there. this scheme would not clash with government medical aid, because in most of these regions there are very few, if any, government hospitals or dispensaries, and those places which already have sufficient government medical aid might well be passed over in favour of the numberless places that have none. here is a grand field for young medical men who are anxious to consecrate their abilities to the service of god and man. they are not offered tempting salaries or honours, but they will have the satisfaction of knowing that they are helping to lighten the burden of mankind where that burden was weighing most heavily, and to bring the light and love of christ into some of the darkest abodes of cruelty and superstition to be met with on the face of god's earth. those who help this work with the gifts in money or kind, without which it would be impossible of execution can have the satisfaction of knowing that they are not only relieving bodily suffering which would otherwise be unrelieved, and carrying the evangel to those who have never heard of it, but they are drawing nations together in bonds of service and sympathy, and diminishing the danger of racial conflict and devastating war. glossary of words not generally used outside india a. ahl-el-kitã¡b = the people of the book: a term applied by muhammadans to jews, and christians whose scriptures they accept as the word of god. b. banaprastha = the third stage of the life of a devout hindu, when he retires from trade or office, and lives in some forest or jungle. ber = a tree, very common in afghanistã¡n--zisyphus jujuba and z. vulgaris. its fruit is largely eaten by the people. bhagti = devotion, faith. the hindus contrast salvation by bhagti to that by karma, or works. chaitanza and others were the apostles of bhagti. bhã¡sha = the script in which the hindi language is usually written; the language itself. brahmachã¡ri = the first stage of the life of a devout hindu, when he is a celibate student under some teacher or guru. c. chã¡dar = a cotton or woollen shawl, used as a wrap in the day and a sheet by night. chapã¡ti = flat cakes of unleavened bread, cooked over a tauwa, or flat piece of iron. chã¡rpã¡r = "the four-legged," the plain native wooden bedstead. chauk = the room which the headman of a village sets apart for the use of the public. village business and gossip is carried on here, and travellers accommodated. chigah = an alarm, sounded by beating a drum in a village, for the arm-bearing population to come out in pursuit of raiders or robbers. chilam = the afghã¡n term for the indian hookah, or hubble-bubble pipe. the kind used in afghanistã¡n is simpler in construction, and has a shorter tube. d. dã¡ktar = the native corruption of "doctor." dharmsã¡la = a hindu temple and rest-house for travellers, these two institutions being almost invariably combined. dilaq = the patchwork cloak which is characteristic of the muhammadan faqir. dãºm = the village barber and musician, these two offices being usually combined; he also does most of the minor surgery of the village. dãºmba = the fat-tailed afghã¡n sheep. f. fatwã¡ = a religious decree, promulgated by a court of mullahs, or by one mullah of authority. feringi = the name universally accorded in afghanistã¡n to europeans (the franks). in british india it has a prejudicial signification, but not so in afghanistã¡n. g. ghazã¡ = a religious murder, when a muhammadan fanatic kills a christian or hindu for the sake of religion. ghã¡zi = the fanatic who commits ghazã¡. grihasta = the second stage in the life of a devout hindu, when he marries a wife, begets children, and carries on his profession or trade. guru = a religious preceptor or guide among hindus or sikhs. h. hã¡kim = a ruler, an executive officer. hakã­m = a native doctor, who practises on western or hippocratic lines. halwa = a kind of sweet pudding, very popular with the afghã¡ns. hazrat 'esa = the muhammadan appellation for our lord jesus christ. hujra = a guest-house, where travellers are accommodated in afghã¡n villages. it differs from chauk in that it is more specialized for the use of travellers, while the latter is more for the use of the village folk. i. 'ã�d = a muhammadan feast-day. there are two chief feasts--the "'id-el-fitr," or day following the fast-month of ramazã¡n, and the "'id-el-zoha" or "'id-el-bakr," which is the feast of sacrifice, in memory of abraham's would-be sacrifice of his son. izzat = honour: a word constantly in an afghã¡n's thoughts and conversation, but which even he is not always able to define. j. jirgah = a council of the tribal elders. this may be appointed by the tribesmen themselves to settle some dispute, or in british india it may be appointed by the civil officer to help in deciding some judicial case. k. kã¡fir = an infidel. strictly, only one who does not believe in god and the prophets, but loosely applied to all non-muslims. kalã¡mullã¡h = the word of god. comprises, according to muhammadan teaching, four books--the law (tauret), the psalms (zabãºr), the gospel (injil), and the qurã¡n. kalima = the muhammadan creed: "there is no god but god, and muhammad is the prophet of god." the recitation of this is the recognized way of declaring one's self a muhammadan. kanal = a measure of land--one-eighth of an acre. karmã¡ = works. according to hindu philosophy, a man's reincarnation depends on the character and amount of his karmã¡. karnal = the afghã¡n corruption of "colonel." khã¡n = a lord, a chief; an honorific title in afghanistã¡n, or merely part of a man's name. l. lashkar = an army; often applied in afghanistã¡n to a small body of men going out from a tribe for warlike purposes, but they may be going for peaceful purposes--hence the english "lascar." m. mã¡lik = in afghanistã¡n the headman of a village or tribe. mã¡'uzbã­llã¡h = a muhammadan exclamation on hearing bad news or a calamity: "may god protect us!" muharram = a yearly muhammadan feast held on the 10th of the month of muharram. mullah = a muhammadan preacher. munshi = a clerk or preceptor. p. pagari = the eastern head-dress or turban. patwã¡ri = a village bailiff, who keeps the accounts of the village lands. patwarkhã¡na = the office of the bailiff. parda = the eastern custom of secluding women from the public gaze. pulã¡o = a popular dish in afghanistã¡n, consisting of meat cooked with rice, with spices, nuts, raisins, and sweetenings. q. qurbã¡n = lit., sacrifice; also used as an expression of devotion by an inferior to a superior. qismet = fate, destiny; an ever-present idea in the muhammadan mind. r. rebã¡b = an afghã¡n stringed instrument, resembling a guitar. s. sã¡hib = lit., gentleman; the term of respect usually applied to englishmen. samã¡dh = the posture assumed by an ascetic for contemplation of the deity. there are a great variety of these, each possessing its own peculiar merit. sangar = an entrenchment. in the mountain warfare of afghanistã¡n these are made of short walls of stones on the hillside. sanyã¡si = the fourth stage in the life of a devout hindu, when he retires from the world, and gives himself up entirely to religious meditation. sardã¡r = a chief, an afghã¡n nobleman. sarkã¡r = the usual term for the british government. sharm = shame. the afghã¡n idea underlying this word is a complex, in which shame, public disgrace, modesty, delicacy, sense of honour, all share in varying degree. he is always talking of it. shã¡ster = a religious book of the hindus. shesham = a common tree on the frontier that yields an excellent hard wood for various articles of household use--dalbergia sisso. sowã¡r = a horseman. sura = a chapter of the qurã¡n. t. tahsã­l = the subdivision of an administrative district; the centre for the collection of the revenue. tã¡lib = a muhammadan religious student; a pupil in a mosque. tap-jap = a recitation of religious formulã¦ by a hindu. tauba = lit., repentance; an exclamation denoting abhorrence or contrition. u. ustã¡d = a master or preceptor; a religious teacher (among muhammadans). w. wilã¡yati = belonging to europe; especially applied to merchandise of european origin. y. yogsadhan = a system of contemplation, combined with religious exercises, whereby occult power is acquired. yunã¡ni = pertaining to greece. this is the word usually applied to that system of native medicine which was derived from the greeks; in europe it is spoken of in connection with the name of hippocrates, who formulated it. the other, or hindu system, is the vedic; those who practise the former are called hakã­ms, the latter baids. z. zamindã¡r = a farmer, a landowner. zyã¡rat = a shrine; the grave of a holy man; a place of pilgrimage. notes [1] more probably from the greek kofinos.--j. c. [2] in a booklet published by the church missionary society, entitled "delawar khan." [3] s. e. stokes in the east and the west for april, 1908. [4] "across our indian frontier," by colonel g. wingate, c.i.e. to herat and cabul [illustration: angus and pottinger watching the fight from the walls of herat. _frontispiece._] to herat and cabul a story of the first afghan war by g.a. henty author of "with buller in natal" "at the point of the bayonet" "the bravest of the brave" "won by the sword" &c. _with eight illustrations by charles m. sheldon_ new york charles scribner's sons 1901 copyright, 1901, by charles scribner's sons _published september, 1901_ the caxton press new york. preface in the military history of this country there is no darker page than the destruction of a considerable british force in the terrible defiles between cabul and jellalabad in january, 1842. of all the wars in which our troops have taken part never was one entered upon so recklessly or so unjustifiably. the ruler of afghanistan, dost mahomed, was sincerely anxious for our friendship. he was alarmed at the menacing attitude of russia, which, in conjunction with persia, was threatening his dominions and intriguing with the princes at candahar. our commissioner at cabul, mr. burnes, was convinced of the ameer's honesty of intention, and protested most strongly against the course taken by the indian government, who determined upon setting up a discredited prince, who had for many years been a fugitive in india, in place of dost mahomed. in spite of his remonstrances, the war was undertaken. nothing could have been worse than the arrangements for it, and the troops suffered terribly from thirst and want of transport. however, they reached cabul with comparatively little fighting. dost mahomed fled, and the puppet shah soojah was set up in his place; but he was only kept there by british bayonets, and for two years he was so protected. gradually, however, the british force was withdrawn, until only some five thousand troops remained to support him. well led, they would have been amply sufficient for the purpose, for though the afghan tribesmen were dangerous among their mountains, they could not for a moment have stood against them in the open field. unhappily the general was old and infirm, incapable of decision of any kind, and in his imbecile hands the troops, who in october could have met the whole forces of afghanistan in fight, were kept inactive, while the afghans pillaged the stores with the provisions for the winter, and insulted and bearded them in every way. thus a fine body of fighting men were reduced to such depths of discontent and shame that when the unworthy order for retreat before their exulting enemy was given they had lost all confidence in themselves or their officers, and, weakened by hunger and hampered by an enormous train of camp followers, they went as sheep to the slaughter in the trap the afghans had prepared for them. it would almost seem that their fate was a punishment for the injustice of the war. misfortunes have befallen our arms, but never one so dark and disgraceful as this. the shame of the disaster was redeemed only by the heroic garrison of jellalabad, which, although but one-fourth of the strength of that at cabul, sallied out after a noble defence and routed the army which dost mahomed's son akbar had assembled for their destruction. contents chap. page i. alone in the world 1 ii. an unexpected meeting 19 iii. the siege of herat 36 iv. a sturdy defence 54 v. in candahar 72 vi. an escape 89 vii. in the service 108 viii. the advance 126 ix. just in time 144 x. a mission 161 xi. a dangerous journey 180 xii. troubles thicken 198 xiii. the murder of sir a. burnes 216 xiv. a series of blunders 232 xv. a doomed army 249 xvi. annihilation of the army 267 xvii. jellalabad 286 xviii. the advance on cabul 301 xix. the british captives 321 illustrations angus and pottinger watching the fight from the walls of herat _frontispiece_ page "a man walking just in front of him ... was knocked down" 26 azim surprises the spy 96 "he took down the prop, and thrust it suddenly with all his force through the hole" 150 "there, lying close under a rock, was a young afghan" 166 "as they passed the corner ... some men sprang on them" 218 "angus was half-mad with grief and with fury that he was not in his place among the troops" 272 angus shows his goods to the prisoners 330 * * * * * map of afghanistan and north-west frontier of india 50 to herat and cabul chapter i alone in the world on the 20th of september, 1837, a lad was standing before mr. m'neill, the british minister at the persian court. both looked grave, for the interview was an important one. the former felt that it was the turning-point of his life, the opening of a fresh career, the introduction to a service in which he might gain honourable distinction and credit. to the british minister it was of scarcely less importance, for the interests of great britain were gravely involved in the success of the mission that he was now entrusting to this young clerk in the employment of the embassy. it was nothing less than thwarting the designs of persia, aided and instigated by russia, to capture herat and to conquer at least the western portion of afghanistan, the alliance of the princes of candahar having already been secured. angus campbell was now about sixteen years old. his father was a trader, who had for twelve years been settled in tabriz, carrying on business on his own account in some branches of trade, and as agent for a scotch firm in others. the boy had been left with some relations in scotland until he was twelve years old, when his parents had paid a short visit to their friends in scotland, and had brought him back with them. the change of life was not an agreeable one to him. in the eight years that had elapsed since he had last seen his parents, he had, of course, almost forgotten them, and it would be some time before any real affection for them would spring up. it was the companionship of his school-fellows that he missed rather than that of his aunt, a strict woman, who made no allowance whatever for a boy's restlessness and love of fun, and who was continually shocked by the complaints made by members of her chapel as to the conduct of the boys at dr. murray's. it was the principal school in the little town. the teaching was good, the application of the rod frequent, but neither teaching nor thrashing availed to soften the manners of the healthy and somewhat riotous lads, who once out of school threw themselves with all their hearts into their favourite diversions, among which the most conspicuous were fishing in forbidden parts of the river, bird-nesting in woods which were kept strictly private and guarded by keepers, playing hare-and-hounds across the fields of the crustiest of farmers, and above all engaging in desperate battles with the boys of other schools. in all these pastimes angus campbell took as large a share as his age entitled him to, and the state of his clothes and his face when he returned home was a source of continual amazement and irritation to his aunt. she had even endeavoured to arrange for a deputation to wait upon dr. murray with a list of grievances suffered by the townspeople, such as broken windows, the yells and shouts of conflict, and the destruction of the boys' garments caused by the various fights, and to propose that the hours of play should be shortened, and that some sort of supervision should be exercised at all times over the boys. however, although there were many who agreed with her that the present state of things was disgraceful, nothing came of the movement; for the fathers, remembering their own boyhood, were to a man against the idea. "we did just the same in our young days," they said, "and are none the worse for it now. lads cannot be like lassies, and we don't want them to be even if they could; if you were to speak to the doctor, he would just laugh in your faces, and would tell you that he kept a school for boys and not for girls. if you have complaints to make against any of his scholars, make them, and he will punish the lads as they deserve. his boys are no worse than others, and he does not wish to see them better. if they do some mischief occasionally, it is because they are in good health and in good spirits, and a lad of that kind is far more likely to turn out well than one who spends all his spare time in poring over his books." as the doctor's opinions on these subjects were known to all the town, miss campbell's proposal came to nothing. she would herself have gone to him to complain of the doings of her nephew, but there was a strong feeling in the town that while all things connected with the school were under the doctor's charge, parents should take other matters into their own hands, and maintain discipline by the use of the tawse in their own dwellings, and that they had no right to trouble dr. murray about private delinquencies. he had, indeed, sufficient on his hands, for although no actual supervision was maintained when the lads were once dismissed from school, there were bounds set beyond which they were not allowed to go, and when they were caught upon any of their frequent forays beyond these limits, he had to adjudicate and punish the offenders. but it was not often that this happened; for while the boys considered it not only justifiable but meritorious to break bounds, they looked upon anyone caught in the act of showing a want of craft and of judgment, and so, having good legs and lungs, they were generally able to outdistance their pursuers. thus, then, when his parents returned to scotland they found angus a healthy, active, and high-spirited boy, somewhat rough in manners, but straightforward and honourable, for it was a tradition in the school that no boy should ever try to screen himself by a lie. when questioned by his father, he acknowledged that he would like to stay at school for a few years longer. "and i should like you to do so too, angus; but it is a long, long journey, and a difficult one, from tabriz to scotland, and it may be many years before i return home again. it is a journey that it is impossible for a boy to make alone. but this is not the only reason why i wish to take you back. i want to train you to help me in my business, and until you speak persian fluently you will be of no use whatever to me. at your age you will pick it up rapidly, far more rapidly than you could if you did not begin till you were seventeen or eighteen. we will generally speak to you in persian, and you will have many opportunities for practising it. in two years you ought to speak it like a native. arabic will also be very useful to you. i have constant communications with india, with turkey, and with herat. i buy goods from all these countries; and sell persian products to them. in afghanistan, indeed, persian is spoken generally by the trading and upper classes; but arabic is essential to trade with constantinople and smyrna, with bokhara and the turkomans; and it is our chief medium of communication with india traders, who, although speaking several distinct languages, all have more or less knowledge of arabic. it has been a great privation to your mother and myself to be so many years without you. we have no other children, and it would be a great joy and comfort to our lives, as well as a great assistance to me in my business, to have you with me." "i understand, father," the boy said; "i did not think of these things before. i am sure i should be very glad to be able to help you, and i won't say another word about being sorry to leave all my friends." "it is quite natural that you should be sorry, angus; it would be strange indeed if you were not. however, i don't think you will dislike the life out there when you get accustomed to it. we will certainly do our best to make you happy." so angus had returned with them, and soon settled down to his new life. devoting himself earnestly to acquiring the language, at the end of six months he came to speak it fairly, and before he had been out a year could have passed as a persian lad; at the same time he had made considerable progress in arabic. his father had then dressed him in persian fashion. there was a good deal of ill-feeling among the lower class against foreigners, and the pugnacity that had been fostered in angus at school had frequent opportunities of displaying itself; for, in spite of good resolutions to the contrary, he was often goaded into fury by the taunts and abuse with which the boys assailed him when he went out alone, and had thrown himself upon them, and used his fists with such effect that he had sometimes put to flight half a dozen lads of his own age. but in persian costume he could move about the streets unnoticed; and although he did not like the change at first, he acknowledged that it was useful, for his father pointed out to him that it was essential that nothing should take place that could add to the dislike with which foreigners were regarded. already several angry complaints had been made by neighbours of the state in which their sons had come home after an encounter with him. nearly four years after angus arrived at tabriz the plague made its appearance in persia. it spread rapidly, and tabriz was one of the cities which suffered most severely. one evening mr. campbell returned home from a visit to a customer and complained of feeling unwell. the next morning it was too evident that he had caught the infection. before nightfall his wife also sickened. twenty-four hours later both were dead. mr. campbell had a long talk with his son as soon as the disease manifested itself in the case of his wife. "angus," he said, "you must prepare for the worst. the cases of recovery are few indeed. the servants have already fled, and even did i wish you to leave us, i know that it would be too late now. god's will be done, my boy, and i can only hope that you may be spared. however that is in his hands. you have been my assistant now for the past three years, and know how matters stand. i have no debts. the books will show you how much is due to me from the house at home and how much by my agent at bombay. the stock of goods in the warehouse is worth a considerable sum. i am unable to think very clearly now, or to advise you what to do should you be left alone; but it is clear to me that you are too young yet to manage the business, and it is not likely that the firm would entrust their affairs to a lad of your age. i should say, therefore, that you had best dispose of all the goods; the books will show you their prices. as for yourself, i will give you no advice. it will be open to you to return to england or to go to bombay, and i have no doubt my agent there will obtain employment for you, especially as you will have money to embark in any business you may go into. but do not invest a penny until you become of age; you will by that time be able to judge wisely whether the business you are in is that in which you can best employ your mind. "whatever you do, do not remain in tabriz. as is always the case in times of plague or famine, there is sedition and trouble, and foreigners become the object of hatred, for the poor people have some sort of superstitious idea that they are responsible for the scourge. the best thing you can do is to consult our armenian friend, who is also our vice-consul; he will view matters more clearly than i can do at present. put your trust always in god, my boy. my own opinion is that you had better remain in the east. your knowledge of languages would be absolutely useless to you at home, and you could only hope to obtain a place in a counting-house." "i will do as you tell me, father," angus said, trying to speak steadily. "i will try always to be what you would wish me." his grief was terrible when his mother expired two or three hours after his father. he roused himself, however, to see to the simple preparations for their funeral, and late that evening buried them in the garden behind the house. the next day as he was sitting alone he heard a tumult in the street. looking out, he saw that several houses, which he knew belonged to foreign traders, were in flames, and a mob of maddened men were rushing down the street towards his house. resistance would have been madness. he ran to the safe, seized the bag containing the cash, and had just time to run out at the back of the house and escape by the gate in the garden when the rioters burst in. for a few minutes they were engaged in the work of pillage. shawls from cashmere, native embroidered silks, costly goods from india, turkish, persian, turkoman, and heratee carpets, and british goods of all kinds were scrambled and fought for. when the house was sacked from top to bottom it was set on fire, and as a volume of smoke rose from it, angus turned away from the spot where from a distance he had been watching the scene, and made his way to the house of the armenian merchant. the loss of the house and the contents of the warehouse affected him little--although he knew that it had cost him more than half his inheritance--but this was as nothing to what he had so recently suffered. the vice-consul had been an intimate friend of the family. on approaching his house angus stood some distance from the door and called. a servant looked out. "will you tell izaac effendi that i desire greatly to speak to him?" the armenian quickly came to the door. "my poor lad," he said, "i grieve deeply for you. i heard of your losses, and the news has just been brought in of the burning of the house and magazine. but why do you stand so far away?" "because i would not bring contagion near you, effendi. i came to tell you what had happened, and to say that i shall buy some food and go out into the country, and there remain until i die of the plague or can be sure that i have escaped contagion." "you will come in here at once," the armenian said. "does not one in the street run against persons who may be affected. many of my compatriots have come here to ask my advice, and some of them have stricken friends in their houses. since i came to reside here i have four times seen the plague raging, and each time it has passed me over. whether it is the will of god that i should thus be spared i know not, but i am in his hands. come in, lad, i will take no denial. shall i desert my friends when they most need comfort and aid? what is my friendship worth if i should, now in your hour of need, turn my back upon you? come in, i pray you." seeing that the old man was thoroughly in earnest, angus, too greatly touched by his kindness even to speak, silently entered the house. "i will take you through at once to the pavilion in the garden," the merchant said. "although i have no fear myself, there are my servants and clerks. 'tis like enough that some of them may be stricken, for they, like all of us, are liable to be smitten when they go into the streets, and should this be so they might blame me for your presence here; therefore 'tis best that you should for three or four days live in the pavilion; i will bring you out cushions and pillows. but i do not think that you will be attacked; had you taken the plague you would probably have shown symptoms of it ere now. keep your thoughts from dwelling on it. i will bring you out some books; try to fix your mind on them and abstain as much as possible from dwelling on the past. i will bring your food out to you, and we will talk together to-morrow, there is much that you will have to consider." "what are you thinking of doing?" his host asked him when he came in to see him on the morning after his arrival. "i have been trying to think, but i cannot decide on anything. i do not wish to go back to scotland. i have an aunt living there, but she would not welcome me warmly. besides, if i were to do so, i do not see how i could earn my living; for my knowledge of persian and arabic would be of no use to me. if i had been ten years older the firm for whom my father was agent might have appointed me in his place, but of course i am a great deal too young for that. they acted as his agents also, and bought for him the goods in which he dealt outside their business; and he told me when he was taken suddenly ill that they had about a thousand pounds of his money in their hands. that would be of no use to me now, and i should very much prefer not to touch it until i am old enough to set up in trade." "the position is certainly a grave one, angus. i agree with you that it would be better for you on all accounts to remain out here, at any rate for a time. your father had correspondents also in bombay, had he not?" "yes, he made purchases of persian goods for a house there; but he did not do much for them, as the trade is principally in the hands of the parsees." "there is one thing that you might do," the armenian said, after thinking for some time. "i have heard that mr. m'neill is on his way to teheran as british minister there. you might be able to obtain a post in his embassy. you can write both persian and arabic, and might be useful in many ways. it would not be necessary for you to ask a large salary, but, however small, it might lead the way to better things. at present there is much political disturbance. the shah is meditating an attack upon herat, and has already given orders for an army to be collected. certainly the british government will feel jealous of any movement that would extend the power of persia farther towards afghanistan, especially as they are, i hear, about to take steps to interfere in that country by placing a rival of dost mahomed on the throne. then, too, it is no secret that russia is encouraging the shah, and it is probable that russian influence will become predominant in persia. the conquest of herat would matter little to england were it by persia alone, for persia is powerless to damage india; but with persia acting as the tool of russia, which some day or other will assuredly swallow her up, the matter is very much more serious. this being so, there can be little doubt that the new british minister will be charged with a mission to counteract the designs of russia as much as possible, and might be glad to take into his employment one who knows the language well and could gather news for him in the guise of a native--for there are so many dialects spoken in different parts of the country that any imperfection of speech would pass unnoticed." "i think that would be an excellent plan, sir, if it could be carried out." "i will give you a letter stating the circumstances, speaking of the esteem in which your father was held, and vouching for your character. if you decide to take this course, think it would be well for you to leave at once, for from what i hear of the new minister's course you would then arrive at teheran within two or three days of his getting there, and might have a better chance, therefore, of obtaining a post in his office. as to the money you speak of, it seems to me that, as your country is a long way off, it would be better if it could be sent to the house with which you father had dealings at bombay, since there are constantly vessels sailing thither from ports in the persian gulf; and whether you saw an opportunity for doing a trade with india, or thought of going there yourself, it would be an advantage to have your money ready to your hand. you must already know a good deal of trade matters, having, as i know, worked as your father's assistant for the past two years. at any rate a year or two at teheran in the service of the british minister would be an advantage to you in many respects. there is a caravan starting to-morrow, that is why i suggested that you should leave at once. a merchant who travels with it is a friend of mine, and i can recommend you to his care, but it would certainly be best for you to travel as a native." "i thank you, sir, very heartily, and shall certainly do as you advise me, for as an english lad going alone with a caravan i could scarcely hope to escape trouble with camel-drivers and others. if i fail to obtain employment at the embassy, i shall probably travel down with a caravan to bushire, and take ship to bombay. i have plenty of money to do that, for the expense of travelling with a caravan is very small--nothing is needed except for food--and the passage in a native craft would not be more than a pound or two. i have nearly two hundred, so that i could live for a long time in bombay if i failed to obtain employment there. when it is gone, i could at least enlist in one of the british regiments." "it is a poor trade soldiering, lad, though in your case it might not do you harm for a few years, especially if you turned your attention to learning some of the indian languages. with such knowledge you should certainly have no difficulty in making your way with the little capital you will receive from home." and so it was settled, and angus travelled to teheran. the journey did him good. he had bought a donkey, and trotting along by the side of the merchant to whom his friend had introduced him, the novelty of the life, the strangeness of passing as a native among the travellers, and the conversation of the persian merchant kept him from brooding over his sorrows. he felt that, suddenly thrown as he was upon his own resources, and compelled to think and act for himself, when but a fortnight before he had others to think and care for him, he must bear himself like a man. it was only at night, when rolled in a blanket he prepared to sleep, that he gave way and lay for hours weeping over his loss. the merchant, who had been much pleased with his conversation, and had made many enquiries as to the ways of his countrymen, and to whom he had told his plans, invited angus to take up his abode with him at a khan until he found whether he could obtain employment at the british minister's. issuing into the town, after having seen his animals attended to and his goods stowed away, the merchant went to see some friends, and on his return told angus that the new british minister had arrived two days before. the next morning angus went to the envoy's, and sent in the letter with which the armenian had furnished him, together with the translation which he had made and the vice-consul had signed and stamped. he had not waited many minutes when one of the attendants came to him and led him in to the minister's room. "you are mr. campbell, the young gentleman of whom our vice-consul at tabriz writes to me?" "yes, sir." "it is a sad story that he has told me, and i would willingly do anything in my power for a young countryman thus left so sadly and suddenly on his own resources in a foreign land. he tells me that you speak arabic as well as persian, and have some acquaintance with armenian colloquially, though you cannot write it as you can the two former languages. do you know any other language at all?" "i know some kurdish. one of my father's porters was a kurd, and i was able to get on fairly with him." "he tells me that it is your wish to obtain employment of some sort with me, as at present you are not old enough to enter upon trade for yourself, and that you do not wish to return to scotland." "no, sir. i have been away for four years, and were i to go back i should lose the advantage that i have gained in learning these eastern languages." "quite right; very sensibly decided," the minister said. "and i suppose that you know something of trade?" "yes, sir, my father took much pains in instructing me, and for the past two years i have acted as his assistant, and have learned the value of most articles of trade." the minister nodded. "very good; it will doubtless be of value to you hereafter. however, i can at present utilize your services here. i have with me my secretary, and i have the dragoman employed by my predecessor, who speaks half a dozen languages; but in many ways a sharp young fellow like yourself, able if necessary to mix with the people as one of themselves, and to gather me information as to popular opinion, and who can read and write persian fluently, would be a welcome addition to my staff. of course i cannot offer you high pay, as i have an allowance for the expenses of my office upon the same scale as that of my predecessor." "the pay is quite a secondary matter with me, sir. even if there were no pay, i should be glad to accept a temporary post under you, as it would be a great advantage to me afterwards to have been employed by you, and i should at least have time to decide what to do next." "i will think the matter over," the minister said; "at any rate there will be a room assigned to you in the house, and for the present thirty shillings a week for your living. you had better continue to wear your persian attire. have you european clothes with you?" "no, sir, everything was burnt." the next day angus was installed in a small room next to that of the secretary, and set to work translating persian proclamations, edicts, and other matters. a fortnight later the minister decided that he should be dressed as a european when in the house, and a tailor was sent for and ordered to make him clothes of the same style as a suit of the secretary's, which was given him to use as a pattern. the minister nodded approvingly when he entered the little office on the day when angus first wore his new suit. his work was now changed, and while visitors of distinction were ushered in directly to the minister, and others of less importance were first interviewed by the secretary, people coming in with complaints or petitions were shown in to angus, who took down what they had to say, and then dismissed them to call the next day for an answer. he was amused at the general impression prevailing among these people that if the british minister could be induced to take up their cases he could obtain justice and redress for them, and how evidently they disbelieved his assurances that a foreign official could not interfere in such matters. six months passed, the shah had started with his army towards herat, and the evidences that russia was at the bottom of the movement, and that he was acting in accordance with her advice, became stronger and stronger. angus stood high in the minister's good opinion, from the steadiness with which he worked, the tact and good temper that he showed with the natives he interviewed, and the willingness with which he would, after the office was closed, work until late at night at his translations. sometimes he changed his attire again, and slightly darkening his face, and tucking away his light hair, would go out into the streets, mingle with the crowd in busy quarters, and listen to the talk. from the fact that the expedition against herat was seldom spoken of, he gathered that the war was not popular except among the trading class, who thought that the possession of herat would lead to a large increase of trade with afghanistan, and even through candahar to northern india. it was, however, but seldom that he went on these expeditions, for it was certain that any private arrangement that had been made between the shah and russia would be known only to two of the former's principal officers. one evening mr. m'neill summoned him to his own apartment, and said: "i have obtained information from a source i can rely upon that russia is encouraging the shah, and that there are other russian officers besides their accredited envoy in the shah's camp. mr. corbould started half an hour ago, and will carry the news himself to london; it is too important to be trusted to other hands. i have no doubt whatever that orders will be sent to me at once to mediate between the parties, and to put a certain amount of pressure upon the shah. herat is considered the key of afghanistan, and although we could do nothing to assist its defenders, even were a force to start at once from bombay, i fancy that i should be authorized to say to the shah that england would greatly resent the town being permanently occupied; and that she might even go so far as to blockade the ports on the persian gulf, and so put a stop to the whole trade of persia with india. the great question, of course, is how long herat can hold out against the persians. the place has the reputation of being strong, but i hear that the fortifications are much dilapidated. the afghans are likely to fight well up to a certain point, but they might, and probably would, get disheartened after a time. i am anxious to assure them that if they will but hold out, england will do all in her power to induce the persians to give up the siege. the messenger i send must at once be altogether trustworthy, must be able to make his way through the country as a native, and must have a sufficient knowledge of arabic to make himself understood there, although this is less important, as there must be many traders in the town who understand persian." "if you would entrust me with the message, sir, i would gladly undertake to carry it to herat." "that was my purpose in sending for you, mr. campbell. i have the greatest confidence in you, and as your persian is good enough to pass in teheran, it is certainly good enough for the country districts. but it is not only because i should trust you thoroughly, and have every faith in your being able to carry out the mission, but also because i thought that it would be of great utility to you to be engaged in the performance of such a mission. if herat defends itself successfully until relieved either by afghan troops, or as a result of our diplomacy, it will undoubtedly be a feather in the cap of the gentleman i select to undertake the commission of encouraging the heratees to hold out; and, with my report of the valuable services that you have rendered here, might obtain for you a better position in the diplomatic service than i can offer you, or some post in india where your knowledge of persian and arabic would be valuable." "i thank you very much indeed, sir. the change to an active life would not only be very pleasant to me, but i can quite understand that if good comes of it i might benefit greatly. would you wish me to return as soon as i have delivered your message?" "no, i think it would be better for you to remain there. i myself will shortly join the shah in his camp; the office here will be closed." on the following day angus started. the back of his head having been shaved, his hair was completely covered by his turban. he wore wide turkish trousers, a loosely fitting blue embroidered vest, and a long kaftan thickly padded and falling below his knees, a coloured sash, with two long-barrelled pistols, and a curved sword. his attire was that of a persian trader. he rode on a camel, which, although not a handsome animal to look at, was of good blood and fast. slung over his shoulder was a long matchlock; he carried behind him a great bale of goods. accompanying him was a persian boy, whose father was a door-keeper at the mission; the boy himself was a hanger-on there. he was a bright-faced lad of some fifteen years old, who ran messages, and made himself generally useful. between him and angus a sort of friendship had sprung up, and of an evening when the latter went out he often took the boy with him, his shrewdness and chatter being a relief after a long day's work in the office. azim had accepted with delight angus's proposal that he should accompany him, as his attendant, on a journey that he was about to make. the matter was settled in a few minutes, a donkey purchased for him, suitable clothes for travel, and a couple of kurd blankets. angus himself had a large fur-lined coat reaching to his feet, and four blankets, two of which were of very large size and capable of being made into a tent, for he knew that the khans and the houses in the villages swarmed with insects, and was determined that, unless circumstances prevented it, he would always encamp in the open air. azim's camel carried, in addition to a bale of goods, two water-skins, a sufficient supply of flour for the journey, a bag of ground coffee, and another of sugar; meat would always be procurable. it was a long journey, but angus enjoyed it. the road was a frequented one, for a considerable trade was carried on between herat and persia, and traders frequently passed along. azim turned out a bright and intelligent companion, and no suspicion was anywhere entertained that angus was aught but what he seemed. some little surprise, however, was occasionally expressed that he should be making the journey at a time when the persian army was marching against herat. to such remarks he always replied that he should probably stay there but a few days, and hoped to be well on the road to candahar before the army arrived at herat. he was certain that he should arrive in time, for the army with its huge baggage train had already taken nearly six months in accomplishing a journey that he had performed in little over as many weeks. chapter ii an unexpected meeting when near the frontier angus sold the camels. he had already parted with all the goods that he had carried, and he now bought peasant dresses, such as those worn by the afghan cultivators, for himself and azim. it was but some seventy miles on to herat, but the persian army was on the direct road, having just laid siege to ghorian, and it was necessary to make a detour to avoid both the plundering parties of the persians and the afghan horsemen who would be hovering round the enemy's camp. before crossing the frontier he purchased sufficient food to last for four days, as it would be dangerous to enter any place where they might be accosted, as their ignorance of the language would seem to prove that they were persian spies. both carried swords and long knives, as a protection rather from the attacks of village dogs than from trouble with men. as it was now november and the weather was becoming cold at night, they were glad of the long coats lined with sheep-skin. the country through which they were passing was fertile, and when on the afternoon of the third day they came in sight of herat, even azim was struck with the richness and fertility of the country. it was well watered by several small streams; fortified villages were scattered here and there over the plain. round these were gardens, orchards, and vineyards, the intervening spaces being in summer covered by wide expanses of corn. as they neared the city they saw that numbers of people from the villages were making their way towards it, many with bullock waggons carrying stores of grain and household goods, while women and men were alike loaded. they entered the gate of the city unquestioned and unnoticed in the crowd of horse and footmen, cattle, bullock-carts, sheep, and goats. striking as was the appearance of the town without, inside everything showed signs of neglect and poverty. herat contained some forty-five thousand inhabitants; the majority of these were persian sheeahs. once the capital of the great empire of tamerlane, it had greatly fallen from its former splendour, its decline having been rapid since its capture from the persians by the afghans in 1715. it had been retaken by the persians, and recaptured by the afghans, under whose savage rule its prosperity had greatly diminished. it was still an important trading centre, being situated on the one great thoroughfare between india and russia, and being celebrated for the beauty of its carpets and for the temper of its sword-blades. its trade was principally in the hands of hindoos, who numbered no fewer than a thousand, some of whom were traders, while others were occupied in the various branches of work to which they had been accustomed in india. there were several families of armenians and a few jews. the city had for years suffered under the horrible tyranny of shah kamran, now an old and feeble man, and of his wuzeer or minister, yar mahomed khan, who held the post of governor of the city. under these men neither life nor property was respected; men and women were seized and sold into slavery under the smallest pretext, often without any attempt whatever to justify the action. armed bands of ruffians broke into the houses and plundered at their will, and the peaceful portion of the population were in a state of utter misery and despair. on entering the gate, angus proceeded along the bazaar, an arched street about a mile long, which extended from one side of the city to the other. this was crossed at right angles by another bazaar of equal length, and the city, which was built in the form of a square, was thus divided into four quarters. round the wall was a wide ditch, which was at all times kept full of water from springs rising in the town. when he had proceeded some distance, angus heard two traders in one of the shops speaking in armenian. he at once entered. "effendi," he said in that language, "i am a stranger here and but newly arrived. can you tell me where i can procure a lodging?" the two men looked in surprise at this afghan peasant who addressed them in their own tongue, and one of them, after a moment's hesitation, bade him come into his private apartment behind the shop. "who are you?" he said; "and how come you to speak our language?" "i learned it in conversation with some of your people in tabriz, and especially from one who was the british vice-consul there. i also speak persian and arabic." the trader's surprise increased as angus spoke. "but who are you, then, who have travelled so far, and how is it that having learned so many languages you are now here as a peasant?" "it is a disguise," angus said. "my father was a british merchant at tabriz, and i myself am in the service of the british minister at teheran, and am the bearer of a letter from him to shah kamran." "you are young indeed, my son, to be engaged on so difficult and dangerous a mission. surely i can find you a lodging. all trade is at a stand-still now, and we armenians suffer like the rest. my brother, whom you saw in the shop, is a weaver of carpets; but none will buy carpets now. he has a house larger than his needs, and would, i am sure, gladly take you in." he called his brother in from the front, and explained to him who this strange visitor was and what he wanted. "i have money," angus said, "and am prepared to pay well for my accommodation. i have a servant with me, he is the son of a door-keeper at the embassy, and is altogether faithful and trustworthy. unfortunately, i do not speak the afghan tongue." "that will matter little in the town; the majority of the people still speak persian, although they may know pushtoo. it is the same with many of the fugitives who have come in from the plain. you will have difficulty in seeing the prince. he is old and feeble, and for the greater part of his time he is drunk. everything is therefore in the hands of the wuzeer, who is one of the worst of men--cruel, avaricious, and unscrupulous. we have had many tyrants, but he is the worst; and i can assure you that the success of the persians would fill all but the afghan portion of the population with the deepest joy. it will be necessary for you to see him first before you see shah kamran. the hour is getting late, and i shall close my shop shortly. if you will go round with my brother to his house i will join you there presently. we all love and respect the english. they have always been our good friends, and glad indeed should we be were they masters here as they are in india; for i have been there, and know how just is their rule--how they oppress no one, and will not suffer others to do so. this would be a happy city indeed if your people were our masters." a short walk brought angus and azim to the house of the carpet-weaver. it was of some size, but bore a neglected and poverty-stricken aspect, which was not belied by its appearance when they entered. the doors stood open, and it could be seen that looms stood idle now in all the rooms. the man led the way upstairs, and unlocking a door there entered the family apartments. the contrast between these and the floor below was great indeed. afghan carpets covered the passages and floors, well-stuffed divans ran round the rooms, and although there were no signs of wealth, everything pointed to comfort. the armenian led them into a room, where his wife and two daughters were seated. they rose in some surprise at seeing him enter accompanied by an afghan peasant. azim had remained in the passage without. "do not be surprised," the trader said; "this person is not what he looks, but is an english effendi, the bearer of a letter from his minister at teheran to shah kamran. he is going to do us the honour to lodge here for a time. he speaks our language as well as persian." "he is welcome," his wife said courteously; "and indeed his presence here will afford us a protection which we shall need more than ever when the passions of the people are excited by the siege." "as you are accustomed to our ways," the husband said, "you will not be surprised at my bringing you in here or at seeing the women unveiled. as a rule, everywhere in the east we adopt the customs of the country so far that our women veil when they go out, and my wife and daughters would do the same here if they were to walk through the streets. but my daughters have not left the house since they were children; my wife has not done so since we took up our abode here twenty-three years ago." angus uttered an exclamation of surprise. "you would not be astonished if you knew the lawlessness that prevails here. no young woman can venture safely into the streets, for as soon as a report that she was good-looking reached kamran she would be seized and carried off to his harem even in broad daylight. no respectable woman would think of going out save with an armed escort." "that is indeed a terrible state of things." "we are accustomed to it now, effendi, and at any rate we are not molested here. i make a present now and then to yar mahomed khan and also to his principal officer, and i am let alone by them. my brother does the same. they know that i am a carpet-weaver employing eight or ten men, and as they believe i could not be squeezed to any large amount, they are satisfied to let us go on. so as long as we keep quietly at home we are not molested, and we both intend ere long to move from here to teheran or tabriz. we have only been waiting until we can manage to get away with our belongings without attracting notice. we have done very well since we came here, for trade has been good. my brother buys up the products of many other looms, and we have both made good profits, but we take care that we do not keep more money than is necessary here. now i will show you the room that will be at your disposal. you will, i hope, join us at our family meals, so that we shall not have to cook for you separately." "certainly, it would be very much more pleasant for me." the terms were arranged without difficulty, for the armenian felt that it might be a great protection for them to have an englishman in the house. the merchant then arranged to obtain a dress for angus similar to that worn by himself and his brother. this was brought in on the following morning. having put it on, angus went out accompanied by azim. he decided to wait for a day or two before seeing the wuzeer, so as to ascertain the state of things in the town and the preparations for defence. he was going through one of the narrow streets when a loaded camel came along behind him, its paniers nearly touching the houses on each side. its rider did not give the usual shout of warning, and angus had but just time to jump into a doorway when it brushed past him, the afghan driver grinning maliciously at so nearly upsetting one whom he regarded as a sheeah trader. a man walking just in front of him, who was not quick enough to get out of the camel's way, was knocked down. as he got up angus to his astonishment heard him mutter angrily, "confound you! i wish i had you outside this town, i would give you a lesson you would not forget!" astonished to find another englishman here in afghan costume, angus stepped up to him and said, "i did not expect to find an englishman here, sir." the other turned sharply round. "i am as surprised as you can be, sir! but we had better not be speaking english here. i am lodging within fifty yards of this, if you will follow me i will take you there, and we can then introduce ourselves properly." in three minutes they were in the room occupied by the stranger. "as host i will introduce myself first," he said with a smile. "my name is eldred pottinger; i have been travelling through afghanistan on an unofficial mission to explore and report on the country to my uncle, colonel pottinger, resident in scinde. happening to arrive here at the present crisis, and thinking that i might be useful if the city is besieged, i have declared myself to the wuzeer, and although i still retain my disguise there are many who know that i am an englishman." "my name is angus campbell, mr. pottinger. i am in the employment of the british minister at teheran, and am the bearer of a letter from him to shah kamran encouraging him to maintain the defence of the city as long as possible, and holding out hopes that the british government, which would view the attack upon herat with grave dissatisfaction, will endeavour to mediate between him and the shah, and may even take measures to put pressure upon the latter to withdraw his forces." "that is very satisfactory. of course i have had no shadow of authority to speak in that way, and could only assure him generally that he would have the good will of the english, and that as an english officer i would on my own part put any military skill that i possess at his service, and, being myself an artillery officer, might be of considerable assistance to him in the management and working of the guns. but your letter will place me in a more favourable position. what are your instructions? are you going to return to the embassy or remain here?" "mr. m'neill left it to myself. he will join the shah's army, as the russian ambassador is also with it. as he takes the dragoman of the legation down with him, he has no absolute occasion for my services. from what i have seen of the place so far, though i only arrived yesterday, it does not seem to me possible that these mud walls can withstand a battering fire. the place will therefore very likely be taken in a few days; and as i should not care about being in a town sacked by persian troops, i had intended to leave it as soon as i delivered my letter." "there is no doubt about the weakness of the place; a european army would carry it in three days. but the persians have never been remarkable for their courage, while the afghans are undoubtedly a fighting people. i think it is quite possible that the siege may last for months. you know the dilatory way in which these eastern people go to work. of course i can give no opinion whatever as to what would be your best course. it would depend upon so many things--your position at the embassy, your chances of promotion there, and other matters of which i am altogether ignorant. i suppose you speak persian well?" [illustration: a man walking just in front of him ... was knocked down.] "yes, and also arabic, and i can get on in armenian and kurdish. as to my position, it is scarcely an official one. i am the son of a scottish trader who for twelve years carried on business at tabriz. he and my mother were carried off eight months ago by an outbreak of plague, and his house and store were burned in some street riots. i consulted the british vice-consul there, an armenian who was a friend of my father, and we agreed that from my knowledge of languages i ought to be able to get on better in the east than at home, where it would be of no use to me. i had acted as my father's assistant for the last two years of his life, and had therefore acquired a knowledge of trading; and i have a small capital with which, when i get older, i can either enter into business myself or join someone already established. i was very glad to obtain this place in the embassy as a temporary employment until i could see my way, for although mr. m'neill kindly took me on as an extra assistant, of course his successor, whoever he may be, may not want me." "i think you have done very wisely. how old are you now?" "i am a few months over sixteen." "you are young indeed," pottinger laughed, "to be engaged in political affairs. well, i should say that if the afghans really mean to fight, as i believe they will, they can hold the town for some time, and you will therefore be able to learn their language, which would be invaluable to you if you go in for commerce, or in fact whatever you do out here. things are in a disturbed state in afghanistan, and i should be surprised if the indian government does not interfere there before long; and in that case anyone acquainted with pushtoo and with arabic and persian will have no difficulty in finding employment with the army, and through my uncle i might be able to put you in the way of it. and now about your mission. "the wuzeer for some reason or other--i own i don't see why--has been exceedingly civil to me. on my arrival i sent to say that i was a stranger and a traveller, and that, should it be pleasing to him, i would wait upon him. he sent down at once to say that he would see me the next day. of course on occasions of this sort it is usual to make a present. the only thing that i could give him was a brace of detonating pistols. he had never seen any but flint-locks before, and accepted them graciously. finding that i was a british artillery officer, he at once asked my opinion on a variety of matters, and took me round the walls with him, consulting me as to how they had best be strengthened, and so on. "i will go up and see him presently, and tell him that you have arrived and are the bearer of a letter from our minister to shah kamran. i shall of course mention that you have come in disguise, and that you have therefore been unable to bring the customary presents, and i shall point out to him that you possess the confidence of the british minister. i shall say that for that reason i have persuaded you to remain here during the siege, and that i am sure you will act with me, and moreover will endeavour to keep m'neill well informed of everything going on here, and will continually urge him to impress upon the british government the importance of the position and the necessity for interfering to prevent it from falling into the hands of the persians. as to its importance there is no doubt, especially as russia appears to be making persia a cat's-paw in the matter. that is why i feel that while fighting for these heratees--who between ourselves seem to me to be unmitigated ruffians--i am merely fighting for england, for it is of the utmost importance that the gate of india should not be in the hands of persia, especially if, as you say, russian influence is dominant at teheran." "i am sure i shall be delighted if you will accept me as your assistant, though i don't see at present what possible service i can be." "you will be of use. there will be no end of things to see about." then he burst out laughing. "it does seem absurd, doesn't it, that we two, i a young lieutenant and you a lad not yet seventeen, should be proposing to take a prominent part in the defence of a city like this against an army commanded by the shah of persia in person." angus joined in the laugh. "it is not ridiculous for you," he said, "because as an artillery officer you must know a great deal more about the defence of towns than these afghans can do; but it certainly is absurd my having anything to do in it." pottinger went with angus to the house of the armenian in order that he might know where to find him. leaving him there he went up to the citadel, which stood on rising ground at one corner of the town. he returned in an hour, and said that the wuzeer would receive him at once. "he is a good deal impressed," he went on, "with the fact that our minister should have sent a messenger here with the letter. at first he did not see why england should be interested in the matter, and i had to explain to him about the russian intrigue in persia, and that there was no doubt that sooner or later they would invade india, and that this would be rendered comparatively easy by herat being in the hands of their friends the persians. he enquired of me what rank you held. i told him that you were a member of the embassy, acting as assistant-secretary to the minister, and, as was evident by his entrusting you with so important a despatch, were deep in his confidence." on arriving at the citadel they were at once conducted to the apartment of the wuzeer. yar mahomed rose from his seat and greeted them politely. angus walked forward, bowed, and delivered his letter. "you speak persian, your excellency?" the minister said. angus had difficulty in restraining a smile at his new dignity, but said gravely: "yes, your highness, i speak it and arabic." "you journeyed here comfortably, i hope?" "yes; there were a few adventures on the way, but not more than i had expected." yar mahomed opened and read the letter. "you are aware of its contents?" he asked. "yes, i learned them by heart before i left teheran, in case i should be robbed of the letter on the way." the wuzeer sat in thought for a minute. "but how," he said doubtfully, "can your country, which is, as i hear, very far distant, exercise any influence with the shah? surely you could not send an army all that distance?" "not from england, your highness; but we could send a fleet that could shut up all the ports in the persian gulf, and we could send troops from india to occupy those places, and so destroy all their trade. moreover, we could put a stop to all trade passing by land through this town to scinde, and send a great army by sea and invade persia, and, as our soldiers are much better than the persians, might even take tabriz and teheran. the shah knows that they have done great things in india, and will see how they might bring ruin on persia." "yes, what your minister says is true; but will he do this at once?" "that i cannot say," angus replied. "at first, no doubt, the government of england would say, 'herat is very far off; it will fall before we can do anything.' but if they find that it holds out bravely, they will say, 'we must help these people who are fighting so well.' there is another thing. it is said that there are already some russian officers with the shah's army. the english are very jealous of the russians, and when they come to understand that it is russia who has sent the shah to capture herat their anger will speedily be roused, and they will bid their minister say to the shah, 'if you continue to fight against herat, we shall send our ships and our army against you.' the shah knows that we have conquered in india people far more warlike than the persians, and he will say to himself, 'why should i run the risk of losing my kingdom merely to please the russians, who are really much more dangerous neighbours than the english?'" "the words of your excellency are wise," the wuzeer said. "you will see that we shall hold out for months, or even for years if necessary. i can understand now why the british minister has confidence in you though you look so young. how many years has your excellency?" "i am not yet thirty," angus said calmly. the wuzeer looked surprised. "it is because your face is smooth that you look so young. we afghans wear our beards; i see that you do not, for even this brave officer, who has come to fight for us, has no hair on his face. he has told me that you will stay here, and assist with your advice." "so far as i am able to do so, i will; but i am not greatly skilled in such matters. still, i will assist him so far as i can." "it is good," the afghan said. "it would be better, your highness, that it should not be known that i am an agent of the british minister; though of course you can, if you find it necessary, cheer your soldiers by telling them if they fight bravely and well the british minister will try and mediate between you and the shah, and to persuade him to draw off his army. but were the shah to know that the british minister has an agent here, he would be wroth with him, and might not listen so willingly to his representations. let it then, i beg you, be supposed that, like mr. pottinger, i am but an english traveller, who, chancing to be here, is willing to do all that he can to aid in the defence of the town against the persians." "your words are good; so let it be. where are you dwelling now?" "at the house of the armenian carpet-weaver kajar. the times being bad, his looms are at a stand-still, and he was glad to let me an apartment." "he is a good man," the wuzeer said, "a good man and honest, but not rich." angus felt that the last words were rather a question than an assertion, and he said: "surely no. his rooms are very simple, but they are clean, and if a traveller can but find a clean lodging, he cares not how poor it is." "shall you be sending a message to the minister?" "i shall endeavour to do so by a servant lad i have brought with me. i will tell him that his mind may be at ease, for herat can hold out." "the persians are cowards!" the wuzeer said angrily. "my horsemen have been round them for many days, but they give them no chance. they keep together like a flock of sheep, with their guns and their infantry, instead of riding out bravely to bring in plunder and fight with their enemies when they meet them." then turning to pottinger he went on: "i have sent out, as you advised me, to cut down all the trees within half a mile of the town, so that the persians will have no shelter from our guns; and as all the granaries are emptied for miles round, they will have a long way to go to get food. a number of men are also at work at the place where, as you showed me, the wall was rotten; and others are clearing out the ditch, and making the bank steeper where it has slipped down, so that if they should be so mad as to rush forward and try to cross the moat, they will not be able to climb up." "that is important, wuzeer, and still more so is it that the little wall at the foot of the mount of earth that surrounds the city wall should be repaired. that is of the greatest importance. they may manage to fill up the moat and cross it, but as long as the lower wall stands they cannot climb up, even if a breach was made in the main wall." "i will go round now with you," the wuzeer said, "and we will see where the worst places are." angus accompanied them, and found that pottinger's statement as to the weakness of the fortifications was well founded. from a distance the wall had looked imposing, for it was of considerable height and great thickness, but it was entirely constructed of dried mud, and heavy guns could effect a breach anywhere in the course of a day or two. it was evident that if the place was to hold out, it must depend upon the bravery of its troops and not upon the strength of its walls. for the next week the work went on incessantly. every able-bodied man in the town was employed in the repairs of the wall and in cutting down trees, while the work of destroying grain and all kinds of necessaries which could not be brought into the town was performed by the troops. these were all afghans, were in regular pay, and formed the fighting army of the ruler of herat. their discipline was at all times very lax, and the permission to destroy and burn, which naturally included looting everything of value for their own benefit, rendered them even less amenable to discipline than before. eldred pottinger, as far as he could venture, tried to induce the wuzeer to have the work executed in a more regular manner and under strict supervision by officers told off for the purpose, but yar mahomed viewed the matter with indifference. "what does it matter," he said, "whether the soldiers take things or not? it would be all the same to the owners whether they have them, or whether they are destroyed, or fall into the hands of the persians. in a few days the enemy will be here, and it would be foolish to cause dissatisfaction among the soldiers over a matter of no consequence whatever." the country, indeed, was now deserted by all its inhabitants. immense stores of food had been brought into the city, every unoccupied piece of ground between the city walls was crowded with cattle, sheep, and horses, and there was no fear that famine would for a very long period be a serious trouble to the besieged. eldred pottinger's time was principally occupied in seeing to the repair of the guns and their carriages. without any definite rank having been given to him, it was understood that all his orders had the support of the wuzeer, and were to be obeyed as if they came directly from him, and that the young man with him was also an englishman of some importance, and possessed similar powers. while pottinger looked chiefly after the military work performed by the afghans who had come into the town, angus superintended that upon which the sheeahs were engaged. these persian-speaking people carried out his instructions cheerfully, because they were given in their own language, and were not accompanied by the contemptuous haughtiness and animosity which would have characterized the orders of an afghan, the hostility between the two great religious sects of islam being even greater than that entertained by both against the infidel. pottinger had now taken up his abode at the house of kajar, where there were several apartments unoccupied. as he did not speak armenian, and knew but little persian, angus and he arranged to have a mess of their own, engaging a man recommended to them by the armenian as a good cook. this had been rendered the more necessary, as the trader with whom angus had first spoken had also moved with his wife to his brother's house. he had taken this step because he foresaw that as the siege went on the position of the sheeahs would become more and more unbearable, and that the protection the presence of the two englishmen could afford would be most valuable. indeed kajar, as soon as he saw that angus had been favourably received by the wuzeer, had himself suggested that pottinger might also be offered accommodation at his house. "there need be no further talk of payment, effendi, between us. your presence here will be of vastly greater importance than any money you could give us. no one can say what will happen here. it is not only our property, but our lives which will be at stake; but with you as inmates here, no one would dare interfere with us, and we all regard the fact that you should almost accidentally have been brought here as a special blessing that has been sent from heaven to us." the young englishmen thus strangely thrown together soon became fast friends, and it was pleasant indeed to them to enjoy their evenings together, after each had been engaged during the whole day at the duties they had undertaken. a couple of hours, however, were always spent by them, each in his own room. pottinger engaged the services of a mollah, or priest of the sheeah sect, to give him lessons in persian, while angus worked at pushtoo with kajar, who spoke the afghan language perfectly. chapter iii the siege of herat on 22nd of november, a fortnight after angus arrived at herat, the persian army took up its position on the plain to the north-west of the city. the inhabitants crowded the walls to watch the advancing host--the afghan portion of the population with scowling faces and muttered imprecations, the sheeahs prudently abstaining from all demonstrations of their feelings, but filled with hopes of deliverance from their tyrants. pottinger learned that the afghan horse were going to make a sortie, and he and angus went together to the north-west angle of the wall. "a good deal will depend upon this first fight," pottinger said. "if the persians easily repulse the assault, it will cause a deep depression among the afghans. if, on the other hand, the heratees obtain a fair amount of success, it will so encourage them that they will not fear another time to encounter the enemy, and will fight strongly when the walls are attacked." in a short time the afghan horse were seen pouring out of the western gate. there was but small attempt at anything like military order. it was a mob of horsemen; individually splendid riders, and for skirmishing purposes unsurpassed, but, as pottinger remarked to his companion, quite unfit to stand against a charge of regular cavalry equally endowed with courage. keeping near the city wall until facing the persian position, where a regiment of cavalry were hastily mounting, they wheeled round and rode against the enemy with loud shouts. the persians rode to meet them, but were unable to withstand the impetuosity of the charge, and, amidst the exulting shouts of the afghans on the wall, wheeled round and fled in disorder. the afghans then turning, flung themselves upon a strong body of infantry that was advancing against them in good order. these, however, stood firm, emptying many saddles by a heavy volley they poured in when the afghans were close, and presenting so steady a line of bayonets that the horsemen recoiled. as they did so, the persian artillery opened upon the afghans, who retired until near the wall, and then dismounted and opened fire with their long matchlocks upon the persian gunners. pottinger ran at once to a couple of guns close to where they were standing, and under his directions the afghans in charge of them at once replied to the persian guns. a number of the afghan footmen ran out from the gate on that side, and, joining the dismounted men, kept up a hot fire, while those on the wall also joined in the conflict. as the persian guns could effect little against the infantry lying in shelter, they were now directed against the wall, causing a rapid dispersal of the peaceable portion of the spectators. the effect of their fire showed at once the rottenness of the fortifications. although but light guns, they knocked down portions of the parapet, which crumbled as if it had been made of rotten timber. pottinger shook his head as he and angus walked along to watch the effect of the fire. "if a six-pound shot can effect such damage as this, it is clear that when they get their siege guns to work a few hours will effect a breach in the wall itself." on their side the persians also sent out skirmishers. these pushed forward to a point where they could take the afghans in flank, and cause them to retire nearer to the walls. the fighting was continued until dark, when the persians drew off, and the afghans retired into the city. no material advantage had been gained by either side, but the heratees were well content with the result. they had shown themselves superior to the persian cavalry, and had maintained themselves against the infantry. the persians lost no time, and during the night pushed forward and occupied all the gardens and enclosures on the west of the city, and placed a strong force among the ruins of a village there. in the morning they began to advance against the wall. the afghans sallied out horse and foot; the cavalry, unable to act in such broken ground, moved round, and hanging on the flanks of the persian camp, continually threatened an attack. the infantry, taking advantage of every wall and bush, maintained a heavy fire upon the enemy. the artillery on both sides opened fire, but at the end of the day neither party had gained any advantage. the afghans brought in the heads of several whom they had killed, and a few prisoners. the heads were placed on pikes and exhibited on the walls. the prisoners were bartered as slaves in exchange for horses to the turkomans, of whom a considerable party were encamped at a short distance from the walls. "it is horrible and disgusting," pottinger said to his companion that evening as they sat together, "this custom of cutting off heads, but as it is, i believe, universal in the east, it would be worse than useless to protest against it. it is the custom always to reward a soldier for bringing in a head as a proof of his valour, though, in fact, it is no proof, as he may simply, as he advances, cut it from the body of a man shot by someone else. putting aside the brutality, it operates badly, for instead of following up an advantage hotly, the men stop to collect these miserable trophies, and so give time to an enemy to escape or rally. i have read in the accounts of the campaigns of the turkish conquerors that the heads were always brought in to the general and piled before his tent, and that each soldier was rewarded according to the number he brought in, and i fancy it was the same thing with mohammedan conquerors in india. well, i am afraid that we shall see a number of things that will disgust us before the siege is over. if i were fighting solely for the heratees, i should certainly retire if they continue these barbarities. but i have no interest whatever in them; in fact, i see that the greater portion of the population would be benefited by living under the persian rule. i go into this matter solely because it is one i consider of vital interest to england, and therefore, as an englishman i am willing to do my utmost to keep, not the persians, but the russians from seizing this place." angus had now completely caught the enthusiasm of the young artilleryman. he was perhaps less horrified than his companion, for he had seen so much of eastern modes of punishment, that he had learned to regard them with less horror than that felt by europeans unaccustomed to oriental methods. "i have been accustomed to look on at acts of brutality," he said, "for from the time when i first came out, my father always impressed upon me that we were strangers in this part of the world, and must be very cautious not to show any aversion to its customs. it would lead us into endless trouble if we were to show in any way that what to them seems only natural, was to us revolting; and though i have often been tempted to interfere when i have seen some act of brutality, i have always followed my father's instructions, and walked away without showing any anger or disgust. i agree with you that it is horrid, but it is not like seeing living men tortured; at least, when one is dead it can make no great difference if one is buried with a head or without one." pottinger laughed. "that is certainly one way of looking at it, and i can understand that as the custom has prevailed among these peoples for centuries they can scarcely understand our feelings of abhorrence and indignation. however, i am determined that, whatever i do or feel, i will keep my mouth shut, and not say a word that would anger the wuzeer and shake my influence with him. at present he is well disposed towards me, and i have been of real assistance to him. when things become critical i may be of vital service. from what kajar says there is a strong suspicion that he is not personally brave, which i can quite believe, as very few thorough-paced brutes are. now old shah kamran is, i must own, an exception; an absolutely greater scoundrel than he has proved himself to be probably never existed, but he is known to have been in his earlier days as brave as a lion. if he had been some twenty years younger i should have stronger hopes of eventual success than i have now. personal bravery in a general is of no extraordinary advantage in a european army, where he is not expected to lead men into battle, but with irregular troops like these heratees it is of vital importance. they will follow their leader anywhere, but if he sends them into danger while he himself remains at a distance, they lose their enthusiasm directly, and are half thrashed before the battle begins." "do you not think that kamran will be able at any important moment to come forward and show himself among the defenders of the breach? i hear that only a month or so ago he returned from a campaign." "i am afraid not. i have seen him twice, and although it cannot be said that he is an imbecile, he is next door to it. he understands what is going on, but his nerves are utterly shattered by drink; he is in what may be termed the lachrymose condition of drunkenness. he works himself into a state of childish passion; sometimes he raves, then he whimpers. certainly his appearance would have no inspiring effect upon these rough afghan soldiers. they want a man who would rush sword in hand at their head, call upon them to follow him, and then dash into the middle of the foe, and the miserable old man could scarcely hold a sword in his shaking hand." "well, at any rate, the afghans have fought bravely yesterday and to-day." "excellently; but it is the work they are accustomed to. an afghan battle consists of two sets of men snugly hidden away among the rocks, firing away at each other until one side loses a few men and then retires. so they were quite at home at their skirmishing work, and certainly more than a match for the same number of persians. what they will do when an attack on a breach is made by a column remains to be seen." night and day the heratees worked at their defences, while the persians raised batteries and fortified their camp against sudden attacks. after four or five days of comparative quiet a heavy cannonade broke out. artillery played upon the walls, mortars threw shell into the town, and rockets whizzed overhead. for a time the consternation in the city was prodigious; the rockets especially, which were altogether new to them, appalled the inhabitants, who, as night came on, gathered on the roofs of their houses and watched with affright the sharp trains of light, and shuddered at the sound of the fiery missiles. the sound of lamentation, the cries of fear, and the prayers to allah resounded over the city; but the panic abated somewhat when it was found that comparatively little injury was effected. but while the peaceful inhabitants wailed and prayed, the troops and the men who had come in from the afghan villages laboured steadily and silently at the work of repairing the damages effected by the fire of the persian batteries. but little could be done to the face of the wall, but the crumbling parapets and earth dug up from open spaces were used to construct a fresh wall behind the old one at points against which the persian guns played most fiercely, so that when a breach was formed the assailants would find an unlooked-for obstacle to their entrance into the town. this work was directed by pottinger, who took but little rest, remaining constantly at his post, and only snatching an hour's sleep now and then. angus assisted to the best of his power, always taking his place when his comrade could no longer battle against sleep, and seeing that everything went on well. the afghans yielded a willing obedience to the orders of these young strangers. they saw the utility of the work upon which they were engaged, and laboured well and steadily. the persian artillery were, fortunately for the besieged, badly commanded. instead of concentrating their fire upon one spot, in which case a breach would have been effected in a few hours, each gunner directed his aim as he thought best, and the shot which, if poured upon a single point, would have brought down the crumbling wall, effected no material damage, scattered as it was over a face a mile in length. it was all the less effective, inasmuch as the artillerymen generally aimed at the parapet of the wall instead of the solid portion below it. it was a delight to them to see a portion of the parapet knocked down by their shot, whereas when the wall itself was hit comparatively small show was made. many of the shot flew high and passed over the town into the fields beyond it, and at the end of four days' almost continuous firing, herat was stronger and more capable of resistance than it was when the persians first appeared before the walls. the absence of any tangible result evidently lowered the spirits of the besiegers, while it proportionately raised those of the defenders. moreover, the immense expenditure of projectiles by the persians showed the shah and his generals that, large as was the store of ammunition they had brought with them, it might prove insufficient, and the labour and time which would be entailed in renewing the supply from the magazines at the capital would be enormous. consequently the fire became irregular, sometimes for an hour or two all the batteries would play, while at other times only a few guns would be discharged in the course of an hour. the shells that were thrown into the city did much more damage than the round shot of the batteries. many houses were almost destroyed by them, and whole families killed. these, however, were for the most part peaceable sheeahs, and the matter in no way affected the defenders of the wall, whose spirits rose daily as they perceived that the persian artillery was by no means so formidable as they had anticipated. the persians made no attempt to blockade the city, evidently fearing the sorties the defenders made, and confined their operations to that side of the city before which they were encamped. this was a great advantage to the besieged. three out of the five gates of the city stood open, communications were maintained with the surrounding country, the cattle and other animals went out to graze, and firewood and other commodities passed freely into the town. throughout december the persians were harassed by nightly attacks. the working parties in their entrenchments were driven out, tools carried off, the workmen killed, and the work performed during the day destroyed, the assailants retiring before heavy masses of infantry could be brought up to repel them. upon many days scarce a shot was fired, then for a few hours there would be a lively cannonade, but of the same scattered and wasteful fashion as before. on december 26th all the persian prisoners who had been captured in the sorties were sent off for sale to the frontier of the turkoman country. the shah retaliated by putting to death in various cruel manners the afghan prisoners who had fallen into his hands. two days later a mine was sprung and a breach effected in the wall. the persians advanced to storm it, but were met with the greatest resolution by the heratees, who repulsed them with considerable loss, their leader being severely wounded, and a deserter from herat, a man of high military reputation among the afghans, killed--a fact that caused almost as much joy to the defenders as the repulse of the assault. the success, however, of the mine, and the knowledge that the persians were engaged in driving several tunnels towards the wall, caused a considerable feeling of uneasiness. nevertheless, the 30th, which was the day of the termination of the long mohammedan fast, was celebrated with the usual rejoicings, which the besieged were enabled to take part in without fear of an attack, as the day was being celebrated with similar festivities in the persian camp. shah kamran went with his family in procession to the principal mosque, and after the conclusion of the prayers usual to the occasion, observed the custom of scattering sweetmeats to be scrambled for by the priests. to their disappointment, however, he did not follow this up by inviting them to a banquet, but sent extra provisions to the troops and the workers on the walls. there was now a pause in active operations for more than three weeks. the persians laboured at their mines, but either from ignorance of their work, or on account of the water flowing from the moat into their galleries, no damage resulted. the heratees countermined under the advice of pottinger, but beyond proving that the persian galleries were not being driven where they expected, nothing came of it. but on the 26th of january the afghans determined to give battle to the persians in the open. again the whole population gathered on the walls, and the two young englishmen were also there. "the wuzeer asked me this morning whether i would go out with them," pottinger said to angus, "but i replied that, although acquainted with artillery and siege operations, i did not know enough of the afghan way of fighting to accept even a small command in the field. i am useful here," he went on, "and i should be of no use whatever outside. the afghans have their own ideas as to when to advance and when to retreat; besides, it might offend some of the leaders were i, a stranger, to interfere in any way. there is no jealousy of me at present, at least i think not. they know nothing of sieges, and there is no one who holds any special post in connection with the fortifications. no one therefore feels superseded. in the next place, the work is for the most part carried out by labourers, who get paid for their services, and not by the troops, and it is nothing to them whether they get their orders from an englishman or an afghan. in an attack on a breach i should certainly fight; in the first place, because i consider it my duty, and in the second, because, if the persians get inside the walls, you may be sure that there will be something like a general massacre." the afghan cavalry and infantry poured out from the gate, and spread themselves over the open country to the east of the persian camp. the men on foot took possession of a village, and established themselves in its houses and the gardens surrounding it. from the wall a view could be obtained of the movements in the enemy's camp. the vedettes had fallen back as soon as the afghans issued out, drums were beaten and horns sounded, the troops ran hastily together, and their general, mahomed khan, could be seen galloping about issuing orders. presently a strong column moved out. it was headed by cavalry; and as soon as these made their appearance the afghan horse galloped across the plain, while the crowd on the walls burst into shouts of encouragement, although the troops were too far off to hear them. "it is a pretty sight, angus, but about as unlike modern warfare as could well be. european cavalry seeing a mob of horsemen coming down upon them in such disorder would ride at them, and no irregular horse could withstand the impact of a well-disciplined and compact cavalry charge. there, the persians are forming line; but there is no smartness about it, it is done in a half-hearted sort of way, as if they did not like the business before them. there, they are off; but they are too slow, they won't be fairly in a gallop before the afghans are upon them." for a minute or two the contending bodies were mixed in a confused mass, then the shouts of the spectators rose high as the persians could be seen flying towards their infantry hotly pursued by the afghans. then came the rattle of musketry, the quick reports of cannon, as the infantry and artillery covered the retreat of their cavalry. presently the heratee horse were seen retiring from the village in which the struggle had taken place; another body, which had not yet been engaged, instead of riding forward to support them, also, turned, and for a time all rode off, while the persian cavalry were reinforced from the camp and pursued them. the heratees soon recovered themselves and again charged, but again the leading squadrons were badly supported by those behind. these were under another leader, who was probably influenced by jealousy or by tribal hostility, and the persian horse, well supported by their infantry, gradually gained the advantage, their own infantry coming to the support. the afghan footmen also advanced, and the fight was maintained during the whole day. "it is like playing at war," pottinger said irritably; "except in that first charge they have never really come to blows. it is skirmishing rather than fighting. here there are some ten or twelve thousand men, taking both sides, cavalry, infantry, and a few guns. i don't think that when our men come in again it will be found that they have lost a hundred, and i don't suppose the persians have lost much more. it is a fair field for fighting, and between two european forces of the same strength a long day's battle would probably have caused three or four thousand casualties. one would think that neither party was in earnest. certainly the heratees are, though i don't suppose the persian soldiers have any particular personal interest in the matter." the action was altogether indecisive, and at the end of the day the persians held no ground beyond the village where their infantry first opened fire, while the heratees had gained nothing by their sortie. when the afghans re-entered the walls it was found that pottinger's estimate as to the amount of loss was very near the truth; there were between twenty-five and thirty killed, and some four times as many wounded, more or less seriously. they of course claimed a victory, and were highly satisfied with their own doings, but the operations only tended to show that neither party had any eagerness for real fighting. on the 7th of february pottinger said: "i have received permission to go into the persian camp to-morrow. kamran has given me a message on his part to the persian king. it is an appeal to him to retire. he says that when khorassan was in rebellion he refused the entreaties of its chief to aid them, although at that time he could have raised ten thousand horsemen, and might, with the rebels of khorassan, have marched to teheran. he had sent one of his highest officers to congratulate the shah on his succession, and now the latter is without provocation marching against him. he prays him therefore to retire, to aid him with guns and men to recover the dominions he has lost in afghanistan, and if he be successful he will hand over herat to him. yar mahomed has also given me a message to the persian minister, just the sort of message i should have expected from him. he declares that he is devoted to the shah and to him, but that he is bound to stand by his master. that whatever might be his own wish, the afghans would never surrender the city, and that he dare not propose such a thing to them, but that he shall ever remain the faithful servant of the shah and of the minister whom he regards as his father. i will take you with me if you wish, but that must be a matter for your own consideration." "i should, of course, like to go," angus said, "but i do not know that it would be wise for me to do so. mr. m'neill may be in the persian camp. it is not probable that i should be recognized, still there must be many officials there who came frequently to see him at the embassy, and who would know me. should one of these declare that i was a member of the mission, it might create a very bad impression against m'neill, as it would seem that he was in secret communication with kamran." "that is just what i was thinking," pottinger said, "and i must say that i agree with you. it certainly would be awkward for him if it were known that one of his suite was in herat. yes, i think it would be better that you should not go. we shall certainly be the centre of curiosity while we are in the camp, and there would be no possibility of private communications between you and m'neill. but should i see him have you any message for him? i think we have agreed that when this business is over it will be much better for you to go with me back to india than to return to teheran." "yes, i have quite settled that," angus said. "with the kind offer you have made to present me to your uncle i should think that the prospect of my obtaining advancement there is very much greater than it is in persia, where i might be left altogether in the lurch if m'neill were recalled. i shall be obliged, therefore, if you will tell him of my intention, and thank him for me very heartily for his kindness. he will, i am sure, approve of the step, for he has several times told me that he was sorry he could see no chance of my obtaining more than a clerkship at the mission, and advised me on no account to think of remaining there if i could see my way to doing better for myself." "i will be sure to give m'neill the message if i see him but i don't expect to be long in the camp. i am charged with such a ridiculous message that there is no likelihood of any discussion taking place. the minister will, of course, scoff at yar mahomed's declarations of respect for the shah and affection for himself, and the shah, after taking the trouble to collect an army and come here himself, is not likely to retire at the request of kamran. my real hope in going is that i may find a british officer with the persians. there is almost certain to be one, as the russians have, it is said, several. through him i may send messages to friends at home and to my uncle in scinde. they must all begin to feel anxious about me." angus saw his companion ride out the next morning with some anxiety as to his reception, but with no particular regret that he did not accompany him. he had often been in the encampments of the persian troops before the army left teheran, and there would therefore be nothing new to him in the scene. pottinger as usual wore the dress of an afghan of some standing, and was accompanied only by one mounted attendant and a runner to hold his horse. a small party of afghans rode with him for some distance beyond the walls, and then, shouting good wishes for his return in safety, left him. angus continued to watch the men at their work for two or three hours, and then took his place on the walls again and watched for his comrade's return. it was not, however, till the 10th that he came back to herat. on the previous day he was prevented from returning by a violent storm which raged from morning till night, and considerable anxiety was felt in the town. that he had gone on a mission from kamran was generally known, but none save the shah and his wuzeer were aware of its nature. angus was much alarmed, as he thought it too probable that his friend had been shot by the persian outposts as soon as he arrived among them, for there was nothing to show that he came as an envoy. he was therefore greatly relieved when a native brought the news to him that the englishman was returning. as the news spread it caused great excitement. when pottinger rode in at the gate a great crowd had assembled there, and all thronged round him asking for information. he replied that they must enquire of the wuzeer, who alone could deliver it. as he saw angus in the crowd he shouted to him, "as i expected, nothing has come of it; meet me at the house." an hour later pottinger arrived there. "i was getting very anxious about you," angus said, "and was beginning to fear that you had been shot by the persian outposts." "i was a little uncomfortable myself, and i kept a good look-out, as you may suppose. the roads led through those ruined villages, and at any moment i might have a bullet whizzing about my ears. presently i saw some persian soldiers running towards the road, and i told my man to take off his turban and wave it to show that our intentions were peaceable. when they perceived this they came straggling up. i told them that i was an english officer, and the bearer of messages to the shah and his minister. they seemed delighted, chiefly perhaps from the fact of my being an englishman, but also because they hoped that i had come with an offer of surrender. however, they shouted 'welcome, welcome! the english were always friends of the shah.' the officer who commanded the picket turned out to be a major who had served under major hart, and who knew all the english officers who had of late years been in persia. he took me to the major-general commanding the attack, who turned out to be a russian in the persian service commanding a corps of russians--men who had left their own country for doubtless good reasons. at any rate, he received me courteously. we had tea, and smoked a pipe together, and he then sent me on with an escort to the persian camp. [illustration: afghanistan and north west frontier of india] "the news that someone had come in from herat to arrange terms for its submission having preceded me, almost the whole camp came out to see me, and if my escort had not used their iron ramrods most vigorously upon the heads and shoulders of the crowd i should never have got through. when i reached the minister's tent he received me graciously, but we did not enter into business; it was necessary that the shah should first decide whether he would receive me. "i had learned from the russian general that colonel stoddart was in camp. as it was known before i left india that he would accompany the persians i had letters for him, and received permission to go to his tent to deliver them. his astonishment at finding that i was a british officer was, as you may imagine, great. however, i had but little time to talk, for in a few minutes a message came that i was to go back at once to the minister, or, as he is called there as well as here, the wuzeer. stoddart accompanied me. the persian asked me what were the messages that, as he had been informed, kamran and yar mahomed had sent to the shah and himself. i told him that i could only deliver kamran's message to the shah, and that i thought his own message had better be given him privately. "the wuzeer, who is a bilious and excitable little man, sent everyone out from the tent but stoddart and myself, and i then delivered the message. we had a long discussion. the wuzeer declared that the english themselves had put down herat as forming part of the persian dominions in the map that burnes had made. i said that i thought not. he produced the map to convince me, but to the little man's intense disgust he found that he was altogether wrong. he then appealed to stoddart. the latter, as our military representative at the shah's court, replied diplomatically that he had no instructions on the subject, and would refer the case to the envoy at teheran. (m'neill, by the by, has not yet reached the camp.) stoddart said that he was not aware that the persian government had annexed herat, as its ruler had, both with the british government and the late shah, been acknowledged as sovereign in afghanistan; so, as i expected, nothing came of the interview. we went back to stoddart's tent, and shortly afterwards were sent for by the shah. he received us with courtesy, and i delivered kamran's message. "the shah replied, speaking with dignity and calmness, and stating his complaints against kamran, that he had permitted his soldiers constantly to make incursions into persian dominions, robbing and slaying, and carrying off persian subjects to sell as slaves; then gradually warming up as he recited a number of such forays and depredations, he denounced kamran as a treacherous liar, and said that he would not rest satisfied until he had planted a persian garrison in the city of herat. of course there was nothing more to be said. we were formally, though courteously, dismissed, and i went back with stoddart to his tent, where i remained till this morning. i was by no means sorry that the tremendous storm yesterday afforded an excuse for stopping, and i enjoyed my day of quiet talk with stoddart immensely. "he thinks that if the persians do but make an attack with all their strength the town must be taken, in which i entirely agree with him. he said, however, that, as the slackness of their fire for some time past has shown, the persians are heartily sick of the business, and if the shah had some really good excuse for retiring he would gladly do so. i said that the best excuse would be some strong action on the part of our government. he replied that he had himself urged this upon m'neill, and that the envoy had already written urgently home in that sense. of course i told him of your being there. he had already heard from m'neill that he had sent you here to encourage kamran to hold out. he asked a good deal about you, and quite agreed with me that with your knowledge of languages--and i told him that in the three months during which you had been here you had already learned enough pushtoo to converse in it freely--you would be sure to get an appointment in india, as it was extremely probable that an army would shortly be sent into afghanistan to support shah soojah against dost mahomed, especially as the latter had received vickovich, an aide-de-camp to the governor of orenburg, as an envoy at cabul. "of course i had heard about the intention of supporting dost mahomed before i started. i know that my uncle and mr. burnes, who is our agent at cabul, are both strongly opposed to this. dost mahomed has always defeated shah soojah, he is firmly established on his throne, and burnes believes that he is very well disposed towards us. however, that is not our affair; but if there should be such an expedition it much increases your chance of obtaining an official post. i took the opportunity to write to my uncle and to send my report to the indian government, and in both cases i stated that i had received the most valuable assistance from a young gentleman who was temporarily attached to the mission at teheran, and who, speaking as he did, persian, pushtoo, and arabic, would, i considered, be of great service should any difficulties arise with afghanistan. i said that i had seized the opportunity of recommending you, as it was possible that i myself might fall in the defence of herat." "it was awfully kind of you, pottinger, and i am extremely obliged to you." "i felt that i was acting in the interest of the indian government as well as of yourself. the siege may last for another month yet, and by the end of that time you will be able to pass as easily as an afghan as you now can as a persian, and may be invaluable; for as we have as yet had very little contact with afghanistan there are not, i should say, half a dozen officers in our service who can speak pushtoo--probably not one who could do so well enough to pass as a native. i myself knew but little of it when i started, so my disguise was that of a cutch horse-dealer, and i passed through afghanistan as a native of india. even now i do not speak pushtoo as well as you do, having devoted myself to persian, while you have been working at afghan. for your sake i hope that the siege may last for some time yet, as it may be a great advantage to you when you apply for an official post to be able to say that you can pass anywhere as a native." chapter iv a sturdy defence pottinger's belief that the shah was anxious to bring the war to a conclusion was confirmed by the arrival of the major he had met when going into the persian camp, with instructions from the russian general, endorsed by the minister, to endeavour to persuade the afghans to consent to the terms offered by the shah. it was better, he urged, for them to settle their differences among themselves than to employ mediation. he warned them that as the english had come to india under the pretence of trading, and had finally conquered the whole country, they should on no account be trusted. he assured them that the shah had no desire to interfere in the internal administration of herat, the present movement was not an expedition against herat but against hindostan, and that all true mohammedans should join the shah's army, and that he would lead them to the conquest and plunder of all india and turkestan. pottinger was sent for privately, and consulted by the kamran and the wuzeer as to what answer should be sent. his advice was taken, and the next day the envoy returned to his camp with vague assurances of regard, and the suggestion that if the persians were really inclined for peace, the best proof that they could give of the sincerity of their inclination would be the retirement of the besieging force. there was much excitement in the city when the proposals brought by the persian officer became known, and many of the older men began to argue that it did not matter much whether kamran was called prince or king, or whether the supremacy of the persian shah was or was not acknowledged in herat, as long as no persian garrison was placed in the city. the wuzeer, however, remained firm. he declared that he had no confidence in the persians, that he desired to be guided by the advice and be aided by the mediation of the english, and that if the shah would place the conduct of negotiations in the hands of colonel stoddart, he on his part would trust everything to lieutenant pottinger, and would accept whatever was decided upon by the two english officers. "that was his own decision, and not mine," pottinger said, when he returned from an interview with the wuzeer. "there is no doubt that, ruffian as he is in many respects, he is a clever man. you see, he shifts all the responsibility for the continuance of the war off his shoulders on to those of the persians, for their refusal to accept the decision of the british officer in their camp will convince the afghans that the persians will be satisfied with nothing but their destruction." two days later the persian officer returned to herat with a letter stating that the shah had no desire to possess himself of the town, but only claimed that his sovereignty should be acknowledged. the answer was the same as before. kamran was willing to do all that was required if the persian army would but retire. the negotiations were carried on for a day or two longer, but though both parties desired peace, the one would not surrender, the other would not retire and acknowledge failure. hostilities, therefore, continued without intermission, and a fortnight later the persians gained possession of a fortified place three hundred yards from the north-east angle of the wall. the afghans stationed there had made but a poor resistance, and upon entering the town their faces were smeared with mud, and they were sent through the city accompanied by a crier who proclaimed their cowardice. a month passed without any incident of importance, and at the end of that time m'neill arrived at the persian camp. every effort had been made to hinder him on his way from teheran, and he was at first coldly received. a week later he had an audience with the shah, and stated to him that the attack upon herat was an obvious violation of the treaty between great britain and herat, and the british government would therefore be justified in taking active measures to enforce its terms. the shah upon this consented to accept the british mediation. three days later, however, the persians made a serious attack. some new batteries opened against the ramparts near the great mosque. their fire was this time concentrated, and the wall crumbled so rapidly that by the evening a practicable breach had been made. the afghans, however, did not lose heart, declaring that they trusted to themselves, and not to their walls, to defend the city. they had, indeed, gained an advantage in the middle of the day. they blew in a mine that had been carried almost up to the wall, and taking advantage of the alarm caused by the explosion rushed out and furiously attacked the besiegers, carrying the trenches for some distance before a strong persian force came up and drove them back again. so heavy a fire was then opened from the trenches on the musketeers on the walls, that these were completely overpowered, and were unable to show a head above the parapets. as evening came on the persians shouted that an english officer wished to enter the town, but the wuzeer shouted back that no one would be allowed to enter at that hour. the next day major todd, who was attached to the embassy, entered the town. he was in full regimentals, and his appearance excited the most lively admiration of the populace. he announced that the shah was ready to accept the mediation of the british government. he was received with the greatest courtesy by shah kamran, who after the interview took a cloak from his own shoulders and sent it by the wuzeer to major todd, who returned to the persian camp with the assurance of kamran's desire to accept the mediation of the british minister. but though apparently both parties had at last arrived at an understanding, that evening the aspect of affairs became more warlike than ever. the persian trenches were filled with men, the bodies of horse and foot on the line of investment were strengthened, and there were all appearances that an assault would be made that evening; and the afghan chiefs were called together and each had his post assigned to him. but scarcely had they separated when mr. m'neill himself arrived. he was conducted at once to kamran's palace, and the greater part of the night was spent in discussion. it was nearly dawn when the minister accompanied pottinger to the latter's residence. as he had arranged when he arrived that he would sleep at pottinger's, a room had been prepared for him, angus sat up for several hours, but then feeling sure that the minister would at once retire to bed on his return, had lain down. when he awoke it was half-past six, and dressing hastily he went into the sitting-room that he shared with pottinger, and to his surprise found mr. m'neill writing there. the minister greeted him cordially. "i heard all about you from colonel stoddart, and approve highly of your remaining here to give pottinger what aid you can during the siege. i also think that you have done very wisely in determining, as pottinger told stoddart you had done, to go to india. i myself will write to the english government saying what you have done, how intelligently you carried on your work at the mission, and recommending you for an appointment on the northern frontier either with the army or the resident at scinde, or perhaps better still, with mr. burnes at cabul." at this moment pottinger entered the room, and he was as surprised as angus had been at seeing the minister at work after only a couple of hours in bed. there was another meeting with kamran, who placed himself entirely in the hands of the british envoy, and said that he would gladly consent to any terms agreed upon by him. at the conclusion of the meeting mr. m'neill returned at once to the persian camp. to the disappointment of all, major todd rode in two days later with the surprising news that the shah had entirely changed his attitude, and absolutely refused to submit the dispute to british arbitration, and that unless the whole people of herat acknowledged themselves his subjects, he would take possession of the city by force of arms. this sudden change was the result of the arrival of the russian representative, count symonwich, on the morning of the day of m'neill's visit to the city. the russian party at once became ascendant. he himself took the conduct of the operations of the siege, the officers with him taught the persian soldiers how to construct batteries, and russian money was freely distributed among them. pottinger's task of explaining to kamran the news brought by major todd was an unpleasant one; but the old man took the news quietly, and said that he never expected anything else, for the persians had always been noted for their treachery and want of faith. the news, however, caused great discouragement in the town, and it was determined at a meeting of the chiefs that they would send to the russian ambassador and place themselves under the protection of his master. meeting after meeting was held, at all of which pottinger was present. sometimes he was received and listened to with respect, and other times he was treated with marked discourtesy. the influence of mr. m'neill at the persian court declined rapidly, while that of the russians became supreme. for some months past he had failed to obtain any satisfaction for matters of serious complaint. as far back as october a courier bearing despatches from colonel stoddart to him at teheran had been seized by a russian officer, stripped and imprisoned by the persians, and his despatches taken from him. the british resident in the persian gulf had been grossly insulted by the governor of bushire, and the persian government had continued to evade its obligations under the commercial treaty between the two nations. so marked was the indignity with which m'neill was now treated in the persian camp, that on the 7th of june he left it with colonel stoddart and all his suite and attendants, a step equivalent to a rupture of the relations between great britain and persia. in the meantime the pressure of famine and sickness became more and more intense in herat. the city was altogether without drainage, and the stench from the bodies of those who had died or been killed, and of the dead animals, was dreadful. but although much depressed, the courage of the afghans still sustained them, and when on the 13th of june the persians surprised the outer works, they held the connecting passage and defended it until assistance came, when the garrison poured out, rushed down the slope, and dislodged the assailants with much slaughter. another attempt on the same day at a fresh point was equally unsuccessful, and the storming party were twice repulsed. pottinger was now armed with an authority that he had not before possessed, for he had been appointed by m'neill british envoy at herat. the news of the departure of the embassy, and pottinger's assurances that this was a prelude to war between england and persia, had but little effect. it was certain that the city could not possibly hold out many weeks, and it might be months before the arrival of a british fleet and army could influence the persians. happily, however, lord auckland, governor-general of india, had not waited for instructions from home, but at the news of the investment of herat, and the outrage upon our resident in the persian gulf, had begun to take steps early in the spring; and on the 4th of june two transports and some vessels of war left bombay harbour with detachments of two british regiments and a marine battalion, and on the 19th anchored off the island of karrack in the persian gulf. upon the 24th of june herat went through the most terrible experience of the siege. at daybreak a heavy fire opened from the persian batteries on all four sides of the city. it ceased suddenly after a time. pottinger, who was at breakfast, exclaimed to angus, as he leapt up from his seat: "they are going to assault; the batteries have done their work. quick, to the wall!" warning the soldiers they came upon as they ran, they made their way to the wall. just as they arrived there another gun was fired, and at the signal the batteries on all sides again broke into life. a storm of rockets carried dismay into the town, the mortars dropped their shells into it, and most conclusive of all, a rattle of musketry broke out, growing every moment in power. against five points was the assault directed. that on the gate of candahar was repulsed, and the enemy chased back to their trenches. that upon the south-west angle was but a feint, and was never pushed home against the western gate. the russian regiment under sampson, and a strong force under a persian officer, pressed up to the breach; but the persian was killed and sampson carried off wounded, and the troops fled after suffering immense loss. the attack on the north-western face was similarly repulsed, but the fifth contest was desperate. the storming party gained the _fausse braye_. the afghans defending it fought desperately, and all fell at their post. the storming party rushed up the slope. the officers and leading men were mown down by a heavy musketry fire, but after a fierce struggle the upper _fausse braye_ was carried, and some of the assailants gained the head of the breach. but now the afghan reserves were brought up, and the persians on the breach were driven back. again and again, the persians fighting this time with desperate courage, struggled to effect a lodgment, only to be repulsed, and fell back in confusion on their comrades behind. for a long time the issue was doubtful; a desperate hand-to-hand conflict raged, the assailants and defenders swayed up and down the breach, which was covered with corpses and slippery with blood. yar mahomed arrived almost at the same time as pottinger and angus, for these, before coming here, had seen that all was going well at the other points attacked. they had observed as they came along men leaving the breach by twos and threes under pretence of assisting wounded comrades, and pottinger saw to his dismay that the men were losing heart. as they came to the breach they found other soldiers coming up. the wuzeer was sitting down close by. pottinger ran up to him. "you must encourage your men, wuzeer; go forward and join them, or all will be lost." the afghan scarcely seemed to hear what he said. "you must come," pottinger repeated loudly; "there is no time to be lost." then he turned to angus: "do what you can," he said. "i must rouse the wuzeer; evidently his nerves have suddenly given way." glad at last to be free to join in the struggle, angus drew his sword and ran down, thrusting back those who were mounting, and pushed his way forward to the front, shouting in pushtoo: "fight, men! fight for your faith, your wives, and your children! everything is going on well elsewhere. are you alone going to fail?" the bearded afghans, astonished at seeing this young englishman rushing forward in advance of them, followed him, and again the persians were beaten back. but although the afghans in front had been animated by the lad's example, those behind were still dropping off. the wuzeer, aroused by the vigorous exhortations of pottinger, had risen up and neared the breach. the persians were renewing their attack, and the wuzeer called upon his men to fight. the fugitives paused irresolute. the wuzeer's heart failed him again, and he turned back, his action still further discouraging the men. pottinger, in the most vehement language, exhorted him to set an example. again he turned and advanced, but again shrank back. pottinger now instead of entreating reviled and threatened him, called him opprobrious names, and at last, seizing him by his arm, dragged him forward to the breach. this astounding treatment maddened the afghan. he shouted to the soldiers to fight, and as they continued to fall back, seized a large staff, and, rushing like a madman upon the soldiers, drove them forward again with a shower of heavy blows, while pottinger sword in hand seconded him. cooped up as they were, and seeing no other outlet of escape, many of them leapt wildly down over the parapet, rushed down the slope, and fell upon the persian stormers. believing that great reinforcements must have arrived, these were seized by a panic, abandoned their position, and fled. herat was saved entirely by the energy and courage of the young english lieutenant. pottinger's first question was as to his companion. he had, while urging the wuzeer to advance, caught sight of him fighting desperately in the midst of the persians, and he at once made his way down to that spot. he was not long in discovering angus, who was lying insensible, bleeding from a number of sabre wounds. calling four afghans, he ordered him to be carried on to the wall. there he bandaged his wounds, and then had him placed on a stretcher and carried to their lodging, taking on himself to send an order to the wuzeer's own medical attendant to go there at once and attend to his wounds. then he turned his attention to the wuzeer. the mind of the minister had been almost unhinged by the terrible events, and he was still wandering about in a confused and bewildered way. several of the other chiefs were similarly affected, and were unable for days afterwards to perform their usual duties. the soldiers themselves, instead of being excited over their victory, were as gloomy and depressed as if they had suffered a defeat. the peril had been so great, the city had been so nearly lost, that there was a general feeling that another such attack would be successful. their confidence hitherto had rested upon the wuzeer, and on the conviction that their courage was infinitely greater than that of the persians, and they had found that the persians could now fight as well and stoutly as they themselves. they were humiliated by knowing that it was to a young english officer they owed it that the persians had failed in their object, and that another young englishman, scarce more than a boy, had led their best and bravest into the thick of the fray, and had himself penetrated beyond them into the midst of the persians and had fallen there. none appreciate bravery more than do the afghans. it was not so much that pottinger had exposed himself recklessly to the shower of bullets with which the persians in their trenches swept the spot where he was standing with the wuzeer, but that he should have ventured to abuse, revile, and even forcibly drag their dreaded leader forward astounded them. all herat felt that it was he who had saved the city, and the fame of the deed spread through the country round, and men when they came in sought him out and kissed his hand with enthusiasm. a deep gloom, however, hung over the city. even the work of repairing the damaged fortifications was carried on apathetically. they had repulsed the persians, but it was felt that nothing but a miracle could enable them to withstand another such assault. food was all but exhausted, the treasury was empty, the inhabitants could not be fed, the soldiers could not be paid. but an equal amount of depression was felt in the persian camp. five assaults had all failed, and some eighteen hundred of their best troops had fallen. the loss of officers had been enormous; the russian general, berowski, had been killed, and two of the principal persian generals. another russian general, sampson, and two pashas had been wounded, and almost all the field officers of the regiments engaged in the attack were hors de combat. pottinger's position was a very painful one. the need for money to pay the troops was absolute, and the wuzeer, when he had recovered from the effects of his scare, instituted a reign of terror even more terrible than anything the wretched inhabitants had ever before felt. the soldiers went from house to house, and all suspected of possessing money were seized and tortured. even ladies of rank were so treated, and the very inmates of kamran's zenana were threatened and had to contribute their jewels. pottinger felt that it was solely owing to his influence that the city had so long held out, and as he went through the streets starving men reproached him as the author of their sufferings. he did all that he could, but that was little. men of all ranks came to him imploring his aid and protection. some he was able to save, but for others he could do nothing. never was a young soldier placed in so terrible a dilemma. as a man he was agonized by the sufferings he saw round him--sufferings he could at once bring to an end by advising the wuzeer to surrender: as a soldier and an englishman, he felt that it was his duty to hold out to the bitter end. his position became still more difficult when, a fortnight after the assault, the persians again opened negotiations, demanding, however, as a first step that he should be expelled from the city. pottinger declared that no thought of personal safety should persuade him to stand in the way of any arrangement conducive to the safety of herat and the welfare of his country, and that if these could be gained by his departure he would willingly leave the town. but yar mahomed was undecided. he felt that the dismissal of the man who had saved herat would be a stain on his character, and, moreover, that the persians having obtained his dismissal, would become still more exorbitant in their demands. he had long expected the arrival of a relieving force of turkomans, and pottinger was convinced that ere long the intervention of england would compel the persians to fall back. the bombardment of the city had not been renewed since the repulse of the attack, and the persians relied now solely upon famine to reduce it, and maintained a strict blockade. in order to mitigate the horrors he saw around him, pottinger undertook that all who voluntarily brought in their money should be reimbursed at his recommendation by the british government. this brought some money in, though slowly, and july passed. then a deserter from the persian camp brought in news that there was a report that a great british army had landed in the persian gulf, had taken bushire, and was advancing. this report had fortunately enormously magnified the strength of the british expedition, and the news gave fresh life to the defenders of herat. the persians again opened negotiations, waiving the question of the expulsion of pottinger, but the wuzeer was less inclined than before to yield to the persian demands. m'neill was on his way to the frontier when he was informed of the arrival of the british expedition to the persian gulf, and at the same time received instructions from the foreign office in anticipation of the refusal of the shah to retire from before herat. fortified by these instructions, he despatched colonel stoddart to the persian camp with a message to the shah. he arrived there on the 11th of august, and on the next day had an interview with the shah, who welcomed him with cordiality, and listened to the message from the british government. "it means, then," he said, "that if i do not leave herat there will be war?" "it all depends upon your majesty's answer," stoddart replied. two days later stoddart was again summoned to the royal presence. "we consent," the shah said, "to the whole of the demands from the british government. we will not go to war. were it not for the sake of their friendship, we should not return from before herat. had we known that by our coming here we should risk the loss of their friendship, we certainly should not have come at all." in reply, colonel stoddart said he thanked god that his majesty had taken so wise a view of the real interests of persia. but as he left the audience, he hinted to the persian minister that although the shah's answer was very satisfactory, it would be more satisfactory still to see it at once reduced to practice. although rumours reached the city that the persians were about to leave, it was not for another week that the rumours became a certainty. an effort was made to induce the wuzeer to make some concessions that would give a better grace to the withdrawal of the shah. some of the conditions suggested were refused by pottinger's advice; but on the 4th of september the persian prisoners in the town were sent into camp, and on the 9th the persian army began their march back to teheran. it was time indeed that they did so, for they had but three or four days' supply of forage remaining, and their flour and grain were almost all exhausted. their failure to capture so weakly fortified a place was, in pottinger's opinion, due to the fact that there was no union of effort. the commanders of the various sections of the army acted independently, and except when, under the command of the russians, they made a simultaneous attack, they never acted in concert with each other. it was his opinion that the shah might have carried the city by assault the very first day that he reached herat. he declared that the persians were equally as brave as and far better soldiers than the afghans, and that they had an ample supply of artillery to capture a strong fortress if properly employed. for a week after the struggle of the 24th of june angus campbell lay between life and death. he had lost a great quantity of blood, and when first carried to his room his armenian friends believed him to be dead. pottinger, who had hurried back as soon as he saw that there was no chance of a renewal of the assault, went to kamran's and obtained some spirits, and with the aid of these the action of the heart, which had before been so slight that the pulse could not be felt, was stimulated, and respiration grew stronger. kamran's doctor had already declared that none of the wounds were in themselves dangerous, but that he despaired of the patient recovering. pottinger, however, by no means despaired; he procured some fresh meat, and ordered a servant to make the strongest broth possible, and to pour a spoonful between the patient's lips every few minutes. angus was wrapped in warm blankets, and a large bottle of hot water placed against his feet. the wounds had already been carefully dressed and bandaged by the surgeon, for although almost entirely ignorant as to the use of drugs, afghan doctors had abundant practice in the treatment of wounds. pottinger remained two or three hours, and then, seeing that angus was breathing regularly though feebly, and that the pulse could now be felt at the wrist, hurried off to see that the work of repairing the breach had been taken in hand, kajar's wife undertaking to look after the patient. for a week the issue of the struggle was doubtful; then the improvement, although slow, was distinct, and day by day some slight advance was made. the ladies of kamran's zenana were much interested in the young englishman, and frequently sent down presents of fruit and perfumes. both were welcome. the air of herat was very unfavourable to wounds, but a little scent sprinkled on a muslin curtain drawn across the window to some extent neutralized the terrible stenches of the town, and a handkerchief steeped in water to which a little of the perfume had been added, was laid lightly over the bandages. in three weeks angus was able to sit up for a time, and a week later he walked across the room. his progress was now more rapid, and by the end of july he was able to sit on a donkey as far as the city wall, where he could breathe a purer air than that of the city, and by the end of august he could walk freely about the town. but he was listless and without energy. it was now certain that in a very short time the persians would draw off. "you must be out of this as soon as you can, angus," pottinger said to him one evening. "what you want is some mountain air. you will never get better as long as you remain in this pestilential atmosphere. it is enough to kill a healthy dog, and i only wonder that the whole population has not been swept away. when m'neill was here, he told me that if our people interfered and herat was saved he should appoint me officially as the british resident envoy. he said that he was sure the british government would send money and do all that was possible to alleviate the misery that has been suffered by the inhabitants; and although i would infinitely rather have other employment, it seems to me that it is clearly my duty to stay here. it is largely owing to me that these poor people have suffered for ten months the horrors of the siege, and the least i can do is to help them now, for if i did not you may be sure that any money sent by england would simply remain in the coffers of kamran and the wuzeer. it is said, and i quite believe it, that a large proportion of the money wrung by torture from these wretched people has been retained by yar mahomed. it is therefore absolutely necessary, if the people are to be fed, their houses rebuilt, and matters tided over till trade recovers, that a british officer be here to receive and superintend the distribution of british money. but the very day the gate is open you had better be off. you speak afghan now perfectly, and i am glad to see that azim has picked it up too. he is a capital fellow, and has watched over you since you have been ill as if you had been his father. the question is, do you feel strong enough to travel through the mountains? if not, there is nothing for it but for you to return to teheran and stay there till your strength is restored." angus shook his head. "i don't think that i could stand the journey across the plains," he said, "nor that i should pick up much at teheran, while i believe that in the hills i should soon get braced up. there is nothing really the matter with me now, except that i feel lazy. if there had been fighting going on, and there was something i must do, i should soon shake it off; but what with the sight of the misery of the people here, and the stinks, and the heat, i feel myself that i am making no progress. i believe i shall be a different man as soon as i am once out of this place and on my way to the hills. it will soon be getting cold up there, and in a fortnight i shall be fit for anything." "i think you are right, angus; i would give a good deal myself for a few hours in the fresh mountain air. i do think that you are strong enough to travel quietly. of course you will have to do so, as i did, in disguise; and indeed this will be much more necessary now than it was a year ago. it is well known that the chiefs at candahar have been long negotiating with persia, and have offered to place themselves under the shah's protection, and that, encouraged and pushed on by russia, they have meditated an invasion of india. the news of the failure here will no doubt moderate their ardour, but from all that has been learned from afghans who have come into the town during the siege, there is throughout the whole country a feeling of deep excitement at the prospect of another mohammedan invasion of india, and a conviction that the whole country would rise and join the persians were they to advance to candahar. "the afghans consider that russian influence really means persian influence, whereas we know that it is just the other way, and that russia only uses persia as her cat's-paw. as for the persians, we know now what they are worth, and that a british division would be sufficient to smash them up. but the afghans don't know that. they believe that persia is the persia of old, and that with her aid they could assuredly drive the british out of india. this being the state of feeling, your chance of getting through were it discovered that you were british would be small indeed. you must pass as a persian who, having long traded with herat, has learnt the afghan language. it would be a natural story that, finding that herat is ruined, and that there can be no trade between it and persia for a long time, you are travelling south with the intention of fixing yourself at candahar, and of trading between that town and india on the one side and persia on the other. you can account for your not having merchandise with you by saying that owing to the presence of the persian army, and marauders from herat, and the general disturbance of the country, it would not have been safe to travel with merchandise." "i will certainly carry out your plan," angus said. "i don't think there will be any difficulty in getting through. but i do wish that you were coming with me." "i hope it will not be very long before i follow you, for i think there will be some stirring work there soon." angus was well provided with money. he had received from mr. m'neill a sum that would not only cover all the expenses of his journey to herat, but would enable him either to return to teheran or proceed to india, as circumstances might determine. in addition to this, he had received a year's salary in recognition of the risk he incurred. he had this sum still in his possession. the money he had brought from tabriz he had left at the embassy, mr. m'neill promising to send an order for the amount should he write for it from india. chapter v in candahar on the 15th of september angus started, after a tearful farewell from his armenian friends. their gratitude to him and pottinger was unbounded. the presence and influence of their two english guests had preserved them from the rapacity and cruelty of the wuzeer, while all other merchants and traders in the town had been maltreated and robbed, and in many cases had died under the tortures inflicted to wring from them treasures it was believed they possessed. kajar and his brother and their families alone enjoyed an immunity from persecution. both had determined that they would leave herat, and taking with them their workmen, establish themselves at teheran or tabriz, where the profit of their work might be less, but they would at least be able to enjoy it in security, such as could never be hoped for as long as yar mahomed was the virtual ruler of herat. the period that had elapsed since angus left teheran had changed him much. he was no longer a boy, for he had been doing man's work. he was now nearly eighteen years old, and had attained his full height of nearly six feet. his illness had pulled him down much, and sharpened his features, and except for his lighter colour, he really more closely resembled an afghan than the persian trader he was dressed to represent. the pallor caused by his illness had been succeeded by a deep tan, caused by his passing so many hours daily in the sun during his convalescence. "i am glad to be out of herat," azim said, as he looked back at the walls. "so am i, azim. i thought at one time that i was never coming out at all." "it is a very bad place, master. in persia the governors squeeze the people a bit, and sometimes there is much grumbling, but the worst of them are very much better than yar mahomed, who is a son of sheitan, whom may allah confound." "he is a scoundrel," angus agreed heartily. "i wonder myself that the people of herat have not long since risen and torn him to pieces. i know that if i had been a merchant there i should have tried to stir them up to do it." azim shook his head. "they cannot trust each other, effendi. there are many who would like to do as you have said, but there are many who cannot trust their own neighbours." "then i would do it myself. look how many old men were tortured to death; some of them must have had sons. had my father been so tortured i would have lain in wait for the wuzeer day after day in some empty house--there are plenty of them in one of the streets by which he usually went from his palace to the walls--and as he rode past i would have put a bullet in his head. i would then have escaped from the back of the house if possible. no one would have seen who had fired the shot, and i should have been safe if once away. if i were overtaken i would put a pistol to my head, so as to avoid being tortured to death. i cannot understand thirty or forty thousand people continuing to support the rule of a tyrant, when one bold man could put an end to it." once on his way angus felt new life in his veins, and in a week he had entirely shaken off the feeling of lassitude that had oppressed him in the poisoned air of herat, and felt equal to any ordinary exertion. as he had expected, he met with no difficulties whatever on his way, for on the road between herat and candahar the afghans were accustomed to see persian traders passing, and no suspicion whatever was felt that angus and his attendant were other than they represented themselves to be. the journey was a long one, but angus did not hurry. it was pleasant to him, after being for a year cooped up in the besieged city, to travel quietly in the fresh mountain air. the scenery was all new to him, and though azim felt the cold a good deal, angus enjoyed it immensely. he made short stages, and never exceeded twenty miles a day, and often, when he arrived at a village which offered fair accommodation, he was content to stay when only fourteen or fifteen had been traversed. as this was the great high-road of trade there were khans in almost every village, and there was no difficulty in purchasing the necessaries of life. everywhere the talk was of war. once beyond the territory over which shah mahomed ruled, the news that the persians had failed to take herat and had retired had excited regret. it had been regarded as certain that the place would fall, and all had anticipated the march of a persian and russian army to candahar, to be followed by a grand invasion of india. the mountaineers had felt sure that the army would gladly pay whatever was demanded for permission to pass unmolested; that they would be ready to pay high prices for provisions and the hire of transport animals, so that they would enrich themselves in the first place, and then have a chance of sharing in the plunder of india, and the destruction of the infidels. angus was appealed to by all with whom he conversed to explain how it was that the shah with his great army had failed to take herat. he was eagerly questioned, too, with regard to russia, a country of which they had heard many strange rumours. were they very strong? were they really in alliance with persia? were they infidels? if so, how was it that the shah was friendly with them? to the first of these questions angus could only reply that, not having been in the persian camp, he was unable to give them information. there were certainly russian generals and officers leading the persians at the siege of herat. they were infidels, and neighbours of the persians. for himself, he thought that while no doubt the shah wished to be at peace with such powerful neighbours, he would be wise not to trust them very far. he could not really wish for them to become more powerful, and if they aided him, it could only be for their own objects. as a peaceful man he himself only desired to trade, and left these matters to wiser heads. but at the same time he knew that russia was constantly extending its dominions at the expense of its neighbours; and that, as it was a christian country, it certainly could not be thinking of invading india for the benefit of the mohammedans of that country, or those of afghanistan--certainly not those of persia. whatever the shah and the military officers might think, the trading classes were uneasy at the influence that russia was gaining, and apprehensive of the growing power and proximity of a neighbour possessed of such immense forces, and of ambitious views. two months after leaving herat angus entered candahar. the journey had been wholly without any incident of importance. the appearance of candahar somewhat resembled that of herat. situated in a fertile plain, with a range of craggy hills at no great distance, and surrounded by a wall, it was incapable of offering any prolonged resistance to the attack of a european force provided with siege artillery. the town was a comparatively modern one, being founded in 1754 on the site of an ancient city. it was built on a regular plan, the streets all crossing each other at right angles. like herat, it had four principal streets meeting in the centre, each of these 150 feet wide, and lined with shops. streams of water ran down almost every street. the town made a very favourable impression on angus after the ruin and dirt of herat. as a persian he felt at home here, for persian inscriptions and names met his eye everywhere, as throughout afghanistan the whole of the trade is carried on by persians or by natives of india, the afghans themselves deeming the profession of arms the only one honourable. the upper classes among them all habitually spoke persian; which language was generally employed in writing and in all official communications. angus put up at a khan which he learned was frequented by traders passing through the city, and soon made the acquaintance of several merchants lodging there. from them he learned much more of the state of affairs than he had gathered in the afghan villages he had passed through on the journey. the english were, it was said, gathering a great army in scinde with the intention of placing shah soojah on the throne of afghanistan instead of dost mahomed. of all the blunders that have been committed from the time of our first arrival in india, none is comparable, in point of injustice, hopeless blundering, or misfortune, to the policy thus inaugurated in afghanistan. shah soojah was the head of the dooranee tribe, and had been overthrown by the barukzyes, who had gradually attained a power which the dooranee monarch was unable to withstand. the four princes of that tribe divided the kingdom between themselves, and after waging many wars against each other dost mahomed, the youngest of the four brothers, became ruler of cabul. during these wars peshawur had been captured by the great sikh ruler, runjeet sing. in 1834 shah soojah made an effort to recover his kingdom, but was defeated, and again became a fugitive in british india. dost mahomed, alarmed at the preparations made by the sikhs for still further dismembering his country, and by the fact that his two brothers, who were lords of candahar, might at any moment take advantage of his troubles with the sikhs to throw off his authority altogether, was anxious to enter into an alliance with the british, all the more so as he had learned of the ever-increasing influence of russia in persia. lord auckland sent captain burnes to cabul; nominally his purpose was to arrange for a larger commercial intercourse between the two countries. he was received with great honour in cabul, but he had come altogether unprovided with the customary presents, and dost mahomed reasonably felt this as a studied slight. nevertheless he exerted himself to the utmost to obtain the alliance of the british. but burnes had no authority whatever to treat with him, and could give him no assurances that aid would be forthcoming if, on the fall of herat, which was considered certain, the persians and russians, aided by the candahar chiefs, who were known to be in correspondence with them, were to invade his territory. nor could he obtain any promise that the british would use their influence with runjeet sing to restore peshawur. burnes saw how sincere was the desire of the ameer for a close friendship with england, and wrote strongly to lord auckland in favour of an alliance with him. he pointed out that dost mahomed was firmly seated at cabul, where he had reigned for ten years, that shah soojah had no adherents, and even if placed on the throne could not maintain himself there. colonel pottinger, the resident in scinde, also gave the same advice, but lord auckland paid no attention whatever to their representations. a weak man, he was guided chiefly by mr. macnaghten, his secretary, a comparatively young man, with great ambition and an unbounded belief in himself, but, as events proved, with few of the qualities required in a man placed in a highly responsible and difficult position in india. burnes was instructed to insist upon the ameer's binding himself to make no alliances whatever without the consent of england, and at the same time he was to refuse to give any pledges in return for such a concession. a more preposterous demand was never made upon an independent sovereign. for a long time the ameer strove in vain to obtain some sort of conditions, and at length, finding this hopeless, he threw himself into the arms of the russian agent, whom he had hitherto treated with great coldness. burnes's position became intolerable, and he was recalled; and lord auckland at once prepared to place shah soojah on the throne by force. runjeet sing was asked to join in the undertaking, and at a great durbar held in the punjaub, the conditions were arranged, under which shah soojah was to pay a large amount to runjeet as well as to the british for the aid they were to give him. as if it was not enough to have united all afghanistan against us, the people of scinde, who had hitherto been on good terms with us, were treated as if they were enemies. they were ordered to furnish provisions and carriage for the army, and to pay large sums of money, although they had, by the terms of a treaty with us, been guaranteed against any claim whatever for money or services. it would seem, indeed, that lord auckland and mr. macnaghten had neglected no step whatever that could ensure the failure of their enterprise. when, after the war, the papers relating to the policy that had occasioned it were published in the form of a blue-book, it is significant that the passages in the letters of burnes and pottinger remonstrating against the course proposed by lord auckland were suppressed, dishonesty being thus added to the terrible blunders of the weakest and most obstinate of the governor-generals of india--blunders that caused not only the utter destruction of a british army, but led to an almost equally unjust war for the conquest of scinde. as far as angus could learn the candahar princes were making no preparations whatever to take part in the war. the general idea was that they would gladly see dost mahomed overthrown and shah soojah placed on the throne, feeling certain that the latter would not be able to retain his position, and that they would have a far better chance of becoming masters of the whole of afghanistan then than they could have so long as their brother remained on the throne. three days after his arrival an officer from the palace called upon angus and requested him to accompany him there, as the princes wished to question him as to the reasons for the persians retiring from before herat. on arriving at the palace he was shown into a small chamber, where kihur-el-khan, with two of his brothers, was sitting. "i have heard that you have arrived here, and that you passed by herat just as your shah had left with his army." "that is so, prince," angus said, bowing deeply. "you have come hither for purposes of trade? from what city do you come?" "from tabriz. i represent one of the largest merchants there." and he mentioned the name of a well-known trader. "when i left it was considered certain that herat would speedily be captured, and that the shah would move forward here, having, it was said, entered into an alliance with you. 'therefore,' my patron said to me, 'go you to candahar. doubtless, in future, trade with northern india will go by that route instead of by sea, and candahar will be a mighty centre of trade. therefore go and see for yourself what are the prospects, and the price at which goods can be carried from the present frontier to that city and thence into scinde. find out for me whether there are any hindrances to trade along the road, what are the charges for permission to travel through the passes held by various tribes, and the disposition of the people towards traders.'" "how was it that you did not turn back when you found that your army was retiring without having captured herat?" "i thought it best still to go on as i had come so far," angus replied. "the shah, it is true, was retiring, but he might return in the spring; and i could not doubt that with your powerful friendship he would the next time succeed, and the information that i should gain would enable my patron to send off without delay a large caravan of merchandise if he found it expedient to do so." "were you in the persian camp?" "no, your highness. an army when it is retiring is best avoided by peaceful men. when all goes well the camp officers see that traders are not meddled with by the soldiers, but when things are not going favourably and there is discontent in camp, discipline is relaxed, and it is useless for those who are robbed or maltreated to make complaints." "that is no doubt true, but doubtless you heard a good deal from those who have been in the camp. how did men say it was that they failed to capture herat, which is but a weak town?" "some say one thing and some another, your highness. some declare that had it not been for a british officer who happened to be there the place would have fallen in a very short time. others say that it could have been taken easily had all the persian generals been of one mind, but that each acted for himself, and that only once did all attack at the same time." the prince nodded. he had seen very many times the evil of divided counsels, and knew how necessary it was that there should be a strong leader who could make himself obeyed by all. "and what do people say about the russians? we know that they had officers there. we hear that they are a great people, and are good friends with persians." "opinions are divided, prince. there are those who believe that their friendship will indeed be a great advantage to persia. there are others, especially among the trading class, who think otherwise, and believe that russia is too strong to be a real friend, and that it would be far better to maintain a close alliance with england, which would support them against russia, and which lies so far away across the seas that it could gain nothing by meddling in her affairs or taking her territory." "but it is reported that it is the english who have now interfered and have saved herat, and are sending a fleet and an army to compel persia to desist." "that is what was reported and generally believed, prince, but i cannot say how truly; i merely heard the common talk on the way." "but why should england have interfered? what does it matter to them whether herat belongs to persia or to the suddozye, prince kamran." "according to the opinion of the traders in tabriz, england would not have cared at all had persia been strong and been fighting only for the conquest of herat, but it was known that england regards with great jealousy the approach of russia to india, and considers that as persia was certainly acting under the influence of russia, it was the latter who would be the real masters of herat, and not the persians. then, too, it was said--though we know that rumour often lies--that russia and persia had many friends in afghanistan, and that the conquest of herat would only be the first step to further advances south." kihur-el-khan frowned. such an undertaking had certainly been made by him and his brothers, but the retreat of the persians from herat at the dictation of the english, and the fact that the latter were now gathering an army with the avowed purpose of placing shah soojah on the throne of afghanistan, gravely altered the position. they had no love for their brother, and had a british force advanced through the khyber passes to cabul, and placed shah soojah on the throne, they would certainly have rendered no assistance to dost mahomed, for they felt sure that soojah would not be able to maintain himself, and saw that there was a good chance that in the confusion which would prevail, they themselves might obtain the mastery of cabul. but as the english army was evidently intending to advance through the bolan pass, it would probably in the first place march on candahar, and they themselves would, in consequence of their intrigues with persia and russia, be regarded as enemies. he was therefore silent for a minute or two, and then said: "if the shah has retired because he is afraid of the english, he will not venture to send another army to aid us against them." "i do not think that he could do so. his army suffered very heavily." "i hear that you speak the language of our country. how is that?" the afghan asked suddenly. "i do not speak it well, your highness," replied angus, who had thought is possible that this question might be asked him. "having known for some time that i should make this journey hither, i studied for a time with a slave who had been bought by a merchant of my employer's acquaintance, who had himself bought him from the turkomans in a journey that he made in their country. but i speak it only well enough to make my way through the country, and to obtain such necessaries as may be required on the journey, and to converse in some fashion with such travellers as i might meet on the road or in the khans." "it was reported to me that you spoke so that all could understand you," he said. "it was this that seemed strange to me that you, a persian, should speak pushtoo. i will speak to you further another day." as angus returned to the khan, he felt that he was an object of suspicion. up to the point when the prince had sharply and suddenly asked how he came to speak pushtoo, his bland manner had led him to believe that he had been simply desirous of obtaining the last news from the frontier. but this showed him unmistakably that the prince had learned something which had excited his suspicions that he was there either as an emissary from kamran, or of russia or persia, desirous of ascertaining the position of affairs at candahar, the forces at the disposal of the princes, and the feeling among the people in general with reference to a protectorate, or occupation by one or other of those powers. angus knew the naturally suspicious character of eastern princes. in persia no one ever ventured to discuss any public affairs openly. in herat, hated as kamran and yar mahomed were, no one dared breathe a word of aught but adulation, for the slightest suspicion of disloyalty sufficed to bring about the ruin and death of the unfortunate man on whom it fell. the last words of the prince were in fact a sentence of imprisonment to the city for an indefinite time. the prince might not send for him again for months. but the mere intimation that he would do so was sufficient. he could not continue his journey without running the risk of being pursued and brought back again, in which case he might first be tortured to extract any secret he might possess, and then be put to death. he might, for aught he knew, be already spied upon, and everything that he said or did reported. consequently, when he reached the khan, he took care to evince no appearance of thoughtfulness or uneasiness, but chatted with the traders there upon commercial matters, respecting the advantages of cabul and candahar as trading centres, the amount of the taxes laid upon goods in the two cities, and other topics that would naturally be of interest to a merchant intending to establish himself in afghanistan. he was under no uneasiness as to azim. he had instructed him carefully in the account he should give of himself, the city from which he came, the merchants whose agent he was, the route he had followed, and other similar matters, so that their stories should correspond in all respects. when all had lain down for the night, angus was able to think over quietly what was to be done. as to remaining where he was, it was clearly out of the question. for aught he knew, the british force said to be gathering to advance on cabul might be months before it was put in motion, or the expedition might be abandoned altogether. even if the advance was made, it might not pass through candahar, and he might be detained in that city for an indefinite time. it was evident, therefore, that he must somehow escape. the question was how this could be managed. what disguise could he adopt, and how could he evade the vigilance of those who were watching him? the matter was rendered all the more difficult by the fact that there were practically but two roads open to him, that through the kojak pass to quettah, and that to the north-east through kelat-i-ghilzye and ghuznee to cabul. if he moved off either of these regular lines of traffic he would be unable to give any reason for his divergence, and in any case would be subject to plunder. even on these roads it was only as a travelling merchant he would be respected, and as a travelling merchant he would be quickly overtaken by the prince's followers. think as he would, no plan occurred to him, and he at last went to sleep determining to consult azim, in whose sharpness he had much faith. in the morning, accordingly, as soon as he was up, he sauntered across the yard to where the boy was watching the horses feed, and preventing other less fortunate animals from robbing them. "azim," he said, "the princes have their suspicions of me, and have as much as ordered me not to leave the town; try and think over some manner in which we may get away, and if overtaken may not be recognized. i do not wish to talk with you now, because for aught we know a spy may be at present watching us, but at mid-day i will come out and speak to you again. in the meantime think it over. now, when the horses have done feeding, take your basket, go into the bazaar, and buy food for our dinner, so that anyone who may be watching us may suppose that i have merely been giving you orders what to purchase." he then went out into the town, and spent the morning looking into the shops, and asking questions as to the prices of the goods, so that he might appear to be ascertaining what profits would be made. he also went to several shops which happened to be untenanted, asked the rent, and made enquiries about the accommodation. at dinner-time he went over to where azim was squatting, attending to two earthenware pots that were simmering over a small charcoal fire, which he was fanning to keep it going. "i can think of nothing, master." "then to-night, azim, after everyone is asleep, get up quietly and go round to the back of the khan. i will join you there, and we will talk it over together. do not be surprised if i keep you waiting some time. some of these people may sit up late talking. i cannot move till all are asleep. it is quite possible that someone who is lodging at the khan may be watching us." it was indeed late before the talk ceased and all lay down to sleep. angus waited for another hour and then got up quietly and went out. two minutes later he joined azim. "well, lad, have you thought of any plan yet?" "nothing, master; unless we leave our animals and goods behind us." "that we could do," angus said. "i can get rid of the goods to-morrow. why leave the animals?" "because, sir, they will be looking for a man with a fair complexion, and a boy, mounted on horses." "that is so; but if we left the horses behind us and walked it would be just as bad." "i did not think of walking, master. i thought that perhaps you might buy a camel and go on that." "that would be better certainly, azim. we might both darken our faces, and in my afghan dress might make our way easily enough, if it were not that we should be hotly pursued, and then a man and boy, however they were dressed, or however they were travelling, would be sure to be closely examined. i have it!" he said after a pause. "you might go as a woman; well wrapped up, little more than your eyes would be seen. you might ride on the camel, and i might lead it. in that way we might pass as natives of some village among the hills. the first difficulty, however, is how to buy a camel. i have my afghan dress, and, if i were sure that i was not watched, could get to some quiet spot, change my persian dress for it, and go boldly into a shop and buy a woman's clothes for you; i could then go down into the quarter where the tribesmen encamp and buy a camel. but if i were caught doing so, it would be almost proof positive that i was going to try to leave the city, and in that case i should no doubt be arrested and thrown into prison at once." "we might steal one," azim suggested. "there are many always grazing outside the wall while their masters are here doing their business." "yes, but they have not saddles. however, i will think it over, azim. your idea about having a camel has certainly shown me a way in which we can get away if it is managed well, and i ought to be able to find some plan by which we can carry it out. it is of no use talking any longer over it, there is no hurry for a day or two; and the longer i appear to be really engaged in looking for a place of business, the more careless the watch may become." angus did not go to sleep that night, but thinking the situation over in every way decided that the first step to be taken was to ascertain for certain whether they were watched. if they were not, the matter would be comparatively easy, but if his every movement were followed, he could see no way out of the difficulty. when he paid his usual visit to azim in the morning, he said: "i want to find out if i am followed. i will walk straight along this street towards the southern gate. when i get to the last turning to the left, i will turn up it; then i shall be out of the crowd. do you keep a good long way behind me. i shall go on for some distance, and then mount the wall and walk along there, looking over the country. i want you to observe if any man follows me. you must be so far off that even if he looks round he will not recognize you. i don't want you to find out this time who he is, we can do that later on; i only want to know if i am followed. each time i turn a corner he is likely to look round before he turns, so when you see him getting near a corner that i have turned, hide yourself if you can." "i understand, master." accordingly, when half an hour later angus came out, the lad waited for a time, and then followed him. his master was out of sight, and azim walked quickly till he saw him looking as usual into one of the shops, and then dropped behind again and followed slowly until angus turned off the street that he had named. azim walked still more slowly, and on reaching the corner saw him a considerable distance ahead. there were but a few people about, for beyond the four principal streets were many large open spaces dotted here and there with ruined walls of houses that had stood there at the time when the city was far more populous than it was at present. angus was walking at a steady pace, as if he had some definite object in view, and of the various people in sight only one, who was about half way between him and azim, was walking at anything like the same rate. a hundred yards farther angus turned to the right. azim kept on until he saw the man he was watching was close to that point; he then stepped aside into an empty piece of ground between two houses. half a minute later he looked out; the man was no longer visible. he walked on fast until he reached the corner, and saw the man again turn off after angus. they were near the wall now, and the boy went forward with greater caution than before. when he got to where he had last seen his master, he caught sight of him on the wall some fifty yards away. the man who had been following him had stopped at a low wall, and over it was watching angus furtively. that settled the point, and azim at once returned to the khan. it was an hour later before angus came in. he did not pay any attention to azim, but went in and engaged in talk as usual with some of the occupants. it was an hour before he came out to the yard. "well, lad?" he asked. "you were watched, master. a man followed you all the way, and hid behind a wall to watch you when you went on the wall. i thought at the time that i might have crept up to him and stabbed him if i had wanted to, but of course i would not without your orders." "no, that would not have done at all till we are ready to go; and i don't like stabbing anyhow. still, i will think it over. come round again to the same meeting-place to-night; by that time i shall have decided what to do." chapter vi an escape "i think, azim," angus said, when they met that night "you must buy some clothes for yourself. you may be pretty sure that no one is watching you. you must not get them at any shop in the main street, because there are always passers-by who stop and listen to the bargains made; but there are some by-streets where there are a few shops. of course you will go into a persian's. if you give a fair price--not too high, you know, so as to seem too anxious to buy--i don't suppose he will trouble much what you may want them for. you must make out some likely story--say, for example, that your master keeps a sharp look-out over you, and that you want to be able to go out sometimes in such a dress that he would not know you if he met you. i don't know that that is a good excuse, but i am unable to think of a better one. all you will want will be a long white robe coming over the head and down to the eyebrows, and falling to the feet; and a white cloth coming across the face below the eyes, and falling down over the throat. there is no occasion to buy other garments. a rug torn asunder and wrapped round the waist, falling to the feet, so as to fill up the outside robe, is all that will be required. but the more i think of it, azim, the greater appears the difficulty about the camel; indeed, now that we have ascertained about this spy, it seems to me hardly possible to make a start without being pursued at once." azim nodded approvingly. "that is just what i think, master. but i could put a knife into him, and then all trouble would be over." "i don't like the idea of killing the man, azim." "you killed many men at herat." "that was in battle, which is a very different thing from stabbing a man to enable us to get away." azim shook his head. this was quite beyond him. "he is fighting against you now, master. if the princes find out that you are english they will put you in a dungeon and most likely kill you, and kill me too, so as to shut my mouth. this man is paid to act as a spy on you. why not kill him? thousands of people were killed or died at herat. i cannot understand why one man should not be killed, when we can perhaps get free away if he is dead." "if he found us escaping and attacked us, we could kill him, azim, but it is not an englishman's way to kill men, except in fight." azim shook his head. to his mind this was very foolish. "perhaps we might make him prisoner, azim." "where could we put him in prison?" azim enquired, with his eyes wide open in surprise. "i don't mean in a prison, azim, i mean in some empty house or some out-of-the-way place; we might tie his arms and legs and gag him." azim's eyes twinkled. "i see, master, you do not like to use a knife. good, we can bind and hide him. perhaps no one would come for a long time, may be a year, and, finding only a skeleton, would not bother about him. he would just say it was some fellow killed by robbers." "no, no, azim," angus said in a tone of horror. "i never thought of such a thing. no doubt someone would come along and let him out." "someone might come, master. he might come a few minutes after we had gone, then they would catch us at once. if someone did not come in an hour, why should he come in a week or a month?" angus was silent. "no, azim, you don't quite understand me. i meant that he should be gagged and bound after dark, and then be left in some place a little distance from the road, where he would not be seen till morning. then the first person who came along would turn aside and look at him, and he would be loosed, but we should have got twelve hours' start." "that would be a good plan, master. but how should we get the camel?" "in that case we should make a start without it, for we might ride fifty miles, perhaps a good deal more than that, before it would be discovered that we had gone. we could do that in our present dress, and then i could put on my afghan clothes and go into a village off the road and say that the horses were tired and that i wanted to go on, and so buy a camel." azim shook his head. "anyone who wanted to go on fast, master, would not buy a camel." angus uttered an exclamation of disgust, and azim struck another blow at his plan by saying, "how would you get the horses out, master? the gates are shut at dark. you could not tie up the spy till after the gates were shut, and in the morning he might be found, and we should be caught as we went out." "i am getting altogether stupid," angus said. "of course you are right; the horses could not be sent out beforehand, for if the spy saw them going out he would at once inform his employers, and i should be arrested. ah, i have an idea! that trader from scinde, who arrived here yesterday, was saying that as he intended to stay here for some time he would sell his horses if he could get a fair price for them. i might say that i would buy two of them, as they are better than mine, and as i wanted to travel fast, i would give him my two and some money for them. i dare say he would be willing to do that, as our horses would sell more easily than his. one can always sell a poor horse, while one might have to wait some time before finding a purchaser for a good one. i don't suppose really there is much difference in value between his and mine, and he would think he was making a good bargain. i should say that for certain reasons, which it would not be necessary to explain to him, it must be a part of the bargain that he should deliver them outside the city, and that one of his men should take them out during the day and wait for us at a spot we could agree upon." "that would be a capital plan, master." "then we will carry it out, azim." "shall i get the woman's dress?" "yes, you may as well do that. we may want all sorts of disguises before we get down. we need not talk any longer now; at any rate we certainly shall not try the plan to-morrow. we must not appear in any hurry with the trader, and there are several things we shall have to talk over when i have struck a bargain with him." the next night angus was able to inform his follower that he had made his arrangements with the scinde trader. "i am to buy his horses," he said, "and he will deliver them in the way i want. without saying it, he evidently understood that i wanted to get quietly out of the city to escape some trouble. he asked a very reasonable price, but he would have nothing to do with my horses. he said that if there should be any trouble about my leaving, the change of horses might be noticed. if he said he had bought them of me, and sold me two of his, he might get into trouble too. however, i afterwards talked to one of the other merchants, who was going away in a day or two, and told him that i might be kept here for a considerable time, and should therefore be glad to get rid of my horses. he said he would be glad to buy them, as he was taking down a number of heratee carpets and other things. so we struck a bargain at once, and he paid me the money and i gave him the receipt. "i said that you would continue to look after the horses as usual until we started, so that matter is quite arranged. the scinde man will keep the horses i have bought with his others till he sends them out through the gate. when he does so, he will put our saddles on them. now for our plans to-morrow. i shall go out as usual in the morning; the spy will of course follow me. while i am away make up our rugs and disguises and fasten them upon the saddles, and take these to the new horses, so that the trader's servant will put them on with the saddles and take them out with the horses before sunset. he is to stop at those three palm-trees that grow by the roadside a quarter of a mile out of the town. even if the spy is looking on as they go out of the yard, he will have no idea that i have anything to do with the horses. "when you have seen to that, you will buy twenty yards of rope for us to get down over the wall. i shall start at about four o'clock. i shall go exactly the same way as i did the last time you followed me. it is a very lonely part there. he is sure to watch me very closely, as he will wonder why i choose that way for my walks. i shall stay there for a bit, and shall lean over the wall as if i were calculating its depth and intended to make my escape there. he is sure to be intent on watching my movements, and will get up as close as he can. then is your time to steal up. do you think that you can do it without his hearing you? if not, i should think that a better plan will be for you to hide close to the way we shall come back. i shall not return till it is beginning to get dark, and he will probably keep closer to me than he would going, so as to better watch my movements. when he comes along you will spring out and knock him down, and i will, as you shout, run back to your assistance." "i shall not want any assistance, master," azim said confidently. "i am sure i am quite as strong as he is, and as i shall take him by surprise i shall have no difficulty in managing him." "don't use your sword, azim." "no, master, i will get a thick stick." "of course you will bring the rope with you, azim; the twenty yards will be ample to spare a length to tie him up with, and to reach to the ground from the top of the wall. you may as well put enough food for a couple of days in the saddle-bags, and a supply of grain for the horses, then we shall not have to stop to buy anything." the day passed quietly. azim bought the heaviest staff that he could find, and brought it back and stowed it away during his master's absence, as he did not think that the latter would approve of its weight. he considered his master's objection to his stabbing the spy to be a weakness which he was quite unable to understand. at four o'clock angus started, and a few minutes later the trader's servant led the two horses he had bought through the streets and out at the southern gate. azim waited till he saw him go, as there was no occasion for him to follow the spy closely, and indeed it had been arranged that he should not do so, lest the spy should this time notice him and perhaps take alarm. he therefore strolled leisurely along until he neared the spot where angus was standing on the wall. the spy had taken up his post nearer to him than before, and was evidently watching narrowly what he was doing. as he might turn round suddenly, azim seated himself behind a ruined hut within a couple of yards of the road, and there patiently waited until, as darkness fell, angus came along. "i am here, master," azim said. "take care of yourself," angus replied without stopping; "he will probably have pistols, and certainly a knife." "all right, master." azim stood up now grasping the heavy staff firmly in both hands. listening intently he heard a minute later a soft footstep, and the spy passed him keeping his eye fixedly on the figure ahead of him. azim sprang out, and swinging his staff round his head, brought it with all his strength against the back of the man's head, just below his turban. he fell without a sound. "he is down, master," the lad cried. angus, who had been listening for the sound of a struggle and had heard the blow, came running back. "why, it was almost like the sound of a pistol," he said, as he saw the motionless figure. "yes, master, i was obliged to hit him hard, because, as you said, he might have pistols." "you have stunned him," angus went on, going up to the prostrate figure. "now, cut off a length of that rope and we will tie him up securely." he tied the man's legs, and then turned him over. the inertness of the body struck him, and he placed his ear over his heart. "he is dead," he said. "he is not breathing, and his heart is not beating. you have hit him too hard." "well, i did hit him hard, master. it is a misfortune, but perhaps it is all for the best. undoubtedly it was allah's will that he should die." "well, it cannot be helped," angus said, "and undoubtedly it will make it safer for us. well, let us move on." "do you go on, master, and i will take his clothes off and drag him into this hut. he may lie there for months before anyone comes along and looks in." "very well, i will walk on to the wall; don't be long." five minutes later azim rejoined him carrying a bundle. "we do not want to be bothered with the clothes," angus said. "no, master; but if we left them there, they might be found to-morrow morning. someone might recognize the man by them, so i thought it would be better to carry them away with us for a few miles, and then throw them in some bushes. i have got his pistols and knife. he was well paid, master; he had ten gold pieces in his sash--here they are." "put them in your own pocket, azim. i do not want to have anything to do with them; they are your spoil." azim, who had no compunction in the matter, at once put the little bag into his sash. the rope was now fastened to the battlement, and they slid down. the wall was about forty feet high, and unprovided with a moat. they started at once for the place where the horses were to be waiting for them; a quarter of an hour's brisk walk took them there. angus made a present to the man in charge of them, who, while they were tightening the girths, at once wrapped himself in the blanket he had brought out and lay down to sleep till morning. [illustration: azim surprises the spy.] "we need not press the horses," angus said as they rode off. "we shall certainly have twelve hours' start, and i hope twenty-four. it all depends on how often the man reports to his employer, who is no doubt an official at the palace. probably he goes once a day, though, as there has been nothing suspicious about our movements and no signs of any intention of leaving, he may have been ordered to go only every two or three days unless he has news to give. of course in that case we are all right; but if he reports every evening, how long a start we shall get depends entirely upon what sort of a man the official is. in any case, he would hardly give a thought to his spy not coming in this evening, but would suppose that i had been out till late. when he does not appear in the morning, if the official is of a suspicious nature he will enquire for the man, and when he is not found will send down to the khan to see if he is there, and to ascertain if things are going on as usual. "when the news is brought him that the man is not there, and that we have been out all night, he will become alarmed. he will go himself and question the traders there, and will doubtless ascertain that i have sold our horses. i don't suppose he will hear that we have bought others. the trader will see that there is going to be trouble about it, and is likely to hold his tongue and tell his servant to be silent on the subject; and as the official could have no reason for imagining that we should sell our horses and buy others, he will conclude that we have made our escape over the wall on foot. that is the report which he will probably make to the prince, and we may safely calculate that it will be afternoon before parties of horse are sent off in pursuit by the herat, ghuznee, and quettah roads, and will probably be instructed to enquire for two young persians on foot. they will lose time by stopping at every village to make enquiries, and after going forty or fifty miles will begin to feel sure that we have not come along that road, but have gone by one of the others, or perhaps hidden up in some village at a distance from the road. "they may have instructions to go as far as quettah; but suppose they get thirty miles before sunset--and they certainly won't get farther than that, as they will have to make enquiries, and will probably halt as soon as it gets dark,--we shall have a start of nearly sixty miles before morning, and will hide up and go on as soon as it is dark, and shall be another thirty or forty before they start next day; so we shall then be some sixty miles ahead of them and within from twenty to thirty from quettah. we will skirt round the town without going into it, and then make down the bolan pass. i don't think there is the least chance of any pursuit being kept up beyond quettah, and we can travel at our own pace down the pass. we shall have to lay in a good stock of provisions at the last village we pass before beginning to descend, and must travel at night, for otherwise we may be plundered by the tribesmen, who have the worst possible reputation." "how long is the pass, master?" "fifty-five miles long, mr. pottinger told me. he says that it is a frightful place. a river runs through it, and in the wet season anyone caught in it would be drowned, for in some places the sides are perpendicular, and the channel is only sixty or seventy feet wide. there are caves along there in which the tribesmen hide, and rush out and plunder, and often kill, travellers. we must get through in two nights, and must be extremely careful where we stop for the day, choosing some place where we can hide ourselves and our horses." "well, master," azim said after a pause, "if it is the will of allah that we are to get through, we shall; if not, not." "that is it, azim. i do not think that there is much fear of our lives. we know that travellers do use that pass. i believe they generally pay so much to one of the chiefs of the tribesmen, and we will do the same if, on arriving at the top of the pass, we find that we can arrange it. we shall want money to take us from dadur across the plain to the indus. it is a barren and desolate country, and we shall have to buy some supplies at dadur. coming down without merchandise, the tribesmen will make sure that we have money, as we should naturally have sold the goods we brought from persia at candahar, and must intend buying a fresh stock in india. therefore, you may be sure, that if captured we should be stripped of every penny we have about us." they rode for eight hours, and reckoned that they had made some fifty miles. they gave the horses a good feed and lay down until daylight, for they were now at the foot of the kojuk, a gorge so steep and difficult that it could not be passed at night. just as they were starting, three tribesmen rode up, and in the name of the local chief demanded two gold tomauns, one for each horse and rider, as tribute for a free passage. as the money was paid without question, they rode off without giving further trouble. the passage was long and difficult, and in many cases they had to lead their horses. once through, they allowed the animals another hour's rest and a feed, and then mounting, rode on briskly again. a few miles farther on they halted in a clump of trees, and slept until nightfall, and then rode another twenty miles. as speed was of less consequence than keeping their horses in fair condition, they turned off at a little stream, followed it for half a mile up, and then halted in a dip through which it ran. here there was good grass for the horses. they remained for the rest of that day, and until within three hours of daybreak next morning. as angus had calculated, they saw at sunrise the mud fort and town of quettah standing on its rocky eminence. they made a detour, and came down upon the road again round the town, and then rode briskly down the shawl valley. the country round was rich and fertile, and dotted with villages, orchards, and vineyards. they stopped late in the afternoon at a village near the entrance to the pass. two armed men came out from a hut as they drew up. the leader said, "our chief is master of the pass, travellers find it wise to pay for right of passage." "that we are ready to do," angus said. "but does your chief guarantee that we shall go unmolested down to dadur?" "the chief cannot guarantee that, he can only guarantee you from hurt or damage from his people. he is lord of the eastern side of the pass, but there are others--men of no account, and who own no chief--among the mountains to the west. they sometimes waylay travellers. our chief punishes them when he can do so; but it is seldom that he is able to catch them. he does all that he can, for he wishes well to traders and others who pass along, for when ill happens to them others are afraid to pass, and he loses his tribute. when a large caravan comes up, and is able to pay handsomely, he furnishes an escort of twenty men or more; but he will not send less than twenty, for a smaller party might not be able to defend the caravan, and he would suffer loss of honour from failing to give protection to those to whom he guaranteed it." "we cannot afford to pay for an escort of twenty men, and have but little to be robbed of, for you see we carry no merchandise, having disposed of what we bought at herat and candahar, and sent the proceeds by sure hands back to persia." as their attire gave no signs of their being men of substance, the tribesman said: "in that case you will only have to pay one tomaun each; that is the price for a man and horse, and the same for each camelor horse-load of goods; that is the regular toll." "that we can pay. as to the brigands you speak of, we must take our chance." he handed the money to the man, who in return gave him a little white-and-red flag, which he was to show should he encounter any of his tribesmen. they stopped here all day, and purchased food for their journey. "i should think it would be a very good thing, azim," angus said in the afternoon, "if we could engage a guide. we might break our necks making our way down here in the dark. i will speak to those two fellows. i suppose they are on duty here, and cannot go themselves, but there may be others of the tribe in the village; or, if not, some of the people here may be accustomed to going down the pass with caravans." angus went to the hut occupied by the two tribesmen and called them out. "we are intending to travel at night," he said, after offering them a packet of tobacco. "in that way we may escape being seen by these brigands." "it will be almost impossible for you to go at night--quite impossible without a guide." "that is what we came to you about. are there any of your tribe who would act as a guide for us? how long would it take us?" "it would take you four nights' journey. you could do it in two stages if your horses are sure-footed and you travelled in the day, but at night it would take four at least. how much would you be willing to pay?" "how much would be charged?" angus said quietly. "you should have two men," the man answered, "two men who know the pass well. yakoob and i could go with you. we have been here six days, and two others will come to take our places and collect tolls to-morrow, so we shall be free. we know every foot of the pass, having travelled up and down it scores of times. we cannot guarantee your safety, but you would have a better chance with us than with others. we will take you into dadur. we do not promise to fight; when twenty attack four, fighting is foolish. we have our horses; there are parts where the pass opens out and the bottom is level." "well, how much would you charge?" the two men talked together in an undertone, and then the one who had before spoken turned again to angus. "we would take you for three gold pieces each." "it is a large sum," angus said; "but as i hear in the village that it is not safe to go unless with a large caravan, and that it might be three weeks or a month before a sufficiently large number of travellers arrive, we will pay you that." "it is a bargain, then," the man said. "we had best start at four o'clock; the descent here is very steep, and it is not overlooked from the hills to the west. therefore, we can go down there by daylight, and then rest our horses for an hour and move forward again when it is quite dark. you had better buy four black blankets, to cut up and tie round the horses' feet, so that when we are passing the bad points, where the brigands generally lurk, no noise will be made in climbing over the boulders or slipping on smooth rocks. it will be necessary, of course, to get food for us all and for the horses." "i will buy that to-morrow," angus said. "i suppose it would be of no use taking torches?" "you might take some," the man said. "in some places the rocks are so steep that no one could look down from above, and at these points there are no caves where the thieves would be hiding, and we should certainly get on a good deal faster with torches." "i will take some then. have you ever been through by night before?" the man shook his head. "we have not. it is seldom attempted; but it is because you are willing to travel so that we are ready to accompany you, for the brigands would expect no one at that time, and will most likely be asleep." "then, if we are attacked we must be taken prisoners?" "no," the man said; "there are many places where the hills can be ascended by men who know them. should we be attacked near one of these spots we must leave our horses and fly; that is what we should do, and what i should advise you to do also. a man's life is worth more than a horse and saddle. of course in the daytime there would be no escape in that way, for they would bring us down with their matchlocks; but at night we could elude them, and if they did follow us we could defend ourselves, taking shelter and shooting them as they came up." "well, it is a satisfaction, anyhow," angus said, "that there would be a chance for us. our horses are good beasts, but we value our lives more." "i think they are honest fellows," he went on after telling azim the substance of his conversation with the tribesmen. "they say that the afghans have a treacherous disposition, but i believe these men can be trusted to keep their engagements. they did not exaggerate the difficulties of the journey as some would have done, nor did they pretend that they would join in a hopeless fight. in fact, although of course the actual difficulties of the journey would be very much greater in the dark than in daylight, they evidently considered that the danger from the other tribesmen would be by no means great." it was, however, a terrible journey, and angus felt that without the guidance of the tribesmen it would have been an impossible one. they knew exactly where the river was fordable, and on which side the pass was most free from great boulders and obstruction, and where torches could be safely used. but at times progress was terribly slow, their horses having to pick their way among rocks and boulders, and taking more than an hour to cover a mile. at other times they were able to go at a brisk walk, and even break into a trot. whenever they neared spots where the caves frequented by the robbers were situated, the horses' feet were muffled, and they were led with the greatest care. it was indeed comparatively seldom that the riders mounted; where it was dangerous to have torches, they walked along by the side of their horses, allowing the animals to pick their own way, which they were able to do better than they could have done if led. the horses angus had bought having made the ascent of the pass were to some extent accustomed to the work, and not having to carry the weight of the riders were able, save in exceptional places, to get along more easily than angus and azim were able to do. both of these had many falls, and would have had many more had not their guides at such times stood close beside them and rendered them assistance, often warning them of obstacles of which they themselves were unable to make out the faintest outline. several times they saw the glow of fires burning in the caverns. at such points the strictest silence was observed. they had purchased afghan shoes at the village, and round these had wound strips of thick woollen stuff like felt, so that their steps were as noiseless as those of the horses. the stirrups were fastened over the animals' backs so as to avoid contact with rocks; and any slight sound that might be made was to a great extent drowned by the murmur and rattle of the rapid stream. the long halts during the daytime were made at points, carefully chosen by the guides, at the foot of precipitous rocks. fragments that had fallen from above formed a bank at a short distance from the foot, the greater part of the rocks having bounded outwards with the impetus of their fall. between the bank and the cliff there was a depression partly filled with splinters of rock. it was, however, considerably lower than the bank, and the men and horses stationed in it were hid alike from observation from above and from the eye of those passing along the valley. here they slept on beds composed of their saddles and rugs laid on the rough stones, their guides by turn keeping watch. as a whole they got on faster than the guides had anticipated, and were fairly down at the mouth of the pass at daybreak on the fourth morning after their start. here the tribesmen received their pay, angus adding another pound to the amount agreed on, for the care and assistance given. they waited two days at dadur to allow their horses rest. here they were fortunate in finding two men well acquainted with the road. they had so far guided a party who were proceeding up the pass to quettah, and as they were now returning, were glad enough to accept the offer of a couple of pounds to act as guides across the desert. in accordance with their advice two rough ponies were bought to carry water-skins and provisions, while smaller skins were to be taken on their own horses, as the country to be traversed was for a considerable distance a waterless desert. even this part of the journey would not be accomplished without danger, for the belooches of the district were to a man plunderers, and cared nothing for the authority of the khan of khelat. the distance from dadur to shikarpore is nearly a hundred and fifty miles across a flat and dreary country, almost unpopulated; but as they were unencumbered by baggage, and carried sufficient water for their wants and those of their horses, it was performed in seven days. at rojhan they came upon captain thompson, who was in command of a party which had gone forward to examine the state of the water-supply, and if necessary to sink more wells. he was surprised when a young persian trader addressed him in english, and informed him that he had just come through from herat. this was quite enough to assure a warm welcome, and the officer put him up for the night in his own tent and made him in all respects comfortable. after hearing something of the siege of herat, and of his journey, he asked anxiously as to the water-supply in the villages on the way to dadur. on hearing that few of them were much better supplied than rojhan he threw up his hands in despair. "two or three thousand natives ought to have been engaged," he said, "and a couple of hundred set to work to dig deep wells in these villages. a hundred wells would be little enough for the army, its horses and baggage animals, and its native followers. even when they are dug the water runs into them slowly. i have sent down my report from here. there are only three wells, one of which sir alexander burnes sank when he was here a week ago; the others contain such bad water as to be quite unfit for human use. i am really frightened at the thought of what will take place before the army gets to dadur. however, i hear that they will not advance for another month, and that some very energetic steps will be made to secure a water-supply before they come along." on the following day angus passed several working parties who were engaged under the superintendence of major leech, assistant to sir alexander burnes--for captain burnes had been knighted as a reward for his services in cabul. with the exception of these parties they scarcely encountered a human being on the way down, except in the miserable little villages which were situated where the soil permitted the cultivation of a scanty crop, which was for the most part cut when green and sold to passing travellers. angus was heartily glad when shikarpore came in sight. he had learned from captain thompson that shah soojah had arrived there with a native army which he had raised, that the bengal army under general cotton, which had marched down by the indus, was expected to arrive there in a day or two, and that the bombay army under sir john keane was but a few days behind. upon entering the town he was glad to see british uniforms in the street, and addressing in english the first officer he met, he found that the division of general cotton had arrived two days before. "i have just come from herat," angus said. "i left there after the siege was raised. i have some despatches from lieutenant pottinger, which should be given either to colonel pottinger or to sir alexander burnes." "burnes is here. i think that colonel pottinger is at sukkar, he was there a few days ago; you will find burnes at the head-quarters. he is the political officer and so forth of the army; but macnaghten is envoy and commissioner to soojah, and generally at the head of all political business." the army was encamped round the town, and angus had no difficulty in finding the quarters of sir alexander burnes. dismounting a short distance away, he left azim to look after the horses and went towards the tent. he was stopped by a sentry, who on learning that he wished to see sir alexander, called an attendant. the latter, coming up, took angus's name in, and reappearing at the entrance almost immediately, signed to him to enter. chapter vii in the service "i am glad to see you, mr. campbell," sir alexander burnes said as the lad entered his tent. "colonel pottinger was asking me only three or four days ago to keep a look-out for you. he had received a letter from his nephew saying that you were going to travel down _via_ candahar, and that he was afraid that you would not manage to get through. i myself received a letter from lieutenant pottinger speaking very highly of services that you had rendered, and i understand that both he and mr. m'neill, our minister in persia, spoke very favourably of you in their despatches to the governor-general. how have you got through?" "i had very little difficulty, sir, except that i was detained at candahar, and had to effect my escape secretly." and he gave a short account of his journey, and the manner in which he had escaped from candahar and avoided recapture. "you managed it very cleverly, mr. campbell. i will take you in at once to macnaghten, who is supreme here, for shah soojah is at present little more than a puppet. i have no doubt that he will be very glad to learn what is the feeling throughout the country as to shah soojah. i may tell you in confidence that i am convinced that a terrible blunder has been made in taking up his cause. i was, as you no doubt know, several months at cabul, and i am convinced that dost mahomed was sincere in his desire for our friendship, and that he can support himself against his brothers at candahar, who have, as we know, been intriguing with persia and russia. i have all along urged the indian government to give him warm support and to enter into a firm alliance with him. however, the governor-general and his advisers have taken the other view, and i have only to do my best to carry out their orders, although i have strongly represented my own opinion. "i do not think that government has any idea of the difficulties to be encountered. so far as fighting goes there is no doubt whatever that the afghans cannot stand against us, but the operation of feeding the troops and animals will be a troublesome one indeed. the heat will increase every day, and even the march up to quettah will present enormous difficulties, as you who have just descended the pass will readily understand; but the great problem will not be how to place shah soojah on the throne but how to maintain him there. i tell you this because macnaghten, who really knows nothing of the matter, is extremely sanguine. i warn you that it will be as well that you should not express any strong opinion against the enterprise. it is determined upon, and will be carried out, and without in any way shaking his opinion you would only set him against you and might seriously injure your own prospects. as it is, he has much to irritate him. there have already been serious troubles with the ameers of scinde, who have been treated in a very high-handed manner instead of being conciliated in every possible way. this alone has vastly added to the difficulty, by rendering it almost impossible to obtain carriage or provisions. "then he differs greatly from general cotton, who, since his arrival here two days ago, has shown himself an officer who has an immense opinion of his own dignity. as general in command he declines to take any orders, or indeed to listen to any advice, from macnaghten. this is certainly not macnaghten's fault, who, although, as i consider, mistaken in his opinions, is very conciliating in his manner, and would willingly avoid all friction, which can but be disadvantageous to the enterprise on which he has set his heart. cotton's transport is really insufficient for his own army; shah soojah has hardly any transport at all. cotton cares not in the slightest about the shah or the shah's army, and, to say the truth, they are of no great value. "macnaghten, however, attaches, and reasonably from his point of view, great importance to the fact that shah soojah should appear as arriving to claim his throne as an independent prince with his own army, supported by his allies the british, and not as a mere puppet forced upon the afghans by british bayonets; and he is therefore most anxious that he and his force should occupy as prominent a position as possible. it is as well for me to give you these hints as to the situation before you see macnaghten, and to warn you against speaking to him strongly of any hostile opinions as to shah soojah's chances that you may have gathered on your journey. when a man has an open mind it is well to give him both sides of the case, but when he has pledged his reputation and thrown himself heart and soul into one side of the case it is worse than useless to endeavour to turn him, especially when the die is cast and the day for drawing back is past. if my opinion, gathered from nine months' residence in cabul and almost daily interviews with dost mahomed, has been altogether unheeded, certainly yours, gathered in a passing trip through the country, would have no effect whatever beyond setting him against you." "thank you, sir, i will be careful; and indeed my opinion would in any case be of little value. i certainly conversed a good deal with the natives on my way from herat to candahar, but at that city i spoke only to persian merchants, and had no intercourse whatever on my way down, except with my guides in the bolan passes." "well we will call on him now," sir alexander burnes said, taking his cap. mr. macnaghten's tent was next to his own, and he at once took angus in with him. "i have come, mr. macnaghten, to introduce to you mr. angus campbell, who has just come down through candahar from herat. his name was, i know, very favourably mentioned both by lieutenant pottinger and mr. m'neill. he has brought down letters of introduction to me and colonel pottinger." "i know your name well, sir," macnaghten said. "mr. m'neill told us that you had been in his service, and had gone to herat on a mission to induce shah kamran to hold out to the last, and that when the siege was raised you had started from there with the intention of journeying down through afghanistan into scinde, in hopes of obtaining employment in some capacity where your knowledge of persian and arabic would be of service. i also understand, by lieutenant pottinger's last despatch, that you have learned pushtoo. the governor-general was very favourably impressed with these reports, and authorized me to employ you at once as one of the junior assistants. i should think, sir alexander, that you can employ mr. campbell to greater advantage than i can, as the work of making the arrangements for the advance of the army is in your hands." "i shall be very glad of an addition to my staff, for as we get on i foresee that the three officers who now assist me will be altogether insufficient; and the high terms in which mr. m'neill and lieutenant pottinger have written about him, and the fact that he has been able to travel about the country unsuspected, shows his fitness for such work." "you must understand, mr. campbell," macnaghten said, "i cannot guarantee that the position will be a permanent one, as all such appointments in the service must be confirmed by the court of directors; but i shall at once acquaint lord auckland of your arrival here and of your nomination, and i have no doubt that he will himself confirm it so far as this expedition continues, and will strongly recommend the court of directors that your appointment to the service shall be a permanent one, in view of your exceptional knowledge of persian and pushtoo." "i thank you very much indeed, sir, and will do my best to merit your good opinion." as angus left the tent with sir alexander burnes he said: "i am indeed obliged to you, sir. i had hoped that i might obtain an appointment of some sort, but i never hoped for one like this. it is the work, too, of all others that i should like, and you may rely on me to carry out your orders to the full extent of my power." "i have no doubt you will, mr. campbell. i am glad to have one of my officers speak pushtoo, for although both in scinde and afghanistan persian is the language most spoken by the upper classes, it is of no use with the peasants. in the work of digging wells, bargaining for fodder for the horses, and so forth, pushtoo will be very useful, for although it differs from the language of the belooches, it is near enough for them to understand it; and, of course, when we are once through the bolan it is the language of all the countrymen." "may i ask what dress it will be proper for me to wear?" "as it is a civil appointment you will not wear uniform, but either the ordinary civilian dress, or, if you like, a dress of oriental character. i generally dress so, and it certainly has its advantages, and favourably predisposes chiefs you may have to visit. a british uniform they understand, but a purely civilian dress is too simple for them, and does not convey any sense of importance." "very well, sir; i am glad that you have decided so. i have no civilian clothes with me, and should find it very difficult, if not impossible, to get them here." "your appointment will be a thousand rupees a month, so long as the campaign lasts; after that it would, of course, depend upon the future employment you might have. if you would like to draw a month's pay in advance you can do so." "no, thank you, sir; i am fairly provided with money." "i have four officers employed on similar duty, mr. campbell, i will introduce you to them at once; and you will, of course, mess with our party." major leech, the chief assistant, was away on duty, but the other three officers were at once sent for. "captain jones, captain arbuthnot, and lieutenant macgregor, i wish to introduce to you mr. campbell, whom i have just appointed as one of my political assistants. he has distinguished himself greatly under lieutenant pottinger throughout the siege of herat, and was previously an assistant to mr. m'neill, our ambassador at the court of persia. he speaks persian, arabic, and pushtoo, and has been specially recommended to the governor-general by mr. m'neill and pottinger. he has now made his way from herat through candahar, and the fact that he has done so safely shows that he knows how to use these languages to advantage." as lieutenant pottinger's gallant defence of herat was the theme of general admiration throughout india, angus could not have had a better introduction, and he was warmly received by the three officers, who at once took him away with them. "you will share my tent with me," lieutenant macgregor said. "i am alone at present. you have a horse, of course, and a servant, i suppose?" "i have a very fair horse, and an excellent servant, who is a young fellow, a persian, the son of a door-keeper at the embassy. he was with me through the siege, and i found him invaluable. he is a strong fellow, and has plenty of courage and shrewdness; i should never have got away out of candahar had it not been for his assistance. "sir alexander has advised me to get an eastern dress, as i cannot wear uniform; and i must see about that at once, for this persian dress would in any case have been out of place, and my journey down the bolan has ruined it altogether. but in the first place, i shall be obliged if you will tell me where my two horses are to be put up." "your horse will be picketed with ours in our tents; our servants' horses are in the line behind them. is that your man over there with the two horses? i will send an orderly to tell him to take them over and picket them. now, i suppose you want something to eat? we had tiffin an hour ago, but the servants can get something for you." "thank you; i will go down into the town. i had something before mounting this morning, and i own i should not care about going into the mess-tent till i have got something to wear a little more respectable than these clothes." "oh, that is nonsense. besides, you need not go into the mess-tent. i will order them to warm something up at once, and to bring it into my tent. we are all wanting to hear more about herat. the official despatches only give us bare facts." for the next two hours angus was fully occupied in relating his experiences of the siege to the three officers; after that he went down with azim to the town. there he bought for himself a dress such as would be worn by a native of some rank--a white turban, a blue tunic opening at the breast and showing a white cambric shirt, several white robes, and loose white linen trousers tightened in at the ankle. he bought a good supply of under-linen and a couple of pairs of native riding-boots. for azim he bought clothes appropriate to a retainer of a mohammedan gentleman. as he was unable to procure a camp bed of european make, he bought a native charpoy, which could be taken to pieces and conveniently carried. he had found that his fellow-officers had each three native servants--a butler or body servant, a syce for their riding horses, and a man who looked after and led on the line of march two baggage animals. he had no difficulty in engaging a syce, and let the question of the baggage animals stand over until next day. azim would, of course, act as his personal servant. the lad, who had during the past year become imbued with the spirit of adventure, was delighted to hear that his master was to accompany the army. he had, during his stay in herat, picked up the language, and could converse in it as fluently as angus himself was able to do; and although he had no pleasant recollections of the journey from candahar, he felt sure that it would be a very different affair when accompanying a british army. he expressed as much to his master, who said: "i should not make so sure of that, azim. we had no great difficulty in obtaining provisions for ourselves, but it will be a very different thing with an army of thousands of men, with an even larger number of camp followers and five or six thousand camels. except just round one of those little villages, we did not see a blade of grass from the time we left the shawl valley, and how the animals will exist till we get up to quettah i have no idea. once there no doubt we shall do fairly well, but we shall have a very bad time on the journey, unless i am mistaken. if i had the management of affairs, i should send off at once the whole of the camels with a sufficient escort as far as dadur. there they should leave the provisions and forage they took up, and return here to accompany the army with a further supply. no doubt it would cause a month's delay, but it would be better to do that than to lose half our baggage animals and to risk famine for the troops." "i believe," captain arbuthnot said when angus joined the others, "that ten days' supply are ready at dadur, and twenty days' supply at quettah." "certainly there were no supplies at dadur when i came through, but i know nothing about quettah," angus said; "still i think that if any supplies of consequence had been collected there i should have heard about it from the men who guided us through the pass." "there were no troops there, then?" "no, not the slightest sign of them, nor did we pass any on the march down from candahar; but of course the khan of khelat may have collected a great force of belooches, and if he did so, he would naturally keep them at khelat until he heard that the army was approaching, as it would be an immense deal of trouble to victual them in the pass." "i know that mr. macnaghten received news which induced him to believe that a large force would be likely to march down from candahar, and that the attitude of the princes was altogether hostile. it is on account of that news that we are going to advance in two or three days' time, instead of waiting for another three weeks for a larger stock of supplies to be collected. it was but ten days ago that the commissary-general sent off four thousand camels to bring up supplies from the rear. however, they will be useful for the bombay column which is coming up, as it is arranged that we shall collect transport and supplies for them. "therefore the decision has been taken to march at once, so that we can ascend the pass before the enemy send a sufficient force to hold it against us. no doubt the report that we were not going to leave here for another three weeks has been sent up to candahar. the prince is sure to have agents and spies here. we ought to be at the foot of the bolan before it is known in candahar that we have started. as to khelat, the khan has sent in assurances of his friendship, and i expect he will make himself safe by assuming neutrality; but the belooches are a warlike people, and born plunderers, and his authority is very slight, except in khelat and the district near it. we are sure to have trouble with the mountaineers, but beyond having to protect the convoy strongly, i do not suppose we shall have serious fighting with them. i expect that we shall be sent off to-morrow or next day to khelat and quettah, perhaps one of us may even go to candahar. i know that mr. macnaghten thinks that possibly the princes may not take an active part on dost mahomed's side. everyone knows that they have no great love for their brother; which is not surprising, for he, who is the youngest of the family, has managed to secure the sovereignty. besides, they would see that if they took up arms in his favour the whole brunt of the fighting would fall upon them, for cabul could render them no real assistance. they are very shifty gentlemen, and though they may make a show of force at first, it would probably be only for the purpose of securing advantageous terms for themselves." "i saw them when i was at candahar," angus said, "and they, or at least one of them, questioned me closely; but supposing me to be a persian just arrived from herat, he naturally said nothing about a british invasion. his great anxiety was to know what the intentions and power of russia and persia were. no doubt the plans that were formed were entirely disconcerted by the shah's retreat from before herat. i saw no signs whatever of any gatherings of the afghans, nor was the subject ever alluded to in the conversations i had with traders at the place where i lodged." at this moment a native officer came in and said that sir alexander desired to see captains arbuthnot and jones. as they buckled on their swords the latter said: "you have told us about herat, mr. campbell, and this evening i hope you will tell us about your journey down." when the officers returned angus found that arbuthnot was not mistaken as to the probable work they would have to perform, for he was to accompany major todd the next morning with an escort of cavalry for khelat. they were to see the khan and arrange with him for supplies to be sent to dadur. captain jones was to remain there to see that his promises were carried out, and arbuthnot, unless he learned that a force from candahar had arrived at quettah, was to go on there and see to the collection of grain and cattle. "a squadron of cavalry is going forward to-morrow morning, campbell. four hundred labourers are going with it, and you are to be in special charge of half of them. of course, they will have eight or ten headmen, but they will want looking after all the same. they are to dig wells at burshoree; the other half, under you, macgregor, are to do the same thing at meerpoor. it is a thousand pities it was not done before, for the army is to begin its advance the day after to-morrow. however, you will gain a couple of days on them, and that is something. if you meet major leech, who is at work improving the roads, you will, of course, report yourself to him, and he will doubtless be able to advise you as to the best place for the wells." angus heard the news with much satisfaction. in the first place it meant active work, and in the second it would save him from the slow and toilsome march of the army, which would, he felt sure, be accompanied with enormous hardship. the four officers dined together. sir a. burnes was not present, as he was dining with general cotton and mr. macnaghten. after dinner angus related his adventure at candahar; how he evaded pursuit, and his passage through the pass. he had hardly finished when he was sent for to the general's tent. "i have just been telling general cotton, mr. campbell," said mr. macnaghten, "that you arrived this morning from candahar. he wishes to learn as much as you can tell him of the state of the pass at present, and of the country between dadur and this place. i told him that i had not been able to find time to question you on these points." "in the first place," the general said, "what is the state of the bolan?" "as i only travelled during the night i cannot tell you very much about it. the river is not high, and there is no difficulty whatever on that score. the ground is generally extremely rough, and covered not only with rounded boulders, but by rocks that will prove very trying to the feet of the animals. we bandaged very thickly the hoofs of our horses to deaden the sound, and so saved them from being lamed, which they otherwise would certainly have been. the bandages were of felt, and these were completely cut to pieces the first night. after that we cut up one of the water-skins i had with me, and we covered the felt with the leather, but even this was cut to pieces, and had to be renewed the next night. although this is the general character of the pass, there are places at which, by skirting the foot of the hills at points where the pass opens out--and the hills are not precipitous, although everywhere steep--it is possible for mounted men to go along at a fast walk, the stones being much smaller, and like, i should think, what i have heard of a sea-beach, though i never saw one, at least that i can remember." "still, there were no insurmountable difficulties, mr. campbell?" "no, sir, though there were places where certainly not more than two laden camels could pass abreast." "well, next as to the country between this place and dadur. we know about it as far as the edge of beloochee desert; what is it beyond that? did you suffer from want of water?" "no, sir, at the villages where we stopped there was always water; but there were, as far as i saw, but a few small wells, which would seem to me very insufficient for the supply of an army and its train." "well, we are going to dig more wells," mr. macnaghten said rather impatiently. "if the water will run into three or four wells it would run into fifty. now, about forage?" "there were small patches of cultivation round each of the villages; at bhag more than elsewhere, as it lies nearer to the foot of the hills; but at meerpoor, burshoree, and rojhan i should not say there were more than twenty or thirty acres of cultivated land. at bhag i was strongly advised to take the road at the foot of the hills to dundeaver down to larkhanna, and from there to follow the indus up to sukkar; but the guides said that i should be more likely to be troubled by the beloochees along that route, and as it was also twice as far i took the straight way here." "thank you. we will not detain you any longer, mr. campbell, and we are obliged for the information that you have given us." angus bowed and retired. he felt that mr. macnaghten was vexed that he could not report better upon the chances of obtaining sufficient supplies of forage and water. but he felt that it was clearly better that he should give, in the plainest terms, the true state of affairs, for when, as he was sure would be the case, there was immense suffering of men and animals, the blame would fall upon him if he had given a more hopeful account than the facts warranted. sir a. burnes sent for him on leaving the general's tent. "you did quite right in not giving a rose-coloured description of the state of things along the line of march, mr. campbell. of course neither mr. macnaghten nor general cotton liked it. neither of them, in fact, has the slightest idea of the troubles ahead of them, and both were inclined to view me as a pessimist. however, it will not matter to you very greatly whether macnaghten is pleased with you or not, because your reports will be sent in to me. this sort of work will not last very long. i have only undertaken it because major garden, general cotton's quarter-master-general, has been taken ill. major craikie, the adjutant-general, will go forward with me the day after to-morrow to superintend matters generally. i hope by that time to have a thousand more men for well-digging. major leech has gone to sebee to cut a dam there on the river naree, which it is hoped will fill the small water-courses and greatly assist us. i have more fear about forage than water. you can dig wells and cut dams, but you can't get a crop to grow at a day's notice. however, we must hope for the best." the next morning at three o'clock angus and lieutenant macgregor started with the labourers and an escort of fifty native cavalry. "i am very glad to be off, campbell," macgregor said. "it has been disheartening work for some time. somehow or other nothing has gone smoothly since we started. of course i am only a sub, but certainly it seems to me that so far there has been an enormous amount of unnecessary friction, and that the chiefs have not gone the right way to work. i don't believe myself in this shah whom we are going to force upon the afghans. dost mahomed is worth a dozen of him, and no one who knows anything of the affairs of afghanistan is able to understand why lord auckland and macnaghten and the rest of them should ever have conceived the idea of supplanting a man who has shown himself really desirous of our alliance and friendship, and who undoubtedly possesses the support of a majority of his countrymen, by one who has never shown any talent, who has no party whatever in afghanistan, and is a member of a discredited and fallen family. "still, that is their affair; but matters have been complicated by the manner in which the emirs of scinde have been treated. instead of regarding them, as they have always shown themselves, as friendly to us, we have gone out of our way to render them hostile, by the manner in which we have, in absolute contradiction of the terms of their treaty with us, compelled them to furnish carriage, provisions, and money. had they been a conquered country we could not have carried matters with a higher hand. it will be sure to lead to trouble some day, and certainly adds immensely to our difficulties. now, the very fact that, in the days when he was for a short time ruler in afghanistan, soojah advanced all sorts of preposterous claims of suzerainty over a large portion of scinde, was in itself a reason why, if we took the absurd step of placing him on the throne of cabul, we should have advanced from peshawur through jellalabad direct, instead of taking this roundabout journey through scinde. of course there would have been great difficulties in the khyber, and we should have had to encounter fierce opposition from the hill-tribesmen, but that will have to be met in any case. and after installing soojah at cabul, we could have gradually extended his power--or ours, for of course he would be but a puppet in our hands--through ghuznee to candahar. of course you won't hear any talk like this among the officers of the bombay or bengal army. they know and care nothing about the matter. it is just among the men who have been employed here in the north, and who know something about it, that there is any doubt as to the wisdom of the affair. i know burnes considers that the whole thing is a mistake. colonel pottinger, who, as our resident in scinde, knows a great deal about the afghans, says little, but i know that he disapproves of it; and so, i think, do all of us juniors, who have worked either under him, or with burnes, or up in the punjaub, and have, of course, always taken an interest in the affairs of afghanistan, especially since russian influence has become so preponderant in persia. well, we can only hope for the best, and do our best in our own little way. thank goodness, whatever comes of it, we have no responsibility in the affair." "i really know very little about it," angus said; "but i do know that it will be a terrible business getting the army to quettah, and that directly it was determined to come this way arrangements should have been made to dig sufficient wells to ensure a supply of water at every watering-place, and to collect stores of forage and grain. i really don't see how it is to be done now. from all that i could hear as i came down, there will be a lot of trouble with the beloochees." the difficulties of the advance had already been felt. great numbers of camels had died between sukkar and shikarpore, and those that accompanied the party of well-diggers were enfeebled, and looked as if they had accomplished a long forced march instead of the strong and fresh animals one would expect to see setting out on such an enterprise. the first halting-place was jagan. the next day they started at the same early hour and proceeded to janeedera. here they had passed beyond the boundary of the scinde ameers, and had entered the territory over which the khan of khelat held nominal authority. at this place there was a small mud fort, outside of which straw had been collected for the use of the cavalry, and to guard this a small party of shah soojah's troops had been posted. these, however, had been attacked and driven off by a beloochee band, and the straw carried away. however, there was sufficient water in the wells for the men and animals. the next day's march was a long one, but at rojhan a certain amount of forage had been collected, and there was a fair supply of water. the country so far had been barren, with occasional bushes, but beyond rojhan they had nothing but an absolutely flat surface of sand, without a blade of grass or a bush to break the level expanse; across this desert the party toiled on for twenty-seven miles. a little water was carried by the camels, but this supply was soon exhausted, and with parched lips and throats the men plodded on, knowing that until the end of the journey no water could be obtained. scarce a word was spoken during the painful journey. passing over the ground as he came down at a canter, angus had thought but little of it; he had done it in less than four hours, and there was no trouble from the dust. it was very different now. it was fourteen hours from the time of starting before they reached burshoree, the mounted men having to accommodate their pace to that of the labourers, and the dust rose in dense clouds. a part of the cavalry rode ahead, the rest some half a mile behind the main body of the footmen. but before half the journey was done these began to straggle, and the dust had no time to settle before the horsemen came along. fully half the labourers, indeed, threw themselves down on the sand incapable of going farther, and lay there until the cool evening air revived them, and it was long after midnight before many of them reached burshoree. here a considerable number of wells had already been dug by the party under major leech. the water was muddy, and trickled in but slowly. still it was water, and men and horses drank it eagerly as fast as it could be brought up in buckets and emptied into troughs which had been erected. although the village--a mere collection of native huts, surrounded by a wall as a protection against the plundering beloochees--offered a most uninviting prospect, angus was well pleased that he had arrived at the end of his journey, and had not, like macgregor, another day's march to perform. the latter started as usual at three o'clock, and an hour later angus, with some difficulty, roused his two hundred weary men and set them to work, promising them that if they laboured hard he would allow them to rest during the heat of the day. cheered by the promise, the labourers set to work under their headmen. each of these had charge of twenty workmen; these were divided into two gangs and worked wells close together. angus had nothing to do save to exercise a sort of general superintendence. the soil became much more firm a few feet below the surface, and as the sides stood satisfactorily it was not necessary to make the wells of any great depth. it was found that four men only could be employed on each, two working in the bottom and the others bringing up the earth with buckets and ropes, consequently, the number of the wells was largely increased. after three days of prodigious toil, water was reached in the majority of the wells, and by the end of the fourth day fifty had been added to those already dug. the liquid, however, oozed in but slowly, and when a well was emptied it was two or three hours before water could again be drawn from it; thus although the amount that could be obtained altogether was considerable, it was still wholly insufficient for the supply of an army. five-and-twenty of the native cavalry were kept constantly on the alert, for parties of plundering beloochees hovered round, and several of the well-diggers who, in spite of orders, ventured to wander some distance away were robbed and killed. the next morning general thackwell, with a body of cavalry, a small force of infantry, and some irregular horse, rode into the place. he brought with him an order from sir a. burnes for angus to accompany him. the well-diggers were to remain there and continue their work. the general had intended to stop there for two or three days, but finding that no forage could be procured, he started the next morning early and rode through meerpoor to oostar, a distance of twenty-seven miles, where, as had been reported by major leech, there was a small reservoir of water, and a store of straw and grass had been collected. angus stopped for an hour at meerpoor and had a talk with macgregor, whose men had also accomplished a great deal of work, and who bewailed his fate at having to remain there instead of going forward with general thackwell. chapter viii the advance the cutting of the dam of the naree did not afford so much aid as had been hoped for, for the thirsty soil absorbed the water almost as fast as it poured out, and it was not until many days later that it began to fill the little irrigation canals at the villages through which the army passed. after resting two days at oostar, the force proceeded to bhag, a town of some size. here water was found in abundance, and grain in considerable quantities, and also a supply of carrots, which were eagerly purchased by the officers for the use of their horses. at the various places where they halted angus acted as interpreter, and rode out with a small body of cavalry to villages at which they learned a certain amount of forage could be obtained. at bhag, to his great satisfaction, sir alexander burnes joined the party. he had paid a visit to the khan of khelat, and obtained from him stringent orders to the headmen of villages and others to do all in their power to aid the army. the inhabitants were all to be set to work to dig the holes, for which they would receive payments from the british. the khan also promised to despatch to dadur what supplies he could gather, but explained that unfortunately there was a much greater difficulty than usual in collecting provisions, as the previous season had been a very bad one, and in many parts of the country the villagers had not been able to gather sufficient for their own needs. as angus had heard the same at candahar, at the village near quettah, and from his guide, there could be no doubt that this excuse was a genuine one, and indeed the officers who had been engaged in scinde and in the country bordering the indus affirmed that the supplies obtainable there were also vastly smaller than had been anticipated. throughout the next week angus was continually employed in riding among the towns in the khanate, interviewing headmen, and expediting the despatch of convoys. he was always accompanied by a troop of cavalry, for plundering parties of beloochees were making their way on all sides towards the line followed by the army, where they murdered stragglers, captured lagging camels, and were so bold that they ventured close to the outskirts of the villages occupied by the british camps, robbed the natives of the moneys paid them for forage or grain, and rendered it necessary that every convoy should be protected by a considerable escort. after a week of this work, angus received orders to join the force that was gathering at dadur. during the last two days' march the difficulties with regard to water had disappeared. the villages had all been situated on the bolan river, and little irrigation canals enabled the cultivation of a considerable tract of country to be carried on, which supplied forage in sufficient quantity for the first division of the army which came along. dadur, a town of some four thousand inhabitants, stands on the eastern branch of the bolan river, whose banks were fringed with high reeds and groves of dwarf trees. the country round was well cultivated, and the fields were covered with young crops of wheat and barley. close to the town were gardens, and the whole presented an agreeable appearance to the troops, who had for nearly three weeks been painfully making their way across country which, even at its best points, was little more than a sandy desert. here angus again met sir alexander burnes, who had been making the greatest efforts to accumulate supplies at the town. his success, however, had been very small, nor had major leech, who was also at dadur, been more fortunate. it had been reckoned that twenty days' supplies for the whole army would have been accumulated there, but not more than sufficient for two or three days had been gathered, and general cotton, on arriving there with the bengal army, decided that it was necessary for at least a portion of the army to advance without delay. sir alexander burnes started at once with major cureton of the 16th lancers, with a troop of that regiment, three companies of the native infantry, and a strong party of sappers and miners, to survey the pass up to quettah. major leech was sent to khelat to maintain a strong pressure upon the khan, and it was still hoped that stores might be collected by the time the bombay army came along. the report sent down was satisfactory inasmuch as the physical difficulties of the journey were concerned. in spite of the fact that heavy rains had fallen, the river had not risen sufficiently to interfere seriously with the passage of troops and animals, and on the 16th of march the horse artillery, 2nd light cavalry, the 13th regiment of the line, and the 48th native infantry, started early in the morning, forded by torchlight the bolan river, and at eight o'clock pitched their camp in the valley, where they were to rest for the day. the road had so far offered no difficulties, except that the river had to be forded no fewer than eight times. the baggage animals which started at midnight had already arrived, but the tents were pitched with some difficulty owing to the rocky nature of the ground, which necessitated the use of iron tent-pegs instead of the wooden ones previously used. fortunately, owing to the pause that had been made by the advance parties at dadur, and the abundance of succulent food they had obtained there, the animals had recovered to a large extent from their previous fatigues and hardships, and the journey through the pass was accomplished with less loss and suffering than had occurred during the march from sukkar. vast numbers of animals, however, died, and the troops, who had started full of life and strength, were sadly changed, many of them being utterly worn out and a mere shadow of their former selves. the rumour that had precipitated the march by three weeks, upset all the transport arrangements, and caused so vast an amount of suffering, proved to be false--no forward movement had been made by the candahar princes, and except for some little trouble with the marauding villagers, the march was entirely unopposed. once in the shawl valley the fatigues of the army were over for the time, but in spite of the efforts of sir a. burnes and his assistants, only a very small amount of food and forage had been collected in readiness for them. so small indeed was the supply that it was necessary to place both the troops and native followers on reduced rations of flour, rice, and ghee. meat, however, was plentiful. the proceedings of the khan of khelat were not of a character to inspire confidence in him. while protesting strongly his friendship for us, he told our officers frankly that he was certain shah soojah would not retain his position for a day after the british troops marched away; that the whole feeling of the country was against him, and that although, had he advanced with only a native army raised by himself, he might have been accepted, the people would never submit to a sovereign thrust upon them by british bayonets. opinions differed much as to his sincerity. those who doubted it pointed to the fact, that although he was said to have large stores of provisions at khelat, he had scarcely sold any to our troops, and had failed in all his promises in that direction. on the other hand, sir a. burnes maintained that the stores of provisions spoken of did not exist; and that in any case, having no belief in the possibility of shah soojah maintaining himself, it was but natural that he should hang back until he saw how matters went, for if he were to give any active aid to the british he would be considered a traitor by his countrymen, and would imperil his khanate and his life when our protection was withdrawn from him. the question was never satisfactorily cleared up. some of those who took part in the proceedings and wrote on the subject regarded him as a very ill-used man, while others considered the measures afterwards taken against him as being fully justified by his conduct. as it was absolutely necessary that food should be obtained, parties were sent into the villages and a rigorous search instituted, and in this way a considerable quantity of hidden grain was discovered. this was taken and paid for at the market price. in quettah itself one very large store was found and taken up for the use of the army. the climate was pleasant, and in spite of reduced rations the men benefited by the halt, which was not without its excitement, for large bands of plunderers hovered round, attacks were frequently made upon parties going out with camels to graze, and expeditions to punish the villages to which the marauders belonged were undertaken. at length general sir john keane, who was in command of the whole expedition, arrived at quettah, to the satisfaction of the army, for it was thought that some decision must now be arrived at. it was evident to all that, unless something were done, famine would ere long stare them in the face. the european troops could indeed exist upon meat, but the native troops and camp followers, the greater portion of whom were not meat-eaters, were already in sore distress, the supply of grain and rice barely sufficing to keep life together. the hope was justified. as soon as the general arrived the heads of the departments were assembled and arrangements were made for an advance. the greater portion of the bombay army arrived soon after their commander, and although the men were still weakened by privation the army was in most respects perfectly capable of carrying out the work successfully. there was, however, one serious drawback which threatened to destroy their efficiency: the horses of the cavalry and artillery and the animals of the transport were so weakened by want of grain and hay that they were altogether unfit for hard work. it was upon the 7th of april that the army moved forward, seven weeks having elapsed since they started from shikarpore. the march to candahar was long and painful, several passes had to be traversed, food became more and more scarce, and hundreds of animals died daily. beloochee plunderers during the first portion of the journey, and afghan raiders during the second, hung along the line of march, murdering all who straggled, capturing camels, at times even threatening an attack in force. they were able to do this, as our cavalry horses were so broken down that they could scarcely proceed beyond a walk. the candahar princes with a large following came out to give battle; but hajee khan kakur, one of the leading chiefs, had been bribed by our political officers, and deserting, came into our camp with a large body of followers, and this so disheartened the princes, and excited so much fear among them of further treachery, that they withdrew at once to candahar, and a few hours after their arrival there took the northern road. after immense suffering from want of water and food, the army entered the city on the 26th of april, shah soojah having gone on with hajee kakur and made a formal entry into the town two days previously. angus had had little to do during the march from quettah. the chances of obtaining forage or food at the deserted villages near the line of march were so small that sir john keane decided that it would be useless to endeavour to obtain anything there, especially as an officer leaving the main body had to be accompanied by a strong escort to protect him from the bands of marauders, and it was deemed inadvisable to give the horses any work that could be avoided. angus's own animal, being accustomed to the country, suffered less than those from the plains, and in order to spare it as much as possible, and keep it in such a condition that it would be fit for work were he ordered to make any expedition, he generally walked by its side the greater part of the day, preferring this, indeed, to sitting on horseback and moving at the snail's pace necessitated by the difficulties of the road and the slow progress of the weakened animals of the baggage train. among these the mortality had been terrible, and one writer estimated that no fewer than thirty thousand transport animals died on the road between sukkar and candahar. shah soojah had at first established himself in his camp outside the city, but two days after the arrival of the army he took up his abode at the palace. he was accompanied by his own officials and by macnaghten and burnes and their assistants. "what are you smiling at, campbell?" lieutenant macgregor, who had been his companion and tent-fellow since they left dadur, asked as they rode together into the city. "i am thinking of the difference between my position in this procession, and the fact that i am going to take up my quarters in the palace, and the position i occupied when i was last here--a pretended trader, suspected and watched, and obliged to escape by night." "yes, it is a change, certainly," macgregor said, "and one for the better, though, after what we have gone through and all we may have to go through before we leave this wretched country, i don't think it would be safe to assert that it is less dangerous now than it was then. from the time we left shikarpore till we arrived here three days ago, we have never had a decent meal, we have practically never had enough to eat, we have suffered horribly from thirst, we have never dared to ride a hundred yards beyond the column or camp; we have lived, in fact, dogs' lives--not the life of a respectable dog in england, but of a starving cur in an indian bazaar. we don't know much about the future; i don't suppose we shall suffer from hunger and thirst as we have done, but our dangers of other kinds will certainly not be abated. everything looks smooth enough here. i don't think there is any enthusiasm at all for soojah, but there is no doubt that the princes were hated, and the people heartily glad to be rid of them. i fancy that we shall not have much difficulty in reaching cabul. they say ghuznee is a strong place, but we have taken scores of places in india that the natives considered impregnable. still, considering the way in which these marauding afghans hover round us, i think we shall have a very uncomfortable time of it." as the soldiers were not at first allowed to enter the city, the merchants there speedily established a temporary bazaar outside the walls. here vendors of rose-water, of sherbet, and of a drink concocted of the juice of fruits, took up their stalls. people from the country round brought in loads of lucerne, wheat, barley, wood, and chopped straw. other merchants displayed posteens, pelisses made of sheep-skins, with the wool inside and embroidered outside with blue, red, and yellow thread; fowls, sheep, onions, milk, tobacco, and spices were also on sale, and before long the horse-dealers of herat brought down large numbers of good animals, which were eagerly bought up by officers who had lost their chargers. as soon as the soldiers were allowed to enter the town they poured into it. wheaten cakes, cooked meat, and mulberries tempted their appetite, and a little later plums and apricots were brought in in great profusion. the scenes in the streets were very amusing. the british soldiers and sepoys with their large variety of uniforms mingled with the people of the town and country round. some of these wore long cloaks of chintz or woollen cloth, with large turbans; their hair, beards, and moustaches being allowed to grow very long, and the beards being dyed red. others were closely shaven, and dressed in jackets and trousers of blue linen, and tunics of brown cloth with long hanging sleeves, their heads being protected by skull-caps of various colours. with may the heat, which already had been great, became even more oppressive. water was abundant, but the troops and camp followers were still on short rations of food. the price of grain was enormously high, and there was no chance of the magazines being replenished until the fields were ripe for harvest. it was not until nearly three weeks after possession was taken of the capital that a force was despatched under brigadier sale in pursuit of the princes--a grievous mistake; for shah soojah had entered candahar on the day they left, and as they were greatly encumbered by their baggage train, the ladies of the harems, and a host of camp followers, they might easily have been overtaken; whereas, after their escape, they became the centre of intrigues against the ameer. in june the harvest ripened, large quantities of grain were bought up by the commissariat, and preparations began for the advance to cabul. candahar was quiet and apathetic. so far no signs were visible of any enthusiasm for their new ruler among the people. not only did none of the neighbouring chiefs come in to pay their allegiance, but the shah's orders were everywhere disregarded. marauding bands harassed and sometimes attacked convoys coming up; and even close to the city it was dangerous for the soldiers to move many hundred yards beyond the limits of their camps. the health of the troops was far from good. the plains of candahar, fertile as they are, are unhealthy, as water can be found everywhere six or seven feet below the surface. the native troops suffered comparatively little, but the european soldiers were attacked by dysentery, jaundice, and fever, and large numbers were carried off by these diseases. at the end of june the necessary amount of grain was accumulated by the arrival of a large caravan from mooltan. the army was now to cut itself entirely free from its former lines of supplies, and would have to depend solely, upon the country for food, as the ever-increasing boldness of the beloochees in the bolan pass, and of the afghan marauders between quettah and candahar, had made it impossible for convoys, unless very strongly guarded, to make their way up. the advance began at two o'clock on the morning of the 28th, and four hours later, after passing through a fertile district, the troops encamped at the village of killa azim. here they obtained barley for their animals, and peasants from other villages brought in an abundance of chopped straw for the camels. at midnight the trumpet sounded, and an hour later the army moved forward again as far as kheil. four days' further march brought them to kelat-i-ghilzye, the chief town of the ghilzye tribes. two or three hundred of their horsemen galloped away as the troops approached. marching ten miles a day, the army followed the valley of the turnak, which afforded an ample supply of water for all their needs. the country was mountainous and desolate, the dreariness being only broken by small villages with their orchards and patches of cultivated ground. grain was brought in in abundance. the force was now far above the plain, the heat ceased to be oppressive even in the middle of the day, and the mornings and evenings were delightfully cool. nevertheless, the number of sick increased, owing to the bad quality of the flour and the absence of vegetables. the country now became more thickly populated, little villages, with the fortified dwellings of their chiefs, being thickly scattered about. the hostile tribesmen followed the march on both flanks, and many skirmishes took place; on one occasion the ghilzye marauders made an attack on the line of march, but were driven off with heavy loss. on the 17th a nephew of the ameer rode in with fifteen followers. he had gone to ghuznee with his brother to aid in its defence, but suspicions being entertained by mohummed hyder, the governor, of their fidelity, his brother was seized and put to death, and he himself only escaped a similar fate by flight. as they approached ghuznee, sir alexander burnes said to angus: "mr. campbell, i shall be glad if you will resume your afghan costume and ride to-morrow at daybreak with a party of six of hajee khan kakur's men, and ascertain whether the enemy are in strength outside the fortress and intend to oppose our approach. if they do, we shall leave the baggage here under a strong guard and proceed to attack them. if they retire into the fortress, we shall advance as we have been doing, for possibly the siege may last some time, and it would be as well to take our ammunition and stores with us. will you undertake that mission? i do not wish you, of course, to approach the enemy very closely. they will naturally take you for a party coming to join them, and will pay no attention to you. half a mile will be near enough for you to go to the fortress. the disguise is only necessary because they too may have parties out, and should any come suddenly upon you, you would pass without suspicion or question; and indeed should you be stopped, your knowledge of the language is quite good enough to pass in any case. i have requested hajee khan to choose well-mounted men. we shall remain here to-morrow, and the general will send out a troop of cavalry to meet you on your return half-way between this and ghuznee, so that should you be pursued, you will know that you will meet with succour before going many miles. the fortress itself is some twelve miles from this camp." "i will undertake it willingly, sir alexander." accordingly on the following morning angus set out. azim asked leave to accompany him, but he refused. "your horse is not a very fast one," he said. "it is a good beast, but we may have to ride for our lives, and you would soon be left behind. it is not a dangerous expedition, but in a country like this there is always the possibility of a surprise." after riding for two miles the fortress of ghuznee was seen. it was situated on a high rock and surrounded by a wall of great height and strength, and was regarded by the afghans as absolutely impregnable. as they approached, and could make out the strength of the fortifications, it seemed to angus that, except by famine, it would be next to impossible to capture it. the general had left the few heavy cannon he had brought with him at candahar because of the extreme difficulty of getting transport, and the light field-pieces could make but small impression indeed on these massive walls. when he approached within a mile he halted. there were no signs of any afghan force in front of it. it was, of course, possible that they might sally out when they saw the army approaching, but at present there was nothing to show that they meant to do so. he was about to turn, when he was suddenly seized from behind, and in a moment his hands were bound tightly to his side by the sashes of two of his escort. the afghans burst into a shout of triumph. "infidel dog," one said, "did you think because hajee khan kakur is a traitor that all his men are also. you came to see ghuznee. you shall see the inside as well as the outside." angus was brave, but a shudder ran through him as he thought of the fate that awaited him. the afghans never spared those who fell into their hands, and fortunate were those who were speedily killed, for in many cases they were tortured before they were done to death. it had never occurred to him to doubt for a moment the good faith of the men who accompanied him; and yet, now he thought over it, such a possibility should have been foreseen, since there was no reason why the men should be traitors to their race, although for the moment they had obeyed their commander's orders and ridden with him into the british camp. they might even have remained faithful to him had not this opportunity of rejoining their countrymen presented itself. even in the midst of his own deadly peril he was glad to think that, by his refusal to allow azim to accompany him, he had saved him from the fate that awaited himself. he knew well that no entreaties would avail to soften the heart of the afghan commander, and determined that, whatever came, he would maintain a firm countenance and meet his fate bravely. the gate of the fortress stood open. the men as they entered said a few words to the guards stationed there. "we were forced," they said, "to accompany the traitor hajee khan kakur to the camp of the infidel, but we have taken the first opportunity to desert, and have brought with us this man, who is one of their officers, as a prisoner." "why trouble to bring him as a prisoner?" "we thought that mohummed hyder would like to question him, and are bringing him here to show that we are true men." climbing a steep road, they entered a great courtyard. here they dismounted, and their leader, a sub-officer, went forward to the governor's house, followed by two others, between whom angus walked. the leader entered, the others remained outside until he returned. "follow me with the captive," he said, "mohummed hyder will speak to him." a minute later angus stood before the governor. he was seated on a divan, and several other chiefs of importance were standing or sitting round. "they tell me," the governor said, "that you can speak our tongue?" "i can do so," angus said quietly. "where did you learn it?" "in herat, where i fought during the siege, against the persians." "and now you come hither as a spy?" "not as a spy. i came here only to view the fortress from a distance." "is it true that the kafirs are bringing no big guns with them?" as the governor was doubtless well informed as to the strength of the british army and the number of its guns, angus felt that there could be no harm in answering the question. "they are not," he said. "how do they intend to take ghuznee? will they fly over the walls or burrow through the rock?" the governor said scoffingly. "are they madmen, who think they can tear down the walls of ghuznee with their finger-nails?" "i know nothing of the plans of the general," angus replied. "but the british have taken many strong places in india when it seemed that it could not be done." "they will not take ghuznee. when the first shot is fired at its walls we will throw over to them your head and your limbs, to show that we despise them and mock their foolish effort. take him away, yakoob. do you see him safely bestowed." angus was led to a cell in one of the turrets on the wall. his weapons had been taken from him when he was first captured, and when he reached the prison his arms were unbound by the leader of the band, who carried off the sashes to the men to whom they belonged. a massive door was closed behind them, and angus heard two heavy bolts shot--a proof that the tower was often used as a prison. listening, he heard another door at the foot of the turret closed and bolted. the window was a mere loophole, but it commanded a view of the road by which he had been brought up. the cell was circular in shape, and some ten feet in diameter; it was absolutely bare. angus stood for some little time looking through the loophole. it was three feet wide on the inner side, but narrowed to six inches at the outlet; the wall was more than two feet thick, and of solid stone. "it is evident that there is no possibility of escape," he said aloud as he turned away from the loophole. "even if i could widen the hole so to be able to creep through, there is a fall of a hundred feet or so; and there is nothing of which a rope could be made. i have my knife," he said, "fortunately they did not think of looking in my pockets; but though it has a good long blade, and i might at the end sell my life as dearly as possible, and force them to kill me, it can be of no earthly use here, for there is nothing to cut except that rough plank in the corner, which was, i suppose, brought up for some purpose or other and forgotten." the day passed slowly. no one came near him until, just as the sun was setting, two soldiers came in bringing a jug of water and some bread. angus had little sleep that night. he dozed off occasionally, but the hardness of the stone floor and the cold speedily roused him, and he was glad indeed when daylight returned and the sun shone out. an hour later, when looking from his prison window, he perceived a party of horsemen. long before he could distinguish their figures he made sure that they were british troops, from the fact that two or three rode ahead, and the rest, evidently an escort, in a close body behind them. they approached within musket-shot. as soon as they did so a fire of matchlocks broke out from the walls. they drew off a little, and then turned and rode off. there was no doubt that they were a reconnoitring party, who had ridden forward to ascertain the best spot for an attack. two hours later three regiments of infantry came up, followed by a battery. the object of their approach was to discover whether ghuznee was held in force, for reports had reached the camp that the greater portion of the garrison had retired. it answered its purpose, for the guns of the fortress opened fire, and for an hour there was an exchange of shot between them and the battery. the object of the reconnaissance being fulfilled, the british returned to their camp. not until five o'clock was any further movement perceptible; then angus saw a long dark line ascending the pass. on reaching its head the column made a wide detour, so as to keep beyond the range of the guns of the fortress, and then entered a rocky and difficult country to the east. as he knew that the gates had all been walled up with masonry with the exception of that through which the road from cabul entered it, he had no doubt that it was intended to encamp on that side, thus cutting off the fortress from relief by the army assembled under another of the ameer's sons, and at the same time preventing the flight of the garrison. as long as it was light the column was still passing on--a long line of baggage waggons and native followers, guarded by bodies of troops against any sortie that might be made. during the night occasional shots were fired from the fortress, and at various points of the plain and on the surrounding hills fires raised gave indications of gatherings of tribesmen. it had indeed been a painful and difficult march. several streams and water-courses swollen by rain had to be crossed, but with enormous exertions the whole force was established, and on the following morning tents were erected along the position chosen. sir john keane, accompanied by general cotton, ascended the heights, took a survey of the fortress, and decided upon the plan of attack. at two o'clock in the afternoon a body of afghan horse suddenly attacked the camp in the rear, but were beaten off by our own cavalry. angus heard the outburst of firing, and concluded that the governor would ere long carry out his threat. he had no idea what the commander-in-chief's plan was, but he felt certain that the attack when made would be sudden and sharp, and would be in the nature of a surprise, for in no other way did it seem possible that a force, however strong, could without artillery capture the place. in that case there was just a possibility that in the excitement of the moment his existence would be forgotten. "at any rate," he said to himself, "i will do what i can to defer the moment of my execution. i don't suppose it will be of the smallest use, but as i have nothing else to do, i will cut some wedges, and as soon as the attack begins in earnest i will jam them in round the door." for the rest of the day he occupied himself in cutting strips of wood off the plank and fashioning wedges, of which he made about four dozen, the work sufficing to keep his thoughts from dwelling upon his probable fate. he concealed all these in his clothes; then he cut off a stout piece of plank and fashioned it into the form of a short thick bat, with which to drive the wedges into their place. then he laid the plank in its place again, with the freshly-cut side against the wall, swept up the chips, and threw them out of the loophole. he thought it probable that sir john keane would attack without any delay, as it was all-important to capture the citadel before the relieving army from cabul and the forces of three or four great chiefs which were also in the neighbourhood could join hands and attack him in the rear, while the powerful garrison sallied out and fell upon him in front. chapter ix just in time the plan of the british general for the capture of ghuznee was a bold one. he knew that his little guns could make no impression upon the walls, and that it would take weeks before it would be possible to effect a breach. his idea was to blow in the gate and to pour his troops in through the opening. his plans were admirably laid. at midnight six companies of infantry established themselves in the gardens to the right and left of the spot where the assaulting column were to take up their position, ready to advance as soon as the gate was blown in. two hours later three companies of a native regiment made a detour and took up a position to the north of the fortress. the field artillery took up their post on a height. at three o'clock in the morning the infantry on the north opened a musketry fire. at the same moment the artillery on the hills began a brisk cannonade, while a camel battery directed its fire against the walls. the guns of the fortress at once replied, and the walls were fringed with the musketry fire. it was still an hour to daylight when captain thompson, of the royal engineers, with a party of his men, crept forward to the gate, carrying with them nine hundred pounds of gunpowder in twelve sacks. the movement was altogether unobserved by the garrison, who had been taken completely by surprise by the sudden fire. the night had been exceptionally favourable for the attempt. the wind blew so strongly that the tramp of the columns and the sound of the wheels of the guns failed to reach the ears of the sentries on the walls. when the fire broke out the afghans at once burned numbers of blue lights to endeavour to obtain a clear view of the attacking force; but the light failed to pierce the darkness, and the fireworks burned but fitfully owing to the force of the gale. they therefore distributed themselves along the whole circuit of walls instead of concentrating upon the point where the attack was about to take place. the engineers had done their work admirably. they crept silently along the causeway which afforded a passage across the moat, and then up the steep ascent which led to the gate, unnoticed by those who manned the loopholes. two minutes sufficed to place the sacks in position. the fuse was then fired, and the party ran back to such cover as they could find. at this moment the afghans lit a large and brilliant blue light immediately over the gate, but before they could obtain any idea of what was passing below the explosion took place. the gate was blown to pieces, and masses of masonry and fractured beams fell into the passage beyond. then a bugle was sounded by the engineers, and the storming party rushed down and crept into the dark, blocked-up passage. here they were fiercely opposed. the afghans had rallied almost instantly from their first surprise, and rushed down to defend the passage. a desperate struggle took place in the dark, but british valour was triumphant, and the four companies of the 2nd and 17th regiments fought their way into the interior of the fortress. had they been at once supported by the column behind them, commanded by brigadier-general sale, the capture of ghuznee would have been comparatively bloodless; but as he was advancing he met one of the engineer officers, who had been terribly bruised and injured by the explosion. upon being questioned, the latter said that the gate had been blown in, but that the passage was blocked with the ruins. as in that case it would have been madness to advance, the general ordered the retreat to be sounded. the call was heard by the leading companies, but not obeyed. instead of the troops retreating, they halted irresolutely, rather than carry out an order the most unwelcome that can be given to british soldiers. fortunately another engineer officer soon came along and assured the brigadier that, although the passage was greatly blocked, the storming party had made their way through; whereupon the column at once rushed forward. the delay, however, had given the garrison time to rally, and large numbers had run down from the wall to take part in the fight. many, however, despairing of successful resistance now that their assailants had won their way into the town, allowed the storming party to pass and then attempted to escape through the gateway. but as they did so, general sale with the head of his column arrived, and another desperate fight took place among the ruins of the gate. the general himself was cut down, and his assailant endeavoured to complete his work. sale succeeded in grasping his sword hand, but, weakened by his wound, must have been overpowered had not an officer run up and severely wounded the afghan. the struggle continued, but the general managed to gain his feet and cut down his assailant. the column was a long time in passing over the heap of ruins, now further encumbered by wounded and dead. as soon as they had entered, the reserve, who had been suffering from the fire of the afghans still on the walls, followed them, and while general sale's division ascended the steep path that led to the citadel, which rose far above the rest of the fortress, the reserve began the work of clearing out the afghans from the houses. large numbers of afghans had taken refuge here as the troops entered, and these, rushing out, flung themselves upon the troops with the fury of despair. many of these who had first entered, exhausted by their exertions, were with the wounded sitting in the courtyard at the foot of the citadel. upon these the fanatics rushed, cutting and slashing with their keen tulwars alike at the soldiers who started to their feet, the wounded on the ground, and their own horses, who, mad with terror, were galloping wildly over the courtyard. a series of desperate hand-to-hand conflicts were waged until the last of the afghans were shot or bayoneted. the walls were cleared with little difficulty, but many soldiers were shot as they passed through the narrow streets of the native town. all resistance ceased at a quarter past five. thus in two hours and a quarter after the first shot was fired, a fortress deemed impregnable and garrisoned by three thousand five hundred men was captured. ghuznee had been provisioned for six months, and so certain was mohummed hyder of the ability of the place to hold out that he had brought with him all the ladies of his zenana. in spite of the desperate nature of the fighting, not one of the afghans who surrendered was injured, nor was the slightest insult offered to the ladies of the zenana or the women in the native town. the troops who had ascended to the citadel found the gates open, the afghan prince having lost all hope as soon as he found the lower fortress in possession of the british. he was found hiding in disguise, and was brought before shah soojah. the latter magnanimously said to him: "what has been has been; you have deserved evil at my hands, but you have this day behaved like a brave man. i forgive thee the past; go in peace." the young prince was then handed over to sir alexander burnes for safe custody. the success had been cheaply purchased. only seventeen non-commissioned officers and privates had been killed, and eighteen officers and a hundred and forty-seven men wounded. of the afghans, five hundred and fourteen bodies were buried next day; more than a hundred fugitives were killed outside the walls; upwards of a thousand horses, a great number of camels and mules, vast quantities of provisions, ammunition, and arms fell into the hands of the conquerors, together with more than fifteen hundred prisoners. over a thousand made their escape. at the first outburst of firing angus had sprung to his feet; as the fight increased in fury he was certain that a night attack was in progress, and he at once proceeded to drive in the wedges he had prepared. just as he had completed this he heard the dull roar of the explosion, followed by loud and excited shouts, but the noise of the gale prevented him from catching the words. he had no doubt, however, that either the gate had been blown in or that a mine had been driven into the wall, and that the explosion of an immense charge of powder had effected a breach. then came the sound of a heavy and continuous rattle of musketry. the cannon of the fortress opened fire, while those of the besiegers answered. by the occasional fall of masses of masonry, and the screams of women, he had no doubt that the british artillery were now directing their fire against the citadel, in order to add to the confusion among the defenders of the fortress. [illustration: he took down the prop, and thrust it suddenly with all his force through the hole.] presently he heard a rush of feet up the staircase, then the bolts of the door were pulled back, and a yell of rage and surprise arose as the door did not yield to the push against it. the staircase was a very narrow one, and but one person could mount at a time. as it terminated at the door, one man only could use his strength against it, and angus felt perfectly sure that it would need a much greater pressure than this to force it open. he had already propped the plank against it, and stood with his foot at the lower end to prevent it from slipping. the man next to the door, finding that it did not yield, began to hammer with the hilt of his sword, but soon desisted, finding that his blows did not even shake it. there was a confused sound of talking, and then silence for a few minutes; then there was a renewed noise, and a heavy blow was struck at the door. evidently a large block of wood had been brought up; but this did not greatly alarm angus. the staircase was a circular one, and at most but two men could work the battering-ram, which on account of the confined space was necessarily short. this proving unsuccessful, there was again silence. after an interval came blows of a sharper sound, an axe of some sort was being used. during the lulls of the wind the sounds of the struggle below could be plainly heard, and as it was now dawn angus could have seen what was going on had not the loophole been on the opposite side, but from the sharpness of the sound he had no doubt that the firing was in the courtyard, and that his countrymen had effected an entrance. the chopping went on regularly. the door was thick and strong, and it was half an hour before the edge of the axe first showed through it; another five minutes and a hole a foot wide appeared some four feet from the ground. at this rate it would be some time before an opening large enough for a man to pass through could be made. he took down the prop, and thrust it suddenly with all his force through the hole, striking the man who was wielding the axe full in the face. there was a terrible cry, mingled with yells of rage from the others. presently a pistol was thrust through the hole and fired; he had expected this, and had stood back. again and again shots were fired. it was evident that there was an unwillingness on the part of his assailants to try the axe again. presently he heard a shout from below. the words came up distinctly, "mohummed hyder's orders are that the attack is to cease," and angus felt that he was saved. the prince, indeed, seeing that all was lost, had sent an officer in great haste to put a stop to the attack on his prisoner's cell. he no longer thought of carrying out his former intentions. the british army was not after all an impotent enemy to be insulted, but a victorious one to be appeased, and as soon as he was informed of the attack on his prisoner's cell he had sent off to put a stop to it. it had not been made by his orders, but was the act of the soldiers on the wall near it, who, seeing that the british had entered, had determined to take vengeance upon the captive. a few minutes later angus heard the triumphant cheers of the troops as they poured in through the open gate of the citadel. it was another hour before the contest in the courtyard below and on the walls of the fortress came to an end. shortly afterwards he heard steps approaching, and through the hole in the door saw a british officer coming up the stair; behind him was azim. "i am glad indeed to see you, campbell," the officer said, as he caught sight of his face. "we had all given you up as dead when we found that none of your escort came back; but your boy, on questioning the prisoners, found out that you were confined here, and came at once to tell me. i see by the state of the door that you have been standing a siege. are you uninjured?" "yes, my rascally troops seized me suddenly and brought me here. i will tell you about it as soon as i have unfastened the door." "it is the first time i ever heard of a prison door having bolts on the inside." "they are not bolts, as you will see directly." it took some minutes to get all the wedges out. macgregor then entered and shook angus warmly by the hand, while azim threw himself on his knees, and seizing his master's hand kissed it again and again, tears of joy streaming down his cheeks. "where in the world did you get these wedges?" macgregor asked. "i cut them out of this plank. it took me all day yesterday to make them and this mallet. how the plank came here i don't know, but it certainly saved my life." "that and your wits, campbell. it was a capital idea, first-rate. i see there is blood on the staircase." "the plank came in useful again. i used it as a battering-ram on the fellow who was chopping, and as i caught him full in the face, the blood is accounted for. as you see by the opposite wall, they fired a few shots through the hole afterwards, but of course i took good care to be out of the line of fire." "well, come along. sir alexander has been asking about you, but could get no information, and it might have been some time before you were set free had it not been for your boy." on going down into the body of the citadel, angus was most warmly greeted by sir alexander burnes and the other officers who knew him, for all supposed that he had been murdered. he explained to his chief why his life had been spared. "you had a narrow escape indeed," the latter said, "for i have no doubt whatever that the afghan would have carried out his threat had we attacked in a regular way. it is quite in accordance with their barbarous customs. but i certainly wonder that they did not kill you when we entered the fortress." macgregor then told the manner in which angus had converted his little cell into a fort, and had resisted successfully the attacks made upon it. "a very narrow escape indeed, mr. campbell," sir alexander burnes said. "it was fortunate indeed that that piece of wood had been left in the cell; but the idea of cutting wedges from it and fastening the door would not have occurred to everyone. it was a most happy thought, and certainly was the means of saving your life. it was a treacherous business indeed of hajee khan kakur, for i have no doubt that he was the concocter of the plot. he has given us the strongest grounds for suspicion ever since we left candahar, and has continually been making excuses for lagging behind. we have strong reason for believing that if we had failed here, he would at once have turned against us." "i do not think he knew of this, sir. when i was seized, the trooper said. 'do you think that because our chief is a traitor we are traitors too?'" "these fellows are very crafty, mr. campbell, and hajee has a special reputation that way, having before now turned traitor in spite of promises and vows. he may very well have instructed one of his men to say this, in order that if, contrary to all probability, you ever rejoined the army, he himself might be shielded by your repeating this speech. we have never put any trust in him since he joined us, though of course it was politic to seem to do so, as other chiefs might follow his example. he was questioned very sharply as to the orders he had given his men when you did not return that afternoon. of course he swore by the prophet that he had chosen men in whom he had the greatest confidence, which was, i have no doubt, true. however, as it was possible that you and they might have fallen into an ambush, the matter was dropped for the time. but our suspicions gained ground when, as we came up here, no signs of a fight were discovered, no bodies either of men or horses, and i intended to reopen the matter as soon as things were a little settled down. well, i can assure you i am heartily glad to see you back again safe and sound, and i shall not fail to report the matter to sir john keane, and tell him how cleverly you escaped the fate intended for you." the army remained for a week at ghuznee while preparations were being made for converting the fortress into a base from which further operations could be carried on. it was thought well to pause, so that the full effects of the disaster might be felt throughout the country before the advance began again. the fall of ghuznee had indeed entirely disarranged the plan of campaign that had been decided upon by dost mahomed. the fortress had been provisioned for six months, and it was confidently believed that it could resist all attacks for that time. with the approach of winter, the position of a besieging army would be desperate. the cold would be intense, they would be surrounded on all sides by swarms of fierce tribesmen, would be unable to obtain provisions in the country round, and must either retire through the passes they had ascended, to candahar, or be forced by famine to surrender. in the former case, the disaster that afterwards occurred in endeavouring to retire from cabul would probably have befallen them. this plan was entirely brought to naught by the fall of ghuznee, and six days later the brother of dost mahomed arrived in camp with an offer from the ameer to surrender the government to shah soojah, on condition that he himself should, as the head of the barukzyes, fill the hereditary office of wuzeer, or prime minister. as this would have placed the whole power of the state in his hands, the offer was refused, and on the 31st of july the army resumed its march. after three days' march, they learned that the kuzzilbashes had mutinied. this body of troops were of persian descent, and had for very many years formed an important part of the military power of cabul, and held a position similar to that of the janizaries of constantinople and the mamelukes of egypt. under but very slight control, they were constantly causing trouble by their insolence and exactions, and they now showed that they entertained no feeling either of loyalty or gratitude towards the dynasty which they served. in spite of the exhortations of the ameer, they insisted upon his granting them a discharge from his service, and as it was evident that the news from ghuznee had so much dispirited the whole army that no reliance whatever could be placed on their fidelity, the unfortunate monarch was obliged to allow the kuzzilbashes to disband, and the rest of the army to disperse, and to take to the mountains as a fugitive, accompanied only by a small party of personal followers. a force was at once sent in pursuit of him; but as the following of the traitor, hajee khan, formed the principal part of this force, the double-faced chief, who desired to make himself safe whatever turn affairs might take, so contrived that dost mahomed and his party were not overtaken. in the meantime the main force marched forward to cabul wholly unopposed. twenty-two guns were found abandoned at the spot where the ameer's army had dispersed. these, placed in a strong defile, and supported by a large force of tribesmen, might have long resisted our advance had the kuzzilbashes and other afghan horsemen swept round on our rear, and although british valour might have finally succeeded, it could only have been after a terrible struggle. but now the ameer was a fugitive, the guns were in our hands, the kuzzilbashes and native tribesmen had come in to salute their new ruler, and nothing remained but to enter the capital in triumph. the entry took place on the 7th of august. the ceremony was an imposing one. shah soojah, after an exile of thirty years, rode at the head of the cortege, on a white charger with golden trappings. he wore a jewelled coronet, his arms and garments were ornamented with precious stones, and his waist encircled with a broad girdle of gold encrusted with rubies and emeralds. accompanying him were the commander-in-chief, and mr. macnaghten and sir alexander burnes, who were in full diplomatic dress. two of the shah's sons and a few of the principal chiefs rode behind him with a number of staff officers in full uniform. following him came the army that had performed so long and difficult a march to place him on his throne. the surrounding country traversed was rich and fertile in the extreme, and almost covered with orchards of peaches and other fruits; under these crops of all sorts grew luxuriantly. on the eminences commanding the plain immense numbers of tribesmen assembled to witness the martial display. on entering the city, the victors found the inhabitants clustered in the streets through which they passed to the royal residence in the bala hissar, a great citadel situated on a hill commanding the town, and so strongly fortified that it would have been difficult to capture it unless by the aid of a regular siege train. the aspect of the inhabitants was perfectly peaceful; there were no shouts or exclamations of enthusiasm, but it was evident from the expression of satisfaction on their faces that the majority were well satisfied with the termination of the rule of the barukzyes, whose exactions had pressed heavily upon them. dost mahomed himself was popular. he was affable and kindly in disposition; his decisions on all matters brought before him were just and fair; he was accessible to all having complaints to bring before him; and had he possessed a body of trustworthy infantry to overawe the marauding kuzzilbashes and the semi-independent chiefs, there can be no doubt that his rule would have been a wise and beneficial one. shah soojah was the reverse of his rival. haughty and arrogant, he regarded and treated with contempt his new subjects, seldom granted audience, or troubled himself in any way with their affairs, rarely went abroad, and remained in almost constant seclusion in his palace. the shops of cabul excited the admiration of the officers and men of the british force. probably nowhere else in the world could such a display of fruit have been collected. here were piles of peaches equal to the finest product of english hothouses, grapes of five varieties, rosy apples, juicy pears, several delicious kinds of melons, almonds, pistachio nuts, walnuts, quinces, cherries, and red and white mulberries, and vegetables of all kinds. the butchers' shops were cleanly and well arranged; there were public ovens, in which loaves, and the cakes of which the afghans are extremely fond, were baking when the force entered. in the potters' shops were jars and drinking vessels of all kinds; afghan, persian, and russian cloths, cloaks, furs of many kinds, sets of china and dresden porcelain in the shops of the wealthier traders; and behind these open shops were inner apartments with very fine and costly shawls, silks, precious stones, valuable carpets, and tea imported by way of bokhara. conspicuous were the shops of manufacturers of swords and daggers, and makers of scabbards and belts, shields and chain armour, and even of bookbinders, who manufactured covers for manuscript copies of persian poems and stories. unfortunately for the moral of the army, there were also manufactories of spirits. since leaving candahar no spirit rations had been served out, and the troops had greatly benefited in health during their arduous work by the privation, but the power to purchase vile spirits at a very low price now tempted many into drinking to intoxication, and lowered at once their health and discipline. mr. macnaghten and his staff had a fine building in the bala hissar allotted to them. sir alexander burnes with his assistants occupied a house in the city. the position of burnes was an unsatisfactory one. he had a right to expect that after his previous residence in cabul he would be appointed british resident there, and he had only accepted a secondary position upon the understanding that macnaghten's appointment was a temporary one. he had on the way up rendered much valuable assistance, but he had no strictly defined duties. his opinion was seldom asked, and if given, was wholly disregarded. for this he was himself somewhat to blame. his temperament was a changeable one. at times he was full of enthusiasm and saw everything in the rosiest light; at other times he was depressed and despondent, and came to be regarded as a prophet of evil. having no serious work to occupy his mind, he worried over trifles, exaggerated the importance of the bazaar rumours, and was often filled with the gloomiest anticipations. the war had been undertaken altogether in opposition to his advice. he had been most favourably impressed with dost mahomed, and his remonstrances against the attempt to force shah soojah on the afghans had been so strong and persistent, that the home government, in defending themselves from the public indignation excited by subsequent disaster, even went the length of suppressing some of his despatches and garbling others, after he was no longer alive to proclaim the falsification. once at cabul, his opportunities for doing useful service came to an end. macnaghten, who was always sanguine to an extent that, in the light of subsequent events, seemed to border on insanity, was all-powerful with the new ameer. the expression of any opinion which ran counter to his own was in the highest degree distasteful to him, and it was only in negotiations for the supply of the troops, and with the petty chiefs, that burnes and his staff found any employment. although pushtoo was the language of the country-people who came in with goods, the inhabitants of cabul almost universally spoke persian, and angus campbell and azim found themselves quite at home among them. on the 3rd of september, a force under colonel wade, which had advanced through the khyber pass, arrived at cabul. it was a mixed body composed principally of pathans and sikhs. it had met with comparatively small resistance, but had rendered valuable service, as a large force had been detached from dost mahomed's army to oppose its advance, and thus greatly weakened the army with which the ameer had intended to meet the british advance from candahar. the afghan force had been recalled in haste after the news of the fall of ghuznee, but had not arrived until after the disbandment of the ameer's army and his flight to the bamian pass, when it had also broken up, and wade was therefore able to reach cabul without opposition. it was now necessary to decide what should be done with the army of occupation. macnaghten was pressing by a constant succession of letters that large reinforcements should be sent up in order to win back for shah soojah the territories that had once formed part of the afghan empire. he urged that in order to check russian aggression an army should not only occupy herat, but should extend its operations until it became paramount at bokhara; while, on the other hand, peshawur and the territory wrested from afghanistan by the sikhs should be reconquered, and the sikh nation, which was becoming more and more hostile to us, should be brought into subjection. but fortunately lord auckland, now freed from the pernicious influence of macnaghten and surrounded by discreet counsellors, was by no means disposed to turn a favourable ear to these fantastic projects. the cost of the army of occupation was a heavy drain on the revenue of india, and so far from any assistance being rendered by afghanistan, shah soojah was constantly clamouring for subsidies to enable him to maintain his position. the absence of so many troops was also much felt in india, for they were greatly needed on the frontiers of the beloochees as well as those of the sikhs. macnaghten had so persistently asserted that shah soojah was personally popular with the afghans, that it was decided that only a comparatively small force was needed to uphold his authority in case dost mahomed should make an effort to recover his throne, and orders were given that the greater portion of the bombay army should march down through the kojuk and bolan passes, and most of the bengal troops through the khyber, leaving some six regiments, with a proportion of artillery, at cabul, with garrisons at ghuznee, candahar, quettah, and jellalabad. macnaghten in vain remonstrated and entreated. it was settled that the movement should begin at the end of september, so that the troops could regain the plains before winter set in in earnest. september passed quietly. the climate at this time was perfect, and the troops enjoyed the rest, with the abundance of fruit and vegetables. there were reviews and races. shah soojah established an order of knighthood, and held a grand durbar, at which the principal officers were invested, with great ceremony, with the insignia of the new order. on the 18th of the month the bombay column started on its march, but news having been brought down from the force that had occupied the bamian pass, that dost mahomed was collecting a formidable army, the authorities were induced to maintain a great portion of the bengal force round cabul. great difficulties arose with reference to provisioning these troops through the winter. there was abundant accommodation for them in the bala hissar and its citadel, but shah soojah strongly objected to the presence of a large body of troops there. macnaghten, with his usual weakness, gave way. on the 15th of october sir john keane, with that portion of the bengal force that was to return, set out. the ameer left two days later, to spend the winter in the more genial climate of jellalabad, and macnaghten accompanied him. sanguine as he was, he could not help feeling uneasy at the situation. the british occupation had greatly benefited the merchants and traders, the farmers and cultivators of cabul, but it had seriously injured the poorer portion of the community. the natural result of so large an army, well supplied with money, being stationed in the city, was to raise the price of all articles of consumption prodigiously, and to cause wide-spread discontent. the exactions of the native tax-collectors pressed heavily upon all the tribesmen. the british officers, by the terms of the treaty with shah soojah, were unable to interfere in any way with the internal affairs of the country; but when the natives revolted against the unjust exactions it was they who were called upon to suppress them, consequently the infidel supporters of the ameer became more and more hated by the people, and it was soon dangerous for them to go beyond the limits of their camps. the ameer himself resented the state of subjection in which he considered that he was held, though he could not dispense with british bayonets and british money. macnaghten left behind him experienced administrators. burnes, conolly, leech, todd, and lord had all long acquaintance with the country, and if anyone could, under such circumstances, have reconciled the country to foreign occupation, they would have done so. chapter x a mission "i wish that we had trustworthy news of what dost mahomed is doing," sir alexander burnes said one morning when he and his assistants were talking over the work for the day. "of course one hears from the hindoo merchants what rumours are circulating, but these are so contradictory that they are not to be relied upon. one day it is said that dost has retired to bokhara, another that he has already gathered a formidable force. it is certain that if he does not recross the bamian soon he will not give us any trouble till the spring, for i doubt whether even the afghans, hardy as they are, could traverse the passes when winter has fairly set in. still, it would be very useful to us to obtain some sort of inkling as to what his movements and intentions are. he may intend to make a bold stroke to recover his kingdom, he may wait until there is a popular rising here. in the first case, our force here must be maintained at the present strength, and it would be well to warn lord auckland as soon as possible that next spring its strength must be increased rather than diminished. if, on the other hand, dost depends upon a rising here rather than upon any force he may himself gather, there will be no occasion for more troops than we have, for these should suffice to crush any tribal rising." "i should be happy to undertake the mission if you would confide it to me, sir," angus said. "i travelled as a persian without exciting suspicion, and i can do the same again. i might obtain a couple of horse-loads of indian silk and cashmere goods, and travel as a persian trader who has been settled here, but who, fearing that fresh disturbances might occur, had decided to make a trip himself to bokhara with a view of establishing himself there. i see all trade is at present at a stand-still, as the northern traders dare not venture down here. the fact that i can also speak pushtoo will, of course, be an advantage, and would seem to show that i had, as i gave out, resided here for some time." "it would be a dangerous enterprise, mr. campbell." "there would be a certain amount of danger in it, sir, but not, it seems to me, excessive--not more than i met in my journey from herat. there is danger, as you have frequently said, even here; and at any rate, i am ready to take all risks if you think that the mission would be of utility." "that it would certainly be, and i admit that no one would be more likely to carry it to a successful conclusion, but i fear that it would be impossible for you to return before the spring." "i do not think that i could return across the mountains, but i might dispose of my goods to the turkomans. from what we hear, dost mahomed is either at balkh or kunduz, or possibly tashkurgan, half-way between them. balkh would, of course, be more convenient, for it is but a couple of days' journey to kilif, on the other side of the oxus. there i might dispose of my goods, and buy carpets and shawls of bokhara; and then travel across the plains to herat; thence, by the trade route, to candahar; and so back through ghuznee. that would, of course, be a long journey, but there would be no very lofty passes to traverse. i need hardly say that i should not enter herat, as i might be recognized there; but there would be no fear of recognition elsewhere. as my servant is really a persian, and has also picked up pushtoo, he would greatly aid me in preserving my disguise. at any rate, i would rather be doing something than remaining here idle through the winter." "then i accept your offer, mr. campbell. the information you would give as to the feeling of the people on the other side of the mountains would be invaluable. i will myself question one or two of the hindoo merchants as to the goods that are generally sent to bokhara. i know, of course, that the bulk of that trade with india is carried on through candahar and herat, but it would be natural that a trader residing here and wishing to leave should prefer the direct route, however toilsome it might be. i should say easy loads for three animals would be sufficient, and as the merchandise would be of light materials, a considerable value could be carried by three horses. you will need a fourth for a small stock of provisions, for you will have to depend on yourselves until you are on the other side of the passes. you will require two men to look after the four horses. i will obtain two soldiers from one of the pathan regiments. it would be dangerous for you to hire a man in the city; i will get a couple of men of approved fidelity. they will, of course, be in native dress, and will pass as peasants hired for the journey by you. four of you, well armed, should be able to give a good account of yourselves if you should fall in with any small party of freebooters, though that is more likely to happen on your return journey than on your way across the hills." "thank you, sir." "well, to-day is monday; it will take two or three days to make all the preparations and get the sort of men you require. would you be ready to start on thursday?" "certainly, sir. as far as i and my man are concerned, we should be ready to start at a moment's notice, as there will be no difficulty in buying the clothes we require." "very well, then, it shall be settled for thursday. i know i need not tell you to warn your servant to maintain absolute secrecy as to the fact that you are leaving the town." azim was greatly pleased when angus told him of the intended expedition, for, having few duties to perform, he had found the time hang heavily on his hands, and was glad to hear that he was not to spend the long winter at cabul. he purchased in the bazaars all the garments for his master and himself--high boots lined with fur, and cloaks of thick cloth similarly lined, and afghan hats of black lamb's wool. [illustration: there, lying close under a rock, was a young afghan.] on wednesday evening sir alexander burnes said to angus: "it is just as well that you did not make your start this morning, for there has been a sharp skirmish on the road ten miles off between a squadron of our cavalry and a party of afghan horse. i hear the fellows fought well, but were driven off with considerable loss. i have seen the two men who have been selected to accompany you, they have both been some time in our service. their colonel spoke highly to me of them. i explained to them the nature of the duty on which they were going, and gave them the option of declining it, but said that if they carried it through successfully they would on their return receive a present of six months' pay and would at once be promoted. they accepted without hesitation, and i feel certain that you can rely upon them. they were recruited from the border tribes, which have ever held themselves independent of the afghan factions, and have no sympathy whatever either with the kuzzilbashes or soojah himself, and care not a snap who rules over afghanistan. if questioned, their story will be that they came up as camp followers with colonel wade's force, and that on arriving at cabul their work with the army was at an end, and they took service with the persian trader. all the goods and packs have been marked in persian characters, with the prices they would fetch in persia, and those at which they would probably sell at bokhara; so that you will know how to carry on your trading without exciting suspicion either by asking too little or by demanding an unusual price. each man will lead two horses, and i have provided rough ponies for them to ride. i think you will find that no detail has been neglected. i have had a thousand rupees sewn up in the saddle of your horse. i sent for one of the cavalry saddlers, and your man showed him which was your saddle. another five hundred are sewn in the saddle of your servant in case of mishap. here is a letter to lieutenant mackenzie, who commands the troop of horse artillery which is at bamian with the ameer's ghoorka regiment. you may be questioned there, so without giving him any details i have simply requested him to allow the bearer and his party to pass on without question or interference." the start was not made from the house of sir alexander burnes, but from that of the hindoo merchant from whom goods had been purchased. as there was nothing unusual in a trader starting with some horse-loads of merchandise, no attention was attracted, and the party crossed the plain four miles farther up, and skirted the foot of the mountains until they reached the gorge through which the track--for it could not be called a road--led over the mountains to bamian. they had decided to camp here, but they found that it was the scene of the previous day's combat. dead horses and men were scattered about, and it was evident that the afghans had been lying in ambush here, aware that at times parties of our cavalry rode some distance up the pass. they determined to go half a mile farther up the gorge, as there was no danger of disturbance by the afghans, who, after their defeat on the previous day, were not likely to be in the neighbourhood. after proceeding a quarter of a mile angus, who was riding ahead, suddenly stopped his horse, hearing a deep groan. as the ground was strewn with rocks on either side of the track, he concluded at once that some poor fellow had crawled away to die, unnoticed by our cavalry returning from pursuit. knowing what tortures he must be suffering from thirst he dismounted, and filling a pannikin from one of the skins, he bade azim bring some fruit, and then made his way to the spot from which the sound proceeded. there, lying close under a rock, was a young afghan, whose clothes showed that he was a chief of some rank. his eyes were closed, his face pallid and drawn, his lips black and cracked with thirst. angus knelt beside him, and poured a few drops of water between his lips. this he repeated again and again. the wounded man opened his eyes with a deep exclamation of thankfulness. then his face darkened, and he said: "you meant kindly, good friend, but you have done me a cruel service. the worst had passed; i had sunk into unconsciousness, and should have passed into paradise without more pain." "where are you wounded?" angus asked. "perhaps we can do something for you." the afghan slightly shook his head. "nothing can be done for me," he said. "i have a musket-ball in my shoulder, and my right leg is broken above the knee." "at any rate we can make you comfortable. we were going to camp a short way ahead, but we will now do so here." "may allah bless you, but it would be better to leave me to die at once." "that i cannot do. now, have a good drink of water, and then i will cut a melon into pieces for you to suck while we are preparing our camp." the horses' loads were removed and the animals turned loose to graze on the grass growing among the rocks. then the tent was erected and the afghan carried into the shade of a high rock close by. by this time he was able to speak more strongly, and said: "you are persian, i see, by your dress. how comes it that you have entered this lonely gorge with your pack-horses and your goods?" "we are going to make our road to bokhara. there are rumours of disaffection in cabul, and if there is fighting the houses of the traders will be looted. therefore i resolved to leave while i could, and am taking my indian goods for sale there." "it will be a terrible journey," the young chief said. "there is already snow in the upper passes. i wish you success. i shall think of your kindness as i lie here, and pray allah to protect you. before you go i pray you to carry me down to the edge of this stream, so that i may drink when i will." "we will certainly do that, and give you a supply of fruit if we can do no better. now we must look and see to your wounds. i can at least bandage them, and make you somewhat easier." to his surprise angus found no wounds in the leg. "i see no bullet mark," he said. "no, the leg was broken in my fall. my men had fought well, but the feringees were too strong for them, and we fled. i was riding in their rear, when a shot struck me in the shoulder. i fell from my horse, and when i found that my leg was broken i felt my end was at hand; but i heard no more shots nor any further sound of galloping horses, and i knew that by allah's mercy they had ceased their pursuit. my horse had galloped on after the others, and my men might not notice that i had fallen until they had gone some distance, when they would probably conclude that i had been killed. i managed to crawl out of the road to the shelter of that rock where you found me, as the infidels might come up in the morning, and i would rather die quietly there than be shot down." "they would not have injured you," angus said. "they kill many in battle, but it is a rule with them never to touch an injured man; and had they come along they would have taken you back to their camp and have done all they could for you." "i have heard that they were strange in that respect; but i did not think of it--my only wish was to die quietly and alone. i tried several times to crawl to the stream, but the agony was so great that i could not do it." angus while he was speaking was feeling the limb. "the first thing to do," he said, "is to bring the ends of the bone together; the operation will be painful, but it will greatly relieve your sufferings." "do as you will, stranger; allah has sent you to my side, and what you do must be right." "in the first place, i must prepare some splints to keep it in its place." leaving the afghan, angus searched among the bushes until he found a shrub which was thick enough for the purpose. he and azim with their knives cut this down near the root, and then divided it into lengths, split each of these and smoothed the pieces until they were perfectly even. he then tore off several long strips of cloth to form bandages, and calling to the two men, he returned to the wounded afghan. the patient was lifted into another position, where he could place his left foot against a rock. "now, chief," angus said, "you must with that leg prevent yourself from being pulled forward; my servant will hold you round the body, so as to aid you; the other two men will take hold of your right leg and pull it, while as soon as it is sufficiently stretched i shall press the broken ends into their position. i am afraid that the pain will be very severe, but you will be much easier afterwards. at present the ends of the bones are tearing your flesh." "an afghan can bear pain," the chief said quietly; "do as you will." "now," angus said to the soldiers, "take a firm hold above the ankle, and draw as steadily and quietly as you can, but with all your strength." the resistance of the muscles was so great that it was only by exercising their utmost power that the men got them to yield. at last angus felt the end of the bone on which he was pressing suddenly slip into its place. then for the first time he looked round. no sound had escaped the afghan's lips, but the agony had been so intense that he had fainted. "now, give me a long bandage, azim; you need not hold him any longer. double up a cloak or something and lift him and put it under him, so that i can pass the bandage round and round." first a wad of thick material soaked in water was placed round the leg at the point of the fracture, and then bandage was added to bandage, until the limb down to the knee was surrounded by a casing half an inch thick; then the splints were applied, some reaching only down to the knee, others to the ankle. these were held in their place by the three assistants, while angus again firmly bandaged them. the operation being completed, he dashed some water on the afghan's face. the latter soon opened his eyes. "it is all over, chief; the bones are in their place again, and if all goes well, in time the ends may knit firmly together." "it is easier already," the chief said gratefully. "i no longer feel as if an evil spirit from eblis were torturing me with a hot iron." "i will now see to your shoulder. the wound has ceased bleeding; therefore i shall but sponge it with cold water and put a bandage on in case it should break out afresh." this was soon done. some cloths soaked in water were laid over the bandage, then some more fruit was given to the wounded man, and he was left in the shade, and the men set about cooking a meal. angus from time to time went across to see him, and had the satisfaction in the evening of finding that he had fallen asleep. "now, azim," he said when he returned, "the next thing to do is to settle what is to be done with him." "i have been wondering that ever since we found him, master." "there is a choice of two things: one is that i mount my horse, ride back to cabul, report having found a wounded man, and ask that a party with a stretcher may be sent out to fetch him in early in the morning; the other is to take him on with us." azim looked in surprise. "that would be very difficult, master." "no doubt it would be difficult, but i think it might be done. there is no doubt that from his dress and appearance, and from the fact that he speaks excellent persian, he is a chief of considerable standing. in that case his friendship might be invaluable to us, both on our way down to the frontier, and possibly in the future, which sir alexander burnes regards as very threatening. it would be worth while, therefore, to make some sacrifice to carry him down to his friends. i would not do it if i thought the journey would harm him, but i believe the cold air of the mountains would be vastly better for him than the heat of the plains round cabul. he may suffer somewhat from jolting, but i think that we can obviate that if we cut two strong poles about fifteen feet long, attach them to the pack-saddles of two horses, and by securely fastening a blanket between them make a hammock, in which he can ride comfortably. the poles would be elastic enough to save sudden jolts; we can only go at a foot's pace in these passes, and these native horses are so sure-footed that i think the chance of any accident is extremely slight. the horses are but lightly weighted, and as the provisions are consumed we can move a portion of the weight they carry to the one who takes our food." "yes, that would be a good plan, master." "another advantage of it would be," angus went on, "that whereas he would chafe at being in a hospital in care of the people he hates, his spirits would naturally rise as he felt that he was returning to his friends, and this would hasten his recovery. however, i will put the question to him in the morning. if he decides upon being kept in camp, i will send you back with a letter to sir alexander burnes for stretcher-bearers, and you will easily overtake us at our camping-place to-morrow evening." in the morning the young chief was better than angus had even hoped for. once or twice during the night fresh water had been poured gently over the bandages on the wounded shoulder. like all people living chiefly in the open air, accustomed to climbing, and to hard exercise, the afghans suffer less from wounds than europeans do. abstemious in their habits, comparatively small meat-eaters, lithe and sinewy in their figures, they speedily recover from wounds unless of a mortal nature. angus found that the chief's forehead and hands were cool, and there were no signs of fever setting in. "i have been thinking over what would be best for you, and decided to leave the choice to yourself. i am acquainted with burnes sahib, and if i send my servant with a letter i know that he will at once send out a party to carry you into hospital, where you will be well cared for." "i would rather die than accept kindness at their hands," the afghan said firmly. "in that case there seems no other course but for me to construct a litter between two of my pack-horses, and to carry you over the mountains to kundur." "and would you thus burden yourself with a stranger?" the afghan asked in a tone of great surprise. "certainly i would for a wounded stranger," angus said; "but i do not think that there will be any great trouble, and i will try to make the journey as easy for you as possible." he then explained how he intended to carry him. the face of the wounded man lit up. he had permitted angus to set his limb because he believed it was destiny that had sent him to his aid. he felt sure that the man who had taken such trouble with him would leave a store of provisions within his reach, and that possibly some of the natives might come along and carry him to their village, and so tend him until his strength was restored. it was but a faint hope, for now that winter was approaching the men from the upper villages would have come down into the plain, and the chances were but slight that any would enter the gorge. his hope rested chiefly in the belief that, as he had been so unexpectedly saved from death, his final deliverance would also be effected; but that this kind trader should offer to carry him up the passes had never entered his mind, and his pale cheek flushed with pleasure. "certainly i will go with you if you will take me," he said joyfully; "nobly indeed do you carry out the precept of the prophet, to be compassionate to all those who need it." "let us say no more about it, chief. it will be a pleasure to me to see you grow stronger, and i doubt not that the mountain air will benefit you greatly, and i shall have my reward in seeing you regaining your strength. we have meat with us, but it will be better for you to take fruit and a little bread." two soldiers were sent out, and presently returned with poles of the desired length and thickness. breakfast was then eaten. afterwards the poles, a long blanket having been firmly lashed between them, were securely fastened against the horses' flanks under their burdens. in this way a hammock was formed in which, while the body and legs were below the level of the poles, the head was somewhat above them. a cloak was rolled up to make a pillow, and the chief was then gently lifted and laid in it. they started at daybreak, rested in the shade for three or four hours in the middle of the day, and then continued their journey till late in the evening. after two days' travel the halt was no longer necessary, for they were now far above the level of the plain. the air was fresh during the day, and at night all were glad to cover themselves with their long coats lined with sheep-skin. angus had made no attempt to discover the position of the ball in the shoulder of the wounded chief. even if he found it, he had neither the instruments nor the skill necessary for its removal. the only thing he could do was to keep the cloths bathed with cold water to prevent inflammation setting in. the track they were following sometimes disappeared altogether, and angus often congratulated himself upon having the young chief with him, for the latter had twice before crossed the mountains, and was able to tell him which line to take. the day's journey varied much in length, being from fifteen to twenty-five miles, according as they found a suitable halting-place. they always camped where there was water, emptying the skins and filling them afresh as often as possible. at times the ground was covered with snow. this they thawed in a pot over a fire of brushwood, of which they were careful to gather some at every opportunity on the day's march. the chief and angus occupied the little tent, while azim slept with the two soldiers in a shelter composed of blankets. every day there was a visible improvement in the state of the wounded man; the cool air acted as a tonic to his system. the first two or three days his arm pained him a good deal, though he had never once complained of it. it was kept bound to his side, and by means of splints and bandages the shoulder was held in its natural position; more than this angus had not attempted. he believed that the shoulder was broken, but even of this he was not sure, and could only hope that the bone would knit together itself. one day, however, in reply to his questions the afghan admitted that he felt a burning pain just over the left shoulder, and feeling, angus perceived a hard substance apparently but a short distance under the skin. "there is no doubt that this is the ball," he said. "a surgeon would cut down upon it, and get it out easily enough." "then why do you not do it? you seem very skilful." "i have had no practice," he said. "my father was a trader of tabriz. he was a good man and very much respected. the poor often came to him in cases of accidents, and i have many a time seen him bandage broken limbs, that is why i was able to do it; but of bullet wounds i know nothing." "take my dagger and cut down to it at once; the pain of a cut is nothing. cut fearlessly and deeply, so that you can take hold of the ball with your fingers." after some hesitation angus agreed to do so, for, by the pain it was causing, the bullet might set up inflammation. "it is a mere nothing," the afghan said. "i have frequently cut out bullets from my tribesmen." the chief's dagger was as keen as a razor, and seeing that his patient really wished it, angus performed the operation. he had to cut three times before he could manage to get hold of the bullet. the afghan himself did not once flinch. "that is well," he said, when the ball was extracted. "now, bring the edges together again, put a piece of wet rag over them, and then tie a bandage tightly round me; by the end of a week there will be nothing but a scar remaining." two days later they arrived at bamian. as they entered the little town a native officer of a ghoorka regiment came out and demanded their business. for the first time angus was unable to give an answer in the language in which he was addressed. knowing, however, the purport of the question, he showed his letter to lieutenant mackenzie. the native was unable to read english, but called to an english artilleryman, who at once came up. on seeing the letter he motioned to the pretended trader to follow him, and conducted him to the house where lieutenant mackenzie lodged. "there is a man outside who has a letter for you, sir," he said saluting. "an englishman?" "no, sir, one of these traders, i think. he has some horses with packs, and he has a wounded or dead man in a litter." "show him in." angus on entering said in persian, "my orders are to deliver this letter to you when alone, sir." the lieutenant signed to two orderlies, to whom he had at the time been giving orders, and angus then went on in english: "you do not remember me, lieutenant mackenzie. i am angus campbell, on the staff of sir alexander burnes." "oh, yes, i remember you now," the officer said, rising and shaking him by the hand. "of course we have met many times, but in that persian dress i did not know you again. i suppose you have come to see how we are getting on?" "no. i am on a mission across the mountains to see what dost mahomed is really doing there, as you will see by this letter." the officer glanced through it. "i see you do not want the natives here--there are not many of them--to be asking any questions. let me see. we are pretty closely packed, as you may imagine. i could give you a room here, but that would hardly do." "no, it would not do at all," angus said. "it would appear strange indeed to the natives if you were to so honour a travelling merchant. i can do very well without a room, for i have a tent that i have used on my journey. all i wish is that you give an order that we shall not be in any way interfered with." "that i can do easily enough, and will put a sentry over your encampment with orders that no one is to enter into conversation with your followers." "thank you; that is just what i desire." "i hear that one of your men is ill, can anything be done for him? we have a doctor with us, and you could leave the man in hospital, and he could either make his way back when cured, or follow you--though i doubt whether that would be possible, as the passes will soon be completely blocked with snow. as soon as we are sure of this we shall return to cabul, so we are looking forward eagerly, as you may imagine, for the news that they have become impassable." "thank you. the man met with an accident by falling from his horse, but i doctored him as well as i could, and i think in another day or two he will be able to sit a horse; and as he knows the passes, i must keep him with me, for already the paths are in many cases obliterated by snow, and i should fare badly indeed without him." "yes, i see that. how long are you going to stay here?" "i shall start again the day after to-morrow. it is most important that i should push on, for the passes may be closed any day. i will give the horses and men one day's rest, that is all that i can afford now. i will say good-bye, for it would not do for you to be seen speaking to me again." "no, i suppose it would not do for you to come here, but i will after dark to-night come down and have a chat with you. i have had no news from cabul for the last fortnight. there would be no harm in that, would there?" "no; i should be very glad if you would come in that way." half an hour later the tents were erected, and two sentries were placed near them to warn off all intruders. angus went into the little town, and made some purchases from three small traders who had remained there, and had been well rewarded for doing so by the prices they obtained from the troops for their stores. lieutenant mackenzie, on his arrival, had ordered them to send all the liquor they had to his quarters, telling them that unless they agreed to this they would not be allowed to remain, and promising that the liquor should be returned to them when the troops left. their stores were almost exhausted, but angus was able to purchase some rice, a pot of ghee, and a sack of grain for the horses. at eight o'clock mackenzie came down. sadut khan had been apprised of the intended visit, and had willingly consented to be carried for the time into the other tent, so that angus had his to himself. "it is a snug little tent," mackenzie said when he entered it; "not much head room, but that is of no consequence, as it is only a place for sleeping in. i am ashamed to come empty-handed, but i only brought a couple of bottles of spirits with me, and they are both empty long ago. i can't drink this beastly native stuff. and besides, the room in which i stored all there was in the place when i got here is locked up. i made the traders put their seals to it so that there could be no dispute about the quantities when i handed them over." "thank you," angus said; "i don't touch spirits. whatever may be the case in other places, i am convinced that men are better off without them in a country like this. certainly they are best avoided in hot weather; and i think even in the cold weather coffee is infinitely better, and i have brought a good store of that with me. now, make yourself as comfortable as you can. fill your pipe from that jar, it is the best persian tobacco. then when the coffee comes in i will give you the news from cabul." a large jug of coffee, with two silver horns which angus had bought before starting, was soon brought in, and then angus told what had happened at cabul since the last letter mackenzie had received. "then you don't think things are going on well?" mackenzie said when he had concluded. "no, there is much disaffection among the lower class in the city. the tribesmen are restless and discontented. it was a great mistake to allow shah soojah the entire control of all civilian matters; the consequence is that the people are grievously oppressed by the tax-gatherers. the ameer himself is impatient at the slightest attempt to control him. he renders himself intensely unpopular by hardly ever appearing in public, by his refusal to grant audiences, and by his haughtiness and arrogance to those whom he does admit to his presence. i am certain that he could not maintain himself for a day if we were to march away, and i don't see how we can leave him to his fate. altogether the situation is very difficult, and i am afraid it will end badly. they want a strong man at the head of affairs. i do not think that macnaghten is a strong man. keane is a good soldier, but it is said that he will return to england in the spring." "and how about burnes?" "burnes is my chief," angus said with a smile; "but i can say this, i believe that if he were in macnaghten's place things would go on better. at present, however, he has no authority of any kind. he differs from macnaghten on almost every point, and any advice he gives is almost contemptuously neglected." "it is a queer state of affairs," mackenzie said. "however, i suppose we shall get out all right in the end. it is a way we have. we generally make a muddle in the beginning, but our fighting power has pulled us through. well, i will be going now; it is eleven o'clock. i think that it would be better that i should not come again to-morrow." "i think so too. if the afghans here entertained the smallest suspicion that you were visiting me, they would feel sure that i was not the trader i pretended to be, and would find means of sending a message across the mountains, which would result in the failure of my mission and my own certain death." after a hearty farewell, and an expression of the best wishes for the success of his mission, mackenzie said good-bye and left the tent. the afghan chief was carried back into it, and in a few minutes all in the little camp were asleep. chapter xi a dangerous journey angus made every effort to secure the services of a native well acquainted with the passes as guide, but was altogether unsuccessful. the difficulties were, they declared, insurmountable, the danger overwhelming. "i must see what i can do," sadut khan said, when angus informed him that the natives were all of opinion that the snow was too heavy and the danger too great for the pass to be attempted. "we stayed here for some days, when i crossed the hills with dost mahomed. there is a petty chief living in a village two miles away; if he is still there, i think he would accompany you. whether or not, i am certain he would not divulge the secret of my being here to anyone." "i will go myself to see him," angus said. "i hope indeed he will accompany us, for if not, i fear that our journey has come to an end, as the offers i have made would have tempted any of the natives here to go with me if they had thought it possible. shall i mention your name to him?" "say to him only that a chief of the momunds, whom he knew here three months ago, desires to speak to him." angus at once mounted his horse and rode to the foot of the hill upon which the village with the tower of its chief was perched. then fastening the bridle to a stunted shrub, he made his way up the steep ascent on foot. the place did not contain more than a dozen houses. as he passed through these, natives wrapped in sheep-skin jackets came to the door and gazed at him with angry scowls. as he reached the door of the tower four armed men came out. "what would you here, stranger?" one of them said. "i would speak a few words with your chief." "he does not want either to buy or to sell," the man said shortly. "i do not seek to sell," angus said. "i have a message of importance to him." one of them went into the tower, and returning in a minute, motioned to angus to follow him. the chief, a tall and powerful man of middle age, was seated on the floor of a room in the upper story of the tower. near him was a large earthenware pan, in which a charcoal fire was burning. "why come you here, persian?" he said, "and what message can one like you bear to me?" angus repeated the message that sadut khan had given him. the chief rose to his feet suddenly. "you lie!" he said fiercely, "he is dead. the news came to us a week since." "nevertheless, he gave me that message; and if you will come with me to bamian you will see for yourself that he is not dead, though it is true that he has been sorely hurt." "i go not into bamian," the chief said. "i have not put foot in the town since the accursed infidels came there. they have held no communication with me, nor i with them. this may be a trick to lure me there and make me prisoner." "if they had desired to do so," angus said quietly, "they would have sent a hundred men with a gun or two, and not a mere trader. besides, how could they have told that a momund chief had been here with dost mahomed when he passed through?" "many could have told you that," the chief said, "seeing that, next to the ameer himself, he was the most observed of the party." "well, chief, if you will not go, i have nothing to do but to return and inform him that you refuse to come and see him." "how can he be there, in the midst of the enemy, unless indeed he is a prisoner?" "he is not a prisoner; he lies in my tent. you can see him without entering bamian, for my camp is outside the town. what motive, chief, could i have in deceiving you?" "i will go," the chief said suddenly. "it shall not be said that i refused to answer such a call, however improbable it might seem." he threw on a cloak lined with sheep-skins, and telling his men that unless something befell him he would be back by noon, he led the way down the hill. angus mounted his horse when he reached it and rode beside him. for some distance the afghan did not speak. "do you know the name of this chief?" he asked abruptly when half the distance had been traversed. "it is sadut khan, the fighting chief of the momunds, and a nephew by marriage of the ameer." the afghan had not expected this reply. "you must be in his confidence indeed, persian, or he would not thus have disclosed himself when in the midst of those who would hail his capture as one of the most valuable prizes." "he has, as you say, faith in me," angus said quietly, "and will, doubtless, when you see him, give you his reason for that trust in me." "your story must be true, and i believe it; forgive me for at first doubting it. but having heard that the chief had been killed, i thought this was a plot of some kind." "it was natural that you should not believe me," angus said. "you could scarce credit that he was alive, and, what was still more strange, that he should be in a town occupied by the english, and yet not be a prisoner." "this is a fortunate day for me, indeed," the afghan said. "there is no chief whose name is more honoured in the country than that of sadut khan. he is as brave as a lion, good to his people, and faithful to dost mahomed, when so many have fallen away from him. the ameer regards him as if he were a favourite son, and it will gladden his heart indeed, and lessen his troubles, when he learns that he is still alive." avoiding the town they went straight to sadut. angus dismounted and led the way to his little white tent, and, raising the flap, said to the chief, "he is here; enter." the afghan did so; and thinking it best to leave them together for a time, angus strolled away and saw that his horse was, as usual, well wrapped up in a thick felt blanket. it was half an hour before the chief made his appearance at the entrance to the tent and looked round. angus at once spoke to him. "my friend," said the chief, "i again ask your pardon for doubting you for a moment. allah will surely bless you for the good work you have done. sadut khan has told me all, and it passes my understanding why a stranger should have cumbered himself with a wounded man of whom he knew nothing." "does not the koran bid us succour the afflicted?" "that is true, my friend, but there are surely limits. one will do great things for a friend, one may do something for a stranger, but to hinder one's journey and cumber one's self with a wounded stranger is surely more than can be expected of us." angus now entered the tent. "my trust in the chief was not misplaced," sadut khan said. "he will act as our guide across the mountains, though he doubts whether it will be possible to cross the passes. if it is the will of allah, persian, that we should not, we can but die." "that is so," angus said; "but the passes may not be as badly blocked as we expect." "we can hardly hope that," the chief replied, shaking his head. "the last party that came over reported that they had never known it so bad. this was a week ago, and since then the sky has always been dull to the north, and it has surely been snowing there. however, to-day it is lighter, and maybe no more snow will fall for a time. we had best lose not an hour in starting. i shall take four of my men with me. we have no horses, but that matters not at all, for the passage will have to be made on foot. let us move to-morrow at daybreak, and travel as far as we can before it is dark." when the arrangements were all settled, angus went into the village and bought some more grain, cheese, and other food, also a store of extra blankets, and two other native tents; these were to be packed on his horse and azim's. among other things he bought two native lamps for each tent, and a good supply of oil, a roll of flannel for tearing into strips for winding round the feet and legs, and he was then satisfied that he had done all in his power to render the enterprise a success. before daybreak next morning hassan, the afghan chief, arrived with four of his followers, all strong and sinewy men. the animals were speedily packed; sadut's litter was placed between two of the horses which were more lightly loaded than the others, and they set out just as daylight was spreading over the sky. the speed with which the start was effected was in itself a sign that all felt the gravity of the task before them. angus had the evening before explained to the two soldiers that the journey before them was one of tremendous difficulty, and offered to leave them in charge of lieutenant mackenzie till spring, when they could return to cabul and rejoin their regiment; but they would not hear of it. "we are both mountain men," one said, "and if others can get through we can. at any rate, we will risk anything rather than return with blackened faces and say that we had feared to follow our officer." the morning was bitterly cold, but the sky was clear. "we shall do well to-day," hassan said to angus, "and the horses are fresh. as for to-morrow, who can say?" the snow was knee-deep when they got beyond the village. the ascent began almost at once and was heavy work both for men and horses. they continued their journey till it was too dark to go farther, then they halted in a ravine which afforded some shelter from the piercing wind. all set to work to clear away the snow where the tents were to be pitched, but before raising these the horses were attended to. blankets were girded round them from the ears to the tail, and they were picketed touching each other for mutual warmth. a supply of corn was then laid down before each on some square pieces of felt placed on the snow. when the tents were pitched the lamps were lighted and the flaps closed, then snow was scraped up outside until the canvas was covered nearly to the top. in spite of the intense cold all were thoroughly warmed by their hard work before they turned in. angus took azim into his tent, the rest divided themselves among the other two. at other times it would have been unpleasant to be so closely packed, but in such weather it was an advantage. before setting to work to pile the snow against the tents a brass kettle filled with water had been suspended from the ridge-pole over the lamps, and the water was almost boiling by the time the work was finished, and in a few minutes coffee was made. the frozen carcasses of four sheep had been brought, as well as a large quantity of meat that had been cooked on the previous day. some slices of the latter were thawed over the lamp and eaten with bread that had been purchased at bamian. but few words were spoken after the meal was finished, their fatigue and the warmth of the tent rendering it difficult for them to keep awake. in a few minutes all were sound asleep. the next day's march was even more arduous. sadut had given up his litter and again mounted his horse, as it was found impossible for the two animals linked together by the hammock to make their way up the steep place. the work was toilsome in the extreme, but all worked cheerfully. hassan and his four men laboured with the greatest vigour, carrying burdens to places which horses when laden could not have climbed, hauling the animals out of deep drifts into which they frequently fell, carrying sadut khan in his litter at points where the ascent was so steep that, crippled as he still was by his injured leg, he could not have retained his seat in the saddle. the party worked in almost complete silence, but with a stern determination and energy which showed their consciousness that every moment was of importance. twelve miles were the result of as many hours of labour. no signs of a track had been visible since they left bamian, and angus felt how absolutely impossible it would have been to cross the pass had it not been for the intimate knowledge of hassan and his followers; even these were sometimes at fault. none of them had ever passed over the mountains when so deeply covered with snow, and consultations constantly took place between them as to the line to be followed. when they arrived at their halting-place for the night, hassan told angus and the momund chief that they were now within two hundred feet of the top of the pass. "to-morrow's work will be the most dangerous; the north wind sweeps across the plateau with terrible force. moreover, i do not like the look of the sky this evening. we have been fortunate so far, but i think that there will be a change." "it is well, indeed," sadut said as they ate their supper, "that we crossed the highest pass before the snow began in earnest; we certainly could not have supported that journey had we been ten days later. we have got through the hardest part of the work, and everything now depends upon the weather. may allah grant that there be no more snow. the pass to-morrow is but twelve miles across, and if all goes well we shall begin to descend on the following morning. if the snow holds off we shall be able to do that distance easily, for it is almost a level plain that we have to traverse. parts of it will be nearly clear of snow, which the fierce blasts sweep away as fast as it falls, while in other places the surface will be hard enough to walk on, the snow being pressed firmly together by the weight of the wind." they were on foot again next morning even earlier than usual. all were aware of the importance of haste. the tents were pulled down and loaded with the greatest rapidity. the cold was intense, and but few words were spoken until they reached the summit of the ascent, by which time the effort of climbing had restored the heat that had been lost as soon as they left their warm tents. the sky was cloudless, and angus felt hopeful that the day's journey would be accomplished with comparative ease. he noticed, however, that there was an anxious look on the faces of the five tribesmen, who, although they were travelling more rapidly than they had done since they left bamian, were constantly urging horses and men to press forward at a greater speed. angus had expected that they would have to face very strong wind, but scarce a breath was blowing. as sadut had predicted, the rock was in many places completely bare. the fields of snow were so hard that, instead of struggling knee-deep as before, they now seldom sank over their feet, and sometimes left scarcely a track upon the surface. the hills on either side stood up clear and hard, and the silence was almost oppressive. they were, they calculated, half-way across the pass three hours after leaving their camp, when hassan, who was walking beside angus and sadut, stopped suddenly and pointed to the sky. looking up angus saw two or three little wisps of vapour passing overhead with extraordinary speed. "the storm!" hassan exclaimed. "see, others are coming; it will soon be upon us. we can go no farther, but must prepare to meet it instantly or we shall be overwhelmed." knowing that hassan would not have spoken thus unless from the direst necessity, angus at once ordered a halt. the plateau was perfectly flat, and nowhere could any shelter be obtained, and they were now on an expanse of hard snow. urged by the shouts and exclamations of hassan all hastened to unload the animals. as soon as this was done, angus ordered the tents to be pitched. "it is useless," hassan said, "they would be blown down in an instant. let them lie open on the snow. let each man take his two blankets and keep them by him in readiness, and when the storm begins let him wrap himself up in these, and then let those who are tent-fellows lie down together on one side of the tent, pull the other over them, and roll themselves in it. i and my men will be the last to take shelter, and we will pile the sacks and saddles over the ends to keep them down. but first put all the extra blankets over the horses and fasten them over their heads, and let them hang down well behind. they will turn their backs to the wind. make all those that are accustomed to lie down do so. range the others close to them." ten minutes of hard work and all was ready. then they had time to look round. the sky was hidden from view by masses of black clouds streaming along. the men took their places on their tents and wrapped their blankets round in readiness. "lie down at once!" hassan ordered. "it will be upon us almost immediately." the men did so. hassan and his followers pulled the felt covering over them, pushing the edge of the upper side under them as far as possible. then they piled baggage and saddles on the ends. angus, with azim and sadut, remained standing till the last. hassan ran up to them with his men. "quick!" he said, "the storm will be upon us immediately." glancing ahead as he lay down, angus saw what looked like a white mist in the distance, and knew that it must be snow swept up by the force of the wind. half a minute and they were tucked up in the thick felt; this was weighted at both ends. "allah preserve you!" hassan shouted, then all was silent. a minute later the storm struck them with such force that they felt as if pressed down by a heavy weight. had they been inclined to speak they could not have heard each other, so loud was the howl of the wind. wrapped up in their sheep-skin posteens and blankets, they did not feel the cold. for some time angus lay and wondered how long this would last. presently he fell asleep, the warmth, after the bitterly cold air outside, overpowering even the thought of danger. he was lying between sadut and azim, who, like himself, lay without moving. indeed, movement would have been difficult, so tightly was the tent wrapped round them. he slept for many hours vaguely conscious of the roar and fury of the gale. when he awoke at last it was with a sense of suffocation, a heavy weight seemed to press upon him, and the sound of the storm had ceased. "are you awake?" he asked the others, but he had to shake them before he obtained an answer. "something must be done," he went on, as soon as they were capable of understanding him. "we shall be suffocated if we don't let some air in." "that is true," sadut said. "the snow is evidently piled up round us. we must let air in, or we shall perish." but in spite of their efforts they found it impossible to move forward to get to the end of the roll. "we must cut our way out; it is our only chance," angus said, and turning on to his back, he managed to get out his long afghan knife, and cut a slit three feet long in the felt. as he did so, the snow came pouring in through the opening. "do you both put your hands under my shoulders," he said, "and help me to sit up." it was not until he had cut a transverse slit so as to allow the hole to open wider that he was able to do so. "the snow is not packed very hard," he said, as he pressed it aside. "it can't be very deep, for i can see light." it was not long before he was on his feet, and had pushed the snow sufficiently back to enable his companions to get out also. the feeling of suffocation was already relieved, as a sufficient amount of air made its way through the snow, and after five minutes' hard work they clambered out. the gale was still blowing, though not so violently as at first, the snow still falling thickly. two white mounds marked the position of the other tents, elsewhere a wide expanse of level snow was seen. it was evident that, as it drifted, it had first heaped itself against the tent. more had settled beyond it, and so gradually mounds had risen until they were seven or eight feet high. "we must rescue the others at once," angus said. on the windward side the snow was so hard that their hands made no impression upon it, but on the sheltered side it was lighter, and working with their hands they were soon able to clear it away down to the end of the tent beneath which hassan and three of his followers were lying. it was not, like the others, closed there, as its occupants had been unable to place weights on it after they had rolled themselves up. as soon as they had cleared the snow and opened the felt out a little, sadut called-"are you awake, hassan?" "i am awake," he replied, "but am bound down hand and foot." they cleared the snow off until they saw a foot. taking hold of this together they pulled and gradually drew one of the men out. the other three were extricated more easily. they found that these had not suffered so much from a sense of suffocation as the first party had done, as, the ends of the roll being open, a certain amount of air had found its way through the snow. half an hour's hard work sufficed to rescue the occupants of the other tent. the three were unconscious, but the cold blast speedily brought them round. "what is to be done next?" angus asked hassan. "the gale is still far too severe for us to move," the latter answered. "we had best clear away the snow over the tents, and then take to them again." after two hours' work the tents were cleared. the men had worked from above, throwing out the snow over the sides of the mound, so that when they had finished the tents lay at the bottoms of sloping holes. a meal was then eaten, and lifting the upper covering of felt they lay down again and closed it over them. the sun was in the east, and they knew that some fifteen hours had elapsed since the gale had struck them. a mound of snow had marked where the horses were lying. they did not interfere with these, for hassan said that the horses would be able to breathe through the snow, and probably the heat of their bodies had melted it immediately round them, and they would be much warmer than if the snow were cleared off. before turning in hassan and his men managed to erect the tent of their leaders. lying as it did in a crater of snow, it was sheltered from the force of the wind. holes were made with a dagger on each side of the slit that angus had cut, and the edges tied together by a strip of leather. a couple of lamps and oil were taken from the sack in which they were carried, and also the bag of corn, and the little party after filling their vessels with snow and hanging them over the lamps, and closing the entrance to the tent, soon felt comfortable again. "it has been a narrow escape," sadut said. "had it not been for your thinking of cutting the tent, and so enabling us to make our way out, the whole caravan would assuredly have perished. now, we have only an imprisonment for another day or two at most, and can then proceed on our journey." the next morning the gale had ceased, though the snow continued to fall. by mid-day the sky cleared, and all issuing out from their shelters prepared for a start. it took them an hour's work to extricate the horses; one of these, a weakly animal, had died, the others appeared uninjured by their imprisonment. all the vessels in the camp had been used for melting snow, and a drink of warm water with some flour stirred into it was given to each of the animals, and an extra feed of corn. as soon as they had eaten this, the baggage was packed on their backs, and the party moved forward. it was heavy work. the snow that had fallen since the force of the wind had abated was soft, and the animals sank fetlock-deep in it. but after three hours' travelling, they reached the end of the pass and began to descend. two hours later they halted at a spot where a wall of rock afforded shelter against the wind from the north. "allah be praised that we have reached this point!" hassan said. "now the worst is over. i can see that we shall have another storm before an hour is past, they generally follow each other when they once begin. but here we are safe, and it was for this that i said 'no' when you proposed that we should halt at the mouth of the pass." the tents were soon erected, great stones being placed on the lower edge to steady them against the gusts of wind. then a diligent search was made for wood, and enough bushes were found to make a good fire. strips of meat from one of the frozen sheep were cooked, the kettles were boiled, cakes of flour and ghee were baked, and the travellers made a hearty meal. the horses were each given half a bucket of warm water, thickened with flour, and a double feed of grain. then all sat round the fire smoking and talking until it burned low, when, in spite of their sheep-skin coats, the bitter cold soon made itself felt. they had scarcely turned into their tents when the storm, as hassan had predicted, burst. except for an occasional gust they felt it but little, and slept soundly until morning, when they found that light snow had eddied down, and was lying two feet deep. the day was spent in cooking and attending to their own wants and those of the horses. for two days they were prisoners, then the gale abated, and they continued their journey, and late that evening arrived at the village of chol. here they were received with hospitality by the natives, who were astounded that in such weather the caravan should have made its way over the pass. resting here for two days, they travelled to kala sarkari. sadut now took the lead, for the chief of the village seeing three horses loaded with merchandise demanded toll; but, sadut announcing himself as a nephew of dost mahomed, and saying that the whole party were under his protection, the threatening attitude that the inhabitants began to assume was at once calmed. four days' travel, with halts at small villages, took them to balkh. here, on declaring himself, sadut was received with great honour, and was entertained at the governor's house, where dost mahomed was lying ill. no attention was bestowed upon hassan and his followers, who walked behind him, and were reported as having been the means of his safety. angus with his party kept some little distance in the rear and took up their quarters at a khan unnoticed, but when sadut was seen to call early the next morning upon the persian trader and remain with him for a considerable time, it was understood that they were under his protection, and no enquiries were made by the authorities of the town. on the third day sadut said to angus: "i regret that the ameer is ill. had it not been for that he would have received you. i told him of the services you have rendered me, and that but for you a few hours would have ended my life. he said that he would like to see so noble a man, and to give him a fitting testimonial of gratitude for the service done to his sister's son. he requested me to bring you to him as soon as he is able to rise from his couch; and when he enters cabul in triumph, as he assuredly will do ere long, he hopes that you will establish yourself there. i can promise you that your business shall flourish." "i thank you heartily, khan, for having spoken to the ameer about me," angus said gravely, "but i cannot receive a present from dost mahomed. i have intended many times to tell you more about myself, and i feel that i must do so now. you are my friend, and i cannot remain in a false position with you. as long as we were travelling together, no harm was done; it mattered not to you who was the man who had aided you in your extremity. but the case is different now. you were then a sorely wounded man, who needed what aid i could give you; now you are a close relation of dost mahomed, and a powerful afghan chief, so the case is changed. dost mahomed, and no doubt yourself, know what is passing in cabul by means of your friends there, who see all that is going on. the english general, on the other hand, knows nothing of what is passing beyond the ground patrolled by his cavalry. "it was important for him to learn what was passing on this side of the mountains, and he selected me, an officer in his army, on account of my knowledge of persian and pushtoo, to cross the mountains and ascertain what prospect there was of dost mahomed's returning with an army to cabul in the spring. i confide my secret to you as to a friend. you can see that it would be impossible for me to accept presents from dost mahomed in my character of a persian merchant, and for the same reason i should abstain from questioning you, or even allowing you to give me any information as to the military preparations going on. to do so would be to take an unfair advantage of the chances that enabled me to be of service." angus had thought the matter over, and knew that while such work as he was engaged in would, if discovered, cost him his life, it would be regarded by the afghans as a legitimate means of obtaining information; and although if caught he would be killed as an enemy, his action would be regarded as showing that he was a man of great bravery thus to place himself in the power of an enemy. this was the view, indeed, in which sadut khan regarded it. "you have done well to tell me," he said gravely. "it was truly the act of a brave man not only to risk discovery here, but to undertake the terrible adventure of crossing the passes when winter had fairly set in, in order to obtain information for your general. still more do i wonder that you should have burdened yourself with the care of an enemy, one who was fighting against your people. it was wonderful on the part of a persian trader, it is far more so on the part of one against whom i was fighting, who is not of my religion, who was engaged upon an enterprise of such a nature, and to whom speed was a matter of the greatest importance. had it not been for the slow pace at which you travelled with me, you might have crossed all the passes before they were blocked. i shall fight against your people as before, but i shall respect them now i see that although our religions differ, there are good things in their beliefs as in ours, and that even the koran has no lessons in charity and kindliness stronger than those that you have learned from the teaching of your own religion. "what i thought wonderful on the part of a persian merchant is still more marvellous on the part of an english officer, who could have no possible interest in saving a dying man; and who, indeed, might have gained credit by delivering him into the hands of his countrymen, since so long as i was a prisoner in their hands, i should be a hostage for the quiet behaviour of my people. you can do no harm to us by your enquiries here; it is known by all on this side of the mountains that the ameer will in the spring endeavour to turn out the usurper; it is known already to every sheik from candahar to jellalabad. whether he will come with ten thousand or twenty thousand men matters little; when he appears, all afghanistan will rise. your generals might have been sure that it would be so without sending to make enquiries. i cannot tell you with what force we shall come. it will not be a great army; even in summer a large force could scarcely traverse the passes. it is not on the force that he will take from here that dost mahomed relies; it is on the host he will gather round him when he crosses the mountains. we have learned that the disaffection to soojah is everywhere on the increase. there were many who did not love the barukzyes, but they know now that things are worse instead of better since the change, for the man has made himself hated by his arrogance, his contempt for the people in general, and the extortion exercised by his tax-gatherers. "there is no secret in all this, your own officers must know it. what you will not learn, for the decision will not be made until the spring, is the line by which the ameer will advance. there are many passes by which he may then cross; or he may go round by herat, and gather forces as he advances. or again, he might go east, and crossing by the passes there, come down through chitral to jellalabad." "that i can well understand, khan. of course i have already learned that there is no doubt that dost mahomed is preparing to cross the passes in the spring, and that he is sure of the support of the tribesmen on this side of the mountains." "he could gather a very large army if he chose," sadut said, "but the difficulty of transporting food for so large a body would be very great, i think that ten thousand men will be the utmost he could move with. i am doing no harm in telling you this, because you would soon learn it in the town, and it is certain that your people could not prevent his passing the hindoo koosh, since he has so many routes to choose from. his force is not like your army, which, moving with great trains of baggage, cannon, and ammunition, could only cross by one or two passes; we can move wherever our horses can climb. and now i will leave you, for i have some business to attend to; but i will return this evening." chapter xii troubles thicken angus saw that as he could not hope to obtain further information, however long he might stay, and as he had fulfilled the main object of his mission by discovering that dost mahomed would not be content with remaining master of the northern province, but would certainly advance in the spring, he could do no good by remaining any longer. the information that he could give would enable macnaghten and burnes to show the indian government that their intention of withdrawing more troops in the early spring would be disastrous; and it was with this special object in view that he had been sent. he had on the two previous days sold a portion of his goods, but had held out for the prices with which they were marked. he was now more willing to bargain, as he wished to travel in future as lightly as possible. accordingly, before nightfall he had disposed of nearly half the stock with which he had started; but he had at the same time purchased a certain amount of goods from turkestan, as these would be more appropriate as merchandise when he started from balkh for herat. sadut came again in the evening. "my friend," he said, "i have been thinking over your position. doubtless you might stay here for some time without its being suspected that you were other than you seemed to be, but a chance word from one of your men might betray you, and as you have really learned all that there is to learn, it seems to me that there is no use in your tarrying any longer here. it is true that dost mahomed, for my sake, would protect you, even were you discovered. still, you know the nature of our people, and were it rumoured that you were an infidel, you might be torn to pieces before either the ameer or myself knew aught about it." "i have come to the same conclusion. if i thought i could gain anything by remaining i should do so, whatever the risk; but as it would be useless to stay, i intend to leave to-morrow. i have a long journey to make via herat; the sooner i am off the better. my men are now packing up my goods and preparing for a start at daylight." "i felt so sure that this would be your course that i have brought with me an order from the ameer to the governor and headmen of all towns and villages through which you may pass, enjoining them to give you good treatment, as he holds you in high esteem for having rendered most valuable services to me." "i thank you very heartily," angus replied. "this will greatly facilitate my journey and save me from all small annoyances. i trust that we shall meet again." "i hope so indeed. never shall i forget the debt of gratitude that i owe you. perhaps some day i may be able to repay that debt to a small extent. remember, that in case of need you may rely upon me to the utmost. at any rate, you must not refuse to accept this; it is a present from dost mahomed, not to an english officer, but to a persian merchant who has saved the life of his sister's son. he talks continually while with me of the nobility of your action, and when i told him that you were going he had his turban brought and took out this gem, which was its chief ornament, and bade me hand it you in remembrance of the deed. i told him you had said that you would receive no present for a simple act of humanity. more i could not tell him without revealing your secret, though i know that it would be safe with him. you cannot refuse to take this. as for myself, i am here an exile far away from my own people, and have but this to give you as a token of my love. it is my signet ring. if you send it to me i will go through fire and water to come to you. my tribesmen will all recognize it, and will do anything in their power for its possessor." angus saw that, offered as it was, he should greatly hurt the afghan's feelings if he refused the immense ruby surrounded by diamonds that dost mahomed had sent him. "i will not refuse the gift of the ameer so given to me, and shall cherish it as my most valued possession and the gift of a man whom i for one, and i may say most british officers, consider to be very badly treated by us. i know from sir alexander burnes that dost mahomed was most anxious for our alliance. shah soojah is as unpopular among us as among his own people. of course, as soldiers, it is not our business to concern ourselves with politics; that is a matter for the government only. still we cannot but have our feelings, and i am sure that should the fortune of war ever place dost mahomed in our hands he would receive honourable treatment. your gift i shall prize as highly, as a token of our warm friendship, and trust that the time may never come when i have to put its virtue to the test, though i well know that i could in necessity rely upon any help that you might be able to give me." after talking for some time of the best route to follow, sadut khan took an affectionate leave, and angus started the next morning with his party. before setting out he bestowed handsome gifts upon hassan and his followers, whom he had learned to like greatly for the devotion they had shown to sadut and the energy and courage with which they had worked during the journey. travelling from twenty to five-and-twenty miles a day, with occasional halts, he reached cabul after two months of travel. his journey had been greatly facilitated by the order that he carried from dost mahomed. he had not entered herat, as it was probable that he would be recognized there. avoiding the city, he travelled by the same route as before to girishk, and then took a road running a few miles north of candahar and falling into the main road at kelat-i-ghilzye. his first step was to see sir alexander burnes and to report to him that assuredly dost mahomed would come south with a considerable force as soon as the passes were opened. his following would not itself be very formidable, but he relied upon being joined by all the tribesmen south of the hills. "your news is most opportune," the agent said, "and can hardly fail to induce the governor-general to alter his determination to withdraw the greater part of our force in the spring. already we have not a man too many for contingencies that may arise. now, tell me about your journey. the winter set in so severely directly you left us that i have been seriously uneasy about you. i had only one message from mackenzie after you had left, it was brought by a native; and he told me that you had passed through, but that the weather had changed for the worse the day after you started, and the universal opinion among the natives was that you and your party had perished." angus gave an account of his journey. he had thought over the question whether it would be wise to mention the episode of the wounded afghan, but he concluded that it would be better to do so, as mackenzie, when he rejoined the force, might casually mention that he had a sick man with him; and he therefore told the whole story as it happened. "i admire your humanity, mr. campbell, though it seems almost quixotic to burden yourself with a wounded man. but, as you say, it was evident that if you could manage to carry him through he might be of great service to you. undoubtedly he would have been a valuable prisoner to have in our hands, but his gratitude to you may prove valuable to us, for the momunds are a powerful tribe, and your conduct to him cannot but have inspired him with a better feeling towards us than he has hitherto shown." "he may have less animosity, sir, but i fear that he will still be found fighting against us. on the way he spoke many times of his determination to continue the struggle until afghanistan was free from the infidel; i am convinced that his indignation at the treatment of dost mahomed, and his fanaticism are so strong that no private matter is likely to shake them." the winter passed quietly, and the attention of burnes and macnaghten was turned rather towards the frontier than to the state of things round cabul. yar mahomed, virtual ruler of herat, although he was receiving large sums of money from us, was known to be intriguing with persia, and trying to form an alliance with the shah to expel the british from afghanistan. russia had sent an expedition against khiva, and the conquest of this little state would bring her more closely to the frontier of afghanistan. dost mahomed, however, had gone on a visit to the ameer of bokhara, and had been detained for the present by that treacherous ruler; thus for a time the prospect of an invasion on his part was greatly diminished. in the spring macnaghten and shah soojah returned to cabul. the former continued to ignore the warnings of sir a. burnes, as to the ever-growing hostility of the afghans to the british and the man they had forced upon them. his advice and that of burnes had been so far followed that the force at cabul had not been diminished; but, not content with this, macnaghten continued to urge on the indian government the necessity of sending a great force to occupy herat and another to cross the mountains and thwart the projects of the russians by carrying our arms into bokhara. moreover, he was continually applying for money to meet the expenses of shah soojah's government. as if the drain that these demands would entail upon the indian treasury and upon the indian army were not sufficient, he insisted upon the necessity of conquering the punjaub, where, since the death of runjeet sing, the attitude of the population had been increasingly hostile. it is difficult to understand how any perfectly sane man could have made such propositions. it would have needed the whole army of india to carry them out, to say nothing of an enormous outlay of money. although the governor-general and his council firmly declined to enter upon the wild schemes proposed to them, macnaghten did not cease to send them lengthy communications urging the absolute necessity of his advice being followed. as the summer came on there were everywhere signs of unrest. in april the ghilzyes cut the communications near candahar, but were defeated by a small body of troops sent from that city. the beloochees, whose country had been annexed, were bitterly hostile, and convoys were cut off. candahar was invested by them, quettah besieged, and khelat captured. with the exception of macnaghten himself, there was scarcely an officer in the army but was conscious of the tempest that was gathering round them. shah soojah was as unpopular among them as among the native population. macnaghten was almost as unpopular as the shah. everyone knew that it was his influence that had first induced lord auckland to enter upon this war, and the levity with which he replied to every warning, and the manner in which he deferred to shah soojah in every respect, and allowed him to drive the tribesmen to despair by the greed of the tax-gatherers, incensed the officers of the army to the utmost. in the spring the little garrison of bamian were on the point of being reinforced by a sepoy battalion when dr. lord, who had been sent as political officer, received information that led him to believe that jubbar khan, one of dost mahomed's brothers, who was in charge of dost's family at khooloom, was ready to come in. one of his sons had already done so, and lord thought that by sending forward a force to the fortress of badjah he would quicken jubbar khan's movements. it had the desired effect, and jubbar khan came into bamian bringing with him dost mahomed's family and a large party of retainers. this, however, in no way improved the position of the little party at badjah, for the natives in the vicinity exhibited the greatest hostility. the officer in command sent a detachment under sergeant douglas to escort another officer to badjah. the party was, however, attacked, and although they made a gallant resistance, they would have been destroyed had not two companies of ghoorkas arrived on the spot and beat off the enemy. in august the startling news arrived that dost mahomed had escaped from bokhara. he was received with open arms by the governor of khooloom and a large force speedily gathered round him. early in september he advanced upon bamian with eight thousand men. badjah was attacked, and although the ghoorka regiment kept back the assailants, it was evident that so advanced a post could not be held, and the force retreated, leaving all their baggage behind them. a regiment of afghan infantry had been raised and were stationed at bamian, but on hearing of dost mahomed's approach they deserted to a man, most of them joining the enemy. even macnaghten could no longer shut his eyes to the serious nature of the position. cabul was full of sikh emissaries, who were stirring up the population to revolt, promising them that the sikh nation would join in driving out the infidel. reinforcements under colonel dennie reached bamian on the 14th of september, and on the 17th dost mahomed with his army approached the place. ignorant that the whole force was upon him, dennie sent mackenzie with two guns and four companies of native infantry and some four hundred afghan horse, and himself followed with four more companies in support. on joining the advanced party, he found that the whole of dost mahomed's force was in front of him. in spite of the enormous disparity of numbers, he determined to attack; a wise resolution, for although in our indian wars the natives often fought bravely when they attacked us, they seldom offered a vigorous opposition when we took the offensive. mackenzie's two guns opened fire with shrapnel, which had a terrible effect upon the dense masses of the enemy. these were unable to withstand the fire, and soon began to fall back. mackenzie followed them, and again opened fire. before long, dost mahomed's levies broke and fled; and dennie launched the afghan horsemen in pursuit. these cut down great numbers of the enemy, and dispersed them in all directions. the effect of this signal defeat was at once apparent. the governor of khooloom entered into negotiations without delay, and pledged himself not to harbour or assist dost mahomed; the country south of khooloom was divided, he taking half, while the southern portion came under the authority of shah soojah. the victory caused great satisfaction in cabul, but this feeling was short-lived. dost mahomed after his defeat went to kohistan, where there was great discontent among the chiefs, some of whom were already in revolt. general sale sent a force from jellalabad, which attacked a fortified position held by them, but the assault was repulsed with heavy loss. it was about to be renewed, when the kohistanees evacuated the fort and fled. the fact, however, that our troops had met with a repulse had a great effect upon the minds of the natives. for the first time the afghans had successfully withstood an attack by british soldiers. throughout the month of october dost mahomed was busy, and at one time approached within forty miles of cabul, when guns were hastily mounted on the citadel to overawe the town, and orders sent to the force at bamian to return at once. dost, however, moved no nearer. sir robert sale was pursuing him, and it was not until the 27th that he moved down again towards cabul, and on the 29th the greater part of the force there marched out to give him battle. on the 2nd of november the two armies came face to face in the valley of purwandurrah. the ameer at once moved from the village to the neighbouring heights, and the british cavalry galloped to outflank the afghan horse. these were comparatively few in number, but headed by dost mahomed himself, they advanced steadily to meet the indian cavalry. gallantly as indian troops have fought on numberless fields, on this occasion they disgraced themselves utterly. turning rein as the afghans approached, they galloped away in headlong flight, pursued by the afghans until within range of the british guns. their officers in vain attempted to arrest their flight, charging alone into the midst of the enemy. two of them were killed when surrounded by enemies, dr. lord was shot, and the other two cut their way through their assailants and reached the british line covered with wounds. no more disgraceful affair has taken place in the story of our wars in india than this rout of indian cavalry by a third of their number of wild horsemen. but even yet the affair might have been retrieved had an officer like dennie been in command; had the guns opened and the infantry advanced it might still have been a repetition of the victory of bamian. but sir a. burnes was in authority, and, easily discouraged, as was his nature, he gave no orders, but sent off word to macnaghten that there was nothing for it but to fall back to cabul. suddenly, however, the position was changed by dost mahomed himself. as he rode back after the victorious charge he thought over his position. his imprisonment at bokhara had not broken his spirit, but it had affected him by showing him that the mohammedans of central asia could not be trusted to work together or to unite to beat back the ever-advancing wave of infidel aggression by the british on the south, and the russians on the west. but more than this, the defection of his brother at khooloom, and the surrender by him of his family, had convinced him that it would be vain for him to continue to struggle to regain the throne that he had lost. the kohistanees had risen before he joined them, and he had the satisfaction of showing that his bravery was in no way shaken by his misfortune, and of gaining a success of a most striking description. now at least he could lay down his sword with honour. accordingly, without telling anyone of his intention, he rode off the field with a single attendant, and on the following day reached cabul and rode to the british embassy. as he approached it he saw macnaghten returning from his evening ride. his attendant galloped forward and asked if the gentleman was the british envoy, and on macnaghten saying that he was so, he then returned to his master; and dost mahomed riding forward, dismounted, saluted the envoy, and handed him his sword, saying that he had come to surrender and to place himself under his protection. macnaghten returned it to him, and told him to remount, and they rode together into the residency, dost mahomed asking eagerly for news of his family, of whom he had not heard since their surrender. being assured that they were well and were honourably treated, he was greatly relieved. a tent was pitched for him, and he wrote at once to his son, begging him to follow his example. he conversed freely with macnaghten, gave him the history of his wanderings and adventures, and assured him that there was no occasion to place a guard over him, as his mind had quite been made up before he came in, and nothing short of force would compel him to leave. his only anxiety was that he should not be sent to england, and on macnaghten assuring him that this would not be the case, and that an ample maintenance would be assigned to him in india, he became perfectly contented and calm. as a result of his letter, three days later his eldest son, mahomed afzul, came into camp and surrendered. dost remained two days at cabul, where he was visited by many of the british officers, all of whom were impressed most strongly by him, comparing him very favourably with the man for whom we had dethroned him. macnaghten wrote most warmly in his favour to the governor-general, urging that he should be received with honour and a handsome pension assigned to him. he was sent down to india with a strong escort, where he was kindly received by the viceroy, who settled upon him a pension of two lacs of rupees, equivalent to â£20,000. unfortunately, just at the time that the ex-ameer returned to cabul a european regiment, a battery of horse artillery, and a regiment of native infantry were recalled to india, and with them went sir willoughby cotton, and the command for the time being remained in the hands of sir robert sale. angus campbell had not accompanied sir a. burnes when he left cabul with the force which marched out to encounter dost mahomed, but had been left in charge of the office at cabul. he was now his chief's first civil assistant, his temporary appointment to the civil service having been approved and confirmed by the court of directors at home in consequence of the very warm report in his favour sent by eldred pottinger and mr. m'neill. sir a. burnes, too, had in his letters spoken several times of his energy and usefulness, and on his return from his expedition through the passes, both burnes and macnaghten had reported most highly both of his volunteering to undertake so dangerous a mission, and of the manner in which he had carried it out. in return the directors had sent out an order for his promotion to a higher grade, and had ordered that a present of â£1000 should be given him in token of their recognition of his conduct. "your foot is well on the ladder now," sir a. burnes had said on acquainting him with the decision of the board. "you will now have your name on their books as one of the most promising of the younger officers of the company, and you may be sure that they will keep their eye upon you. macnaghten will shortly return to england, and i have long been promised the succession to his post. i shall certainly request, and no doubt my wishes will be acceded to in such a matter, that you should hold the position of my chief assistant. as such you will have many opportunities of doing good service, as you will naturally proceed on missions to the chiefs of neighbouring peoples, and will so qualify yourself for some important post in the future." macnaghten, indeed, was extremely anxious to leave. bodily and mentally he had suffered from the strain and anxiety. he had been promised a high post in india, probably the succession to the governorship of bombay, but it was considered advisable that he should remain at his present post till the country was more settled. the winter passed quietly. with the submission of dost mahomed and his sons there was now no rival to shah soojah, no head round whom those discontented with the ameer's rule could rally. he was the less unwilling to remain, as he thought that an era of peace had now begun, and that his anxieties were at an end. he was soon, however, undeceived. on shah soojah's first arrival in india he had naturally looked to the dooranees for aid against the barukzyes, who had so long oppressed them, and had made many promises of remission of taxation as an incentive to their zeal. these promises had so far been kept, that no taxes whatever had been exacted from the dooranees; but in view of the absolute necessity of raising an income for the expenses of the government, and for the personal expenditure of the ameer and his favourites, it became necessary that all should contribute to some extent to the revenue. although this tax was but a tithe of that which they had paid under barukzye rule, the dooranees of the district of the north-west of candahar rose in rebellion, and general nott marched out from that city and defeated them in a pitched battle. for a time the movement was crushed, but the discontent remained. this was rendered more formidable by the fact that the heratees had taken up so offensive an attitude that our mission there had been withdrawn, and proofs were obtained that its ruler was fomenting the discontent in the western province, and was encouraging the disaffected by promising them assistance. in may more serious trouble arose, this time with the ghilzyes. it had been determined to restore the dismantled fort of kelat-i-ghilzye. the tribesmen viewed the work with hostility, and assembled in larger numbers, and nott sent a force against them under colonel winder, with four hundred british troops, a sepoy battalion, a battery of horse artillery, and a small body of cavalry. the ghilzyes advanced to the attack in great force. the battle was long and desperate, but the volleys of grape from the guns, and the steady fire from the infantry, at last turned the scale, and after five hours' fighting the ghilzyes retired. the dooranees were again in arms, and three thousand men were assembled under their chief at girishk. a small force, under colonel woodburn, marched out against them and defeated them, but having no cavalry on which he could rely, he could not prevent the rebels from retiring in fair order. major rawlinson, the political officer at candahar, again warned macnaghten that the situation in western afghanistan was extremely threatening, but was answered that this was an unwarrantable view of our position, and that there were "enough difficulties, and enough of croakers, without adding to the number needlessly." but rawlinson was perfectly right, and macnaghten was living in a fool's paradise. the defeated chief of the dooranees was joined by another, and in august a force of eight hundred cavalry, of whom some were regulars, three hundred and fifty infantry, and four guns, under captain griffin, met the insurgents. they were strongly posted in a succession of walled gardens and small forts, but the fire of the guns and infantry drove them from the enclosure, and the cavalry then charged them with great effect and scattered them in all directions. another defeat was inflicted upon the ghilzyes in the same month. for the moment all was quiet again; the only drawback to macnaghten's satisfaction was that akbar khan, dost mahomed's favourite son, was still in the north, and was reported to be gathering troops somewhere near khooloom. in september macnaghten received news of his appointment to the governorship of bombay, and began his preparations for leaving cabul, and burnes looked forward to receiving at last the appointment for which he had so long waited. his position had been in every respect irksome. his views differed from those of macnaghten; he saw the dangers of the position which macnaghten refused to recognize. the reports he addressed to the envoy were generally returned with a few lines in pencil of contemptuous dissent; but he believed that with power to act in his hands he should be able to remedy the blunders that had been made, and to restore peace and contentment in afghanistan. the troops were now commanded by general elphinstone, who had succeeded cotton. he was a brave old officer, but almost incapacitated by infirmities. he obtained the post simply as senior officer, and was wholly unfitted for command in such a critical time and in such a position. probably had it not been for the assurances of macnaghten that all was going on well, and that the trifling risings had been crushed without difficulty, lord auckland would have yielded to the opinion of his military advisers and appointed general nott. had he done so the greatest disaster that ever fell upon the british army might have been avoided. nothing could be worse than the position in which the british camp and mission were established. they were on low ground, commanded on every side by hills, and surrounded by forts and villages. they were nearly a mile in extent, defended only by so contemptible a ditch and rampart, that an english officer for a bet rode a pony across them. the commissariat compound was near the cantonment, and occupied an extensive space with the buildings and huts for the officers. it, too, had a rampart, but this was even less formidable than that which surrounded the camp. things had now settled down. many of the officers had sent for their wives and children, and lady macnaghten, lady sale, and others were established in comfortable houses. the climate was exhilarating, the officers amused themselves with cricket, horse-racing, fishing, and shooting, and lived as if they had been at a hill station in india, instead of in a mountainous country surrounded by bitter foes. october came in quietly, though pottinger, who was now in kohistan, sent unfavourable reports of things there. but these were as usual pooh-poohed by macnaghten. the latter's troubles with the indian government, however, continued unabated. the expenses of the occupation of afghanistan, amounting to a million and a quarter a year, were a terrible drain upon the revenues of india, and it had become necessary to raise a loan to meet the outlay, and the question of a withdrawal from afghanistan was being seriously discussed. none of the good results that had been looked for had been achieved, nor did it appear likely that the situation would improve; for it was evident to all unbiassed observers that the ameer was upheld solely by british bayonets, and that when these were withdrawn the whole fabric we had built up at so enormous an expense would collapse. the uneasiness of the indian government was increased by the fact that a change of ministry was imminent at home, and that the conservatives, who had always opposed the invasion of afghanistan, would at once take steps for the withdrawal of the troops from the country; and the investigation which would be made into the whole affair would create intense dissatisfaction in england, and lead to the recall of the indian politicians responsible for it. the news stirred macnaghten to fury; but he saw that it was necessary to make retrenchments, and accordingly he largely cut down the subsidies paid to the chiefs. the consequence was, that the leaders of the whole of the powerful tribes, including those round cabul, the kohistanees, ghilzyes, and momunds, at once entered into a hostile federation against the british. sale's brigade, that was about to start on its way to india, was ordered to attack the ghilzyes at jellalabad, and on the 9th colonel monteith was sent with a sepoy regiment, a squadron of cavalry, and a party of sappers and miners, to keep the passes clear. the force was, however, attacked at the first halting-place, and sir robert sale marched with the 13th regiment to clear the pass from his end. joined by monteith's force, he succeeded in driving the natives from their heights, the sepoys and the british soldiers vying with each other in climbing the almost inaccessible crags. the 13th retired down the valley, and monteith encamped in the khoord cabul pass. he was attacked at night, the enemy being aided by the treachery of the afghan horsemen, who admitted them within their lines. they were, however, beaten off, and monteith was joined by sale on the following day. negotiations were then opened with the ghilzyes; terms were made, but broken by the treacherous tribesmen a few hours after they had been signed. on his way back to jellalabad sale was attacked more than once in great force, and with difficulty cut his way down. macnaghten, who had determined to leave on the 1st of october, but had postponed his departure for a short time, wrote on that day that he hoped the business just reported was the expiring effort of the rebels. angus had remained with burnes at cabul. the latter was much depressed by the occurrences that had taken place. he had greatly disapproved of macnaghten's wholesale cutting down of the subsidies of the chiefs. "how unfortunate am i!" he said many times to angus. "had macnaghten gone but two months earlier, this would never have happened. it has been money alone that has kept the tribesmen quiet, and the very worst form of retrenchment has been chosen. had he gone i should have acted in a very different way. in the first place, i should have told the ameer frankly that the troubles were solely caused by the rapacity of the men he had appointed to receive the taxes. these must be dismissed, and honest and faithful ones appointed in their place. it is the abominable tyranny with which the taxes--of which i believe but a small portion ever get into the treasury--are collected that has brought about the trouble. with proper administration the revenue could be doubled, and the taxation would press much more lightly upon the people than it does at present. now the evil is done, and i shall have to take over the administration when everything points to a terrible catastrophe, with which my name will ever be associated." chapter xiii the murder of sir a. burnes october passed quietly, and macnaghten arranged to leave on the 2nd of november. burnes had received several warnings as to the formidable nature of the confederacy of the chiefs. mohun lal, the principal moonshee, who had been down to sale's camp, told him that if the conspiracy was not crushed in its infancy it would become too strong to be suppressed. burnes replied that he had no power at present, but that as soon as macnaghten left he would conciliate the chiefs by raising their allowances to the former point. on the 1st of november mohun lal again expressed his opinion of the danger. burnes replied that he feared the time was coming when the british would have to leave the country. he was in one of his moods of depression, but from this he recovered in the evening, and congratulated macnaghten upon leaving when everything was quiet. at the very time he was speaking the hostile chiefs were assembled together, and were discussing the methods that were to be taken to overthrow the british power. they determined that the first step was to forge a document in the ameer's name, ordering all the people to rise, and at the same time to spread a report that it was the intention to seize all the principal chiefs and send them prisoners to england. it was singular that they should not have waited a few days, for the indian government had sent peremptory orders that the whole force at cabul, with the exception of a single brigade, should return with macnaghten to india. the chiefs decided that as a first step a tumult should arise in the city, and this they at once set about exciting. they had no idea that it would succeed, and none of them ventured to take any part in it, as it was only intended to excite the passions of the rabble of the city. early the next morning a friendly afghan brought burnes news that the residency was about to be attacked. he did not believe the intelligence, as the city had of late been as quiet as usual; but on sending out some of his servants into the street they reported that there was certainly an unusual stir and excitement. he wrote to macnaghten saying so, but stating that he did not think the matter at all serious, although at the same time he requested that a military guard should be sent to him in order to overawe any disaffected persons. angus had gone out early with azim. the latter had for some days past spent his time in the city, and each evening had returned with the rumours he had gathered. the talk in the lower quarters was all of the understanding at which the chiefs had arrived, and the general opinion was that in a few days these would pour down with all their forces and annihilate the infidels. angus himself noticed the sullen expression on the faces of the lower class and the manner in which they scowled at him as he passed, and quite agreed with his follower that the troubles he had long foreseen were about to come to a head. when in the streets, too, he had an uneasy consciousness that he was being followed. several times he turned sharply round, but in the throng of natives in the streets he could recognize no face that he knew. this morning the feeling was particularly strong, although, as he had often done before, he assured himself that it was pure fancy on his part. "i am not conscious of feeling nervous," he said to azim, "but i must be getting so. it has been a very anxious time all the year, and i suppose that without my knowing it it must have told upon me. however, i will turn down this quiet street, and if anyone is following us we shall certainly detect him." a hundred yards down another lane crossed the one he had taken. azim had looked several times, but no one else turned down the lane, which was entirely deserted. as they passed the corner of the next lane some men suddenly sprang upon them. cloths were thrown over their heads, and in spite of their struggles they were lifted up and carried along rapidly. in a couple of minutes they stopped. angus heard a door open. they were borne along what he thought was a passage, thrust into a room, and a door was slammed to and locked behind them. they tore off their mufflers and looked around. it was a room of no great size, with strongly-barred windows. there were cushions on a divan that ran along one side. on a low table in the middle of the room were two cold chickens, a pile of fruit, a large jar of water, and two bottles of native wine. "what on earth does this mean?" angus said, "and why have we been carried off?" azim did not attempt to reply. "we are prisoners, that is certain," angus went on; "but it would certainly look as if they meant to make us comfortable, and the room must have been prepared in readiness for our reception. i see no hope of getting away; the windows are very strongly barred, and," he continued as he walked across and looked out, "this little yard is surrounded by houses without windows on the ground floor, and with no door that i can see. i suppose there is one below us; anyhow, if we could get through these bars we should be no nearer liberty, for at best we could only re-enter the house, and possibly the door is fastened on the inside. there are certainly men in the house; i heard voices in the passage just now, and no doubt one of the fellows is stationed there. the only reason i can imagine for their carrying us off is that we are to be kept as hostages. of course i am known to be burnes's chief civilian assistant, and they might think that if i were in their hands he would be willing to make some concessions to get me back again. it is of no use worrying over it; we are not so badly off as we were in that snow-storm in the pass. the best thing we can do for the present is to make a meal, for we did not take anything before we started." [illustration: as they passed the corner ... some men sprang on them.] they had just finished their breakfast when the sound of musketry was plainly heard. "there is fighting going on," angus exclaimed. "what can it mean? there are no troops in the city except the native guards at our house and the treasury next door. it is either a fight between two factions in the city, or they are attacking our place. it is maddening being fastened up here just at this moment. the news brought by that afghan this morning that we were to be attacked must be true, though sir alexander altogether disbelieved it. he was in one of his happiest humours this morning, as to-day he was to obtain the goal of his hopes and to be the resident political officer, with all power in his hands. when he is in that mood he disbelieves all unpleasant tidings, while in his fits of depression he gives credit to every rumour that reaches his ear. still, the house should be able to hold out against a mob until help arrives from the camp; but whether or not, my place should be by his side whatever comes of it." "if there is really a rising in the town, sir, we are certainly safer here than we should be in the streets, or even in the house." "that may be," angus said impatiently, "but my duty is to be there." he paced restlessly up and down the room. presently azim said: "i can't think how the men who seized us knew that we were coming along. it was quite by chance that you turned down the lane." "they must have been close to us when we did so," angus said, "and must at once have run round by another lane and posted themselves at the corner where we were seized. we were not walking fast, and there would have been time for them to get there before us if they had run. but why should they have taken this trouble? and why should they have prepared this place beforehand for our reception? it beats me altogether." after the firing had continued for a few minutes it ceased; then they could hear a confused roar of shouting. "good heavens!" angus exclaimed, "they must have taken the house. the troops cannot have arrived in time, or we should have heard sharp volleys. this is maddening." "well, sir," azim said philosophically, "if we had not been carried off we should have been in the house when they attacked it, and should have shared the fate of the others, whatever it may be." "that is true enough," angus agreed; "still, i ought to have been there. ah!" he broke off suddenly, "they have not taken either your sword or mine, or my pistols"--for although not in military uniform the civilians generally carried swords, a necessary precaution when the whole native population always went about armed; and angus in addition carried pistols also concealed in his dress. "it is extraordinary that they should not have disarmed us." "i do not think that they intended to do us harm," azim said; "they could have cut our throats had they chosen to do so, when they brought us here, without fear of discovery. why should they leave us our swords and provide a good meal for us if they intended to murder us afterwards?" "that is so, azim, and it makes the affair more incomprehensible. i tried to get at my pistols as they carried me along, but they held my arms too tightly for me to do so. it seems to me possible that this is the work of someone who was aware of the intended attack, and who doubted whether the troops would not enter the city and slaughter many of the inhabitants, and so thought that by producing us at the right moment he would not only clear himself, from any charge of taking part in the affair, but would earn a reward for having saved our lives. i certainly have no friend in the city who would be likely to seize me for any other object. of course, i was in communication with most of the important persons here, but it has been simply in an official way." "whoever it is must have been watching you for some days, master, if, as you thought, he has been following you whenever you went out." "i can have no doubt on that subject now, azim," and angus sat thinking for some time. "i think," he said suddenly, "it must be sadut khan; if so, we are safe. we know that he was with the ameer, and rode with him when he defeated our cavalry, and it has been reported that he has since returned to his tribe, though we have no certain information about it. it is possible that, knowing we were about to be attacked by the whole force of the tribesmen, he has borne his promise in mind, and has employed men to watch me and take steps, if necessary, to secure my safety. that certainly would explain what before it seemed impossible to understand." the noise in the town still continued. at one time there was sound of heavy musketry firing. "the troops have entered the city," angus exclaimed; "there will be hard fighting, for in the narrow streets an armed mob can offer a desperate resistance even to the best troops. but in the end they will put down this tumult, and if sir alexander has been murdered, exact a heavy penalty for his death." in half an hour the firing gradually abated, and the musket shots came more faintly through the air. "our men are falling back, azim, there can be little doubt about that by the sound. there cannot be any great number of troops engaged. what on earth can macnaghten and elphinstone be doing?" the roar of shouting in the streets became louder, and there was an occasional sound of firearms. "it is quite evident that the mob are in entire possession of the city, azim. they are looting the traders' quarter, and probably murdering all the whites who have taken up their residence there." these fears were fully justified. the houses of sir alexander burnes and captain johnson, the paymaster of the ameer's troops, adjoined each other. johnson had, fortunately for himself, slept that night in the camp. sir alexander had with him his brother, lieutenant burnes, and lieutenant broadfoot, his military secretary, who had just arrived. curiously enough, it was the anniversary of the disastrous fight at purwandurrah, in which fight broadfoot's eldest brother had been killed. soon after angus had gone out the ameer's minister arrived and repeated the warning already given by the friendly afghan. burnes could no longer doubt that there was danger, but he refused to leave his house, saying that as soon as the news that there was a tumult reached the camp, the troops would be at once despatched to put it down. he, however, wrote urgently to macnaghten for support, and sent messengers to the most powerful native chief in the town begging him to calm the people, and assure them that all grievances should be redressed. one of the messengers was killed on the way, the other managed to return to the house desperately wounded. the gathering in the street increased every moment. burnes with the two officers went out on to a balcony, and from thence harangued the mob. his voice was drowned by yells and curses, weapons were brandished, and an attack was made on the doors of both houses. part of the mob were fanatics, who thought only of slaying the infidels, but a still larger party were animated solely by a desire to share in the sack of the ameer's treasury next door. the native guards both of sir alexander and the treasury opened fire, and for a time maintained themselves with the greatest bravery. of the english officers, broadfoot was the first to fall, shot through the heart. the position became more and more desperate. a party of the insurgents had set fire to the stables and forced their way into the garden. burnes was still attempting to lull the fury of the crowd. long ere this troops should have arrived to his rescue, but there were no signs that they were approaching. at last, seeing that all was lost, he disguised himself and went out into the garden with a man who had sworn by the koran to convey him and his brother safely into camp. no sooner, however, did they issue out than the traitor shouted: "this is burnes." the mob rushed upon the brothers and hewed them to pieces. the defenders of the two houses fought bravely to the last, but were finally slaughtered to a man. sir alexander burnes owed his death to the faults of others rather than his own. having been previously at cabul as the british agent, and speaking the language perfectly, it was to him the people made their complaints, to him they looked for redress. they knew nothing of macnaghten. when they found their condition growing from bad to worse, their taxes increasing, their trade at a stand-still, food extremely dear, and employment wanting, it was on burnes that they laid the blame; and yet he was all the time endeavouring, but in vain, to persuade macnaghten that it was absolutely necessary to compel the ameer to abandon a course that was exasperating for people of all classes, from the most powerful chiefs to the poorest inhabitants of the city. burnes was unquestionably a man of great ability, and had he been in macnaghten's place with full power and responsibility, things would probably have turned out differently. the expedition from the first was a gigantic blunder, undertaken in the teeth of his remonstrances. in any case it was doomed to failure. it was impossible that we could maintain on the throne a man hated by the whole of his subjects--a race of fighting men, jealous to the last degree of their independence, and able to take full advantage of the natural strength of the country. but under the administration of an officer at once firm and resolute, and anxious to conciliate them in every way, the british force might have remained until the indian government could no longer support the expense of the occupation, and could then have withdrawn quietly with the puppet who had proved himself so utterly incapable of conciliating the people upon whom we had thrust him. the great fault in the character of burnes was instability--his alternate fits of sanguine hopefulness and deep depression, and his readiness to believe what suited his mood of the moment. these characteristics were no doubt heightened by the unfortunate position in which he found himself. he had had every reason to expect that in view of his previous residence in cabul and his knowledge of the character of the people, he would have the post of political officer of the afghan capital, and he only accepted a secondary position upon the understanding that macnaghten's appointment was a temporary one, and that he would succeed him. when, however, months and years elapsed, and he was still without any recognized position whatever, when his advice was never adopted and his opinions contemptuously set aside by a man infinitely his inferior, he naturally came to take the worst view of things, and his fits of depression became more frequent. at last he fell, not because his house was isolated, for it could have held out until aid had come, but because the three men whose duty it was to rescue him--macnaghten, the ameer, and elphinstone--were alike vacillating, undetermined, and incompetent. the ameer was the only one of these three to take any steps. when he heard of the riot he sent down a regiment of hindoostanee troops to rescue burnes. instead, however, of marching outside the town to the end of the street in which burnes's house was situated, they entered the city by the nearest gate, and tried to make their way through a maze of narrow lanes. their advance was desperately opposed. from every house and roof a fire of musketry was kept up, and, after losing two hundred of their number, they fled in utter confusion to the shelter of the citadel. elphinstone in his report says that he received the news at half-past seven that the town was in a ferment, and shortly after the envoy came and told him that it was in a state of insurrection, but that he did not think much of it, and expected the revolt would shortly subside. macnaghten suggested that brigadier shelton's force should proceed to the bala hissar to operate as might seem expedient, while the remaining force was concentrated in the cantonment, and assistance if possible sent to sir alexander burnes. it was not, however, until between nine and ten that shelton received his orders; and almost directly afterwards another note arrived telling him not to move, as the ameer had objected. to this shelton replied that in an insurrection of the city there was no time for indecision, and recommended the general at once to resolve upon what measures he would adopt. he was then told to march immediately to the bala hissar, where he would receive further instructions from macnaghten. just as he was marching off, a note came from this officer telling him to halt for further orders. he sent an engineer to ask the reason for this order, but the officer was cut down by an afghan while dismounting just outside the square where the ameer was sitting. soon after this the military secretary himself came with orders for him to enter the citadel. when he arrived there, the ameer asked him who sent him and what he came there for, and he was forbidden to enter the town. all that he could do was to cover the retreat of the ameer's hindoostanee troops. in consequence of all these delays, it was twelve o'clock before shelton moved into the bala hissar, by which time burnes and his friends had been murdered and the riot had spread. houses were burned, shops sacked, and the families of several british officers massacred. it is certain that had the slightest energy been shown, and had a small body of troops been despatched when burnes's first request for help arrived, the riot would have been nipped in the bud, for all accounts agree that for a considerable time not more than three hundred men took part in the attack, and even when shelton urged the necessity for prompt measures burnes might have been saved. except in the case of the rising at meerut in the indian mutiny, never did such disastrous effects result from the incompetence of a british general. the day passed slowly to angus. it was maddening to be helpless when great events were happening. until it became quite dark no one came near them, but at seven o'clock they heard the bolt of the door withdrawn, and a man entered with a torch, by whose light they at once recognized hassan, their guide over the passes. "you here, hassan!" angus exclaimed. "i had always thought of you as back again in your tower near bamian. is it you who has thus made us prisoners?" "we were sorry to use force, effendi, but there was no other way. sadut khan charged us to look after your safety, and we have kept you in sight for some days. he was living in this house in disguise. he was absent yesterday evening to take part in the conference with the other chiefs, and did not return until after midnight. then he said, 'there will be a tumult in the city to-morrow, hassan, and probably the house of the officer burnes will be attacked. what will come of it i do not know. i myself and the other chiefs are leaving at once, so that if things go badly we can disavow any connection with the affair. the young officer, my friend, is, as you know, at burnes's house. he must be rescued. prepare this room for him. if he leaves the house before the attack begins, you must seize him and carry him in here. if his servant is with him, bring him also; he too must be saved. he waited on me kindly, and did all in his power for me. if he should not leave the house, then you and your followers must join the mob and keep together, forcing yourselves to the front, so that you will be the first to enter the house. take long cloaks to throw round them, and get them out, even at the cost of your lives.' "i told him that it should be done. you saved his life, and you also saved ours, for we should have been suffocated in the snow-storm had you not cut your way out and come to our rescue. so it has been done. we were glad indeed when we saw you come out. had you not turned down that lane, i should have come up and accosted you, and, telling you that i had an important message to deliver to you, should have asked you to come with me to a quiet spot, where i might deliver it safely. as it was, directly you turned down, we ran round, and, as you know, captured you without noise and without being observed by you. you will, i trust, pardon me for having laid hands on you; but i had orders from the khan, who told me that i should have to use force, as he was sure you would not, however great the danger, he persuaded to leave burnes." "what has happened?" "the englishman and two others with him have been killed. one of the ameer's regiments entered the town, but was driven back. there is looting going on everywhere. many have been killed, and many houses burnt." "but what is our army doing?" "nothing. there is a force at the bala hissar, the rest are under arms in their camp." "it seems impossible!" angus exclaimed. "however," he went on, stifling his indignation for the time, "i have to thank you deeply, hassan, you and sadut khan, for having saved our lives. assuredly you took the only way to do so; for had you only told me of the danger that threatened sir alexander burnes, i should have returned to warn him and share his fate, whatever it might be. as it was, i cannot blame myself that i was absent. i thank you with all my heart. pray tell the khan when you see him that i am deeply grateful to him. he has nobly redeemed his promise, and i hope some day to thank him in person." "now, sahib, we will start at once," hassan said. "i have clothes for you to put over your own, and there is no fear of our being suspected. we will take you to within shot of your camp." he called out, and his four men entered, bringing with them afghan disguises. when these were put on, they sallied out at once. the five men were fully armed, and long afghan guns were given to angus and azim. the streets were full of people, for the most part in a state of wild excitement, though the better class looked grave at the prospect of the retribution that would probably fall upon the city, perhaps to-morrow or certainly in a day or two. none paid any attention to the group, who differed in no respect from the majority of those around them. issuing from one of the gates, they made their way to the cantonments. when within a few hundred yards the afghans stopped. after a hearty farewell and renewed thanks, angus and azim left them. they had taken off their disguises, and offered them to hassan to carry back, but he said, "you had best keep them; you may want them again. there is no saying what may happen." and they accordingly carried them with them. in a short time they were challenged by a sentry, and halted till the latter had called a sergeant and four men. then they went forward. angus was recognized at once, as he was known by sight to everyone in the camp. in a short time they met an officer, who told them the news of the massacre of burnes, his brother, and broadfoot, and their guard, which was already known, as one man had escaped the general slaughter, and had, after hiding for some hours, come into the camp. angus went at once to macnaghten's house and sent in his name. the envoy came out into the hall. "i am glad to see that you have escaped, mr. campbell. i thought that all had perished, though your name is not specially mentioned as among the victims." "i was not in the house, sir," angus replied. "sir alexander burnes had sent me out to gather information, and i and my servant were suddenly seized and carried into a house, where we were kept as prisoners all day. after it was dark we made our escape, having obtained disguises from a friendly afghan." "well, i am glad," macnaghten said; "but you must excuse me now, for the general is here, and we are holding a council. you had better for to-night take up your quarters in poor burnes's tent. i shall have time to attend to matters to-morrow." although burnes had his residence in the city, he had a large tent not far from the envoy's house. this he occupied when he had business in camp, and it was here that he received natives who brought him news, or who had grievances that they wished to report to him. here angus lay down for the night, with a deep feeling of thankfulness that his life had been spared, mingled with a foreboding that the troubles had only begun, and that there was yet much peril in store before the army were safely out of afghanistan. in the morning angus again went up to the envoy's. "i have been thinking, mr. campbell," macnaghten said when he entered, "as far as i have been able to think on any one subject, how your services can be best utilized temporarily. i think that, if you would not mind, you might be attached to the commissariat, and assist captain boyd and captain johnson." "i will gladly do so, sir," angus said. "i will take up the work at once." "anticipating your consent, i have already written a letter for you to take to those officers." glad to have work before him, angus went at once to the commissariat camp. the two officers were at breakfast. both rose and congratulated him heartily on his escape. "how on earth did you manage it?" he gave as brief an account as he had done to sir william macnaghten, and then handed them the letter he had received from the envoy. "that is good news," captain johnson said heartily. "we shall be glad indeed to have your aid. i will have a tent pitched for you at once by the side of ours. of course you have not breakfasted. sit down with us. what do you think of the state of affairs? you know a good deal more than we do of the disposition of the afghan chiefs." "i think things look very bad," angus said gravely. "after what seems to me the imbecility shown yesterday, to which the death of my chief is due, it is impossible to feel anything like confidence in the general." "that is the universal feeling in camp," captain johnson said. "if we had sale here i believe everything would go right, but poor elphinstone is only fit for a snug armchair in a comfortable club. he is no more able to cope with a crisis like this than an old woman would be. in fact, for choice i would take the average old woman. "orders have been given for an attack upon the town to-day, but it is more than likely that it will be countermanded. if elphinstone can make up his mind to throw his whole force, with the exception of a strong camp guard, against the city, we should certainly carry it. no doubt there might be a considerable loss of life, but that could not be helped. it would certainly be successful. then i should say we ought to turn the whole of the afghan population out of the town, move all our provisions and stores there, and settle down for the winter. we could beat off any attack that the afghans could make against us. as it is, we are terribly anxious about the stores. you know that i originally established all the magazines for the ameer's army in the bala hissar. then macnaghten came up with the ameer from jellalabad, and he told me that the ameer objected to the magazines being there. that was quite enough for macnaghten. he always gives in to the ameer's wishes, however ridiculous. so we had to leave the storehouses i had built and move out bag and baggage. "the only place that i could get was the camel sheds half-way between this and the town, and unless a strong garrison is sent down there the afghans are certain to take possession of them. but boyd's stores are even more important. they are within four hundred yards of the defences of the camp, and contain all our grain, our hospital stores, our wine and beer, our sugar, and everything else. and if his stores and mine are both lost, we shall have starvation staring us in the face at the end of a week. just look out over the plain. since daylight there has been a steady stream of men from the hills, and from all the villages round, flocking into the city; they have heard of the capture of my treasury, and are eager to share in the looting. if they succeed in capturing the stores and provisions, god help us all." chapter xiv a series of blunders numerous as had been the blunders, and great the mismanagement up to the 2nd of november, matters might yet have been retrieved had the conduct of affairs been in resolute and energetic hands. macnaghten was personally a brave and fearless man. had he at last felt the necessity for strong measures, an attack upon the city would certainly have been attended with success. now that the first burst of hate and passion had passed, the inhabitants were filled with apprehension at the punishment that would fall upon them, and none doubted that the british army would at once attack the town. the army itself expected this, and, furious at the treacherous massacre of sir alexander burnes and his comrades, were burning for the order to attack. the troops were under arms early, but no orders were issued for a forward movement. some hours later the 35th regiment of native infantry, with two mountain guns, came in from khoord cabul, having brushed aside the opposition it had met with on its march. with this valuable addition to the fighting strength in the camp all opposition could have been easily overcome, and yet until three o'clock in the afternoon nothing whatever was done. by this time what could have been effected with comparative ease in the early morning had become a far more difficult operation. vast numbers of the tribesmen had been pouring into the city since daybreak, and the two miles of plain between the camp and the city, which earlier in the day could have been traversed without a shot being fired, were now covered by a host of fierce enemies; and yet, after wasting so many valuable hours, the general, instead of throwing the whole of the force in the cantonments, and that of brigadier shelton at the bala hissar, against the city, sent only three companies of infantry and two guns to the attack. naturally this handful of men failed; and it was well for them that they did not penetrate into the city, for had they done so they would assuredly have been overwhelmed before they had gone fifty yards. however, the officer in command, seeing the impossibility of the task set him, withdrew his detachment in good order. the result of the day's operation, if it could be so called, was disastrous, the troops, who had until then been eager to be led against the enemy, and confident of success, were irritated and dispirited, and lost all confidence in their commander; while, on the other hand, the afghans were jubilant over what they considered the cowardice of the enemy. the next day the misfortune invited by the passive attitude of our troops happened. only eighty men were in charge of the commissariat fort. the little party were commanded by lieutenant warren. early in the day a threatening force of the enemy approached, and warren sent a messenger urgently asking for reinforcements. but the afghans had already occupied an old fort that commanded the road between the camp and the commissariat fort. considering the enormous importance of the stores, an overwhelming force should have been sent out to drive off the assailants, and to occupy the fort in such strength that it could be held against any assault. instead of doing this, two companies only of the 44th regiment were sent. the two captains in command were killed by the fire from the afghan fort, other officers were wounded, and the men fell so fast that the officer who was senior in command, seeing the impossibility of reaching the store, drew them off. then an order was issued--which was practically the death-warrant of the army--by general elphinstone, for a party of cavalry to go out and bring in the little garrison. this party suffered even more severely than the preceding one. from every wall, building, and orchard a storm of musketry broke out, and the troopers, after suffering great loss, again retired. the news that the general intended to abandon the store struck dismay into the officers of the commissariat. captain boyd hurried to head-quarters, and urged the general to send a force that would sweep away all opposition, and to hold the fort at all hazards. the general promised to send a reinforcement, but no relief was sent. as night was coming on, captain boyd and captain johnson again went to the general and pointed out in the strongest language the result that would follow the abandonment of the stores. the unhappy old man hesitated, but on a letter being brought in from lieutenant warren saying that the enemy were mining the walls, and some of the sepoys, seeing their position was desperate, were deserting, he promised that a strong detachment should be sent at two o'clock in the morning to storm the afghan fort and relieve the guard at the commissariat stores. orders were accordingly issued, but these were presently countermanded, and it was decided that the force should not move until daylight. by that time it was too late. warren had repulsed an attack on the walls, but seeing that the enemy were preparing to fire the gate and renew the attack, he retired through a passage that had on the previous day been dug under the wall, and reached the camp in safety. but this was not the only disaster that happened that day. captain johnson's store of provisions for the use of the ameer's troops, on the outskirts of the city, was also attacked. captain mackenzie, who was in command of the little garrison there, defended his post throughout the day with the greatest gallantry; but water was scarce, and ammunition failing, and large numbers of women and children were in the fort, with great quantities of baggage. urgent letters were sent asking for reinforcements, but no reinforcements came. had they arrived the situation would have been saved. the kuzzilbashes were ready to side with the british. several of their commanders were with mackenzie, but when they saw that no help was sent, they refused to join a cause that seemed to them lost. all night the fighting went on, and all next day, until his men were utterly worn out, and the ammunition exhausted. no more could be done, and when night came on, he moved out of the fort and fought his way to the cantonments--a brilliant action, which showed what could be accomplished by a mere handful of men well led. while mackenzie was thus fighting for the stores under his charge, the troops in the cantonments were condemned to see crowds of afghans looting the stores within four hundred yards of our camp, carrying off the supplies that had been garnered for their subsistence through the winter, and this without a man being set in motion or a gun brought to bear upon the plunderers. furious at the imbecility of their leaders, the soldiers clamoured to be led against the enemy. unable to resist the demand, the general ordered the 37th native infantry to move out; but instead of being led straight against the enemy, the officer in command hesitated and halted, and soon fell back with the indignant sepoys. general elphinstone was already talking of making terms with the enemy, and seemed to despair of victory when no attempt had been made to gain a success. on the 6th, however, a party of the 37th were again sent out under major griffiths. again it was seen what could be done by an energetic officer. the afghan fort was stormed, the enemy were driven out, and were routed by a party of horse, who dashed at them gallantly. the troops could be no longer restrained, and cavalry, infantry, and artillery poured out; but there was no general plan, and the consequence was, that although desultory fighting went on all day, nothing was accomplished. had any general plan of operation been laid down, and a combined action fought, the enemy would have been utterly unable to withstand our troops, worked up to fury as these were by the disgraceful inaction that had been forced upon them. in the meantime, starvation would have already stared the troops in the face had not captains boyd and johnson, aided by angus and other officers of their department, gone out to the native villages and succeeded in purchasing a certain amount of grain. but already the troops were on half rations, and even these scanty supplies could not long be available. the general, while his troops were out fighting, wrote to macnaghten, urging that negotiations should be opened with the enemy, and saying, "our case is not yet desperate, but it is becoming so very fast." macnaghten himself was conscious of this, conscious that, under such leading, the situation was fast becoming desperate, and he employed the moonshee, mohun lal, who was still in cabul under the protection of the kuzzilbash chief, to endeavour to bribe the chiefs of the ghilzyes. two lacs of rupees were offered. the chiefs gave a favourable reply, and then macnaghten, with his usual instability, was seized with a suspicion that they were not sincere, and abruptly broke off the negotiations, thereby mortally offending the ghilzye chiefs. fresh danger was threatening in another direction. mahomed akbar khan, the second son of dost mahomed, was on his way with a force from the north, and had already advanced as far as bamian. mohun lal suggested that an emissary should be sent to offer him a large allowance if he would join the british. his suggestion was carried out, and money was spent in other quarters lavishly. but it was now too late. a quarter of the sum would, a fortnight earlier, have sufficed to satisfy the demands of all the chiefs of the tribesmen. now that success had encouraged the assailants of our force, and the whole population had taken up arms against us, inspired alike by fanaticism and hatred and thirsting for blood, it was doubtful whether even the chiefs could restrain them had they chosen to do so. in their letters and journals the officers still spoke with kindness and respect of their unfortunate general. he had been a brave and able soldier, but age and terrible infirmities had rendered him altogether incapacitated for action. he had for months been suffering from gout, and had almost lost the use of his limbs. only once or twice, after his arrival to assume the command, had he been able to sit on horseback; for the most part he was wholly unable to walk. sometimes he was confined altogether to his couch; at others he was able to be taken out in a palanquin. his mind was also enfeebled by suffering. on the very day of the first outbreak he had been a little better, and had mounted his horse; but he had suffered a very severe fall, and was carried back to his quarters. it was altogether inexcusable that lord auckland, against the advice of the commander-in-chief and the remonstrances of his other military advisers, should have appointed such a man to a command which, beyond all others in india, demanded the greatest amount of energy and activity. there were many men who might have been worthily selected, men with a knowledge of the political conditions of afghanistan, of the feelings of the people, of their language and of their country. general elphinstone knew nothing of these things, and depended entirely upon the advice of others. had he relied solely upon that of macnaghten, things might have gone differently, but he asked advice from all around him, and took the last that was offered, only to change his mind again when he heard the opinion of a fresh counsellor. he was himself conscious that the position was too onerous for him, and sent down a medical certificate of his incapacity for action, and requested to be relieved. the request had been granted, and he was to have returned to india with macnaghten, but unhappily no other officer had been appointed to succeed him. it is upon lord auckland, rather than upon the unfortunate officer, who, in the teeth of the advice of his counsellors and of all common sense, was thrust into a position for which he was wholly unsuited, that the blame of the catastrophe of cabul should be laid. macnaghten, in hopes that brigadier shelton, a brave officer, but hot-tempered and obstinate, would be able to influence the general and to put an end to the deplorable indecision that paralysed the army, persuaded elphinstone to send for him to come in from the bala hissar to the camp and bring in with him a regiment of the ameer's troops. he came into the cantonment of the 9th, and his arrival was hailed with the greatest satisfaction, as it was believed that at last something would be done. unfortunately, however, shelton's energy and the general's weakness were as oil on water. no two men were less calculated to pull together. shelton enforced his arguments with a vehemence that seemed to the general insubordinate in the extreme; while the brigadier, on the other hand, was unable to make allowance for the physical and mental weakness of the general, and was maddened by the manner in which orders that had but an hour before been issued were countermanded. on the morning of the 10th the enemy mustered in great force, and occupying a small fort within musket-shot of the defences, opened a galling fire. macnaghten only obtained the general's consent to a party going out to capture the fort by telling him that unless he gave the order he should himself take the responsibility of doing so, for that at any risk the fort must be captured. thereupon shelton was instructed to take two thousand men and attack it. when they were on the point of starting elphinstone countermanded the orders. shelton, in a fury, laid the case before the envoy, who was as eager as himself, and the general was again persuaded to give the order and the force advanced. it was intended to blow open the gate with powder, but by some accident only a wicket by the side of the main entrance was blown in. led by colonel mackrell the storming party, consisting of two companies of europeans and four of native infantry, advanced. they could with difficulty make their way through the narrow entrance, for they were exposed as they did so to a heavy musketry fire, but two officers and a few soldiers pushed through, and the garrison, believing that the whole column was following them, fled through the opposite gate. but unhappily they were not followed. a body of afghan cavalry threatened to attack the storming party outside, and these, native and british alike, were seized with an unaccountable panic and fled. in vain their officers endeavoured to arrest their flight. the events of the previous week had terribly demoralized them. shelton set them a noble example by remaining on horseback alone, and at last shamed them into returning. again the afghan horse approached, and again they fled. again shelton's expostulations and example brought them back. the guns in the cantonments drove the afghans off, and shelton led his men up to the capture of the fort. in the meantime the handful of men who had entered the fort had been engaged in a desperate struggle for life. the afghans, discovering how small was the number of their assailants, re-entered the fort and fell upon them in overwhelming numbers. when shelton's force entered, colonel mackrell had fallen mortally wounded, and was carried into the cantonments to die. lieutenant bird, with two sepoys, were the sole survivors. they had, when the enemy poured in, taken possession of a stable and barricaded themselves there, and had successfully repulsed every attack. when they were rescued their ammunition was almost exhausted, but they were uninjured, and no fewer than thirty dead afghans lying in front of the stable bore mute testimony to the steadiness and accuracy of their aim. several small forts were abandoned by the enemy, and a quantity of grain was found in them, but as no measures were taken to convey it into the camp, it was lost again when the troops retired. desultory fighting went on all the afternoon without any decisive results, and the next two or three days passed quietly. in the meantime the moonshee was making every effort to bring over some of the chiefs to our side. macnaghten was sending off letter after letter to the political officer with sale, urging the necessity for an instant advance of the force at jellalabad. on the 13th the enemy occupied a hill within range of the cantonment, and planting two guns there opened a steady fire. macnaghten spent hours in endeavouring to persuade the general and brigadier of the absolute necessity for driving the enemy off the hill, but without success, and it was not until he took the responsibility upon himself that a detachment under shelton was ordered to be sent. it was then four o'clock in the afternoon. the troops advanced in three columns, and the infantry rushed forward with such impetuosity that the two guns with them could not arrive in time to herald their attack. the detachment poured in a volley within ten yards' distance, but they were unsteady from their exertions in mounting the hill, and their fire took no effect. a minute later the afghan cavalry charged down upon them. the attack was unexpected, the men in confusion, and the afghans rode through and through the ranks. the british troops retreated down the slope, where they re-formed behind the reserve; the guns opened fire with great effect, and the infantry again marched up the hill. our cavalry now came into action and drove the enemy before them. the infantry carried the height, and the enemy fled, abandoning their guns. it was now getting dark. a party of the ameer's infantry removed one of the guns; but the afghan marksmen were keeping up a heavy musketry fire, and the troops, british as well as sepoys, were so demoralized that they refused to advance and carry off the other. it was therefore spiked and rolled down the hill, while the smaller gun was brought by the ameer's troops into the cantonment. the enemy, now strongly reinforced, attempted to intercept the retreat, but were beaten off. on the 15th major pottinger and another officer came in wounded, and reported that the ghoorka regiment that had been retiring from kohistan had been entirely destroyed. they defended themselves courageously against overwhelming forces, and held the barracks they occupied until maddened by thirst; then they rushed to a stream, where the enemy fell upon them and cut them to pieces, the two mounted officers alone escaping after innumerable dangers. on the 17th macnaghten heard that there was no hope whatever of assistance from sale, who was himself surrounded with difficulties. he now urged that the force should all retire to the bala hissar, behind whose strong walls they could have maintained themselves. but shelton vehemently opposed the step, which would have saved the army from destruction, urging that the abandonment of the cantonments would be an acknowledgment of defeat. on the 23rd of november the enemy again appeared on the hill from which they had been driven, and a strong force moved out against it. strangely enough, however, they only took one gun with them. the day was disgraceful as well as disastrous, for the british force was signally defeated and the gun was lost, and the troops re-entered the cantonment in headlong flight, hotly pursued by the afghans till they reached the protection of the earthworks. their conduct showed how completely the imbecility and vacillation of their commanders, and the effect of the insufficient rations on which they had to subsist, had destroyed the moral of the troops. the men who a month before could have driven the afghans before them like sheep, were now unable to cope with them even when in superior numbers. on the 24th elphinstone addressed a letter to macnaghten stating his opinion that their position could no longer be maintained, and that he should at once enter into negotiations with the enemy. he accordingly sent a message to the insurgent chiefs inviting them to send in a deputation to discuss the conditions of the treaty. two of their leaders came in, but as they demanded that the british should surrender at discretion, giving themselves up, with all their arms, ammunition, and treasure, as prisoners of war, macnaghten resolutely rejected the offered terms. angus had been constantly employed from the day he reached the cantonments. his work was to go out with small parties of the natives employed by the commissariat to bring in the grain that boyd and johnson had purchased. there was no slight risk in the work, for although the villagers were glad to sell their corn on good terms, the party who fetched it ran the risk of being cut off by any band of tribesmen they might encounter. of an evening he talked over the situation and prospects with the two officers. absorbed in work as they all were, they were less influenced by the feeling of hopelessness than those who had nothing to do but to rage over the trap into which they had fallen through the incapacity of their leaders. still, they did not attempt to disguise from themselves the magnitude of the danger. "i have no faith in any treaty that could be made," boyd said. "an afghan is only bound by his word as long as it pays him to keep it. they will take macnaghten's money, and will promise that we shall be allowed to go down the passes without molestation; but i am mistaken indeed if we shall not be attacked the moment we enter them. if they do so, few of us will ever get through. the men are weak now from want of sufficient food. they are utterly dispirited and demoralized, as is shown by their shameful flight yesterday. besides, they will be encumbered with a host of camp followers, women, and children. i am still of opinion that our only hope is to take refuge in the bala hissar, and shelton's vehement opposition has already put a stop to that. for myself, i would rather that they attacked us here, even if the attack meant our annihilation. it would be better to die so than cooped up hopelessly in the passes. at best the march would be a terrible one. the cold is severe already, and we hear that the snow is deep in the passes; not so deep as to render them impracticable, but deep enough to render the passage a terrible one." "of course we are bound to stay with the rest and do our best to the end. were it not for that, we three might escape. we all speak the language well enough to pass as natives. you, indeed, have already done so. however, of course that is not to be thought of; indeed, it would probably amount to the same thing in the end, for we could scarcely hope to reach either jellalabad or candahar." "no, it is not to be thought of, johnson," his companion said. "we have to do our duty to the last. i still hope that the general may yet have an hour of inspiration and deliver battle in good order. i believe that the troops would fight well if they did but see that they were properly handled." on the following day they learned that akbar khan had arrived. he was greeted with great enthusiasm and much firing of guns. macnaghten had a faint hope that he would side with us, as his father, mother, and brothers were in our hands in india; but, on the other hand, he had every reason for bitter animosity against the british, who had, without any ground for complaint, invaded the country and dethroned his father. the prince bore the reputation of being frank, generous, and far brighter and more cheerful than the majority of his countrymen; at the same time he was passionate and impulsive, given to sudden bursts of anger. the wrongs that he and his family had suffered were, indeed, at present predominant in his mind. for two years he himself had been an exile from his country. his father, who had tried so hard to gain the friendship of the british, had been dethroned by them; and as it was notorious that their captives were always honourably treated, he felt that no action upon his part would recoil upon their heads. he himself was now the heir to the throne if he could win it. he was extremely popular among the people, who hailed his advent as giving them a leader whom they could rely upon, under whom the chiefs of the tribesmen could lay aside their mutual jealousy and animosity and join in the effort to drive the foe for ever from their country. he did not, however, at once assume the chief authority. the nawab mahomed zemaun khan, a cousin of dost mahomed, had been proclaimed ameer by the tribesmen, and all orders were sent forth in his name. he was a man of humane and honourable nature, of polished manners, and affable address. as soon as he learned the state of affairs, akbar khan took immediate steps to prevent further supplies being taken into camp. he burned the villages where grain had been sold, and placed bands of men to attack any parties coming out from the camp to purchase grain. day after day passed, messengers came and went between macnaghten and the nawab, but nothing was done; the food supply dwindled; only three days' rations remained in camp. the supplies doled out were scarcely sufficient to keep life together. the oxen and other baggage animals were in such a state of starvation as to be wholly unfit for service. the store of fuel had long been used up, some men died of cold, and all suffered much. macnaghten was still hopeful, and early in december again urged a retirement, but in vain. the enemy had now guns planted in several positions, and kept up an almost constant cannonade on the camp. on the 8th there were but three days' half rations left, and the general informed macnaghten by letter that it was absolutely necessary to surrender upon the best terms that could be obtained; and the three senior officers also signed the letter, saying that they concurred in it. on the 11th there was but one day's food left for the fighting men, the camp followers were starving. again and again macnaghten urged that a force should sally out and at all costs bring in provisions, but the general knew that the men could not be relied upon to fight. the time had come when even macnaghten saw that all hope had gone save in surrender. he drew out the rough draft of a treaty, and met the leading chiefs of the afghans at about a mile from the river. by this treaty the british were to evacuate afghanistan. they were to be supplied with provisions for the journey, shah soojah was to abdicate, and to have the option of accompanying them; but if he did so, his wife and family were to remain as hostages until dost mahomed and his family were released. the troops at jellalabad were also to retire, as well as those at ghuznee and candahar. four british officers were to be left as hostages, to return to india on the arrival of dost mahomed and his family on the frontier. the conference lasted two hours, and its main stipulations were agreed to. the meeting then broke up, on the understanding that the british troops were to evacuate the cantonments in three days, and that provisions should in the meantime be sent in. the treaty was a humiliating one, but macnaghten was not to blame for it. when the three military chiefs had declared that there was nothing for it but surrender, he was forced to make the best arrangement he could, and the terms of the treaty were as good as could have been expected in the circumstances. when the conference broke up captain trevor, one of macnaghten's staff, accompanied the chief to the city as a hostage for the sincerity of the envoy. on the 11th the bala hissar was evacuated. akbar khan pledged himself to conduct the garrison safely to the cantonments, and kept his promise, succeeding in inducing the crowds of horsemen who gathered round to let the little detachment pass. the provisions, however, were not sent in as agreed, and the chiefs refused to send them until the garrisons were withdrawn from the forts they occupied round the cantonments. the parties were each suspicious of the other's good faith. on the 18th snow began to fall heavily. macnaghten tried desperately to win over some of the chiefs, lavishing money among them. the afghans made fresh demands, and demanded more hostages, and lieutenants conolly and airey were handed over to them. on the 22nd akbar khan sent in fresh proposals, to the effect that the british were to remain in afghanistan till the spring, and then to withdraw as if of their own free-will. shah soojah was to remain as ameer, and akbar as his minister. as a reward for these services akbar was to receive an annuity of â£40,000 and a bonus of â£300,000. macnaghten accepted the terms, and agreed to meet akbar. the offer was so strange that elphinstone and others thought that it was probably a plot. macnaghten replied that he did not think that it was so, but in any case he would go. after breakfast he sent for the officers of his staff, lawrence, mackenzie, and trevor, who had returned, and begged them to accompany him to the meeting. an hour later they set out with a few horsemen. as they rode on macnaghten admitted to his officers that he was well aware that it was a dangerous enterprise, but that he was playing for a heavy stake and the prize was worth the risk. "at all events," he said, "a thousand deaths are preferable to the life i have of late been leading." the parties met at some hillocks six hundred yards from the cantonments, where some horse-cloths had been spread upon the snow by akbar khan's servants. macnaghten presented to akbar a splendid horse he had admired. they dismounted, and macnaghten took his place on the blankets. trevor, mackenzie, and lawrence sat behind him. suddenly the envoy and his companions were violently seized from behind. the three officers were dragged away, and each compelled to mount horses ridden by afghan chiefs, who rode off through the crowd. trevor unfortunately slipped from his insecure seat, and was instantly cut to pieces, while the other two reached mahomed khan's fort alive. in the meantime the envoy himself was struggling desperately on the ground with akbar khan. exasperated by the resistance of his victim, whom he had only intended to seize, the afghan's passion blazed out, and drawing from his girdle a pistol, which macnaghten had given him the day before, he shot him through the body. instantly his followers closed round and hacked him to pieces. thus died a gentleman who, in other circumstances, might have made a great reputation for himself. possessed of unusual talent, his course was marred by his propensity to believe all that he wished, to disbelieve all that ran counter to his own sanguine projects. during the last month of his life he did all that man could do to avert a catastrophe, but he had been unable to instil his spirit into any of the military commanders, or to induce them to take the only course to redeem the position, by giving battle to the foe that surrounded them. he was the author of the ill-fated expedition to afghanistan, he was its noblest victim. his peculiar temperament was fatal to him. even when there was no longer any ground for hope he still continued to be sanguine. he had all along believed in himself, and scoffed at the warnings of men who knew the country and people--of burnes, rawlinson, pottinger, and others. he was thoroughly sincere; he was always able to convince himself that what he believed must be true, and he acted accordingly. he was not a strong man; had he been so the course of events might have been altered. he deferred in every way to shah soojah's wishes, however much these might be opposed to his own judgment. he allowed him to misgovern the country, to drive the natives to desperation by the exactions of his tax-gatherers, and to excite the bitterest animosity of the chiefs by the arrogance with which he treated them. a strong man would have put a stop to all this--would have intimated to the ameer that he held the throne solely by the assistance of british bayonets, and that unless he followed british counsels he would at once yield to the oft-repeated wishes of the indian government and order the retirement of the troops. chapter xv a doomed army even the murder of the british envoy within sight of the camp failed to arouse the military authorities from their deadly lethargy. sullenly the troops remained in their cantonments. not a man was put in motion to avenge the deed or to redeem the honour of the army. the only idea was to renew the negotiations that had been broken short by the murder of their political chief. the commissariat had nothing to do. beleaguered as they were, it was impossible to collect provisions unless a strong force was sent out, and the military authorities refused to allow a man to be put in motion. they had no confidence in their soldiers, and the soldiers had none in them. it was their leaders who had made them what they were. macnaghten in his wrath had spoken of them as miserable cowards, but they were not cowards. they had at first full confidence in themselves, and if ordered would gladly have attacked the afghan forces in the open and have carried cabul by storm. but kept in enforced inactivity, while fort after fort was wrested from them without an effort being made to relieve the garrisons, while the whole of their provisions for the winter were carried off before their eyes by an enemy they despised, and feeling that on the few occasions on which they were led from their entrenchments there was neither plan nor order--no opportunity for showing their valour, none for engaging in battle, they lost heart. day by day they were exposed to continual insults from their exultant foes, day by day exposed to a heavy cannon and musketry fire, while the food served out was insufficient to maintain their strength--almost insufficient to keep them alive. it is not wonderful that their fighting powers were lost, and that they had become little more than a rabble in uniform. angus had now no official duties to perform, and he spent much of his time with his old friend eldred pottinger, now a major, who, after macnaghten's murder, took his place, by right of seniority as well as of energy and talent, as chief political officer. he had been employed in the west, but had been sent to cabul, and very shortly afterwards had proceeded to kohistan, returning almost the sole survivor of the little force that was stationed there. his counsel since then had always been for energetic measures, but his voice, like that of macnaghten, availed nothing. he had, however, taken no prominent part in affairs, having been confined to his bed by the wound he had received. he was now recovering from it, and took up the work with the same energy as he had displayed at herat. as he said to angus, "it seems to be my fate to have to do with incapable men. at herat it was yar mahomed and kamran, here it is shelton and elphinstone. elphinstone and kamran have both in their younger days been fighting men. both are utterly worn out bodily and mentally by disease and age. "shelton is a brave man, a hard fighter, but his temper overmasters him. when in the field he shows personal gallantry, but no military capacity whatever. at first he was always in opposition to the general; he has given that up as useless, and beyond always endeavouring to thwart his chief when the latter was roused to momentary flashes of energy by macnaghten, he has sunk into a deep gloom, as if he regarded it as absolutely hopeless to struggle further. i would that any other than myself had been placed in the position i now hold. the terms proposed to macnaghten were hard enough, they will be still harder, still more disgraceful, now. but however disgraceful they may be, they will be accepted by the military leaders, and my name will be associated with the most humiliating treaty a british officer has ever been called upon to sign." his previsions were correct. negotiations were renewed without the slightest allusion being made to the murder of macnaghten, and as if such an event had never happened. while these were going on, little food was allowed to enter camp--enough to sustain life, but no more. at last the terms were settled. the afghan chiefs agreed to supply provisions, and to send in baggage animals, upon payment being made for them. six officers were to be handed over as hostages, all muskets and ordnance stores in the magazines, all money in the treasury, and all goods and property belonging to dost mahomed, were to be surrendered, and dost himself and his family to be returned. no provision whatever was made for the safety of the man we had placed upon the throne. pottinger endeavoured in vain to obtain better conditions. he received no support from the military chiefs; and even when at last he agreed to the terms, he did so with little hope that they would be observed. warnings came from friends in the city that no dependence whatever could be placed upon the chiefs, and that in spite of all promises the force would certainly be attacked on its way down through the passes. no step was taken by the chiefs to send in either provisions or carriage animals, and the escort that was to accompany them did not make its appearance. on the 5th of january the military authorities determined to march out, contrary to the advice of pottinger, who argued that without carriage and provisions, and without the protection of the chiefs as promised, the prospects of four thousand troops and twelve thousand followers being able to make their way down through the passes was small indeed. angus had come to rely very much upon azim for information as to what was passing outside the cantonment. the latter had during the three years come to speak the afghan language perfectly, and in the attire of a peasant often went out after dark, mixed with the insurgents, and entered the city. he had each time he went out brought back a less hopeful report than on the previous one, and angus was the more impressed since the young fellow was generally cheery, and disposed to look on the bright side of things, taking indeed comparatively little interest in what was going on around him, having absolute confidence that his master would find some way out of any difficulty that might confront him. "i quite agree with all you say, azim, but i am powerless to act in any way. if i were here as a private person i should certainly disguise myself and endeavour to make my way down to candahar, but as an officer i must remain at my post, come what may, and share the fate of the rest. but if you are disposed to try and get down, i will not throw any obstacle in your way, and will furnish you with money sufficient to pay your way either back to persia or down into india, where, with your knowledge of languages, you will have no difficulty in finding employment." azim laughed. "no, master, whatever comes, i will stay with you. just as you are in the employment of government and cannot leave, so am i in your employment." angus did not attempt to push the matter further, for he felt that it would be useless; and indeed, although he would have done what he could to procure his follower's safety, he felt that he would be a great loss to him in many ways. they had been so long together, and had gone through so many dangers in companionship, that he regarded azim as a friend rather than as a servant. "when you have been in the city, azim, have you ever seen our friend sadut?" "no, sir; i have heard that he has been in the city many times, and that he was with the afghan horsemen who drove our people in, but i have not seen him. should i speak to him if i do so?" "yes, you might thank him in my name, and your own, for having saved our lives the other day; but on no account say anything to him about the future. i cannot make any overtures for help to a man who, though a friend of my own, is fighting against us. and indeed, however willing he might be to aid me to the best of his power, he could not do so. if we are really attacked in the pass, mixed up as we shall be with the camp followers, we could not be found in the crowd; and you may be sure that the tribesmen and the ghazee fanatics will be mad with bloodshed and hate, and that even a chief would be unable to stand between them and their victims. even if he were to send a messenger to me to say that he and his men would again save me, if i would let him know in which part of the column i shall ride, i should refuse to do so. it would be an act of treachery on my part to others, weaker and less able to take care of themselves than i am." on the afternoon of the day when the force moved out of the cantonments eldred pottinger sent for angus. "are you ready to undertake a hazardous mission?" he asked. "it is so hazardous that i would send no one upon it, were it not that i consider that those who stay here are running as great a risk. after the murder of burnes and macnaghten, i have not the smallest faith in the chiefs keeping to their promises, and the manner in which they have failed now to carry out the terms of the treaty heightens my distrust in them. i do not believe that any of the messengers that have been sent down of late have succeeded in getting through; and indeed, until to-day it was impossible to say whether we should really start or not. the messages sent down were necessarily vague, and were indeed only requests for aid. i know, and no doubt sale knows, that it is as difficult for him to fight his way up the passes as it is for us to make our way down; but now that, in spite of my advice, elphinstone and shelton and the other officers have decided to wait no longer, but to start at once, a specific message must be sent." "i am ready to try to get through," angus said. "i have no doubt that while we have been negotiating here, the tribesmen from all the country round have been gathering in the passes. the only way would be for me to join some party of men from the villages going that way. once fairly in the pass and among the tribesmen, i could leave the party and mingle with others. of course it would be slow work going on afoot, but i should say that it would be quite impossible on horseback." "i have not much hope that the mission will be of any real use, for sale is himself besieged in jellalabad. still, one must make an attempt. i shall enter in my journals--trusting that they will some day be recovered--that as a last hope i have accepted the offer of mr. angus campbell to carry a message to general sale saying that we are starting, and begging him, if it be possible, to make a diversion in our favour by advancing as far as he can to meet us. i will not give you any written document. you are well known to many of the officers who went down with sale, therefore no question can arise as to the message you bear being a genuine one. if you were searched and any letter found upon you, it would be your death-warrant. still, i believe if anyone could get through alive, you can." "i will do my best anyhow," angus said, "and i will start as soon as it becomes dark. it is all easy enough as far as khoord cabul, after that i shall keep a sharp look-out; if i overtake any party of villagers i shall join them." "i shall come and say good-bye to you before you start, campbell." angus returned at once to his tent. "you have my disguise ready and your own, azim?" "yes, sir, i have both ready, and have two of their long guns and some daggers and pistols." "i have my own pistols, azim." "yes, master, and it will be as well to take them; but they would be seen directly if you had them in your girdle." "no doubt they would, azim, but there are a good many english pistols among them now. there were three pairs they got at sir alexander's house, and there have been several officers killed since. i can give out that i took part in the fight at sir alexander's and got these pistols as my share of the plunder." "are you going anywhere, master?" "yes, i am going to try to get down through the passes to jellalabad. we shall start as soon as it is dark. it will be a terribly dangerous journey, but i hardly think it will be more dangerous than going down with the troops." "what are we to take, master? i will get it ready." "there is not much that we can take. i will go down to the store myself and get eight or ten pounds of ground grain. there is not much of it, for the mills have all been smashed, and we have had to serve the grain out whole; but i know that there are two or three sacks left in the stores. there is no meat to be had, nor spirits--not that i would take spirits if i could get them, for if they were found upon me it would excite suspicion at once. another thing, i must stain myself. my face and hands are nearly as brown as those of the afghans, but if we were searched and they took our things off, they would see in an instant that i was a white. i don't know how we are to get stain." "i should think, master, that if we were to bake some grain quite black, and then pound it and pour boiling water over it so as to make it like very strong coffee, it might do." "a very good idea. well, i shall not want you for the next two hours. i shall go round and see some of my friends and say good-bye to them. mind, whatever you do don't say a word to anyone about our leaving." "i will be sure not to do that, master." azim went out to a little tent of thick native blanket a few yards from that of his master. there he sat looking through the entrance until he saw his master leave his tent. five minutes later he issued out in his afghan dress, long coat lined with sheep-skins, black lamb's-wool cap, high boots, and sheep-skin breeches, and at once set off at a brisk walk. there were at all times many afghans in the camp, and indeed many of the camp followers had, since the cold set in, adopted the same dress; therefore no attention was paid to him, and no questions were asked by the sentries as he passed out at the gates. as soon as he got among the gardens and enclosures he broke into a run, which he continued until he reached a village a mile and a half away, and here he entered one of the cottages. "have you news for us?" one of the four men sitting there said. "yes, and good news. my master starts as soon as it is dark. he will be on foot, and he is going to try and make his way down through the passes." "that is good news indeed," the afghan said. "i was afraid that we should never get a chance. which road will he go by?" "i can't say exactly, but he is sure to leave by the western gate. he would have more chance of getting away unnoticed on that side. of course we shall both be in our afghan dress." "we will be on the look-out. i suppose that he will be armed?" "yes, he will carry one of your long guns and a brace of pistols. you had best choose some spot where you can close on him suddenly, for he would certainly fight till the last." "we will be careful," the man said. "i don't want to get a pistol ball in my body. we shall follow at a distance until we find a convenient spot." "he is sure to keep along at the foot of the hill so as to avoid your people on the plain." "it will suit us best also, as we shall not have far to carry him." "mind, you must make a struggle when you seize me as if i was violently resisting. then, when we start you must order me to walk, and threaten to blow out my brains if i try to escape. my master can learn the truth afterwards. if he were to know it now, he would be furious with me; but in a few days, when fighting is going on in the passes, and a great disaster occurs, he will thank me for having prevented him from throwing away his life, especially as he knows perfectly well that the english in jellalabad could not come out to assist those here." when angus returned to the tent he found azim busy roasting the grain. the afghan costume had been laid aside. "everything is ready, master. the grain is nearly done, and it won't take me long to pound it up. i got a few sticks down at the stores and the kettle is just boiling." "then as soon as it is ready i will stain myself, but i sha'n't put on the afghan dress until the last thing. have you cooked some of the flour?" "yes, sir, i have made four cakes. they are baking in the ashes now. i thought perhaps you would eat one before we started, and we can carry the others for to-morrow." "i wish, azim," angus said, "that there was some chance of this journey being useful, but i feel convinced that no good can come of it. the moonshee has sent in a report that confirms the rumours we heard. there can be no doubt that general sale is strongly beleaguered in jellalabad, and will have all his work to do to hold the place, and therefore it will be absolutely impossible for him to fight his way up the pass." "then why should you go, master?" "because i have been asked to go as a forlorn hope; and also because, however great the risk i may run, i do not think that it is greater than it would be if i went down with the army. we have no baggage animals. we have food for only three days more, and it will only last that time by cutting down the rations still further. the unfortunate camp followers are for the most part without warm clothing of any sort, and will die by thousands. as to the troops, i have no doubt that most of them will fight when they know that unless they cut their way through they are doomed, but their chance of victory is small. here in the open plain they might even now, if well led and worked up to enthusiasm by a stirring speech, thrash the afghans, numerous as these may be; but pent up in the passes, under a fire from every hillside by a foe they cannot reach--for in their present weak state they could never scale the mountains--i believe it will be a massacre rather than a fight. at any rate, if we are to be killed, i would rather be shot as a spy than go through such awful scenes as there will be before a bullet finishes me." "i don't want to die at all, master; but if it be the will of allah, so be it. but, as you say, i would rather be killed straight off than struggle on through the snows in the passes and get killed in the end." as soon as it became dusk, angus and his follower put on their disguises. a few minutes later eldred pottinger came in. "well, as far as looks go you will pass anywhere, campbell, and certainly as regards language there is no fear of your being suspected. the real difficulty will be in explaining where you came from. every village has sent its contingent of fighting men, and if it happened that you met anyone from the place you pretended to come from, the consequences would be very awkward." "i intend to give out that i have come down from arcab, which is a little village to the south of ghuznee. i went out there once with a detachment to buy some cattle. it is hardly likely that any of the men from that place would have come here, for they would naturally join the bands that are threatening our garrison there. of course i can invent some story to account for my not doing the same." pottinger nodded. "well, campbell, i hope that you will get well through it. as i told you, i have not a shadow of hope that sale will be able to lend a hand to us. still, although it is but one in a thousand chances, i feel that it ought to be attempted; and in your case i say honestly that i consider there is no greater risk in your going down by yourself, and having your own wits to depend upon, than in going down with the army--if one can call this broken and dispirited soldiery an army--for in that case the bravest and clearest head would share the fate, whatever that may be, of the dullest and most cowardly." "i quite see that, and agree with you that nothing can be slighter than the chances of the army getting down safely. be assured that whatever happens, so far from blaming you, i shall consider that you did the best for me by sending me on this mission." "i will walk with you to the gate," pottinger said. "in the daytime there is no check upon anyone passing in or out, but at night the sentries are on the alert, and as you are both armed, you would certainly be stopped." a minute was spent in packing their scanty stores into the pockets of their coats, then they started for the gate. here pottinger, after seeing them through, shook hands cordially not only with angus but with azim, whom he had learned to like and value for the devotion he showed to his master in herat. they proceeded on their way without meeting any parties of afghans until they neared the foot of the hill, then, as they were passing along a path through an orchard, a party of men suddenly sprang out upon them, and they were thrown down on their faces before either had time to offer any resistance. angus, indeed, had repressed the natural impulse to try to draw one of his pistols. resistance would have meant death, and it seemed to him that these could only be plunderers. "what are you doing, fools?" he exclaimed. "do you not see that we are friends?" no answer was given. his captors were binding his hands tightly to his side; then before raising him they muffled his head in a blanket. he was then lifted to his feet. he heard the men say to azim that he was to accompany them, and that if he attempted escape he would at once be shot. a man on each side of him put his hands on his shoulder, and one said: "you are to walk quietly with us; escape is impossible, and it were well for you not to attempt it." angus indeed felt that escape was out of the question. he was unable to conjecture into whose hands he had fallen. they were not bent upon plunder, for had they been so, they would have taken his arms, searched him, and probably cut his throat afterwards. it seemed impossible to him that they could know he was a british officer, and the only conceivable explanation he could think of was that men had been scattered all round the cantonment to prevent anyone from leaving, or going out with messages to one or other of the chiefs, and that they had seen him and azim come out, had followed and seized them, and were now taking them to some chief to be questioned as to why they were in the british camp after dark, and for what purpose they had left. certainly the affair reminded him of his friendly capture at cabul; but it seemed to him altogether impossible that sadut could have learned that he was about to start on a mission, or that had he even learned it, he could have known that he and azim would have followed the road on which they had been captured. he soon found that the path they were following was an upward one, and as it became steeper and steeper, he was sure that he was being taken into the hills. once or twice he addressed his captors, but received no answer. he walked, as far as he could tell, for two hours. at last there was a pause. he heard a door open, and felt that he was being taken into a hut. then for the first time the pistols and knives were taken from his sash. his captors, after addressing a few whispered words to some men who were already in the hut, retired, closing the door behind them and piling heavy stones against it. the blanket was then taken off his head. a bright fire was burning in the hut, which he saw was some fifteen feet square. four men, armed to the teeth, were standing by the fire. there was no door save the one by which they had been brought in, and it was evident that the hut consisted only of this room. "you are unhurt, i hope," he said to azim. "yes. i was knocked down before i had time to think of doing anything." "do you know where they have brought us?" "no. they threw a cloth over my head." "how could this have happened, azim? i cannot understand it at all." "no more can i, sir." "when we started to fight against the infidels we never thought that we should be attacked by our own countrymen. it seems to me that there must be some mistake." then he turned to the afghans. "why are we brought here? what harm have we done?" "that i know not," the man said. "you must have done something, or our comrades would not have brought you here. that is their business." "it seems to me," angus said angrily, "it is our business too. our tribe are not at war with any others, and it is a new thing that afghans should attack each other when all are uniting to fight the strangers." "i know nothing about it. i only know that our comrades brought you here, and left us to look after you. there are plenty of traitors among the men who have taken the infidel's gold. they will all be reckoned with when we have finished with the white men. well, they did not tell us to keep you bound, and we will take off the cords if you swear by the faith that you will make no attempt to escape." angus hesitated. it seemed to him that if two of the four men slept he and azim could, if unbound, snatch at their weapons, and at least make a fight for it; that chance would be gone if he gave his word. "no," he said; "i will make no bargain with men who have deprived me of my liberty." "well, just as you like," the other said, seating himself by the fire, "it makes no matter to us." "we may as well sit down too," angus said, and advancing near the fire he sat down by the side of the afghans. azim did the same. "where did you say you came from?" the man who had been the spokesman of the party asked. angus briefly named the village he had before decided upon, and then sat looking silently at the fire. he saw that his chance of being able to discover at present any plan for escape was very small. presently one of the men said, "let us have supper," and rising he went to a corner of the hut, where the carcass of a sheep was hanging from the rafters. he cut off a leg, divided this into slices, which he spitted on a ramrod, and then put it over the fire. in the meantime another had unceremoniously placed the four cakes that were taken from the captives in the embers to warm up. when the meat was done, the leader said to angus: "we do not wish to starve you. we will untie the hands of one of you, and let him eat; when he has done, we will fasten him up again, and let the other eat in the same way." this was done. when they were again securely bound angus said in pushtoo: "you may as well lie down now, friend. perhaps in the morning the men who have taken us will find out that they have made a mistake and will let us go, with apologies for having treated friends so roughly." they lay down close together, but angus was afraid even to whisper to his follower, lest it should excite the suspicion of their guard. for an hour he remained watchful, then he saw two of the afghans lie down, but the other two lighted their pipes, and were evidently going to keep watch. he had tried quietly once or twice to see if the cords that bound him could be loosened, but he found that although they had not been tied unpleasantly tight, they were securely fastened, and did not yield in the slightest to his efforts. he therefore gave up the idea of trying to free himself from them; and indeed, even if the guards should all sleep, the prospect was hopeless, for from the noise made in rolling the rocks against the door, it was certain that this could not be opened without waking the sleepers. it would therefore be necessary as a preliminary to kill all of them, and even then he might not be able to break open the door. at any rate, there was nothing to do at present. after trying in vain to discover an explanation of their capture he fell asleep. he woke several times in the night, but found that two men were always on guard. the next morning he heard the stones removed from the door, but no one entered. the afghans breakfasted, and this time permitted their captives to share the meal with them. from time to time one or other of the afghans went to the door and looked out, and at two o'clock one of them said, "the infidels are moving." the others went out. "have you thought of any way of escape?" angus whispered in persian to his follower. "i can think of nothing," azim murmured. as there seemed no obstacle to their going out angus joined his captors. he could see on the snow which covered the plain below, the dark masses of the troops surrounded by a host of camp followers, while beyond these hovered hordes of afghans. from time to time horsemen rode in, evidently delivered some message, and then went off again. the departure of the troops had been fatally delayed. it was ordered to begin at eight o'clock in the morning, and at that hour they stood to their arms. the day was clear and bright, and although four miles from the camp, angus could clearly see what was going on. although it was now two in the afternoon, only a portion of the troops had left the camp, and it was not till six o'clock, when night had already fallen, that the rear-guard left it. already confusion had set in; the ranks of the soldiers were broken up by the terrified camp followers, and presented the appearance of a vast mob rather than an organized army. had they started at the hour fixed they might have reached khoord cabul in safety, but the loss of time was fatal. only six miles were accomplished, and it was two o'clock in the morning before the whole gathered, when it was seen that their numbers were already diminished. the wretched camp followers, accustomed to the heat of the plains of india, and thinly clad, were the first to succumb. hundreds, especially of women and children, sat down in the snow and were frozen to death. already the afghans were hanging on the flanks, and sometimes making rushes and cutting down many of the unresisting multitude. soon after two o'clock a native came up to the hut and delivered an order to the afghans, who at once cut up the remainder of the sheep, and divided it between them. then their leader said, "we are to move." the ropes that bound the prisoners were loosened. one end was tied round the wrist of each captive, the other being wound round the waist of an afghan, allowing a slack of a yard and a half. as soon as this was done the party moved off. they descended the hill for some distance, and then followed the lower slopes in the direction in which the army was moving. they kept on till long after midnight, and then halted at a deserted hut. far behind them they could see the flames of the burning cantonments, which had been fired by the afghans as soon as they had removed everything of the slightest value. in the morning angus saw that their halting-place was high up above the entrance of the khoord cabul pass. there was as yet no sign of the army, but in the afternoon it was seen approaching in a confused mass. the night had been a dreadful one; soldiers and camp followers, horses and baggage and cattle were huddled in a confused mass. no warm clothes had been served out to the followers, and hundreds were frozen to death during the night, while others were so badly frost-bitten that they were unable to walk. as soon as the troops started again the afghan horsemen attacked the rear, seizing the baggage, capturing the guns, and cutting down all they encountered. at noon akbar khan, with six hundred horsemen, rode up. pottinger sent captain skinner with six horsemen to communicate with him. akbar said that he had been sent out by the nawab to protect them from the attacks of the ghazees. his instructions were to demand other hostages as security for the evacuation of jellalabad, and to arrest the progress of the force, supplying it in the meantime with everything it required, until news of the evacuation of jellalabad by sale was received. the troops, however, did not halt until they reached the entrance of the cabul pass. the night was even more dreadful than the preceding day had been. the sepoys burned their caps and accoutrements to obtain a little warmth, and numbers were frozen to death. at daybreak the crowd of soldiers and camp followers began to push forward, their only thought now being how to escape death. akbar khan spent some hours in negotiations. four more hostages were demanded; pottinger volunteered to be one of them, captain lawrence had been specially named, and pottinger chose mackenzie as the third. it was agreed that the force should move down through the khoord cabul pass to tezeen, there to await tidings of the evacuation of jellalabad. chapter xvi annihilation of the army in terrible confusion the crowd of fugitives--they were now nothing more--all entered the terrible pass. the ghilzyes at once commenced their attack. in vain did akbar khan and his chiefs endeavour to restrain the fanatics. from the hillsides, from every rocky crag they opened a murderous fire. that day three thousand men fell, either from the musket fire or from the knives of the afghans. the dooly-bearers had all deserted on the first day, the greater portion of the camels and ponies had been captured. so far the ladies had escaped; they all rode next to the advanced guard, as this was considered the safest point, for the soldiers here maintained some sort of order, and the afghans, therefore, devoted their attention to the helpless crowd in the rear. again the column halted in the snow. in the morning the camp followers made another rush ahead, but the troops, who were ordered to march at ten o'clock, did not move, for in spite of all the remonstrances of the officers, the general countermanded the order, believing that akbar khan would send in provisions and troops to protect them. another terrible night was passed, and then captain skinner rode into camp with a new proposal from akbar khan, namely, that all the english ladies of the force should be placed under his charge, and that they might be accompanied by their husbands. pottinger remembering that akbar khan's family were in the hands of the british, and believing that he was sincere in his wish to save the ladies and children from destruction, sanctioned the proposal. elphinstone at once accepted it. it was the choice of two evils. on the one hand akbar khan had proved faithless, and on the other certain death awaited the ladies. they were insufficiently clad, had scarcely tasted food since they left cabul, and had passed three terrible nights in the snow. undoubtedly it was the wiser course to trust them to akbar khan. accordingly a party of afghan horse rode in, and lady macnaghten, lady sale, and ten other ladies, some twenty children, and eight officers rode away under their escort. the next morning the survivors started. the sepoys had already lost the greater portion of their numbers; the remainder threw away their guns, which they could no longer use owing to their hands being frost-bitten, and joined the disorganized rabble in front. they were attacked in a narrow gorge, and the pass was soon choked with dead and dying. not a single sepoy survived. of the sixteen thousand men, soldiers and camp followers, that had left cabul four days before, not more than a quarter were now alive. akbar khan watched the slaughter that was going on, declaring that he was powerless to restrain the ghilzyes, whom even their own chiefs could not control. he advised that the remnant of the british army should lay down their arms and place themselves under his protection. the general very properly refused the offer, for akbar khan had already acknowledged that he was incapable of restraining the tribesmen. the march was continued. the rear-guard was commanded by shelton, and nobly they did their work, repulsing several attacks of the enemy, and giving time for those ahead to pursue their way. before daybreak they started again in hopes that they might reach jugduluk that day. despair gave the soldiers strength, and they moved off quietly in order to obtain a start of the camp followers, who paralysed their action. the latter, however, were soon on their feet, and as usual endeavoured to push on ahead of the troops. for some miles the retreat was uninterrupted, but presently a heavy fire opened on the rear-guard. the camp followers then rushed in a tumultuous crowd past the troops, and when, a little later, the head of the column was attacked, they again fled to the rear, not only hampering the movements of the soldiers, but carrying many of them away by the impetus of their rush. steadily until day broke the afghan marksmen maintained their fire. soon afterwards the advanced guard reached a village ten miles from jugduluk, and halting only till the rear-guard came up again pushed forward. shelton, with a handful of the rear-guard, kept the afghans at bay, and covered the retreat until all arrived in jugduluk, where they took their post behind some ruined walls. there was, however, little rest for them; the afghans, in ever-increasing numbers, posted themselves on the heights and opened a terrible fire. three bullocks were found among the camp followers; these were instantly killed and served out to the famishing soldiers, who devoured them raw. again akbar's party approached, and captain skinner went out to remonstrate with him for permitting the continued attacks, but the afghan prince declared himself incapable of repressing his men, as his orders were disregarded. a handful of the 44th regiment issued out and made a gallant rush at the enemy and drove them back, but as the main body did not follow their example, they again retired behind the ruined walls. all night long and through the next day the force remained at jugduluk. akbar khan sent in a message inviting the general, shelton, and captain johnson to a conference, and promised to send in provisions. this promise he as usual broke, and insisted on retaining the three officers as hostages. the conference was resumed the next morning. akbar now seemed in earnest in his desire to put a stop to the slaughter; but the petty chiefs of the tribes between jugduluk and jellalabad were now present, and these would listen neither to his entreaties nor commands, nor to the offer of large sums of money. they thirsted for blood, and were determined to extirpate the infidels. mahomed shah khan, to whose daughter akbar was married, then came forward and asked whether the british would pay two lacs of rupees for safe-conduct to jellalabad. the general agreed to this, and it seemed that at last the safety of the survivors was ensured. at eight o'clock in the evening the survivors, who now numbered but a hundred and twenty of the 44th and twenty-five artillerymen, again set forth. no provisions had been sent in during the two days' halt, and all were terribly reduced by famine. the afghans rushed down among the camp followers, killing them unresistingly. the soldiers, however, held together, and, bayonet in hand, drove off their assailants until they reached the jugduluk pass. they struggled up the narrow and terribly steep ascent until when near the summit they came upon a barricade composed of bushes and branches of trees. here the column was thrown into great confusion, the camp followers crowding upon the soldiers. the latter fought with desperation, while the afghans massacred the unresisting camp followers. twelve officers fell here. their number was large in proportion to that of the men. they had been no better clothed, and had suffered equally from cold and hunger; but they did not give way to the depression that during the first two marches had reigned among the troops. they were upheld, too, by the feeling of responsibility, and the necessity of keeping up an appearance of cheerfulness and hopefulness in order to encourage the men. after desperate fighting some twenty officers and twenty-five soldiers managed to break their way through the barricade, and at daybreak reached gundamuck. there were but two rounds of ammunition remaining in the men's pouches. most of them were already wounded, but they were resolute not to lay down their arms, and when called upon to do so they refused. then the mob of afghans rushed down upon them. one officer and a few privates were taken prisoners, but seven officers succeeded in cutting their way through, and being mounted, left the afghans behind them, and reached futtehbad, but sixteen miles from jellalabad. here, however, they were attacked by the peasantry. two were cut down at once; the others rode off, but were pursued and overtaken. four of them were killed, and one only, dr. brydon, reached jellalabad alive, the sole survivor of four thousand five hundred fighting men and twelve thousand camp followers, with the exception only of those who had been taken over by akbar as hostages. this, the greatest disaster that ever befell a british army, was due to the vacillation and weakness that had characterized every action since the murder of sir alexander burnes. had the force pressed forward at once on the morning when it left its cantonment, the greater portion would probably have reached jellalabad, but two days had been lost before the army reached khoord cabul pass, about ten miles from the city. there were fresh halts, fresh delays, fresh futile negotiations again and again, and during the time thus thrown away the enemy from all the mountains round were gathering in the passes to oppose them, and building the fatal barricade in the pass of jugduluk. had the force pushed forward with only an occasional halt of a few hours, they would not have been enfeebled by hunger. by slaying the baggage animals an abundance of food could have been obtained for all, the opposition they encountered would have been comparatively feeble, and cold would have been their only formidable antagonist. truly it seemed that a curse had fallen upon the army; that it was divine retribution for a most unjust and iniquitous war. each day angus and his followers had been taken along, always being halted in positions whence they could see the terrible tragedy that was being enacted. angus was half mad with grief and with fury that he was not in his place among the troops. azim in vain endeavoured to comfort him, by pointing out that it was not his fault that he was not there, but that he had been sent away from the army by the order of his superior; and that even had he not been taken prisoner, he would not be a sharer in what was going on in the pass. "that is true, azim, but it is a poor consolation to me. i feel sure that pottinger foresaw what would happen, and that it was as an act of friendship, in giving me a chance of getting through safely, that he sent me down. it was no doubt kindly meant, but i would a thousand times rather have shared the fate of the rest." "well, master, for my part i own that i am glad we are up here. i have no wish to be killed, especially as it would do no good to anyone. why should a man throw away his life? allah has given it to us, and we shall die when our time comes. but it would be wicked to throw it away uselessly." "it is all very well to talk like that, azim, when one is in safety, but when one sees one's comrades being slaughtered, a man would not be worthy of the name did he not long to be with them and to die fighting by their side. indeed, we know not at present whether our lives are to be saved. we know not into whose hands we have fallen, or why we should thus be taken along to be spectators of this massacre. the whole thing is bewildering to me." [illustration: angus was half mad with grief and with fury that he was not in his place among the troops] they now generally conversed in persian. their guards, although keeping as strict a watch as ever on them, interfered with them but little. fortunately the worst scenes took place at night, and were therefore hidden from those on the hill, the incessant rattle of musketry alone telling of the relentless pursuit. on the night of the 12th the roar of fire had been louder than ever. at last it ceased suddenly. angus and his guards alike remained awake, angus listening in agony to the sounds of the combat, the afghans talking together in low tones. "what do you think has happened?" he asked them when some minutes had passed without the sound of a shot being heard. "either akbar khan has succeeded in persuading the ghilzye chiefs to spare what few there are left of the infidels, or the last man has been slain." angus felt that the latter was by far the more probable solution, and throwing himself down on the ground he burst into tears. the eight days of mental suffering had shaken him terribly, and now, feeling that his worst fears had been realized, he broke down altogether. before daybreak his captors moved some distance farther up into the mountains, and by the cautious manner in which they made their way, often pausing to look back and round, angus concluded that they were desirous of avoiding all contact with their countrymen. he had indeed before observed how careful they were to avoid the afghans scattered on the hillside, and he now concluded that they must be taking him to the tower of the chief, to be dealt with as he might direct, either shot at once or held by him as a hostage, for whose delivery he might obtain a handsome sum should the british again advance up the passes. all day they travelled among the hills. at last they came upon a large village. there were no men about, doubtless all had gone to take part in the fray. the women came out and eagerly questioned them as to the fighting on the night before. "we know nothing," the leader said. "we believe that the last of the infidels has fallen, but we know nothing for certain." without pausing they took the two prisoners, whose appearance had created no surprise, as they were taken for natives, to the chief's tower, a much larger building than the abodes of most of the petty chiefs. standing upon a crag of rock, it overlooked the village; entrance was only obtainable by a ladder leading to a door some thirty feet above the rock. their coming had been observed. an old man stood at the door. "so you are back, suffyd?" "yes, as you see. has the chief returned?" "no; it is two weeks since we saw him last. he started then with all the fighting men from here and the other villages; but i expect it will not be long before he returns, for, from what we have heard, the work must be nearly done." the party ascended the ladder, and the leader spoke a word or two with the old man, who looked greatly surprised. the captives were taken into a room, which by its furnishing was evidently one of the chief's private apartments. "you are free to move about the house," the leader said, "but you must not leave it." in a few minutes a woman entered, bringing a dish of boiled grain with portions of mutton in it. she gave the usual afghan salutation. she was followed by another woman with a jug of water, two mugs, and a bottle. these were placed on a low table, and then without another word they left the room. a minute later they returned with a large earthenware dish full of burning charcoal. "this is a good beginning, azim," angus said, his spirits rising at the sight of the hot food; for although they had not been actually starved, they had been on extremely short rations when their supply of flour was exhausted, their captors being, like themselves, reduced to a handful of unground grain each day. "this does not look as if they meant to cut our throats. evidently our afghan is acting under orders. those orders must have been that we were to be well treated." they ate a hearty meal; then angus said: "see what there is in that bottle, azim." the cork had already been taken out, and azim poured some of the liquor into a tin, and handed it to his master. the latter smelt it. "it is afghan spirits," he said, "the same as they sell in the bazaars in cabul." he filled it up with water, and drank it off. "now, azim, do you do the same." azim, who was not a very strict mohammedan, and had more than once tasted the forbidden drink at cabul, needed no pressing. "well, master," he said, as he put the cup down, "after all this is better than lying dead and frozen down in the pass." angus, warmed with the good meal and by the draught that he had taken, could not disagree with his follower. "i begin to think that you are right, azim, though i did not believe so yesterday. it is certain that had i joined my countrymen i should have perished with them, and assuredly i have been saved from eight days of awful suffering and from death--if, indeed, we are saved from death." "i think we can feel certain of that, master. this is not the way the afghans treat a man whose throat they intend to cut. they certainly do not make a pillau for him, or provide him with a bottle of spirits." "do you know, i have been thinking, azim," angus said after a short silence, "that if it had been possible for sadut khan to know that we intended to leave camp in disguise, this might be his work again. but he could not have known it. no one but you and i, and major pottinger, and the three or four officers to whom i said good-bye, knew anything about it. besides, he would have sent the men who captured us before, and who knew us by sight. and even supposing, which seems to be impossible, that this was his doing, why not have sent us here straight, instead of taking eight days to do a journey that could have been made easily in two, and forcing me to witness the awful scenes in the passes? it is all most extraordinary." "however, there is no question, sir, that whoever our captor may be, he has been the means of saving our lives." "there can be no doubt of that, azim; and though i may not feel that at present, i shall in the future be very grateful to him. even if he were to have us shot directly he comes here, i should still be grateful, for it would be a sudden death and not a lingering one, as it has been to those below. well, it is of no use puzzling ourselves over the matter. i suppose we shall learn how it all came about when the chief, whoever he be, returns here. in the meantime we are certainly a great deal better off than we have been for the past two months in cantonments." "that we are, master. to begin with, i am warm for the first time since the winter set in; and in the next place, i have had a good meal, and do not feel that i could grumble at anything. as to your mission, you said yourself that nothing could come of it, even if you succeeded in getting through, so that in that respect nothing has been lost by our journey being so suddenly brought to an end." the next day some of the men who had been away with their chief returned, and the old man in charge told angus that only one man out of all who had started from cabul had reached jellalabad, but that several officers had been taken as hostages, including the two generals, major pottinger and captain johnson, and two others; also, that all the ladies and children, and the ladies' husbands, had accepted the protection of akbar. it was a relief, indeed, to angus to find that his friends pottinger and johnson had been saved, and as captain boyd was one of the married officers, he also must have escaped the massacre. as to the fate of elphinstone and shelton he was indifferent, it was to them that the misfortune that had befallen the army was largely due; but the thought that his three greatest friends had escaped gave him much pleasure. with these exceptions, that but one man out of sixteen thousand five hundred should have escaped was appalling. that the loss had been terrible he was well aware, but he was hardly prepared for the total annihilation of the force. another two days passed. they continued to be well fed and treated, and the women who waited upon them seemed to regard them as guests rather than as captives, talking freely with them, and only being silent when angus endeavoured to find out the name of their chief. it was evident that on this point they had orders to keep silent. on the third day they heard a stir in the village, and shouts of acclamation and welcome. the room in which they were confined was at the back of the house, and they were therefore unable to obtain a view of what was passing. "we shall learn our fate now, azim," angus said. "i have no fear of its being a bad one, master. we cannot doubt that orders were given that we should be well treated. if we are kept prisoners till the spring, for my part i shall not grumble if they continue to treat us as well as they have been doing." they heard the sound of many footsteps and loud talking, then the door opened and sadut khan entered. he advanced with both hands outstretched to angus. "my dear friend," he said, "how thankful i am that you have been saved where so many have perished!" "and so it is you, chief, to whom i owe my life?" angus said, returning the warm grasp of sadut's hand. "i did not thank you at first, for it seemed to me shameful that an english officer should not share in the fate of his comrades." sadut smiled. "but in no case would you have shared their fate. it is not from that i have saved you, but from being killed on your way down. knowing that the passes were full of our people, i was sure that you must have been taken and murdered. no story you could have told would have availed you. you were not a ghilzye, nor a member of any of the tribes there, and you would assuredly have been detected and killed had i not saved you." "that is so, sadut; and although at first i was half-mad at being unable to join my countrymen, i saw before the end came that, had i done so, my life would have been thrown away uselessly." "exactly; and that was why i ordered that you should be enabled to see all that passed. from what i had seen of you, i was sure that at first you would bitterly resent being taken prisoner, and that even if you knew into whose hands you had fallen you would resist; and it was for that reason that i did not this time employ hassan and his followers to seize you, though all through your journey they kept close at hand, to use my name and authority should any party of tribesmen meet you--not that i had much fear of your detection had they done so. the men with you had orders that in case they did meet such a party, they were to treat you both, not as captives, but as forming part of their own band. still, it was as well that hassan should be at hand in case of need." "i thank you with all my heart, sadut. i could not have done so at first, but i can do so now; you have indeed saved my life. a few days ago that seemed to me as nothing, for i felt that i was dishonoured in looking on at the massacre of my countrymen. i have had time to think it over since, and i now know that the view i took was exaggerated. could i have joined them it was plainly my duty to have done so, but if i was a prisoner no blame could attach to me. have you, chief, taken part in this terrible business?" "no. with twenty of my own horsemen i rode with akbar, who is my friend and relative, but i had no intention of drawing my sword against your people. i knew that they had been promised protection, and i thought that akbar and his force were going to escort them. his word had been given, and i did not think he would withdraw it. "i do not think it was his intention to do so. he could have done much more than he did, but he could not have saved the fugitives. the nawab was alone among the afghan chiefs in the sincerity of his assurances. akbar had no influence with the ghilzye chiefs, and even had he influenced them they could not have restrained their tribesmen and the ghazees. the die was cast. it was allah's will that those who had invaded the country without any pretext, dethroned dost mahomed, who had eagerly sought their alliance, and forced a man we all hated upon us, should meet their fate. over and over again we implored akbar, for the sake of his pledge and his word, to assist your people; even if, in his efforts to do so, he fell, then his name would go down as long as our nation existed as one who died in defence of his oath and his honour. he was all along irresolute. at times he did his best short of attacking the ghilzyes, at other times he held aloof altogether from the scene. at any rate, i can feel that my honour is not soiled. i was not one of those who signed the treaty, but i have done my best to prevent that treaty from being violated. had your people sallied out from the cantonments and given us battle, i should have fought against them. but even had there been no treaty, i would not have taken part in the massacre of men who were practically defenceless, and who were in no way responsible for the crime of their government." "i am glad to hear you say so, chief. i should have been grieved indeed had you taken part in so treacherous and terrible a massacre. but how did you learn that i was going to try to make my way down to jellalabad? that i have never been able to understand." "i kept a watch over you the whole time, my friend. either hassan, or one of his men who knew you, was always in the camp, dressed as one of the camp followers." "but even then i cannot imagine how he could have told that i was going. i knew it myself but a few hours before i started, and only major pottinger and three or four of my friends were aware of it." "my watch was a good one," the chief said, "and when two afghans issued from your tent you may be sure the news was quickly brought to the men who had for some days been lying in readiness, and who were prepared to repeat the adventure in the city." suddenly, to the astonishment of angus, azim threw himself on his knees. "master!" he exclaimed, "you can kill me, but i own that it was i who betrayed you. i had met hassan in the camp, and he told me that assuredly no white man would escape alive, that it was settled that all should be attacked and slain in the passes. he said that sadut khan had resolved to save you, but that to do this with certainty it would be necessary that he should be informed as to your movements, and where you would ride when the army started. he said that unless i helped them it might be impossible to save you. then i agreed to do so, and met him or one of his men every day. as soon as you had left the tent after telling me of your expedition, i ran to the spot where i knew i should find hassan, and told him that we were going alone. he said at once that it would be certain death were you to try to go down the pass, and that you must be carried off as soon as you had left the camp. i knew well that you would be greatly angered, and that if you suspected me you would kill me for my treachery; but that was nothing compared to your life, and so i turned traitor to you, and am willing now that you should order me to be taken out and beheaded." angus held out his hand to his faithful follower. "i should have been angry at first--grieved and angry too, but i cannot be angry now. you did what you believed to be best for me, and i acknowledge that it has turned out so. your treachery was but an act of fidelity, and undoubtedly was the means of saving my life. you did wrong, but it was with the best intentions. you ought to have confided in me." "but i knew that if i did so you would not have consented." "that is true enough; still, i was the best judge of what was consistent with my honour. however, next to sadut khan i owe you my life, and it would be but poor gratitude were i to reproach you. let us say no more about it. i shall remember always that you saved my life, and shall forget that you somewhat betrayed my trust. i have for four years past regarded you as my friend rather than as my servant, and i shall esteem you even more so in the future." azim retired with tears of joy in his eyes. sadut and angus had a long talk together. as if by mutual consent, the subject of the late events was avoided, and the conversation was upon their journey across the bamian and sadut's doings since that time. "i stayed at khooloom until the governor, whom we had trusted implicitly, handed over dost mahomed's family and mine to your people. i happened to be away at the time, and on my return two days later was warned by hassan of what had taken place. when dost returned from captivity among the turkomans, of course i joined him and accompanied him to kohistan, and fought by his side in the battle of purwandurrah. the ameer had said no word even to me of his intention to surrender, and i was thunder-struck when i heard that he had given himself up. i remained there, and took part in the attack on the ghoorka regiment, at charekar. after that i returned home. my fortress, as you know, lies far to the west among the momunds. this place does not belong to me, but to the husband of a sister of mine. she is at present at my place with her husband, who is ill; and as i wished to be nearer to the scene of action, he begged me to use his fort as a residence. i desired to hold myself aloof from the negotiations, as i knew that most of the chiefs were open at any moment to betray the cause for british gold. still, i was often down in the city, where i own the house to which you were taken. i no longer hated your people as infidels--your kindness to me showed me that there was goodness in your religion as well as in mine--but i was still ready to fight against them as the invaders of my country." "and now, chief, what do you propose to do with me?" "that is for you to decide, my friend. i know what you will say, but, though i may regret it deeply, i shall certainly offer no opposition. you are my guest, and it is not for me to dictate to you. i should be happy if you would stay with me till these troubles have passed, but i place myself wholly at your disposal, whatever you may decide upon." "thank you, indeed. it is clear to me that if it is in my power i should immediately rejoin our forces." "i was sure that that would be your wish, and i will send you down with a strong escort to peshawur." "i would rather join sale at jellalabad." sadut khan shook his head. "in that case," he said, "i shall have rescued you in vain. sale's force is already besieged, and it will be but a repetition of cabul. by orders of akbar khan, the ghilzye chiefs have all risen. the town is practically without fortifications, though i hear that the white soldiers have been labouring hard to put the place in a state of defence. but if the army at cabul could not withstand us, still less will sale's force, which is only a third of its strength, hold jellalabad." "you forget, chief, that they are commanded by a man, and not by an utterly incapable person. they are not dispirited by forced inaction or want of food. i do not say that jellalabad may not be taken, but i feel sure that it will offer a sturdy resistance, and the news of what has happened in the passes will only fill the soldiers with fury. at any rate, sale's is the only force that remains of the army to which i was attached, and it is there that it is my duty, with your permission, to go. i am sure that were you in my place that would also be your decision." "so be it," sadut said after a long pause. "were you to go to peshawur you might meet your death there also, as doubtless a force will endeavour to relieve jellalabad, and in that case you would certainly go with them. they will never force their way through the khyber pass. from what i hear the sepoys at peshawur are almost in a state of mutiny. the sikhs have sapped their loyalty, and have assured them that they will never be able to force the pass; and when they do move forward they cannot be depended upon to stand by the british troops so that your danger may be as great one way as another. however, jellalabad is your choice and not mine. the citadel there is strong, and when the town is captured, as it certainly will be soon, the troops can retire there, and may hold out until they make terms and are allowed to return to india." "i do not think they will make terms, sadut. they have had a terrible lesson as to the manner in which treaties are respected by the greater portion of your chiefs, and are not likely to trust again to any promises, but will hold out until they have fired their last cartridge." "they cannot hope to defend themselves," sadut said positively. "akbar khan will himself head the army." "i do not think, sadut, that you know yet what a british soldier can do when well led. there has been no great battle fought since we entered afghanistan, and you must not judge them by the small fights that took place round cabul; the soldiers there had lost heart and confidence in their commander. it will be a very different thing when you meet them confident in themselves and in their leaders. believe me, your hosts, however large, do not frighten them. you know how they have overcome many of the best fighting races in india, and that in the teeth of odds as great as can be brought against them here. i say not a word against the courage of your people, but they want discipline and training, and even a host of men fighting each for himself, cannot withstand the charge of well-disciplined soldiers." "why did they not come up the passes, then, to aid their friends." "because they were deficient in carriage, they were in a country altogether hostile to them, they had many sick, and must have left a strong force to guard them. there may have been other reasons of which i know not, but these are sufficient. for a force to enter these passes without animals to carry their food and their wounded would have been madness. and i believe that sale has not more than twelve hundred bayonets, a force sufficient to do wonders in the plains, but which could hardly fight their way up the passes against thousands of good marksmen, as the afghans assuredly are, armed with guns which carry much farther than their own, and firing in safety behind inaccessible rocks. but whether jellalabad can resist all attacks, as i believe, or whether the place falls, is a matter which does not affect my resolution. it is my duty to be there, and if you will afford me means of getting there i will assuredly go." "we will start to-morrow, then, and the sooner we are off the better. the news of what has happened in the passes will spread like flame through the country, and every fighting man will turn out to complete the work. there is a pathway from here which goes straight down to gundamuck. i will ride with you with half a dozen of my followers; there are plenty of ponies on the hills. certainly no questions will be asked, no suspicions can arise. when we get near jellalabad we shall see how you can best enter. i will ride round the place with you. as i am a friend of akbar's, it will be supposed that i am examining the place to see where an attack had best be made. there are many orchards and small villages round. when we are as near the town as we can get, you can slip from your horse as we go through an orchard. keep under cover in the gardens until close to the walls. when you get within musket-shot you can tie a white cloth to your gun, and you will then be safe." this plan was carried out, and two days later, after a grateful parting from his preserver, angus stood at the edge of the moat opposite one of the gates. chapter xvii jellalabad a sentry had already sent down word that two afghans had approached carrying a white flag, and an officer appeared on the wall. "what do you want?" he asked. "we want to come in, thompson. i am angus campbell, and have escaped almost by a miracle." there was a shout of pleasure, and a minute later the gate was opened, and thompson ran out and warmly shook angus by the hand. "i am delighted to see you," he said. "we all thought you among the slain in the passes. what an awful time it has been since we left cabul on our way, as we believed, to india! we can scarcely believe the terrible news even now. we have learnt but little from brydon, who was, he thought, the only survivor, except the hostages who, he tells us, were given over a few days before the end came. he was desperately wounded, and could scarce sit his horse when he arrived, and has been too ill to give us any details." "i can give very little, for i was not with the army. i started the evening before they left camp, on a mission from pottinger to sir robert sale. pottinger did not think that any help could possibly come, but at the same time he thought it right to make one more effort to communicate with your general, and to tell him that they were on the point of starting. i had gone but a short distance when i was captured. fortunately the men who took me were followers of sadut khan. i was taken to his fort. he was absent at the time; when he returned he at once gave me my liberty, and escorted me to within a quarter of a mile of the wall, as a return for a service i had rendered him two years ago." "that was a piece of luck indeed. then you saw nothing of it?" "yes, i saw a great deal. my captors were, i suppose, anxious to see what was going on, and we followed the course of the army, keeping on the hill; and, except for the fighting at night, i saw almost the whole of the tragedy." while they were talking they were approaching the head-quarters of the general. angus was well known to sir robert, to whom he had often carried messages and notes from burnes or macnaghten. when their first greeting was over, he repeated the story he had told captain thompson. he thought it best to say no word of his escape being the result of a preconcerted plan on the part of sadut khan, as he felt that some might suspect that he was privy to the scheme, and had taken advantage of the friendship of the momund chief to make his escape. "i am not so surprised as i might otherwise have been," the general said, "since i received a letter from pottinger yesterday. akbar had allowed him to send it down, thinking that the information that elphinstone, shelton, lawrence, mackenzie, and pottinger himself were all right might induce us to submit to terms. he said, 'i trust that before this you will have heard that we are about to start from mr. angus campbell, who nobly accepted the desperate mission of penetrating through the passes and bringing you word of our intention. should he have arrived safely, i beg to recommend him most strongly to the authorities for accepting the mission, which seemed almost a hopeless one. he has rendered great service during the time the troops have been in cantonments, by aiding the commissariat officers in bringing in grain.' as you had not arrived we naturally feared that you had been murdered on your way down. i am glad indeed that you have escaped. you will now, of course, give your assistance to macgregor, our political officer." "if he cannot utilize my services, sir, and he can have but little political work to do now, i shall be glad if you will attach me to one of the regiments where you think i may be most useful." "you had better talk it over with macgregor first. you know him, of course; and if he does not want you, i will attach you to my own staff. with your knowledge of the afghan language, your services might be invaluable in obtaining information; or, should we make a sortie--and we have already made one with effect--i should be glad, if you wish it, to attach you either to the infantry or cavalry, whichever you prefer. now that you have told us about yourself, please give us any details you can of what you saw of the fighting?" "it can hardly be said that there was any fighting, sir; until the last day the troops were so completely surrounded, and i may say overwhelmed by the camp followers, that they were practically unable to use their arms. general shelton with the rear-guard fought nobly, and covered the retreat into jugduluk, until the time when he was enticed with the general into akbar's camp, and there held as a hostage. by what i heard, the handful of men left, only about a hundred and fifty all told, fought desperately to break their way through a barricade with which the afghans had blocked the top of the pass. only ten officers succeeded in breaking through, and of these all but one were killed on the road. all the soldiers died fighting at the barricade, and many officers. the last sepoy had fallen two days before." "it has been a bad business," general sale said, "bad not only in its terrible result, but in the manner in which affairs were conducted. we here received with astonishment the news that four thousand five hundred british troops were cooped up by a horde of afghans without one single attempt being made to bring on a battle in the open. officers and men alike were astounded when pottinger's first letter arrived, saying that negotiations were continued after the murder of macnaghten. however, all this is a matter for future investigation. and now a personal question. can you tell me how it was that my wife, lady macnaghten, and the other ladies, escaped uninjured? i only know from pottinger that the ladies and children were handed over to the protection of akbar, and that those who had husbands were also accompanied by them." "the ladies were always kept close behind the advanced guard, sir. as these showed an unbroken front, the afghans allowed them to pass without opposition, falling upon the confused mass behind them." "do you think that akbar was a sharer in this treacherous attack?" "i think his conduct was doubtful in the extreme, sir. he certainly did try more than once to persuade the ghilyze chiefs to allow the survivors to pass on unmolested, but by that time the passions of the afghans were absolutely beyond control. i myself have great doubts whether he would have interfered had he not been well aware that his interference would be useless. but this is only my opinion, based upon the facts, that in the first place he himself shot macnaghten, whom he had invited to a conference; in the second place, he took no step whatever to carry out the condition to supply baggage animals and provisions; and lastly, because i know that long before the column set out on its march, he sent out orders to the ghilzye chiefs to attack you." "the case certainly looks very black against him," the general said; "but at least we may hope that, as his family are in our hands in india, he will protect the hostages." "i hope, sir, that he will hand them over to the nawab, who appears to me to be a thoroughly honest man. undoubtedly he did his best to persuade the chiefs to agree to the treaty with us. he certainly did send in some provisions to the camp, and generally we formed a high opinion of his kindness of heart. your fortifications are stronger than i expected to find them, from what i have heard, sir." "yes, the men have worked incessantly at them ever since we came here. the mud walls can scarcely be said to have existed when we marched in. there was no parapet, the ditch was filled in with rubbish, and the walls had so crumbled away that carts could cross over them at almost every point. fortunately the men were in good heart, and all, europeans and sepoys, have worked with an energy beyond praise. the moat has been cleared out and filled with water, the walls have been scarped, and a parapet twelve feet high erected. the bastions have been put in order; and though, had we been seriously attacked at first, we must have retired to the citadel, we are now ready to withstand any assault." angus next went to macgregor, who received him most warmly. "i am glad indeed to see you, campbell. pottinger mentioned you in his reports as doing invaluable service with boyd and johnson. you will not find much in our line here. when the sword is once drawn, there is nothing for us to do until it becomes a question of our dictating terms, a contingency not likely to arise for some time." "had you hard fighting to get here?" angus asked. "no fighting at all. as we marched down from gundamuck, the natives all supposed that we were on our way to peshawur, and when we suddenly turned and marched towards the city, it was too late for them to think of resistance, and they simply bolted on one side of the town as we marched in on the other. we were bitterly disappointed when we saw the state of the walls, and it was a question for some time whether we should not content ourselves with holding the citadel only. but it was at last determined, for a time at least, to hold the town, as our retirement to the citadel would look like weakness. another consideration was, that once in the citadel we should be shut up entirely, for, as you see, it stands in the middle of the town, and with the streets crowded with the enemy, there would be no getting out to obtain provisions. "the result has proved the wisdom of the step we took. the walls are now strong enough to be obstinately defended, and from their extent we have been able to sally out at one gate or another and bring in provisions. we had but two days' food when we arrived here; now we have succeeded in gathering in a sufficient quantity to keep the troops on half rations for two months, and i hope that before it is finished we shall be relieved from peshawur. we gave the natives a handsome thrashing on the day before we got in here. they attacked us in great force, trying especially to carry off our baggage, but the infantry repulsed them splendidly. however, they came on to renew the attack. the cavalry were placed in ambush, and the troops, after at first advancing, suddenly wheeled round and went off at the double. the enemy, believing that they had achieved a great victory, rushed after them. as soon as they reached an open space, the cavalry fell upon them. for months they had been inactive, being of no use among the hills. now was their chance, and in a moment they were in the thick of the afghans. they made terrible havoc among them, and thus it was that we were able to enter the town without further trouble. the next day, the 13th of november, broadfoot was appointed garrison engineer. he had a small corps of sappers with him, and they soon set to work. "on the morning of the 16th, the enemy were thick in the gardens round the town, the principal body being on the hillside. it was resolved to give them another lesson. they were, as could be seen from the highest point in the city, some five thousand strong, and colonel monteith of the 35th bengal infantry, took out eleven hundred men at daybreak. the advance was covered by the guns which had been mounted on the walls, and their shrapnel soon drove the enemy into the open. the infantry pressed forward and scattered them, and the cavalry completed their rout. it was this defeat that so cowed them for a time, that i was able to fetch in grain, sheep, firewood, and other necessaries. i may mention that i took upon myself, as soon as we came in here, the post of commissariat officer. it was not until the end of the month that they again mustered in force sufficient to attack us; they contented themselves with hovering round and keeping up a desultory fire. "on the 1st of december, however, they gathered in great numbers, and seemed to threaten an attack. colonel dennie commanded this time, and he took out the greater portion of the garrison and a couple of guns. it was noon when he sallied out. abbot's guns commenced the action by pouring a tremendous fire of grape into the thick mass. they fled in wild confusion; the cavalry cut them up terribly, and the infantry overtook and bayoneted many of them. it could scarcely be called a fight. the day was won directly the guns opened fire, and we did not lose a single man. since that time they have not ventured to attack us. "news came day after day of the terrible mess at cabul. the news was kept as far as possible from the troops, so as not to discourage them; but, of course, since brydon came in, the truth of the terrible massacre had to be told. i am happy to say that, although filling them with wrath and indignation, it has in no way abated their spirit. during the six weeks' rest we have had since the battle of the 1st of december, we have, as you see, really done wonders in the way of fortification, and consider that we are in a position to repulse any attack however formidable." "when do you expect that a relief column will arrive from peshawur?" "that is a grave question which i cannot answer. our last news was that brigadier-general wyld was on the point of advancing, but from the tone in which he wrote he had evidently no great hope of success. his four sepoy regiments had been corrupted by the sikhs, who, having themselves a great repugnance to enter the passes, had endeavoured, and successfully, to inspire the sepoys with the same feeling. the sikhs, who were to co-operate with him, were themselves in a state of open mutiny, and threatened to kill general avitable if he interfered with them. he intended, however, to advance, as the case was so urgent, but with little hope of success. he was without cavalry, and had but two guns on sikh carriages, which would probably break down after a few rounds had been fired. it was the letter of a brave man surrounded with difficulties, but ready to attempt almost the impossible to bring aid to us. i fear, however, that there is little chance of our relief until reinforcements from india reach peshawur." this opinion was justified when, on the 28th, news was brought that the movement had failed. on the 15th colonel moseley had started under cover of night with the 53rd and 64th native regiments to occupy the fortress of ali musjid, which had been held by a small corps of men of one of the native tribes under mr. mackeson. they had been true to their salt, and had resisted every attack of the afridis. moseley's force arrived there at daybreak, and met with but little opposition on the way. but it was discovered that, owing to some blunder, only fifty supply bullocks had been sent on instead of three hundred and fifty that should have accompanied the force. therefore, instead of having a month's provisions, they had but enough for a few days. brigadier wyld started on the morning of the 19th to relieve them, but on the preceding day the sikh troops refused to enter the pass and marched back to peshawur. nevertheless, wyld determined to press forward with the two native regiments. as soon, however, as the enemy attacked them the sepoys at the head of the column wavered and opened an aimless fire. in vain the brigadier and the officers endeavoured to persuade them to advance. they would not move forward, nor would the rest of the troops advance to their assistance. the two guns broke down after a round or two, and what little spirit remained among the sepoys evaporated at once, and the column had to fall back. one of the guns was spiked and left behind, the sepoys refusing to make any effort to bring it off. the brigadier, who with several of our officers was wounded, saw that it was impossible to persevere, and the force fell back beyond the pass. moseley could obtain no news, and was unaware of the repulse of the relieving column. although the troops were on half rations supplies were nearly exhausted. the water was bad, and numbers of the sepoys fell ill, and on the 23rd he determined to evacuate the fortress. two officers volunteered to hold it, but the sepoys would not support them, and the former native garrison had lost heart; so, on the 24th, the force marched out. the afridis mustered strongly to oppose the retreat. the sepoys, animated now by the hope of safety, fought well. two british officers were killed, most of the baggage lost, and some of the sick and wounded had to be abandoned, but the main body got through safely. such was the news that was brought by a native in our pay, together with a letter from brigadier wyld saying that it would be impossible to renew the attempt until reinforcements of at least one british regiment with some guns arrived. but the news that help was still far distant in no way discouraged the garrison of jellalabad, who redoubled their efforts to strengthen the fortifications and to prepare by their own unaided efforts for the worst. at peshawur wyld's repulse bore the natural consequences. the discontent among the sepoy's increased, many deserted, and expressions of determination never to enter the pass again were common among them. sickness broke out, and when on the 25th of february general pollock, who had been selected to command the force gathered there, and invested with full authority on all other matters, arrived, he found a thousand men in hospital; a week later the number was increased to eighteen hundred. no better man than pollock could have been chosen. he possessed at once great firmness, kindness of heart, and a manner calculated to inspire confidence. he declared to the central authorities at once that, even with the brigade which had come up with him, to advance up the pass would be to court another defeat. the four sepoy regiments that had been engaged could, in their present state, not be counted on for service, and the force at his disposal was therefore no greater than that which wyld had lost. he set to work in the first place to restore confidence. it was a difficult task. many even among the officers had become affected with the spirit of defection, and did not hesitate to express their opinion that an advance through the khyber pass would involve a repetition of the cabul disaster. the new sepoy regiments were at once visited by emissaries from those of wyld's brigade and from the sikhs, who endeavoured in every way to persuade them also to refuse to enter the pass, and succeeded in the case of the 26th native regiment, who joined the four other battalions in refusing to advance. on the day after his arrival general pollock visited all the hospitals, enquired into the ailments of the sick, and talked encouragingly to them. then he went to the sepoy regiments, enquired into the cause of their discontent, and exhorted them to return to their duty, and not to bring disgrace upon regiments that had so many times in the past proved their courage and loyalty. his task was a hard and difficult one, but his method of mildness and firmness combined gradually restored their spirits and discipline; and the knowledge that reinforcements were on their way, with a good proportion of european troops, including cavalry and artillery, greatly aided his efforts. still, until these reinforcements arrived, pollock could do nothing but reply to the urgent letters of sale and macgregor by pointing out his inability to move. on the 19th of february angus was with macgregor on the walls of jellalabad. the men were as usual working hard and steadily, grateful in the thought that their long labour had borne its fruits, and that in a few days they would be able to lay by their picks and shovels, the work that they had been set to do having been accomplished. "another week," captain havelock, who was acting as persian interpreter to macgregor, said to angus, "and the whole work which broadfoot traced out will be finished. in one respect i am sorry that it should be so, for there is nothing like active work for keeping men's spirits up and preventing them from feeling the effects of idleness. i think--" and he stopped abruptly. there was a sudden tremor of the earth and a deep sound like thunder, then they were both thrown off their feet. the walls, the houses, the whole city, swayed and shook. then came the crash of falling houses, wild shouts of alarm and pain; the earth crumbled beneath them, and they rolled down together into the moat. on finding that they were unhurt they scrambled up the slope of earth. a terrible sight presented itself. a third of the buildings in the town had fallen. but this was not the worst. several of the bastions had been destroyed; almost all the parapets were thrown down; several great breaches were made in the wall, one of them eighty feet in length; and the moat had in many places been filled up with the debris of the wall and parapet. the soldiers were extricating themselves or helping their comrades from the earth that had almost overwhelmed them; others were standing gazing with a dazed air at the destruction that had been wrought. "we had better go to head-quarters," havelock said, "and see what has happened there." they made their way with difficulty through the ruins that blocked the streets. the movements of the earth still continued, and they had all they could do to keep their feet. on reaching head-quarters they found to their satisfaction that all was safe. the general and macgregor had both been occupied in writing despatches to peshawur, and had rushed out into the little courtyard of the house. the offices round it fell in ruins at their feet, but the dwelling-house, although it swayed to and fro, did not fall. enquiries were at once set on foot, when it was found that no lives had been lost among the garrison, although two natives had been killed by the fall of their houses. no time was lost. the whole of the garrison were told off into working parties, and in half an hour were diligently at work repairing the wall at the most important points. they worked until late at night, by which time the breaches were scarped, the rubbish all cleared away, and the ditches dug out again, while a parapet of gabions was erected along the great breach. a parapet was erected on the remains of the bastion which flanked the approach to the cabul gate, that had been entirely ruined, a trench had been dug, and a temporary parapet raised on every bastion round the place. never, probably, was so much work accomplished by an equal number of men in the same time. day after day the work was continued, until by the end of the month the parapets were restored, the breaches built up, the rampart increased in thickness, every battery re-established, and the gates entrenched; and yet the troops were in hourly anxiety that their work might be again destroyed, for during the month succeeding the great earthquake fully a hundred shocks were felt. so extraordinary was the vigour with which the repairs had been accomplished, that when akbar khan moved down with his forces early in march and saw the formidable defences, he and his followers were unable to understand it, and declared that the preservation of jellalabad from destruction must have been the result of witchcraft, for no other town or village had escaped. while at work the garrison had been in constant expectation of attack, for akbar's army lay but a few miles from the town. but the success of the two sorties had shown the afghan leader that he had very different foes to deal with from the dispirited force that had been annihilated in the passes. here were men ready to work and to fight, while those at cabul had done neither; and he resolved to attempt to starve them out, hoping for the same success as had attended a similar step at cabul. he kept on, therefore, drawing in more closely, harassing the foraging parties, and having occasional skirmishes with the bodies of cavalry sent out to protect the grass-cutters. on the night of the 10th the enemy threw up sangars, small defences of earth or stone, at many points round the town, and from behind them opened a brisk fire. there was a report that behind these shelters they were mining towards the walls, and a strong party of infantry and cavalry, with two hundred of broadfoot's sappers, commanded by colonel dennie, were sent out. as they poured out through the gate, akbar advanced with his forces; but the guns on the ramparts received them with a heavy fire, and although they came on several times as if prepared to give battle, they eventually drew back, unable to withstand the storm of shot and shrapnel. the working parties of sappers set to work to destroy the sangars, and in doing so discovered that there was no foundation for the report that the enemy were mining. when the work was done, the troops began to fall back to the town, as ammunition was beginning to run short. on seeing their retirement the afghans again advanced; but on our troops halting and facing them, they at once turned and fled, having lost considerably by our artillery and musketry fire. dennie's force sustained no loss in killed, but broadfoot was wounded, and the loss of his services as engineer was serious. time passed quietly. the whole of the ground had been cleared of trees, houses, and walls for some distance round the town, and the afghans were no longer able to crawl up under shelter and keep up a galling fire on our men. early in april a messenger brought in news that pollock had now received his reinforcements, and would advance in a day or two, the sepoys having recovered their health and spirits. his force had been joined by the 9th foot, the 3rd dragoons, nine guns, and the 1st native cavalry. on the 5th these started from jumrood. brigadier wyld commanded the advance guard, general m'caskill the rear. two columns of infantry were to scale the height on either side of the pass, major davis in command of that on the right, colonel moseley of that on the left. at three o'clock in the morning they started. the heights on either side and the pass were crowded with the enemy, who were always well informed of the british movements by the natives in the town. they expected that the force would all move along the road, and anticipated an easy success. the two flanking parties moved off so quietly in the dim light of the morning that they were not perceived by the enemy until they began to scale the heights. then a lively combat began, and the afghans learned for the first time that even among their own hills the british could beat them. the difficulties of the ascent were great, but the _moral_ of the sepoys was now completely restored, and they stormed the heights on either side with great gallantry, driving the afghans before them. while this was going on, the main column in the valley had cleared away a formidable barricade that had been erected at the mouth of the pass, and which could not have been destroyed without much loss had the afghans maintained their position on the hills. pollock now advanced, and the afghans, who had assembled in large numbers at the mouth of the pass, bewildered at finding themselves outflanked, fell back, and the column with its great convoy of animals moved forward. the number of draught animals was very large, although the baggage of the advancing force had been cut down to the narrowest dimensions, in order that provisions and ammunition for the garrison at jellalabad might be taken on. the march occupied the greater part of the day. the heat was great, and the troops suffered from thirst; but animated by their success, they thought little of this, and before nightfall bivouacked round ali musjid, whose garrison had evacuated the place when they saw that the day had gone against them. all night long the afghans kept up a fire from among the hills, but did not attempt an attack. the sikhs had joined the main body, as the general, doubtful as to their fidelity, had sent them by another pass. the general's estimate of them was not a mistaken one. they were left to occupy ali musjid and guard the pass, but shortly after the army had moved on they quitted the position and marched away, seizing some of the baggage animals on their way up, and, throwing their loads on the ground, employing them to carry their own baggage. the crushing and altogether unexpected defeat that the tribesmen had suffered had its effect. they had found themselves beaten at their own game and withdrew at once to their fastnesses, and pollock's force marched on without meeting with any serious opposition. chapter xviii the advance on cabul the garrison of jellalabad found themselves pressed for provisions at the end of march, and on the 1st of april made a gallant sortie, and swept into the town a flock of five hundred sheep and goats. on the 5th macgregor's spies brought in news from akbar's camp that it was reported there that pollock had been beaten with great loss in the khyber pass, and on the following morning akbar's guns fired a royal salute in honour of the supposed victory. sale, now confident of the fighting powers of his men, determined to make a great effort to break up the blockade; as if pollock had really been defeated it would be some time before relief could come to them, and they could not hope again to make such a capture as that which they had effected on the 1st. a council of war was held, and action was decided upon, as success would not only free them from all apprehensions of being starved out, but would effect a diversion in favour of pollock. the force was but a small one for the enterprise which they moved out to undertake. the centre column, consisting of the 13th regiment, mustering five hundred bayonets, was under the command of colonel dennie; the right, consisting of some three hundred and fifty men of the two native regiments and a detachment of sappers, was commanded by captain havelock; the left column was about the same strength, under lieutenant-colonel monteith; the light field battery and a small cavalry force were to support them. they advanced from the city at daylight on the 7th. akbar khan drew up his force, six thousand strong, before his camp, his right resting on a fort, and his left on the cabul river. havelock's column commenced the fight by attacking the enemy's left, while dennie advanced to the assault of the fort, which was vigorously defended. dennie himself fell mortally wounded by an afghan ball, but his men captured the place in gallant style. a general attack now took place on akbar's camp. the artillery advanced at a gallop, and poured their fire into the afghan centre, the 13th and colonel monteith's column pierced their right, while havelock drove back their left from the support afforded by the river. the afghans fought sturdily, their musketry keeping up a heavy fire, and large bodies of horse again and again threatened havelock's column, while three guns from a hidden battery opened fire. the struggle, however, was a short one. their cannon were taken, every position held by them was captured, and by seven o'clock they were in full retreat. two cavalry standards were taken, four guns lost by the cabul and gundamuck forces were recaptured, a vast quantity of ordnance stores destroyed, and the whole of the enemy's tents burnt. the loss of the afghans had been heavy, and several chiefs were among the fallen. the loss of the victors was small indeed. colonel dennie and ten sepoys were killed, three officers and some fifty men wounded. a day or two later pollock's force reached jellalabad, and the joy of both parties was great. indeed, no stronger contrast can be found than that between the leading and conduct of the force at cabul and that at jellalabad. the one showed the british leader and the british soldier at their worst, the other the british commander and men at their best. it may be confidently affirmed that had sale been in the place of elphinstone, with full power of action, the fight in the passes would never have taken place, and within three days of the murder of burnes the afghan host would have been a mob of fugitives, and cabul would have been in our hands. the british soldier is always best in the attack. he is ready and eager to fight against any odds, but when kept in a state of inaction, under a commander in whom he has lost all confidence, he speedily deteriorates. happily there are few examples in our military history such as those of cabul and walcheren, where the british soldier has been placed in such a position. while pollock was forcing the khyber pass the reign of shah soojah came to a sudden end. after the departure of the british no hostility was shown towards him by the afghans, and he continued at the bala hissar in the position of nominal sovereign of afghanistan the nawab having willingly resigned the difficult and dangerous post and accepted that of wuzeer. he himself had his troubles. most restless and dangerous of these afghan leaders was aneen-oollah-khan, who had played fast and loose with the british while secretly working against them. he demanded the surrender to him of the hostages. the nawab steadily refused, and as threats of force were used against him, raised a body of three thousand men for their protection. these, however, were corrupted by aneen, but the nawab remained faithful to his trust. on the 4th of april shah soojah left the bala hissar with his retinue to go down to join akbar khan. an ambush was laid for him by one of the sons of the nawab. these poured in a volley, and shah soojah fell dead, shot through the head. the nawab was filled with horror at the deed, and swore an oath never again to see his son beneath his roof or suffer him to be named in his presence. while jellalabad was being besieged, the situation at candahar had been precarious. ghuznee had been captured by the tribesmen after a gallant defence, and its garrison had been massacred. kelat-i-ghilzye was besieged, and without hope of succour. candahar was surrounded by the insurgent dooranees, but these had been twice defeated by general nott. during one of these expeditions the city was in imminent danger, for the enemy, gradually retiring, drew the sortie-party a considerable distance from the walls, and then at night slipped away and attacked the place. one of the gates was destroyed by fire, and for many hours the issue of the contest was doubtful. at last, however, the assailants were beaten off with very heavy loss. a force marching up to the relief of the town, under general england, being very badly handled, were opposed on their way up from quettah, and fell back and remained there until nott sent a peremptory order for them to advance again. he himself marched to meet them, and on the united force arriving at candahar, the town was placed beyond all risk of capture. nott was preparing to march on cabul, while pollock advanced on jellalabad; but, to the stupefaction and disappointment of all, an order arrived from calcutta for the abandonment of candahar and the return of the force to india. there had been a change of governors. lord ellenborough had succeeded lord auckland, and immediately set to work to overthrow the whole policy of his predecessor. similar orders were sent to pollock. the latter, however, mindful of the honour of his country, and the safety of the hostages and ladies, replied that, being almost without carriage, it would be impossible for him to retire at once, thus gaining time, which he utilized by entering into negotiations with akbar khan for the release of their prisoners. both generals wisely kept the order they had received a secret from the troops, who would have been profoundly disheartened. however, no secret had been made as to the orders issued in calcutta, and the news soon spread all over india, and reached pollock's camp, that the army was to be withdrawn. pollock did his best to throw doubts upon the truth of the reports by marking out a new camp two miles in advance, and arranging with the natives to bring in supplies there, so as to give grounds for a belief that, so far from leaving the town, he was preparing for an advance. in the meantime he had written an urgent letter pointing out the evils and difficulties of an immediate withdrawal, and the immense advantage that would arise by striking a heavy blow before retiring, and so to some extent retrieving the reputation of the british army. the letter had its influence, and the governor wrote: _it would be desirable undoubtedly, before finally quitting afghanistan, that you should have an opportunity of striking a blow at the enemy, and since circumstances seem to compel you to remain there till october, the governor-general earnestly hopes that you will be able to draw the enemy into a position in which you may strike such a blow effectually._ this was good news. every effort was being made to collect carriage cattle in hindostan for the purpose of the withdrawal, and pollock determined to turn these to account. if there was carriage enough to enable him to fall back upon peshawur, there would be carriage enough for him to advance on cabul. in the meantime negotiations were going on for the release of the captives. the married families had, on the day of their arrival at akbar's camp, been placed in a small fort with pottinger, lawrence, and mackenzie. two days later they were taken down to jugduluk, where they found general elphinstone, brigadier shelton, and captain johnson, and thence travelled down to a fort, the property of the father of akbar's wife. the party consisted of nine ladies, twenty officers and fourteen children; seventeen european soldiers, two women and a child were confined in another part of the fort. here they remained three months. two more officers were brought in, and a month after their arrival two other survivors, major griffiths and captain souter, were added to the party. on the day after akbar's defeat they were hastily taken away and carried to tezeen, and thence to a place called zanda, far up in the hills. general elphinstone had been bed-ridden for some weeks, and was left behind at tezeen, where he died. akbar khan sent in his remains to jellalabad. civil war was raging in cabul. shah soojah's second son had succeeded him, but he was altogether without power. some of the chiefs supported him, others opposed; but finally the bala hissar was stormed by akbar, who was now the most powerful chief in afghanistan. pollock was still harassed by letters from lord ellenborough insisting upon his retiring; but public opinion throughout india was so opposed to a course that would bring the deepest disgrace upon the british power, that at last, in august, he wrote to nott saying that he must withdraw his force from afghanistan, but that if he chose he might take the route through ghuznee and cabul. he similarly issued his orders for pollock to retire, but added that "you will be at liberty to first march to cabul to meet nott." both had been preparing for the movement. pollock had sent several expeditions against hostile tribesmen, and had recovered one of the captured guns. on the 20th of august he left jellalabad with eight thousand troops, and on the 23rd reached gundamuck. the next day the village was cleared of a strong body of the enemy. while concentrating his troops there and waiting intelligence from nott, the british force remained at gundamuck till the 7th of september. on the 1st, futteh jung, who had succeeded his father, rode into camp. akbar khan had stripped him of all power and all his wealth, and imprisoned him in the bala hissar, from which he had now escaped, and with much difficulty made his way to pollock's camp to seek the protection of the british government. on the 7th the first division of the army, under the command of sale, moved forward; the second division, under general m'caskill, marched on the following day. sale found the hills commanding the roads through the jugduluk pass occupied by large bodies of the enemy, who opened a heavy fire. the guns replied, and the infantry then in three columns dashed up the hills and drove the ghilzyes from them. one strong body had taken refuge at an apparently inaccessible point, but the british storming party scaled the height, and the enemy fled without waiting for the assault at close quarters. thus on the hills where the afghans had massacred elphinstone's troops they were now taught that, if well led, the british soldier could defeat them in a position they had deemed impregnable. at tezeen the second division joined the first. the force halted for a day, and the afghans, believing that this betokened indecision, mustered their forces for a final engagement. akbar had, as he had threatened to do if they advanced, sent off the captives to the bamian pass, with the intention of selling them as slaves to the turkomans. on the 13th the two armies were face to face. the valley of tezeen was commanded on all sides by lofty hills, and these now swarmed with men. the enemy's horse entered the valley, but the british squadrons charged them, drove them in headlong flight, and cut down many. the infantry climbed the hills on both sides under a terrible fire from the afghan guns. to these they made no reply, well knowing that their muskets were no match for the long firearms of the enemy. as soon, however, as they reached the summit, they fixed bayonets and charged with a mighty cheer. only a few of the enemy stood their ground, and fell, the rest fled. all day firing was kept up, until at last the enemy occupying the highest ridges were, in spite of a sturdy resistance, driven off, fairly beaten on their own ground and in their own style of warfare. our troops fought with extraordinary bravery. they were animated by a desire to wipe out the disgrace that had fallen on our arms, and were maddened by the sight of the numerous skeletons of their comrades in the jugduluk. akbar khan saw that all was up, and fled, while the tribesmen scattered to their homes, and the army marched forward without opposition to cabul. in the meantime, nott had been busy. on the 29th of may he inflicted a decisive defeat upon the dooranees outside the walls of candahar. on the 7th of august the army evacuated that city, and on the 27th arrived at mookoor. up to this point no opposition whatever had been offered. the inhabitants had been friendly, and supplies were obtained without difficulty. but the afghan governor of ghuznee had raised all the country, and had taken up a very strong position near the source of the turnuck. on the 28th the forces met. the position of the enemy was unknown, as a thick mist covered the country. the cavalry rode forward to reconnoitre, cut up a party of afghan infantry in the plain, and pursuing them hotly came upon hills crowded by the enemy, who opened a heavy fire. they fell back in an orderly manner, when a body of the enemy's horse appeared on the hill above them. a squadron of native cavalry charged them, but were cut up by the fire of a body of afghan foot who had hitherto been hidden. the enemy's horse poured down, and the troopers, already suffering from the infantry fire, turned and fled. the panic spread, and the whole of the cavalry were soon in flight. two british officers had been killed and three wounded, and fifty-six men disabled. nott, on hearing the loss, marched out with his infantry, but on reaching the scene of the fight found that the enemy had retired. on the afternoon of the next day nott, marching forward, came upon a fort held by the enemy. our artillery opened upon it with little effect. the afghan army, some ten thousand strong, had been watching us, and now opened an artillery fire from the heights, and its foot men moved forward to the attack; but as they neared us our infantry charged with a cheer and they broke and fled. two of their guns, and their tents, magazines, and stores were captured. on the 5th of september nott encamped before ghuznee, and began to prepare for the assault. the enemy, however, were in no humour for fighting; the greater portion of the tribesmen had scattered to their homes after their defeat. the garrison lost heart altogether and evacuated the city, and the governor set off with a few followers for cabul. the next morning the british entered the town without firing a shot. on the following day, however, the governor returned with a large number of the tribesmen who had just arrived, and on the 14th nott attacked them. a hard battle was fought, but it was indecisive. on the following morning the enemy disappeared; they had received the news of the defeat of akbar at tezeen. the column, however, was again harassed when the troops advanced, but they cleared the way in good style. the tribesmen here had been actively engaged in the cabul insurrection, and twenty-six of their forts were burned as punishment. on the 17th the army encamped four miles from the city, and learned that pollock had occupied cabul two days previously. angus campbell had taken no part in the operations of that advance. on the 26th of august news had arrived at gundamuck by a messenger from the moonshee, mohun lal, who had throughout kept the force at jellalabad well supplied with news of what was passing at cabul; he now sent to say that on the previous day akbar had despatched all the captives under an escort of three hundred horse to bamian, and that they were to be taken on to khooloom, and there handed over to the governor. once there, it was certain that they would remain in captivity among the tribes until death released them. as soon as he heard the news angus went to macgregor. "i am going to ask," he said, "if you will allow me to go on an expedition on my own account. i was thinking that it was just possible that the captives might be overtaken. it is probable that they will halt some time at bamian, and certainly we could come up to them there. with so many women and children it will be impossible for the convoy to move fast, and they may stay at bamian until the result of our operations here are known. you have already promised me that the part taken by sadut khan shall be forgiven, seeing that he did his best to persuade akbar to give protection to the retreating army, and also because he showed great kindness to me when i was in his hands. if you can obtain permission from the general i will start at once in disguise for his fort in the mountain. i cannot but think that he will aid me, and i might, with four of his followers, who have come from bamian, and are personally well known to me, succeed in some way in rescuing at least a few of the captives. eldred pottinger, captain boyd, and captain johnson are all dear friends of mine, and i would willingly run any risk in the endeavour to save them. possibly, if we overtake the party, we may in some way cause a delay which would enable any rescue party sent off when you reach cabul to get up in time." "it is a brave offer, campbell, but the enterprise seems to me an almost desperate one. however, i don't think that i should be justified in refusing it, and i am sure that if anyone could succeed, you will do so. when will you start?" "in ten minutes, sir, if you will furnish me with an authority to offer a bribe to the officer in command of their escort." "i will go and see the general at once. he is well aware, from the report that i have made, of the kindness sadut showed you, and of his efforts to save our army. i have no doubt that the chief has fought against us in the last battle, but that was only natural. i feel sure that above all things pollock would embrace any offer that promises the slightest chance of rescuing the hostages, but the risk would be terrible, campbell." "of course there would be risk," angus agreed, "but i do not see how it would be exceptionally great. i have journeyed as an afghan two or three times already without detection, and i could just as well do so again. at any rate, i am willing to undertake the enterprise. it would, of course, be useful for me to take a considerable sum of money to win over the guard; still more useful if the general would authorize me to offer terms that would tempt the cupidity of the commander, as we have always found that the afghans are ready to do almost anything for bribes." "i will take you at once with me to the general. he is well acquainted with the services you rendered pottinger at herat, and have rendered the army ever since it began its march from the indus, and he knows the favourable report that has been sent in by pottinger and burnes." angus had, indeed, been introduced by sir robert sale to general pollock on his arrival at cabul. on reaching his tent they found him for the moment unoccupied. he listened gravely to macgregor's statement of the offer that angus had made. "it is a noble proposal, mr. campbell," he said, in his usual kindly and courteous way, "but the risk seems to me terrible, and should anything happen to you, the service would be deprived of one of its most promising and meritorious officers. at the same time, there seems a fair possibility that you may succeed in rescuing one or more of the captives. of course it would be quite out of the question that any of the ladies could escape. there would be a hot pursuit, and only horsemen well mounted could hope to get off. however, i do not feel justified in refusing any offer that affords a shadow of hope of saving such men as pottinger, and will do all that mr. macgregor suggests to facilitate your operations. you will doubtless pass through cabul, and i will at once write a letter to mohun lal, requesting him to give you authority, in his name as well as mine, for payment to the leader of the prisoners' escort of any sum in reason. at present native opinion is strong that we shall not be able to force the passes, and the name of the moonshee may have greater effect than any promise on my part; but at the same time, until you can get into communication with the captives and learn something of the officer and his disposition, it would be madness to attempt to bribe him. the difficulties of the journey appear to me to be great, but not insuperable. the real difficulty will only begin when you overtake the captives' escort." "i feel that, sir, but i rely greatly upon the men i hope to obtain from sadut. although not of his tribe, they have attached themselves most strongly to him. they are strong, resolute men, and as one of them was a petty chief near bamian, he may be able to gather a few others to aid me. i shall, of course, be very glad to have authority to offer a bribe to the officer in command of the party, but i rely chiefly upon these men and my own efforts, at any rate as far as pottinger is concerned. captains boyd and johnson can hardly leave their families. possibly, by the aid of these men, i may be able to collect a sufficient number of fighting men to make a sudden attack upon the escort, and to carry off all the captives to some hiding-place among the hills, and there keep them until you send on a force to bring them in. of course i must be entirely guided by circumstances, but it is impossible for me to have any fixed plan until i see how matters stand." "i can quite see that, mr. campbell, and that, greatly as you may desire to rescue the whole party, it is eldred pottinger who is the first object of your expedition." "that is so, colonel. he was most kind to me in herat, and it is to him i owe my present position; therefore he is my first object. if i can free him it will be a great step gained towards rescuing the others. i feel sure that he would not think for a moment of leaving his companions to their fate. but his name as the defender of herat is known to every afghan, and he would be able to bring a great influence to bear upon the tribesmen round bamian, whose interests must lie quite as much with herat as with cabul." the general nodded approvingly. "i see that you have thought matters over well. if you will call here again in half an hour the letter for the moonshee shall be ready for you, and a thousand pounds in gold." at the appointed time angus called upon the general, and received the money and letter; then returning to his own tent, he rode out with azim. when fairly away from the camp they dismounted and put on their afghan disguises. they had brought an orderly with them, who took back the clothes they had discarded and angus's sword to macgregor's tent, he having undertaken to have them brought up to cabul with his own baggage. they had no difficulty as to the way, as the path they had followed with sadut had come down close to gundamuck. they had little fear of being interfered with on the road. the afghans would have gathered in the passes, and should they meet any they would only have to say that their village near gundamuck had been burnt by the british, and they were now on their way to join sadut and fight under his orders. although they saw several parties in the distance making their way towards the pass, they did not encounter any within speaking distance, and just at sunset reached sadut's fort. they had passed through the village unnoticed. tribesmen were frequently coming and going, and there was nothing to distinguish them from others. they dismounted in front of the fort. a man was sitting at the top of a ladder, and angus held up his hand to him, and hassan--for it was the man who had twice captured him--at once waved his hand in welcome, and stood up. "you have come willingly this time," he said with a smile, as angus reached him. "of course you wish to see sadut khan. he is within. it is lucky that you have arrived to-day, for to-morrow he sets out." sadut greeted him with pleasure mingled with surprise. "i did not expect to see you here, my friend." "no, i suppose not, chief; but i am on a mission with which i am sure you will sympathize, and in which i hope you will aid me, so far as to spare me hassan and his four men." "what is its nature?" the chief asked. "i know that you would not come and offer me english money to abstain from fighting again." "i should not think of such a thing, sadut. i know that you are a fair and open enemy, and i think the better of you for fighting for your country. i may say that general pollock has been informed of your kindness to me, and that you did your utmost to make akbar keep his word to grant protection to the retiring army, and i can assure you that, in any event, no harm will happen to you or yours. i will tell you what i have come for. do you know that all the hostages, ladies and children, have been sent away by akbar from cabul, that they are to be taken over the bamian pass to khooloom, and handed over to the governor there, and that, doubtless, they will be sold as slaves to the turkomans?" "i had not heard it," sadut said angrily. "it is a disgrace to us. they were delivered up trusting to our word and honour, and it is a foul deed of akbar to harm them in any way after taking his oath for their protection. it is infamous! infamous!" and he walked up and down the room in fierce indignation. "what should we say," he burst out, "if the families of dost mahomed and akbar himself were to be sold by your people as slaves to some barbarous race? could we complain if, when the news of this treatment of the hostages becomes known in india, dost mahomed's family should be treated in a similar way?" then he stopped abruptly. "what is it that you have come to ask of me? the thing is done, and cannot be undone. akbar and i are ill friends now, for i have bearded him in the council and denounced his conduct. certainly i have no influence that could assist you. i am an afghan, and am pledged to join the force that will oppose the march of your troops up the passes, and i am a man of my word. but even were i free to help you, i could be of little assistance. i have here not more than thirty or forty fighting men, and i doubt if even these would obey me on such an enterprise. i might ride to my own fort and summon the momunds, whom i have so far kept quiet; but the enterprise would be a desperate one, we should set all the other tribes against us, and they would not risk destruction merely for the sake of rescuing a few white men and women. their sympathies are all with the tribes round cabul, and they share in their hatred of the infidel invaders. it would be as much as i could do to keep them quiet, and certainly i should fail if i called upon them to embark on such an enterprise." "i have no intention of asking it of you, chief. i am going myself to see what can be done to save my friends, and have come to ask you to allow hassan and his men to go with me. they are from bamian, and at bamian it is likely that the captives will be kept for some time. i should, of course, pay them well for their aid." "you can take them," the chief said at once. "they are good men and faithful to me, and i rely upon them as i could not do on any of my own tribesmen. i will call them in at once." hassan and his four men entered the room a minute later. "hassan," sadut said, "you and your men have proved yourselves true and faithful followers from the day when you left your homes to carry me over the passes, although you all thought that there was no hope of our getting through. you have fought by my side in kohistan; you twice at my orders carried off my friend here. he appreciates the service you did him, and is in sore need of five men upon whom he can rely to the utmost. he has come to ask me to let you go with him. a sore disgrace has fallen upon our nation. akbar khan has sent the men who placed themselves in his hands as hostages, and the women whom he swore to protect, over the hindoo koosh to be sold as slaves to the usbegs. my word has been given to fight against the army of gundamuck if it attempts to ascend the passes, and i at least will keep faith. this british officer is going to attempt to free some of the captives. how he will do so i know not, but my best wishes will go with him. he thinks it likely that the escort of the prisoners will halt for some little time at bamian, and you more than any others might therefore be able to help. i do not order you to go, but i ask you to do so. it is a good work, and concerns the honour of every afghan." "and moreover," angus said, "i will pay a thousand rupees to you, and five hundred to each of your followers. i will hand them over to you at once, and if we are successful i will pay you as much more." the sum was a huge one in their eyes. it would suffice to settle them in comfort for the rest of their lives. hassan looked at his men, and saw by the expression of their faces that they were more than willing to accept the offer. he held out his hand to angus, "we are your servants," he said, "and will serve you truly, and if needs be, lay down our lives for you, not only for the sake of the money you offer us, but because sadut khan has told us that for the honour of the nation these people ought to be released. we have been comrades in danger before, and were nigh dead when you rescued us when buried in the snow. i see not how this enterprise can be carried out; but we will do what you tell us, and men cannot do more. when do we start?" "every hour is of consequence," angus replied. "can you find your way across the mountains in the dark? if so, we will start at once." "i certainly can find the way." "you must all have a meal first," sadut said. "besides, you will need horses. they shall be brought in and got ready for you in an hour. see that the english officer's horses have a good feed, and that his servant eats with you. the food will be ready in half an hour." no time was lost, and in an hour and a half after the arrival of angus at the fort the party set out. fortunately the moon was nearly full, and hassan had so frequently gone down to cabul from the fort that he had no difficulty whatever in following the track. this in many places was so steep that all had to dismount and lead their horses down. however, they reached cabul an hour before sunrise, and all lay down in an empty hut for three or four hours' sleep. then angus, with hassan and three of his men, entered the town, leaving azim and the other man to look after the horses. as there were numbers of tribesmen in the streets, they attracted no attention whatever. proceeding to the house of the moonshee, angus enquired if mohun lal was in. "he is busy. he does not grant audiences till ten o'clock." angus moved away and returned at half-past nine. already five or six persons were waiting to see the moonshee, and by ten the number had considerably increased. it was eleven before angus's turn arrived. the moonshee was alone. angus took out his letter and handed it to him. he knew mohun lal well, having often taken communications to him from burnes. the afghan read the letter, and looked up in surprise. "you are well disguised indeed, sahib," he said, rising, "for, often as i have seen you before, i did not recognize you in the slightest, but thought it was, as usual, an afghan peasant with complaints to make against plunderers. so you have undertaken the dangerous mission of endeavouring to rescue some of the prisoners. truly you english have courage thus to thrust yourself into the midst of enemies, and on such a mission. however, i will do what i can to help you. i do not say that it is altogether hopeless, for i know my man; the commander of the escort is saleh mahomed. he is an adventurer, and has served under many masters. he was at one time a subaltern in one of your native regiments, but deserted with his men to dost mahomed just before the fight at bamian. such a man might be bought over, but not cheaply." "general pollock said he left the sum to be offered to him entirely to you." mohun lal thought for some time, and then said: "i should say that a pension of a thousand rupees a month, and a present of thirty thousand would tempt him as much as a larger sum. it would, i think, be best for you to disguise yourself now as a cashmerian. you know syud moorteza?" "i know him well," angus said; "he helped captain johnson to collect grain from the villages." "it would be as well for you to use his name. as an afghan, saleh might doubt you. altogether, it would be more likely that a man who may be considered a neutral should be employed on such a mission, and the offer to sell goods would make an opening. of course you could take the dress you now wear with you in case of necessity. it would be too dangerous for me to give you a letter, for if saleh, when you opened the subject to him, at once ordered you to be arrested, it would certainly be found on you, and would cost me my life. you will require to take a small escort with you, or you might be robbed at the first place you come to." "i have five men with me," angus replied. "they come from bamian; one of them is a petty chief there, and might, if i find that saleh cannot be approached, persuade or bribe some of the people there to aid." "i fear you would not succeed in that way. saleh had, i believe, two hundred and fifty men with him. i suppose you will start at once?" "our horses are outside the town, and we shall mount as soon as i return to them." "i wish you good fortune. there are many afghans who feel deeply the disgrace akbar has brought upon himself, and upon all of us, by breaking his plighted word." taking leave of the moonshee, angus joined his companions, and after having bought in the bazaar a costume suitable for a trader from cashmere, and two bales of goods from that country, left the city. chapter xix the british captives "why are you going as a cashmerian?" hassan asked. "i thought that you were going in the disguise that you now have on." "i had intended to, hassan; but mohun lal suggested that as a trader i should have more chance of going among the escort than as an afghan, and i see that this would be so. and, moreover, as afghans can enter into fellowship with the men of the escort better than i can, and as you come from bamian, no doubt would arise as to the truth of your story, namely that, having been absent for more than two years from home, you were anxious to get home, and that as this trader had offered you money to serve as his escort it was a good opportunity for you to return." hassan nodded. "that makes a good story of it, certainly." the change of disguise was made, two ponies were purchased to carry the bales of goods and provisions for the journey, and they then started. in buying his goods angus had only purchased two costly shawls, which he intended as a present for saleh, or, if he failed with him, for one of the officers under him. with this exception, the bales were filled with trifles such as might tempt the soldiers, and with stuffs which would, he was sure, be very welcome to the ladies, who must, naturally, be in a sore plight for garments, as what baggage they had started with must have been lost in the passes, and they could have had little opportunity of replenishing their wardrobe during their captivity. they travelled rapidly, halting only for a few hours when it was necessary to give their horses a rest. as the ladies were carried in litters, and there was no reason why they should be hurried on their journey, angus knew that he must be gaining fast upon the captives and their escort, and indeed he reached bamian only a few hours after them. he put up at a little khan, while hassan and his men went off to their village to see the families from whom they had been so long separated. hassan found his wife in undisturbed possession of the little fort, and there was great joy in the village when it was found that he and his men had returned with funds that would enable them to pass the coming winter in comfort, and largely to increase their stock of animals. that evening two or three sheep were killed, and a general feast was held in honour of the return of the chief and his followers. as nothing was talked of in the little town but the arrival of the british captives, angus had no difficulty in learning that these had been lodged in a little fort close to the place. he did not attempt to open his bales of goods, although several of the people came to him to ask him to do so, for so few traders had visited the place since the troubles began, that the stores had long been empty. there had, too, been a good deal of plundering since the british force there had retired. angus was obliged to explain that he had only brought a few trifles with him, as his purpose was to buy turkoman carpets and other goods at khooloom, and that he had sold off almost all the stock he had brought from cashmere at cabul. leaving azim at the khan to see that his goods were not stolen, he strolled out. the place was full of the men of the escort, who showed much discontent on finding that neither fruit nor any other of the little luxuries to which they were accustomed could be bought at bamian. angus had no difficulty in entering into conversation with some of them. he had brought with him a considerable quantity of good tobacco, and when he produced a pouch and invited them to fill their pipes he at once won their good-will. "how quickly have you come from cabul? was there any news when you left there?" "we have travelled fast," he said. "you have had three days' start of us, and i arrived here this afternoon. no, there was no news. they say that the infidels are halting at gundamuck. the chiefs are gathering in the passes with all their forces, but have not yet moved." "i should have thought that they would have had enough of our passes; they will meet with the same fate as those who tried to go down them." "it should be so," angus replied. "who can withstand your people when they are fighting among your own hills? you must have travelled slowly, since we gained three days upon you." "we made very short journeys," the man said. "you see, we were encumbered with these women and children, for whom it must have been rough work, for the nights are already cold. i shall be glad when we get to khooloom and hand them over to the governor there. but i will say for them that they have borne up bravely. i can tell you that we are all disgusted at having to be making this journey with them instead of taking our share of the spoil that will be gathered in the passes." "yes, it must be annoying to brave men to be thus wasting their time when great things are being done, to say nothing of losing their share of the booty to be gathered. have you a good commander?" "yes, we have no cause to grumble on that account. saleh mahomed is a bold soldier and a cheerful fellow, is not unduly harsh, and as long as we keep our arms in good order, and obey his orders, he asks no questions when one of us comes in with a sheep fastened to his saddle. but there has been no chance of getting anything to help out our rations, for the two or three little villages we have passed since we left the valley are for the most part deserted. there are women there, but the men have not yet come down from the hills with the flocks, and none of us have tasted meat since we started. saleh mahomed is a man who has travelled much and seen many things. he was an officer in the english army, but he would not fight against us, and two years ago, when dost mahomed with his army came here, he went over to him with his company of sepoys. he was not a chief, but was a tribesman near the frontier. there are many of them, they say, in the service of the infidels; and he had done well for himself." "i suppose the captive women must be in want of warm clothes. i have not a large stock of goods, but among them are several warm robes, which i would sell cheaply to them, for i wish to clear away my remaining stock, as i intend to buy turkoman carpets at khooloom and balkh; and besides these i have some stuff which doubtless the women here would buy to make garments for the children. think you that saleh would let me traffic with them?" "that i could not say; but if you have anything in your pack that would please him he might perhaps let you do so. you seem a good fellow, if you like i will take you to him to-morrow morning." "thank you for your offer. when i meet you i will have a pound of good tobacco, which i shall beg you to accept." "i will be here. i shall be one of the guards to-night round the fort, but shall be free in the morning." "does saleh mahomed sleep there?" "no, it is a miserable and dirty place. he lodges at the house of the headman there." early in the morning hassan came down to the khan. "now, sahib, you have only to tell us what you want us to do, and you can rely upon us." "for the present there is nothing. i am going to see saleh mahomed this morning, and try to get permission to sell some of my goods to the captives. i may then be able to learn something of his disposition towards them, and how he behaved to them during the journey. it is important that i should know this before giving him the message from the moonshee." "it would be well to do so, master; but from what i hear the moonshee has been negotiating with many of the chiefs, who are willing enough to take his money, but who do not carry out their part of the bargain. however, i have not heard that any of them have denounced him. he is always considered to be the chief agent of the english, but as he spends english gold freely, and as it is well to have some one in cabul through whom negotiations could be entered into with them, no one interferes with him." "the only thing that you can do for the present is to go round among your friends, talk to them about the captives, and say that it is a disgrace that they should be sent as captives among the usbegs after having received promises of protection, and having willingly submitted themselves as hostages. of course you will do it carefully; but if you can create a feeling in their favour, and make them afterwards win over a portion of the escort, something might be done. of course you can say, and truly, that sadut khan, dost mahomed's nephew by marriage, is most indignant at this breach of faith, and that you believe that many other chiefs share his feeling." "i will set about it at once. the tribesmen here have not the same animosity against the english as those at cabul. the english troops when they were here behaved well; they took no man's goods without payment, and the tribesmen got better prices for their sheep and cattle than they had ever got before. they care little who rules at cabul, and it is nothing to them whether it is the barukzyes or a dooranee." the next morning angus met the afghan soldier. "here is the tobacco i promised you; it is good stuff." "if it is like that you gave me yesterday, i shall be very content. now, come with me to saleh; he is a good fellow if you find him in the humour." the officer was alone when they entered. "saleh mahomed," the soldier said, "this is a trader from cashmere, syud moorteza; he will tell you his business. he seems to be a good fellow, and has some excellent tobacco." having thus introduced angus he left the room. "what is it that you want with me?" saleh asked in persian. angus replied in the same language, "i am a trader, my lord, and wish to get rid of some of the wares i am carrying. they are but few, as i am going north to purchase and not to sell. i would willingly rid myself of a part of them. among them are warm dresses and stuffs. i am told that the persons in your charge are but thinly clad, and i doubt not that they would willingly buy these goods of me." the afghan laughed. "they would willingly have them, no doubt; but as to buying, they are altogether without money. those who were in charge of them saw to that before they were handed over to me." "i should not mind that, my lord. i have had dealings with englishmen who have come up to cashmere, and they generally take a store of shawls and other things back with them to india. we always find that they are true to their word, and we take their orders as willingly as gold--more so, indeed, because the shroffs in india take them anywhere, and it saves our having to send money there for the purchase of goods in india. thus, then, if they gave me orders on their people at calcutta or bombay, i would more willingly accept them than gold, which is a dangerous commodity to carry." "but you say that you are going to purchase goods." "that is so, my lord, but i do not carry money to do so. i pay for them with orders upon a merchant at herat to whom i am well-known, and who acts as my agent, and buys for me such goods as i require from persia. i have not come empty-handed to you, my lord. it is right that if you do me the favour of allowing me to trade with your prisoners, you should share in the benefit. i have with me here a cashmere shawl. i do not say that it is worthy of your acceptance, but it is handsome and of the best wool, and will make a warm girdle." saleh was fond of finery. "let me look at it," he said. angus undid the parcel and held the shawl up, and closely watched the afghan as he examined it. he saw that he was pleased with it. however, the chief said, "i say not that it is not a good shawl, but it is not of the best quality. i have been at srinagar." "'tis not of the best, my lord--i would not try to deceive one like yourself--but it is the best i have, and i can hardly hope to make more than its value from these people." "it is worth about two hundred rupees," saleh said. "your lordship is not to be deceived, that is the very sum i gave for it; but it is worth much more here." "you seem to be an honest man," saleh said, throwing the shawl down on the divan from which he had risen. "and in truth i should be well content that the prisoners were better supplied with garments in the cold weather that is setting in. i am ordered to conduct them safely to khooloom, but nought was said against my providing them with such comforts on the way as they could obtain. to-day i am busy; i have to see that the men are well quartered and fed. to-morrow if you come here with your goods i will myself take you to the place where they are confined; but mind that no word is said to them save concerning your merchandise." "what words should i say, my lord? but doubtless one of your men will be present and see that i confine myself to my business." "then come at this hour to-morrow." angus bowed deeply and then left, delighted that he had obtained permission to see the captives. that day the prisoners were taken to another fort, saleh being moved by their complaints of the dirt and want of accommodation in the little fort in which they were crowded. the place was but a little better than the one they had left, but there was somewhat more room. hassan came to angus in the evening. "i have seen many of my friends," he said, "and have spoken as you told me. they are indignant. i told them that dost mahomed and his family, and that of akbar, are honourably treated in india, and are allowed a large income by the government there, and live with every comfort and luxury, and it is a disgrace to our nation that such treatment should be meted out to the officers who are hostages, and the ladies and their families. i do not say that they will be disposed to hazard their own safety by taking any active measures, but if the soldiers were to show any disposition favourable to the captives, they would assuredly take no hostile steps against them." "i have strong hopes that i may succeed with saleh. he has taken a bribe from me to permit me to sell goods to the prisoners, and he may be willing to take a vastly greater one to release them." "my men have been going about among the soldiers, sahib. they are discontented at this journey they have taken, and at the prospect of a still farther one, and if their commander gave them the order to return, they would not, i think, hesitate to obey." "let your men continue at that work, but let them be careful not to appear to be too warmly interested. let them avoid at present all mention of captives, and simply inflame the men's minds by talking of the hardships of their being sent on such a journey when so much booty is likely to be picked up in the passes. it is not likely that if saleh orders them to proceed on their journey they will refuse to do so, but if he learns from his officers that the men would gladly obey him if he ordered them to return, it may help him to decide to accept the offer i have to make him. i shall put off doing so till the last moment, because at any time news may come that pollock and nott are both beating back all opposition and advancing on cabul, and in that case he may see that his interest lies in siding with them rather than with akbar." in the morning angus rode with saleh to the fort, azim following with the pony carrying the bales of goods. two men stood as sentries on the platform on the top of the plain, half a dozen others were posted round it. the officer in charge came out. "have you anything to report, suleiman?" "no, captain, except that the prisoners complain that this place is little better than the last they were confined in." "they are particular, these ladies and gentlemen," saleh said with a laugh. "the place might be better, no doubt, but they will be lucky if they do not find themselves very much worse lodged when they get among the usbegs." "major pottinger was asking, captain, that a few blankets should be given them for the use of the women and children." "we will see about it. however, this trader here has some warm robes to sell, and they may just as well pay for the things themselves as that i should put my hand into my pocket, for my instructions said nothing about buying things of this sort for them; and from the manner in which prince akbar gave me my orders, i should say that the more they suffered the better he would be pleased. however, i am sorry for them, and have given permission to this cashmerian to see them and try to sell his goods to them." the officer looked doubtful. "i do not think there is a rupee among them." "no, but the trader has faith that if they give him notes for his goods, their people will assuredly cash them." "he must be a very confiding fellow," the officer said. "no; by what he says the shroffs of all the large cities in india are always ready to take the notes of english officers, and that he himself has done so in cashmere. "at any rate you can take him up to their apartments, but remain in the room while he bargains with them. i do not mind his carrying on his trade, but see that he in no way communicates with them save in the matter of his business." saleh went up with angus, followed by the officer and azim, who was assisted by the soldiers to carry up the goods. a sentry was sitting before the door at the top of the stairs with his musket across his knee. as saleh came up, he rose and took a key hanging on a nail on the wall beside him and opened the door. "i hear that you are still not content with your lodging, captain johnson," saleh said as he entered. "well, what would you have? these towers are all alike, and do not come up to our ideas of comfort in cabul; and as glass is scarcely known in bamian, no doubt you feel it cold at night." [illustration: angus shows his goods to the prisoners.] "if we had a few blankets to hang across the windows the ladies would not feel it so much, saleh." "that is so; and as i am anxious that they should not, while under my charge, feel greater discomfort than necessary, i have permitted this trader, syud moorteza, to enter. he has, he tells me, some warm robes and other things which he is ready to sell, and as i told him that before you came into my charge all your money had been taken away, he is ready to take your notes upon a banker at calcutta or bombay in payment." captain johnson knew the cashmerian, as he had rendered invaluable assistance in obtaining grain. angus, who was acquainted with him, had the more willingly adopted his name because the man was about his own height and build, and there was even some resemblance in feature. captain johnson therefore looked with interest at the trader, who was standing a little behind saleh. for a moment he seemed puzzled but angus had his hand on his chin and suddenly moved two fingers across his lips and very slightly shook his head. johnson understood the gesture, and replied to saleh: "the man is right; he may be sure that whatever happens to us our friends will see that he is paid for any goods we may buy of him. we will write a letter in persian, which you can read to our friends, saying that this man has trusted us and that our orders are to be honoured." the ladies, who were in the next room, were called in. the afghan commander, who had nothing to do, remained with his officer, being interested in the contents of the trader's bales. azim opened them, and spread the articles out on the floor for inspection. angus was greatly concerned at the appearance of the ladies, to all of whom he was known. his disguise, however, had so completely changed his appearance that none of them recognized him. his face was darkened, his eyebrows and hair had been stained black, and by the assistance of some false hair the latter was arranged in the fashion worn by the man he represented. syud moorteza was of the hindoo religion, and angus had imitated his caste marks on the forehead, which alone greatly altered his appearance. but the ladies scarcely looked at him. their delight at seeing the warm robes and woollen cloths was great indeed. here was a prospect that their sufferings from cold would be alleviated, and that their children could now be warmly clad. among the smaller articles in his bale angus included a good supply of needles and thread, buttons, and other small necessaries. the ladies saw at once that from the soft woolen cloths they would be able to make an abundance of warm clothing for the children. angus expatiated after the manner of a trader on the quality of his goods. holding up a warm robe to captain johnson, he said: "this would suit you, my lord; it will keep you warm in the coldest night." "you have not more than enough for the ladies," captain johnson said. "if there is anything over after they have made their purchases, we shall be glad to take the rest of your cloth. we can wind it round us." "but feel the quality of this robe, my lord," angus urged, with a wink that was understood by the officer, who at once took hold of it. as he did so angus slipped a note, which he had folded to the smallest possible dimensions, into his hands. "yes, it is good material," he said quietly; "but, as i have just said, these must be for the ladies." and he turned away as if unwilling to be tempted, and presently sauntered into the next room. in order to keep up his character angus asked fully five times the proper value for his goods. but the captives had no thought of bargaining; for these goods would be of the greatest comfort to themselves and their children, as coverings for the night, and as wraps during the passage of the passes, for in addition to the clothes and cloth, there were silk mufflers for the neck, and warm jackets lined with astrakhan fur. nor were the needles and thread less prized. their clothes and those of the children were in rags, and they would be most useful for mending, as well as the making of new clothes. some of them almost cried with joy at the thought of the comfort that this would be to their little ones. in a few minutes the greater portion of the contents of the bales was disposed of. "the best way," pottinger said, "will be for lawrence, mackenzie, and myself, as the three political officers, to give this man an order signed by the three of us on our agent at calcutta, and i will write an open letter to accompany it, authorizing any british officer or banker to cash the note when it is presented, and to send it on to my agent. the man has done us an inestimable service, and it will facilitate his getting the money. where are you thinking of cashing this?" he asked. "at herat." "then i will also give you a note to a trader there. he has a shop in the great bazaar, and is a friend of mine. he has relations with business men in india, and will, i am sure, cash it for you at once should you desire cash, or will furnish you in exchange with bills on some merchant in candahar." he then mentioned the trader's name. "that will suit me well," angus said. "i know the man by name, having been myself at herat. he is of good repute, and i am sure that he or any other merchant having dealings in india would gladly cash the order, as it would be far safer to send than money." it was not until the purchases had all been made that captain johnson re-entered the room, came and stood by angus, asking a few questions as to the goods; when the two afghans were looking another way he passed a note into the pretended merchant's hand. presently he said: "but we have no pen and ink to write this order?" "i have them, sahib," angus said, taking an ink-bottle and pen, such as were always carried by traders, from his pocket, together with several sheets of paper. the price of all the goods was added up; then pottinger wrote an order for the amount, which was signed by himself, lawrence, and mackenzie. then johnson took pottinger aside as if to discuss the terms of the letters. "that man is not syud moorteza at all," he said. "don't turn round and look at him. he has given me a note, and i am answering it. who do you think it is?" "i have been a little puzzled, not by his face, but by his voice. i have it now--it is angus campbell." "you have guessed right. he has come up by himself through the passes to try and overtake us. he bears a message from mohun lal to saleh, saying that he shall be given a pension of a thousand rupees a month and a present of thirty thousand if he will hand over the captives to the british general when he reaches cabul. he has asked my opinion as to whether it would be safe to make the proposition to the man, or whether he had better wait until news comes that pollock has defeated akbar in the passes. i have told him that i have already sounded saleh, and that though he passed the matter off, i believe he is open to take a bribe if he hears that nott and pollock are making their way up. he says that if bad news comes--and i think it would then be useless to approach saleh--he will make an attempt with some men he has with him to effect your escape, and also mine, and that of mackenzie and lawrence. boyd, of course, would not leave his wife and family, and it would be impossible to take the women and children with us." "campbell is a splendid fellow!" pottinger said. "he behaved wonderfully well at herat, and i was sure that in time he would make a very fine officer. it is a noble thing, his undertaking such a tremendous risk." the letters were now written and handed to angus. saleh, however, took them from his hands and read them, and then handed them back, after assuring himself that there was nothing written but what had been agreed upon. then he and the officer went downstairs with angus and azim, the latter carrying easily enough the one small bale that sufficed for the goods unsold. "you have made a nice sum out of this," saleh said. "i have had a long journey with my goods," angus replied humbly; "but they were well contented, and paid without bargaining the prices i asked. i feel, my lord, that i am greatly indebted to you for the opportunity. i have not money with me--we traders never carry cash, and i shall have to wait many months before i receive the price of the goods--nevertheless, my lord, i will willingly give you in token of my gratitude another shawl equal to the last; i have brought with me only two. and you can select any goods you like from those remaining. there are many silk things among them, for they only bought such as were needed for wear." saleh was well satisfied, and telling angus that he might call round in the evening with some of the silk embroidered scarfs, he allowed him to return to the camp. two days passed, and then a horseman rode in with the news that akbar had been defeated at tezeen, but would fight another battle, and, as he was being joined by many chiefs, would doubtless overthrow the infidels. the news spread rapidly and caused much excitement in the camp, which was heightened by the fact that the man said that there was a report that ghuznee had been captured by the british force that was marching from candahar. angus went in the evening and requested a private interview with saleh. as johnson had told him in his note, the afghan had already been revolving in his mind whether he could not do better for himself by halting at bamian until he knew how affairs would turn out at cabul. johnson, who had become very intimate with him on the journey, had said casually that the british government would assuredly pay a large sum for the return of the captives. he had taken no notice of the remark at the time, but had thought a good deal of it. he knew that money had been lavishly spent among the chiefs, and it seemed to him that he too might have a share in the golden flood. he was a shrewd man as well as an unscrupulous one. he had three times before deserted his employers when better offers had been made to him, and it seemed to him that he had it now in his power to procure a sum that would make him rich for life. he had been told by his sub-officers that there was a growing disaffection among the men, that many of them openly grumbled at the prospect of the journey to khooloom, and that some of the bamian petty chiefs had been going among them, and, they believed, stirring up a feeling against the journey. he had from the first entertained some suspicion of this cashmerian trader. why should he not have bought a larger store of indian goods to exchange with the turkomans? his doubt as to the best course to pursue had been heightened at the news that he had received that afternoon. what would happen if the british again settled down at cabul? they would doubtless send a force to endeavour to rescue the captives. and although he might be at khooloom before they did so, his situation would then be a most unpleasant one. akbar, as a fugitive, could no longer pay him and his troops; they would, of course, leave him, and he would not dare to return to cabul. he was thinking over these matters when angus was ushered in. the latter had already decided that he would for the present maintain the character that he had assumed. if saleh knew that he was a british officer he would assuredly, if he remained faithful to his charge, arrest him also; but as merely the agent of mohun lal, one of the most influential men in cabul, the afghan would probably allow him to depart unharmed, even if he refused the offered bribe. "i have not come to you this evening to talk of merchandise, saleh mahomed," angus began. "i have come upon a more important matter. as you know, the troops from jellalabad have defeated akbar, and are making their way up through the passes. they will defeat him again if he fights them. the troops from candahar have reached ghuznee, and assuredly there is no force that can arrest their progress to cabul. i have only waited for this to speak openly to you. i am sent here by mohun lal. he authorizes me to promise you, in his name and that of general pollock, a pension of a thousand rupees a month, and a gift of thirty thousand rupees, if you will hold the prisoners here until a british force arrives to carry them back to cabul." the afghan showed no surprise. "i suspected," he said, "all along that you had come here for some other motive than trade. what guarantee does mohun lal offer that these terms shall be fulfilled?" "it would not have been safe for him to have entrusted such a message to paper," angus said, "but he gives you his word." "words are no guarantee," saleh said, "especially the word of a chief." "i would suggest, saleh mahomed, that you have it in your power to obtain a guarantee that even you will acknowledge to be a binding one. you have in your hands three men whose names are known throughout afghanistan and through india as those of men of honour. you have major pottinger, captain lawrence, and mr. mackenzie, all men whose word would be accepted unhesitatingly to whatever promise they might make. they and the other officers would, i am sure, give you a written guarantee that the offer made by mohun lal shall be confirmed and carried out by the government of india." "what should i do with money without employment?" "if you desire employment, i have no doubt that you would be granted, in addition to the money payment, the command of a native regiment raised among the pathans of the lower hills." "i will think the matter over," the afghan said, and with a wave of the hand dismissed angus. but the latter had seen, by the expression of saleh's face when he mentioned the terms, that these were far higher than he had himself ever thought of, and he had no doubt whatever that they would be accepted. the first thing in the morning he received a message from saleh mahomed requesting him to accompany him to the tower. the afghan, beyond the usual salute, was silent during the ride. on dismounting saleh told him to follow him. on entering the prisoners' apartments the officer said: "you are aware that prince akbar's orders are that i am to take you to khooloom. i had certainly intended to do so, but i have received news that leads me to doubt whether he may be in a position to support you if i carry out the orders. yesterday afternoon i heard that he had been defeated at tezeen. he will fight again with a stronger force than before, still the issue is doubtful. i may tell you that the messenger also brought to the fort news that the force from candahar had taken ghuznee." an exclamation of joy broke from the prisoners. "another thing has happened," the afghan went on. "this trader last night informed me that he really came here on a mission from mohun lal. he promises me, in general pollock's name, that if i release you and carry you to cabul i shall be granted a pension of a thousand rupees a month and thirty thousand as a present. i know nothing of general pollock, and have no great faith in mohun lal, but seeing that akbar may be even now a fugitive and your two armies in cabul, if you gentlemen will swear by your god to make good to me what syud moorteza states he is authorized to offer, i will hand you over to your own people." the offer was joyfully accepted. angus was requested by saleh to draw out a bond to that effect in persian, and this was signed by pottinger, lawrence, johnson, and mackenzie. another agreement was then drawn up by johnson, by which all the officers bound themselves to pay as many months' pay and allowances, in accordance with their rank, as should be necessary to carry out the terms of the agreement, thus satisfying saleh that, should the english general refuse to ratify the first agreement, he would receive the money from them. to this all the prisoners and the ladies signed their names, brigadier shelton heading the list; while lady macnaghten and mrs. sturt, who were widows, bound themselves in a codicil to pay such sums as might be demanded from them by major pottinger and captains lawrence and johnson. "you are no longer my prisoner, sahibs," saleh said when the two documents were handed to him, and he on his part had given a bond to perform his share of the conditions. "now, i should like your counsel as to how i had best proceed. i believe that my men will gladly obey me in this matter, because they are discontented at being sent so far away, and i feel sure that a very slight inducement on your part to them will settle the matter. if i could offer them in your name a gratuity of four months' pay when we arrive at cabul, it would settle matters." to this the officers willingly agreed. "i have been thinking over the affair all night," he went on. "which, think you, would be best--to travel straight for cabul when you hear that the british have arrived there, or to wait here? i hear that many of the petty chiefs in the neighbourhood are indignant that akbar khan should have broken all the promises he made, and have treated so badly those who placed themselves under his protection, while at the same time his father, together with his own family, are receiving most honourable treatment in india. doubtless you would rather go straight down to cabul, but we must remember that if defeated, akbar with a very large number of his followers may again fly by this route and make for khooloom, as he and dost mahomed did when the british first marched to cabul. should they meet us on our way down they would assuredly attack us, and their numbers might be so great that we should be overwhelmed. on the other hand, if we stay here we can occupy the largest of these little forts and set to work to strengthen it, and might then resist any force akbar could bring against us until the british troops arrive to our assistance." the officers were silent for a minute, and then pottinger said: "what do you think, brigadier? this is a military matter." "i should say the last proposition is the safest," shelton replied. "we may be sure that the moment pollock reaches cabul he will send off a body of cavalry to rescue us. akbar would have at best only forty-eight hours' start, perhaps not half that, and he would scarcely venture to stop here to undertake a siege. he will certainly have no guns with him, and the three hundred men of our escort, with ten or twelve of us to lead them, could be trusted to withstand any hurried assault he might make upon us." the others all agreed that this would be the safest plan. "very well," saleh said. "i will go now and harangue my men, and in the meantime you can prepare to move. i will select the largest and most defensible of these forts. we will move quietly in there, and then i will summon the bamian chiefs, and proclaim that i have abandoned the cause of akbar, and now with my british allies summon them to invite their men to join me, so that when an english force arrives here they will be free from all molestation, and will receive presents in accordance with the number of men they furnish." so saying he left the room, and the joy of the captives broke out in general congratulations among the men, and tears of joy from the women. pottinger, johnson, and boyd gathered round angus and poured forth their thanks to him. nothing had hitherto been said to the ladies as to the real character of the supposed trader, for it was felt that if this enterprise failed the disappointment would to them be terrible. as soon as they learned who he was and what he had done, they too crowded round, and angus was for a time quite confused with the expressions of gratitude showered upon him. "i see," pottinger said, when the din of voices had quieted down, "that you have not informed saleh mahomed of your real character." "i thought it better not to do so. i really came from mohun lal, and if he thought i had not done so, he might have doubted whether i had any authority to make such a proposal; therefore, i thought it would be well to keep up my present character to the end." "perhaps it is best so," pottinger agreed. "these afghans are always suspicious, and a man who has several times betrayed his employers would be more suspicious than other people. i quite agree with you that it is best you should keep up your present character. i suppose mohun lal really did give you the assurance about the ransom?" "yes, general pollock told me that he would give any sum mohun lal might think it desirable to offer, and that was the figure fixed upon as being high enough to tempt saleh, and yet not excessive for such a service. besides, he thought that he might ask more, in which case i should of course have bargained with him." "it is a sum that would tempt any afghan chief," pottinger said, "and to a mere military adventurer like saleh would appear prodigious. well, we will hear of your adventures afterwards. he may return at any moment, and it might put him out of humour if he found that we were not ready. not, indeed, that there is much to do. even the ladies will be able to pack up their scanty belongings in a few minutes. there would, in fact, be nothing at all to pack had it not been for the things they bought of you. the next room is all in confusion, for every one of them is hard at work making clothes for the children." it was half an hour before saleh mahomed returned. "all is well," he said; "the men did not hesitate for a moment. they are delighted at the prospect of returning to cabul, and declare they will fight till the last if they are attacked. i set them to work at once to clear out the largest of the forts here. the chief, when i told him what it was required for, refused his consent, so i at once turned him out, and have appointed another favourable to us in his place. we will move there at once." the news infused fresh strength into the ladies, several of whom were suffering from sickness, and all from long-continued anxiety and the hardships of the journey; they were able to proceed on foot to the fort. hassan was the first to come in with ten followers to give in his adherence to the new order of things. many others followed the example; and as angus was able to supply money, strong parties were soon at work throwing up entrenchments round the tower. pottinger, convinced that audacity was the best policy, at once issued a proclamation calling upon the people of the town and the chiefs of all the surrounding villages to come in at once and pay their respects, and it was not long before they began to arrive. the next day still larger numbers were set to work, and by evening the earthworks were so advanced that they were in a position to offer a very strong resistance. late that evening a friendly chief brought in the news that general pollock was within a day's march of cabul, that all resistance had ceased, and that akbar had fled no one knew whither. it was immediately decided that a start should be made for cabul on the following morning. it was evident that akbar had not retired by that route--had he done so he would have arrived before the news of his flight--and that therefore the risk of meeting any strong force on the road was very slight. they set out at eight o'clock in the morning. horses had been procured for the whole party; the officers took the children before them, the ladies rode. that night all slept on the rocks within shelter, but at midnight they were awakened by the arrival of a horseman. he brought a letter from sir richmond shakespere, general pollock's military secretary, saying that he was on the point of starting with six hundred native horse for bamian. at daybreak the party were astir again, pressing their horses eagerly, their sufferings all forgotten in the hope of speedily meeting their friends. at noon a cloud of dust was seen to rise from the road far ahead; then some straggling horsemen were made out, and behind them a body of cavalry. it was still possible that this might be a body of the enemy, and preparations were at once made for defence. the drums were beat, a line formed, and muskets loaded. soon, however, it could be made out that an officer riding at the head of the party was in british uniform, and in a few minutes shakespere rode up, followed by his men. the joy of the meeting was almost beyond words. a few days before a hopeless captivity among wild tribesmen seemed to be their certain lot; now they were among friends again. they learned from sir richmond that general sale himself was to set out at the head of a brigade to support the advanced party. the next morning they started again, and on the 20th met sale's column. that evening they passed near the camp of the candahar force, and the next day rode through cabul on their way to pollock's camp, where their arrival excited unbounded delight, for it had generally been felt that the victories that they had won would be incomplete indeed unless their fellow countrymen and women had been rescued. general pollock thanked angus publicly that evening for the service that he had rendered, and the manner in which he had carried out the perilous scheme he had volunteered to perform, and he received innumerable congratulations from all the officers with whom he had shared in the defence of jellalabad. the army remained but a few days at cabul, for the winter was at hand. it was at first proposed to destroy the bala hissar, but the idea was given up, as it was represented that no ruler of afghanistan would be able to maintain his position unless he had that fortress to rely upon. instead of this the great bazaar, through which macnaghten's body had been carried in triumph, was destroyed, and in spite of the efforts of their officers many of the troops entered the city and punished the treachery of its inhabitants by sacking a considerable portion of it. the united army then marched down the passes and retired to india. pollock's division met with no resistance whatever; that of nott, which followed it, was more than once attacked by large bands of plunderers. the report that general pollock had sent in to the governor-general on the day the captives reached the camp gave full credit to angus for the courage and devotion that he had shown, and stated that had he not succeeded in bringing saleh mahomed over to our side, the latter would probably have reached khooloom with the captives before they could have been overtaken, and in that case they might have been sent far away on the approach of sale's brigade and been lost for ever to their friends. the consequence was that he was at once appointed political officer to one of the rajput states. henceforth his promotion was rapid. six years later he went to england on three years' leave. on the ship on which he sailed were four officers of his acquaintance, some of whom were accompanied by their wives. from several of these he received the most pressing invitations to stay with them at their country houses. these he gladly accepted, for except among military men who had returned home, he was without friends. feeling at a loss for employment after a life of such activity as he had led, he threw up his leave at the end of the year, and took back with him to india a wife, the daughter of a colonel who had sailed with him from india. at the end of another ten years he returned home for good. his pay had been large. he had laid by a considerable sum before he first went home, and this he had placed in the hands of the firm to whom he had sent his money before leaving teheran for herat. it had been well employed by them, and at the age of forty he returned home with a considerable fortune, besides a pension, after twenty-three years of service. he had been reluctant to quit his work, but his wife's health had suffered from the climate. his three children had been sent home to her family, and he now bought a place near her people. at first he felt altogether out of his element, but he gradually fell into the ways of country life, and no longer regretted that his work in india had come to an end. the end. "wherever english is spoken one imagines that mr. henty's name is known. one cannot enter a schoolroom or look at a boy's bookshelf without seeing half-a-dozen of his familiar volumes. mr. henty is no doubt the most successful writer for boys, and the one to whose new volumes they look forward every christmas with most pleasure."--_review of reviews._ a list of books for young people ... by ... g.a. henty g.m. fenn s. baring-gould kirk munroe f. frankfort moore gordon stables robert leighton harry collingwood rosa mulholland alice corkran, etc. published by charles scribner's sons 153 to 157 fifth avenue new york g.a. henty's new stories for 1901-1902 "his books have at once the solidity of history and the charm of romance."--_journal of education._ with roberts to pretoria a story of the boer war. by g.a. henty. with 12 illustrations. $1.25 net. the boer war gives mr. henty an unexcelled opportunity for a thrilling story of present-day interest which the author could not fail to take advantage of. every boy reader will find this account of the adventures of the young hero most exciting, and, at the same time, a wonderfully accurate description of lord roberts's campaign to pretoria. boys have found history in the dress mr. henty gives it anything but dull, and the present book is no exception to the rule. at the point of the bayonet a story of the british conquest of india. by g.a. henty. illustrated. 12mo, $1.25 net. one hundred years ago the rule of the british in india was only partly established. the powerful mahrattas were unsubdued, and with their skill in intrigue, and great military power, they were exceedingly dangerous. the story of "at the point of the bayonet" begins with the attempt to conquer this powerful people. harry lindsay, an infant when his father and mother were killed, was saved by his mahratta ayah, who carried him to her own people, and brought him up as a native. she taught him as best she could, and, having told him his parentage, sent him to bombay to be educated. at sixteen he obtained a commission in the english army, and his knowledge of the mahratta tongue combined with his ability and bravery enabled him to render great service in the mahratta war, and carried him, through many frightful perils by land and sea, to high rank. to herat and cabul a story of the first afghan war. by g. a henty. with illustrations. 12mo. $1.25 net. the greatest defeat ever experienced by the british army was that in the mountain passes of afghanistan. angus cameron, the hero of this book, having been captured by the friendly afghans, was compelled to be a witness of the calamity. his whole story is an intensely interesting one, from his boyhood in persia; his employment under the government at herat; through the defense of that town against the persians; to cabul, where he shared in all the events which ended in the awful march through the passes, from which but one man escaped. angus is always at the point of danger, and whether in battle or in hazardous expeditions shows how much a brave youth, full of resources, can do, even with so treacherous a foe. his dangers and adventures are thrilling, and his escapes marvellous. new volumes for 1900-1901. mr. henty, the most popular writer of books of adventure in england, adds three new volumes to his list this fall--books that will delight thousands of boys on this side who have become his ardent admirers. with buller in natal or, a born leader. by g.a. henty. with 10 illustrations by w. rainey. 12mo, $1.50. the breaking out of the boer war compelled chris king, the hero of the story, to flee with his mother from johannesburg to the sea coast. they were with many other uitlanders, and all suffered much from the boers. reaching a place of safety for their families, chris and twenty of his friends formed an independent company of scouts. in this service they were with gen. yule at glencoe, then in ladysmith, then with buller. in each place they had many thrilling adventures. they were in great battles, and in lonely fights on the veldt; were taken prisoners and escaped; and they rendered most valuable service to the english forces. the story is a most interesting picture of the war in south africa. out with garibaldi a story of the liberation of italy. by g.a. henty. with 8 illustrations by w. rainey, r.i. 12mo, $1.50. garibaldi himself is the central figure of this brilliant story, and the little-known history of the struggle for italian freedom is told here in the most thrilling way. from the time the hero, a young lad, son of an english father and an italian mother, joins garibaldi's band of 1,000 men in the first descent upon sicily, which was garrisoned by one of the large neapolitan armies, until the end, when all those armies are beaten, and the two sicilys are conquered, we follow with the keenest interest the exciting adventures of the lad in scouting, in battle, and in freeing those in prison for liberty's sake. in the irish brigade by g.a. henty. 12mo, $1.50. desmond kennedy is a young irish lad who left ireland to join the irish brigade in the service of louis xiv. of france. in paris he incurred the deadly hatred of a powerful courtier from whom he had rescued a young girl who had been kidnapped, and his perils are of absorbing interest. captured in an attempted jacobite invasion of scotland, he escaped in a most extraordinary manner. as aide-de-camp to the duke of berwick he experienced thrilling adventures in flanders. transferred to the army in spain, he was nearly assassinated, but escaped to return, when peace was declared, to his native land, having received pardon and having recovered his estates. the story is filled with adventure, and the interest never abates. by g.a. henty. "surely mr. henty should understand boys' tastes better than any man living."--_the times._ won by the sword a tale of the thirty years' war. with 12 illustrations by charles m. sheldon, and 4 plans. 12mo, $1.50. the scene of this story is laid in france, during the time of richelieu, of mazarin and anne of austria. the hero, hector campbell, is the orphaned son of a scotch officer in the french army. how he attracted the notice of marshal turenne and of the prince of conde, how he rose to the rank of colonel; how he finally had to leave france, pursued by the deadly hatred of the duc de beaufort--all these and much more the story tells with the most absorbing interest. no surrender the story of the revolt in la vendã©e. with 8 illustrations by stanley l. wood. 12mo, $1.50. the revolt of la vendã©e against the french republic at the time of the revolution forms the groundwork of this absorbing story. leigh stansfield, a young english lad, is drawn into the thickest of the conflict. forming a company of boys as scouts for the vendã©an army, he greatly aids the peasants. he rescues his sister from the guillotine, and finally, after many thrilling experiences, when the cause of la vendã©e is lost, he escapes to england. a roving commission or, through the black insurrection at hayti. with 12 illustrations by william rainey. 12mo, $1.50. this is one of the most brilliant of mr. henty's books. a story of the sea, with all its life and action, it is also full of thrilling adventures on land. so it holds the keenest interest until the end. the scene is a new one to mr. henty's readers, being laid at the time of the great revolt of the blacks, by which hayti became independent. toussaint l'overture appears, and an admirable picture is given of him and of his power. at aboukir and acre a story of napoleon's invasion of egypt. with 8 full-page illustrations by william rainey, and 3 plans. 12mo, $1.50. the hero, having saved the life of the son of an arab chief, is taken into the tribe, has a part in the battle of the pyramids and the revolt at cairo. he is an eye-witness of the famous naval battle of aboukir, and later is in the hardest of the defense of acre. by g.a. henty "mr. henty is the king of story-tellers for boys."--_sword and trowel._ under wellington's command a tale of the peninsular war. with 12 illustrations by wal paget. 12mo, $1.50. the dashing hero of this book, terence o'connor, was the hero of mr. henty's previous book, "with moore at corunna," to which this is really a sequel. he is still at the head of the "minho" portuguese regiment. being detached on independent and guerilla duty with his regiment, he renders invaluable service in gaining information and in harassing the french. his command, being constantly on the edge of the army, is engaged in frequent skirmishes and some most important battles. both sides the border a tale of hotspur and glendower. with 12 full-page illustrations by ralph peacock. 12mo, $1.50. this is a brilliant story of the stirring times of the beginning of the wars of the roses, when the scotch, under douglas, and the welsh, under owen glendower, were attacking the english. the hero of the book lived near the scotch border, and saw many a hard fight there. entering the service of lord percy, he was sent to wales, where he was knighted, and where he was captured. being released, he returned home, and shared in the fatal battle of shrewsbury. st. bartholomew's eve a tale of the huguenot wars. by g.a. henty. with 12 full-page illustrations by h.j. draper, and a map. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. the hero, philip fletcher, has a french connection on his mother's side. this induces him to cross the channel in order to take a share in the huguenot wars. naturally he sides with the protestants, distinguishes himself in various battles, and receives rapid promotion for the zeal and daring with which he carries out several secret missions. redskin and cow-boy a tale of the western plains. by g.a. henty. with 12 full-page illustrations by alfred pearse. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. the central interest of this story is found in the many adventures of an english lad, who seeks employment as a cow-boy on a cattle ranch. his experiences during a "round-up" present in picturesque form the toilsome, exciting, adventurous life of a cow-boy; while the perils of a frontier settlement are vividly set forth in an indian raid. by g.a. henty "no country nor epoch of history is there which mr. henty does not know, and what is really remarkable is that he always writes well and interestingly."--_new york times._ with frederick the great a tale of the seven years' war. with 12 full-page illustrations. 12mo, $1.50. the hero of this story while still a youth entered the service of frederick the great, and by a succession of fortunate circumstances and perilous adventures, rose to the rank of colonel. attached to the staff of the king, he rendered distinguished services in many battles, in one of which he saved the king's life. twice captured and imprisoned, he both times escaped from the austrian fortresses. a march on london a story of wat tyler's rising. with 8 full-page illustrations by w.h. margetson. 12mo, $1.50. the story of wat tyler's rebellion is but little known, but the hero of this story passes through that perilous time and takes part in the civil war in flanders which followed soon after. although young he is thrown into many exciting and dangerous adventures, through which he passes with great coolness and much credit. with moore at corunna a story of the peninsular war. with 12 full-page illustrations by wal paget. 12mo, $1.50. terence o'connor is living with his widowed father, captain o'connor of the mayo fusiliers, with the regiment at the time when the peninsular war began. upon the regiment being ordered to spain, terence gets appointed as aid to one of the generals of a division. by his bravery and great usefulness throughout the war, he is rewarded by a commission as colonel in the portuguese army and there rendered great service. on the irrawaddy a story of the first burmese war. with 8 full-page illustrations by w.h. overend. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. the hero, having an uncle, a trader on the indian and burmese rivers, goes out to join him. soon after, war is declared by burmah against england and he is drawn into it. he has many experiences and narrow escapes in battles and in scouting. with half-a-dozen men he rescues his cousin who had been taken prisoner, and in the flight they are besieged in an old, ruined temple. by g.a. henty "boys like stirring adventures, and mr. henty is a master of this method of composition."--_new york times._ at agincourt a tale of the white hoods of paris. with 12 full-page illustrations by walter paget. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. the story begins in a grim feudal castle in normandie. the times were troublous, and soon the king compelled lady margaret de villeroy with her children to go to paris as hostages. guy aylmer went with her. paris was turbulent. soon the guild of the butchers, adopting white hoods as their uniform, seized the city, and besieged the house where our hero and his charges lived. after desperate fighting, the white hoods were beaten and our hero and his charges escaped from the city, and from france. with cochrane the dauntless a tale of the exploits of lord cochrane in south american waters. with 12 full-page illustrations by w.h. margetson. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. the hero of this story accompanies cochrane as midshipman, and serves in the war between chili and peru. he has many exciting adventures in battles by sea and land, is taken prisoner and condemned to death by the inquisition, but escapes by a long and thrilling flight across south america and down the amazon, piloted by two faithful indians. the tiger of mysore a story of the war with tippoo saib. with 12 full-page illustrations by w.h. margetson, and a map. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. dick holland, whose father is supposed to be a captive of tippoo saib, goes to india to help him to escape. he joins the army under lord cornwallis, and takes part in the campaign against tippoo. afterwards he assumes a disguise, enters seringapatam, and at last he discovers his father in the great stronghold of savandroog. the hazardous rescue is at length accomplished, and the young fellow's dangerous mission is done. through russian snows a story of napoleon's retreat from moscow. with 8 full-page illustrations by w.h. overend, and 3 maps. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. the hero, julian wyatt, after several adventures with smugglers, by whom he is handed over a prisoner to the french, regains his freedom and joins napoleon's army in the russian campaign. when the terrible retreat begins, julian finds himself in the rear guard of the french army, fighting desperately. ultimately he escapes out of the general disaster, and returns to england. by g.a. henty "here we have mr. george henty--the boys' own author."--_punch._ a knight of the white cross a tale of the siege of rhodes. with 12 full-page illustrations by ralph peacock, and a plan. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. gervaise tresham, the hero of this story, joins the order of the knights of st. john, and proceeds to the stronghold of rhodes. subsequently he is appointed commander of a war-galley, and in his first voyage destroys a fleet of moorish corsairs. during one of his cruises the young knight is attacked on shore, captured after a desperate struggle, and sold into slavery in tripoli. he succeeds in escaping, and returns to rhodes in time to take part in the defense of that fortress. wulf the saxon a story of the norman conquest. by g.a. henty. with 12 full-page illustrations by ralph peacock. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. the hero is a young thane who wins the favor of earl harold and becomes one of his retinue. when harold becomes king of england wulf assists in the welsh wars, and takes part against the norsemen at the battle of stamford bridge. when william of normandy invades england, wulf is with the english host at hastings, and stands by his king to the last in the mighty struggle. beric the briton a story of the roman invasion. by g.a. henty. with 12 full-page illustrations by w. parkinson. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. this story deals with the invasion of britain by the roman legionaries. beric, who is a boy-chief of a british tribe, takes a prominent part in the insurrection under boadicea; and after the defeat of that heroic queen (in a.d. 62) he continues the struggle in the fen-country. ultimately beric is defeated and carried captive to rome, where he is trained in the exercise of arms in a school of gladiators. at length he returns to britain, where he becomes ruler of his own people. when london burned a story of the plague and the fire. by g.a. henty. with 12 full-page illustrations by j. finnemore. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. the hero of this story was the son of a nobleman who had lost his estates during the troublous times of the commonwealth. during the great plague and the great fire, cyril was prominent among those who brought help to the panic-stricken inhabitants. by g.a. henty "ask for henty, and see that you get him."--_punch._ the dash for khartoum a tale of the nile expedition. by g.a. henty. with 10 full-page illustrations by john schã¶nberg and j. nash. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. in the record of recent british history there is no more captivating page for boys than the story of the nile campaign, and the attempt to rescue general gordon. for, in the difficulties which the expedition encountered, in the perils which it overpassed, and in its final tragic disappointments, are found all the excitements of romance, as well as the fascination which belongs to real events. bonnie prince charlie a tale of fontenoy and culloden. by g.a. henty. with 12 full-page illustrations by gordon browne. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. the adventures of the son of a scotch officer in french service. the boy, brought up by a glasgow bailie, is arrested for aiding a jacobite agent, escapes, is wrecked on the french coast, reaches paris, and serves with the french army at dettingen. he kills his father's foe in a duel, and escaping to the coast, shares the adventures of prince charlie, but finally settles happily in scotland. under drake's flag a tale of the spanish main. by g.a. henty. with 12 full-page illustrations by gordon browne. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. a story of the days when england and spain struggled for the supremacy of the sea. the heroes sail as lads with drake in the pacific expedition, and in his great voyage of circumnavigation. the historical portion of the story is absolutely to be relied upon, but this will perhaps be less attractive than the great variety of exciting adventure through which the young heroes pass in the course of their voyages. with wolfe in canada or, the winning of a continent. by g.a. henty. with 12 full-page illustrations by gordon browne. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. mr. henty here gives an account of the struggle between britain and france for supremacy in the north american continent. the fall of quebec decided that the anglo-saxon race should predominate in the new world; and that english and american commerce, the english language, and english literature, should spread right round the globe. by g. a henty "mr. henty is one of the best of story-tellers for young people."--_spectator._ by pike and dyke a tale of the rise of the dutch republic. by g.a. henty. with 10 full-page illustrations by maynard brown, and 4 maps. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. this story traces the adventures of an english boy in the household of william the silent. edward martin, the son of an english sea-captain, enters the service of the prince as a volunteer, and is employed by him in many dangerous and responsible missions, in the discharge of which he passes through the great sieges of the time. by england's aid or, the freeing of the netherlands (1585-1604). by g.a. henty. with 10 full-page illustrations by alfred pearse, and 4 maps. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. the story of two english lads who go to holland as pages in the service of one of "the fighting veres." after many adventures by sea and land, one of the lads finds himself on board a spanish ship at the time of the defeat of the armada, and escapes, only to fall into the hands of the corsairs. he is successful in getting back to spain, and regains his native country after the capture of cadiz. in the heart of the rockies a story of adventure in colorado. by g.a. henty. with 8 full-page illustrations by g.c. hindley. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. the hero, tom wade, goes to seek his uncle in colorado, who is a hunter and gold-digger, and he is discovered, after many dangers, out on the plains with some comrades. going in quest of a gold mine, the little band is spied by indians, chased across the bad lands, and overwhelmed by a snow-storm in the mountains. by right of conquest or, with cortez in mexico. by g.a. henty. with 10 full-page illustrations by w.s. stacey, and 2 maps. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. with the conquest of mexico as the groundwork of his story, mr. henty has interwoven the adventures of an english youth. he is beset by many perils among the natives, but by a ruse he obtains the protection of the spaniards, and after the fall of mexico he succeeds in regaining his native shore, with a fortune and a charming aztec bride. through the sikh war a tale of the conquest of the punjaub. by g.a. henty. with 12 full-page illustrations by hal hurst, and a map. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. percy groves, a spirited english lad, joins his uncle in the punjaub, where the natives are in a state of revolt. percy joins the british force as a volunteer, and takes a distinguished share in the famous battles of the punjaub. by g.a. henty "no living writer of books for boys writes to better purpose than mr. g.a. henty."--_philadelphia press._ true to the old flag a tale of the american war of independence. by g.a. henty. with 12 full-page illustrations by gordon browne. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. a graphic and vigorous story of the american revolution, which paints the scenes with great power, and does full justice to the pluck and determination of the soldiers during the unfortunate struggle. the lion of st. mark a tale of venice in the fourteenth century. by g.a. henty. with 10 full-page illustrations by gordon browne. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. a story of venice at a period when her strength and splendor were put to the severest tests. the hero displays a fine sense and manliness which carry him safely through an atmosphere of intrigue, crime, and bloodshed. the lion of the north a tale of gustavus adolphus and the wars of religion. by g.a. henty. with 12 full-page illustrations by john schã¶nberg. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. in this story mr. henty gives the history of the first part of the thirty years' war. the issue had its importance, which has extended to the present day, as it established religious freedom in germany. the army of the chivalrous king of sweden was largely composed of scotchmen, and among these was the hero of the story. in greek waters a story of the grecian war of independence (1821-1827). by g.a. henty. with 12 full-page illustrations by w.s. stacey, and a map. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. deals with the revolt of the greeks in 1821 against turkish oppression. mr. beveridge and his son horace fit out a privateer, load it with military stores, and set sail for greece. they rescue the christians, relieve the captive greeks, and fight the turkish war vessels. with lee in virginia a story of the american civil war. by g.a. henty. with 10 full-page illustrations by gordon browne, and 6 maps. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. the story of a young virginia planter, who serves under lee and jackson through the most exciting events of the struggle. he has many hairbreadth escapes, is several times wounded and twice taken prisoner; but his courage and readiness bring him safely through all difficulties. by g.a. henty "mr. henty's books never fail to interest boy readers."--_academy._ with clive in india or, the beginnings of an empire. by g.a. henty. with 12 full-page illustrations by gordon browne, and a map. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. the period between the landing of clive in india and the close of his career was eventful in the extreme. at its commencement the english were traders existing on sufferance of the native princes; at its close they were masters of bengal and of the greater part of southern india. the author has given a full account of the events of that stirring time, while he combines with his narrative a thrilling tale of daring and adventure. the young carthaginian a story of the times of hannibal. by g.a. henty. with 12 full-page illustrations by c.j. staniland, r.i. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. there is no better field for romance-writers in the whole of history than the momentous struggle between the romans and carthaginians for the empire of the world. mr. henty has had the full advantage of much unexhausted picturesque and impressive material, and has thus been enabled to form a striking historic background to as exciting a story of adventure as the keenest appetite could wish. for the temple a tale of the fall of jerusalem. by g.a. henty. with 10 full-page illustrations by s.j. solomon, and a colored map. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. mr. henty here weaves into the record of josephus an admirable and attractive story. the troubles in the district of tiberias, the march of the legions, the sieges of jotapata, of gamala, and of jerusalem, form the impressive setting to the figure of the lad who becomes the leader of a guerrilla band of patriots, fights bravely for the temple, and after a brief term of slavery at alexandria, returns to his galilean home. through the fray a story of the luddite riots. by g.a. henty. with 12 full-page illustrations by h.m. paget. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. the story is laid in yorkshire at the commencement of the present century, when the high price of food induced by the war and the introduction of machinery drove the working-classes to desperation, and caused them to band themselves in that wide-spread organization known as the luddite society. there is an abundance of adventure in the tale, but its chief interest lies in the character of the hero, and the manner in which he is put on trial for his life, but at last comes victorious "through the fray." by g.a. henty "the brightest of all the living writers whose office it is to enchant the boys."--_christian leader._ captain bayley's heir a tale of the gold fields of california. by g.a. henty. with 12 full-page illustrations by h.m. paget. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. a frank, manly lad and his cousin are rivals in the heirship of a considerable property. the former falls into a trap laid by the latter, and while under a false accusation of theft foolishly leaves england for america. he works his passage before the mast, joins a small band of hunters, crosses a tract of country infested with indians to the californian gold diggings, and is successful both as digger and trader. in freedom's cause a story of wallace and bruce. by g.a. henty. with 12 full-page illustrations by gordon browne. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. relates the stirring tale of the scottish war of independence. the hero of the tale fought under both wallace and bruce, and while the strictest historical accuracy has been maintained with respect to public events, the work is full of "hairbreadth 'scapes" and wild adventure. a jacobite exile being the adventures of a young englishman in the service of charles xii. of sweden. by g.a. henty. with 8 full-page illustrations by paul hardy, and a map. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. sir marmaduke carstairs, a jacobite, is the victim of a conspiracy, and he is denounced as a plotter against the life of king william. he flies to sweden, accompanied by his son charlie. this youth joins the foreign legion under charles xii., and takes a distinguished part in several famous campaigns against the russians and poles. condemned as a nihilist a story of escape from siberia. by g.a. henty. with 8 full-page illustrations. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. the hero of this story is an english boy resident in st. petersburg. through two student friends he becomes innocently involved in various political plots, resulting in his seizure by the russian police and his exile to siberia. he ultimately escapes, and, after many exciting adventures, he reaches norway, and thence home, after a perilous journey which lasts nearly two years. by g.a. henty "mr. henty is one of our most successful writers of historical tales."--_scotsman._ in the reign of terror the adventures of a westminster boy. by g.a. henty. with 8 full-page illustrations by j. schã¶nberg. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. harry sandwith, a westminster boy, becomes a resident at the chateau of a french marquis, and after various adventures accompanies the family to paris at the crisis of the revolution. imprisonment and death reduce their number, and the hero finds himself beset by perils with the three young daughters of the house in his charge. after hairbreadth escapes they reach nantes. there the girls are condemned to death in the coffinships, but are saved by the unfailing courage of their boy-protector. st. george for england a tale of cressy and poitiers. by g.a. henty. with 8 full-page illustrations by gordon browne. crown 8vo, $1.50. no portion of english history is more crowded with great events than that of the reign of edward iii. cressy and poitiers; the destruction of the spanish fleet; the plague of the black death; the jacquerie rising; these are treated by the author in "st. george for england." the hero of the story, although of good family, begins life as a london apprentice, but after countless adventures and perils becomes by valor and good conduct the squire, and at last the trusted friend of the black prince. a chapter of adventures or, through the bombardment of alexandria. by g.a. henty. with 6 full-page illustrations by w.h. overend. crown 8vo, $1.25. a coast fishing lad, by an act of heroism, secures the interest of a ship-owner, who places him as an apprentice on board one of his ships. in company with two of his fellow-apprentices he is left behind, at alexandria, in the hands of the revolted egyptian troops, and is present through the bombardment and the scenes of riot and bloodshed which accompanied it. held fast for england a tale of the siege of gibraltar. by g.a. henty. with 8 full-page illustrations by gordon browne. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. this story deals with one of the most memorable sieges in history--the siege of gibraltar in 1779-83 by the united forces of france and spain. with land forces, fleets, and floating batteries, the combined resources of two great nations, this grim fortress was vainly besieged and bombarded. the hero of the tale, an english lad resident in gibraltar, takes a brave and worthy part in the long defence, and it is through his varied experiences that we learn with what bravery, resource, and tenacity the rock was held for england. by g.a. henty "among writers of stories of adventures for boys mr. henty stands in the very first rank."--_academy._ for name and fame or, through afghan passes. by g.a. henty. with 8 full-page illustrations by gordon browne. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. an interesting story of the last war in afghanistan. the hero, after being wrecked and going through many stirring adventures among the malays, finds his way to calcutta and enlists in a regiment proceeding to join the army at the afghan passes. he accompanies the force under general roberts to the peiwar kotal, is wounded, taken prisoner, carried to cabul, whence he is transferred to candahar, and takes part in the final defeat of the army of ayoub khan. orange and green a tale of the boyne and limerick. by g.a. henty. with 8 full-page illustrations by gordon browne. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. the record of two typical families--the davenants, who, having come over with strongbow, had allied themselves in feeling to the original inhabitants; and the whitefoots, who had been placed by cromwell over certain domains of the davenants. in the children the spirit of contention has given place to friendship, and though they take opposite sides in the struggle between james and william, their good-will and mutual service are never interrupted, and in the end the davenants come happily to their own again. maori and settler a story of the new zealand war. by g.a. henty. with 8 full-page illustrations by alfred pearce. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. the renshaws emigrate to new zealand during the period of the war with the natives. wilfrid, a strong, self-reliant, courageous lad, is the mainstay of the household. he has for his friend mr. atherton, a botanist and naturalist of herculean strength and unfailing nerve and humor. in the adventures among the maoris, there are many breathless moments in which the odds seem hopelessly against the party, but they succeed in establishing themselves happily in one of the pleasant new zealand valleys. a final reckoning a tale of bush life in australia. by g.a. henty. with 8 full-page illustrations by w.b. wollen. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. the hero, a young english lad, after rather a stormy boyhood, emigrates to australia and gets employment as an officer in the mounted police. a few years of active work on the frontier, where he has many a brush with both natives and bush-rangers, gain him promotion to a captaincy, and he eventually settles down to the peaceful life of a squatter. by g.a. henty "mr. henty's books are welcome visitors in the home circle."--_daily news._ the bravest of the brave or, with peterborough in spain. by g.a. henty. with 8 full-page illustrations by h.m. paget. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. there are few great leaders whose lives and actions have so completely fallen into oblivion as those of the earl of peterborough. this is largely due to the fact that they were overshadowed by the glory and successes of marlborough. his career as general extended over little more than a year, and yet, in that time, he showed a genius for warfare which has never been surpassed. the dragon and the raven or, the days of king alfred. by g.a. henty. with 8 full-page illustrations by c.j. staniland, r.i. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. in this story the author gives an account of the fierce struggle between saxon and dane for supremacy in england, and presents a vivid picture of the misery and ruin to which the country was reduced by the ravages of the sea-wolves. the hero, a young saxon thane, takes part in all the battles fought by king alfred. he is driven from his home, takes to the sea, and resists the danes on their own element, and being pursued by them up the seine, is present at the long and desperate siege of paris. facing death or, the hero of the vaughan pit. a tale of the coal mines. by g.a. henty. with 8 full-page illustrations by gordon browne. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. "facing death" is a story with a purpose. it is intended to show that a lad who makes up his mind firmly and resolutely that he will rise in life, and who is prepared to face toil and ridicule and hardship to carry out his determination, is sure to succeed. the hero of the story is a typical british boy, dogged, earnest, generous, and though "shamefaced" to a degree, is ready to face death in the discharge of duty. by sheer pluck a tale of the ashanti war. by g.a. henty. with 8 full-page illustrations by gordon browne. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. the author has woven, in a tale of thrilling interest, all the details of the ashanti campaign, of which he was himself a witness. his hero, after many exciting adventures in the interior, is detained a prisoner by the king just before the outbreak of the war, but escapes, and accompanies the english expedition on their march to coomassie. by g.a. henty "mr. henty might with entire propriety be called the boys' sir walter scott."--_philadelphia press._ the cat of bubastes a story of ancient egypt. by g.a. henty. with 8 full-page illustrations. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. a story which will give young readers an unsurpassed insight into the customs of the egyptian people. amuba, a prince of the rebu nation, is carried with his charioteer jethro into slavery. they become inmates of the house of ameres, the egyptian high-priest, and are happy in his service until the priest's son accidentally kills the sacred cat of bubastes. in an outburst of popular fury ameres is killed, and it rests with jethro and amuba to secure the escape of the high-priest's son and daughter. one of the 28th a tale of waterloo. by g.a. henty. with 8 full-page illustrations by w.h. overend, and 2 maps. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. the hero of this story, ralph conway, has many varied and exciting adventures. he enters the army, and after some rough service in ireland takes part in the waterloo campaign, from which he returns with the loss of an arm, but with a substantial fortune. sturdy and strong or, how george andrews made his way. by g.a. henty. with 4 full-page illustrations. crown 8vo, $1.00. the history of a hero of everyday life, whose love of truth, clothing of modesty, and innate pluck, carry him, naturally, from poverty to affluence. george andrews is an example of character with nothing to cavil at, and stands as a good instance of chivalry in domestic life. tales of daring and danger by g.a. henty. with 2 full-page illustrations. crown 8vo, 75 cents. containing five stories, varied in scene and character, but all of adventurous interest and telling of youthful heroism under dangerous and trying circumstances on land and on sea. yarns on the beach by g.a. henty. with 2 full-page illustrations. crown 8vo, 75 cents. this book should find special favor among boys. the yarns are spun by old sailors, and are admirably calculated to foster a manly spirit. droll doings illustrated by harry b. neilson, with verses by the cockiolly bird. 4to, decorated boards. $2.00. a new, original, and very amusing book of animal pictures in color. by carton moore park a book of birds profusely illustrated with full-page plates, vignettes, cover design, &c., &c. demy 4to (13 inches by 10 inches). $2.00. no artist has caught more thoroughly the individualities of the bird world, or has reproduced them with more lifelike vivacity and charm. an alphabet of animals with 26 full-page plates, a large number of vignettes, and cover design by carton moore park. demy 4to (13 inches by 10 inches), $2.00. a strikingly artistic alphabet book. mr. park's drawings are marked by extraordinary boldness and vigor of treatment; but they display in addition a rare appreciation of the subtler characteristics of the animal world. of these individual traits mr. park has an intuitive perception, and his pictures may almost be said to live upon the page. bright and original fairy tales the princess of hearts by sheila e. braine. with 70 illustrations by alice b. woodward, and frontispiece in colors. square 8vo, gilt edges, $2.00. go tell the king the sky is falling by sheila e. braine. with 85 illustrations by alice b. woodward. square crown 8vo, $1.75. the little browns by mabel e. wolton. with 80 illustrations by h.m. brock, and a colored frontispiece. square 8vo, gilt edges, $2.00. the little browns are a delightful set of youngsters, more than usually individual and self-reliant. during their parents' absence they extend hospitality to a stranger, under the belief that he is their uncle from australia. the supposed uncle is really a burglar, and by their courage and childish resource they outwit him. _the little browns_ is the work of a true child-lover. by professor a.j. church lords of the world a story of the fall of carthage and corinth. by professor a.j. church. with 12 full-page illustrations by ralph peacock. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. the scene of this story centres in the destruction of carthage by the romans. the young hero is captured by the romans, but wearing the dress of his twin sister, escapes death. entering the army of carthage he is in the thick of the long conflict and passes through many thrilling adventures. he is present at the final scene, and that awful catastrophe is most vividly told. the story is full of valuable historical details and the interest never flags. two thousand years ago or, the adventures of a roman boy. by professor a.j. church. with 12 full-page illustrations by adrien marie. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. the hero is a young roman who has a very chequered career, being now a captive in the hands of spartacus, again an officer on board a vessel detailed for the suppression of the pirates, and anon a captive once more, on a pirate ship. by s. baring-gould grettir the outlaw a story of iceland. by s. baring-gould. with 10 full-page illustrations by m. zeno diemer, and a colored map. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. no boy will be able to withstand the magic of such scenes as the fight of grettir with twelve bearserks, and the wrestle with karr the old in the chamber of the dead. by f. frankfort moore highways and high seas cyril harley's adventures on both. by f. frankfort moore. with 8 full-page illustrations by alfred pearse. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. the story belongs to a period when highways meant post-chaises, coaches, and highwaymen, and when high seas meant privateers and smugglers. under hatches or, ned woodthorpe's adventures. by f. frankfort moore. with 8 full-page illustrations by a. forestier. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. in rescuing another lad from drowning, ned woodthorpe is taken on board a convict ship. after a series of exciting events the convicts and crew obtain the mastery. ultimately the ship is recaptured and ned and his friends escape from their troubles. capt. f.s. brereton with rifle and bayonet a story of the boer war. with 8 illustrations by wal. paget. crown 8vo, olivine edges. $1.50. jack somerten, the hero of _with rifle and bayonet_, is an english boy who chances to be spending a vacation at the home of a school friend in the transvaal just before the outbreak of the boer war. jack is the first uitlander to find actual evidence that the boers are importing arms and ammunition in large quantities, but the boers soon learn that he has discovered their secret and from that time his life is in constant danger. the account of his adventures and escapes during this time and throughout the war makes one of the best war tales of many years. the story gives also the most interesting details of transvaal history, who the boers were, how they came to settle the transvaal, and the government and customs that have arisen among them. in the king's service a tale of cromwell's invasion of ireland. with eight page illustrations by stanley l. wood. crown 8vo, olivine edges. $1.50. dick granville is the son of a royalist who is driven from his home in cheshire and takes refuge at castle driscoe, in ireland. when the parliamentary army crosses to ireland young dick granville and his cousin join a body of royalist horse. they take part in the defense of drogheda, only escaping from the slaughter there by a miracle, and afterwards go through a series of thrilling adventures and narrow escapes in which dick displays extraordinary skill and resource. with shield and assegai a tale of the zulu war. with 6 illustrations by stanley l. wood. crown 8vo. $1.25. donald stewart, the son of an english missionary in zululand, when at school in england, is wrongfully accused of theft. he runs away, enlists in the british army, and is sent to africa. there he learns that his sister and a friend are in the hands of cetewayo. disguised as a zulu, he rescues the two girls; and after the attack upon ulundi, he hears from a dying officer a confession of the theft of which he was accused. fighting the matabele by j. chalmers. with 6 illustrations by stanley l. wood. 12mo. $1.25. a stout english bowman being a story of chivalry in the days of henry iii. by edgar pickering. with 6 illustrations. price, $1.25. in press-gang days by edgar pickering. with 6 full page illustrations by w. s. stacey. crown 8vo. $1.25. by robert leighton "mr. leighton's place is in the front rank of writers of boys' books."--_standard._ the golden galleon illustrated, crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. this is a story of queen elizabeth's time, just after the defeat of the spanish armada. mr. leighton introduces in his work the great sea-fighters of plymouth town--hawkins, drake, raleigh, and richard grenville. olaf the glorious by robert leighton. with 8 full-page illustrations by ralph peacock. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. this story of olaf, king of norway, opens with his being found living as a bond-slave in esthonia, and follows him through his romantic youth in russia. then come his adventures as a viking, his raids upon the coasts of scotland and england, and his conversion to christianity. he returns to norway as king, and converts his people to the christian faith. wreck of "the golden fleece" the story of a north sea fisher-boy. by robert leighton. with 8 full-page illustrations by frank brangwyn. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. the hero is a parson's son who is apprenticed on board a lowestoft fishing lugger. the lad suffers many buffets from his shipmates, while the storms and dangers which he braved are set forth with intense power. the thirsty sword a story of the norse invasion of scotland (1262-63). by robert leighton. with 8 full-page illustrations by alfred pearse, and a map. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. this story tells how roderic macalpin, the sea-rover, came to the isle of bute; how he slew his brother in rothesay castle; how the earl's eldest son was likewise slain; how young kenric now became king of bute, and vowed vengeance against the slayer of his brother and father; and finally, how this vow was kept, when kenric and the murderous sea-rover met at midnight and ended their feud in one last great fight. the pilots of pomona a story of the orkney islands. by robert leighton. with 8 full-page illustrations by john leighton, and a map. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. halcro ericson, the hero, happens upon many exciting adventures and hardy experiences, through which he carries himself with quiet courage. the story gives a vivid presentation of life in these far northern islands. by kirk munroe midshipman stuart or, the last cruise of the essex. a tale of the war of 1812. illustrated. 12mo, $1.25 in pirate waters a tale of the american navy. illustrated by i.w. taber. 12mo, $1.25. the hero of the story becomes a midshipman in the navy just at the time of the war with tripoli. his own wild adventures among the turks and his love romance are thoroughly interwoven with the stirring history of that time. the "white conquerors" series with crockett and bowie or, fighting for the lone star flag. a tale of texas. with 8 full-page illustrations by victor pã©rard. crown 8vo, $1.25. the story is of the texas revolution in 1835, when american texans under sam houston, bowie, crockett and travis, fought for relief from the intolerable tyranny of the mexican santa aã±a. the hero, rex hardin, son of a texan ranchman and graduate of an american military school, takes a prominent part in the heroic defense of the alamo, and the final triumph at san jacinto. through swamp and glade a tale of the seminole war. by kirk munroe. with 8 full-page illustrations by v. pã©rard. crown 8vo, $1.25. coacoochee, the hero of the story, is the son of philip the chieftain of the seminoles. he grows up to lead his tribe in the long struggle which resulted in the indians being driven from the north of florida down to the distant southern wilderness. at war with pontiac or, the totem of the bear. a tale of redcoat and redskin. by kirk munroe. with 8 full-page illustrations by j. finnemore. crown 8vo, $1.25. a story when the shores of lake erie were held by hostile indians. the hero, donald hester, goes in search of his sister edith, who has been captured by the indians. strange and terrible are his experiences; for he is wounded, taken prisoner, condemned to be burned, but contrives to escape. in the end all things terminate happily. the white conquerors a tale of toltec and aztec. by kirk munroe. with 8 full-page illustrations. crown 8vo, $1.25. this story deals with the conquest of mexico by cortes and his spaniards, the "white conquerors," who, after many deeds of valor, pushed their way into the great aztec kingdom and established their power in the wondrous city where montezuma reigned in splendor. by dr. gordon stables courage true heart a brilliant new story of danger and daring on the sea. by gordon stables, m.d., c.m. illustrated, crown 8vo, $1.25. a naval cadet a story of adventure by sea. by gordon stables, m.d., c.m. illustrated, crown 8vo, $1.25. for life and liberty a story of battle by land and sea by gordon stables, m.d., c.m. with 8 full-page illustrations by sidney paget. 12mo, $1.50. the story of an english boy who runs from home and joins the southern army in the late civil war. his chum enters the navy, and their various adventures are set forth with great vigor and interest. to greenland and the pole a story of adventure in the arctic regions. by gordon stables, m.d., c.m. with 8 full-page illustrations by g.c. hindley, and a map. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. the author is himself an old arctic voyager, and he deals with deer-hunting in norway, sealing in the arctic seas, bear-stalking on the ice-floes, the hardships of a journey across greenland, and a successful voyage to the back of the north pole. westward with columbus by gordon stables, m.d., c.m. with 8 full-page illustrations by alfred pearse. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. the hero of this story is columbus himself. his career is traced from boyhood onward through the many hazardous enterprises in which he was at various times engaged. the narrative deals chiefly, however, with the great naval venture which resulted in the discovery of the american continent. 'twixt school and college a tale of self-reliance. by gordon stables, m.d., c.m. with 8 full-page illustrations by w. parkinson. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. by harry collingwood the log of a privateersman by harry collingwood. with 12 full-page illustrations by w. rainey, r.i. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. in the war between napoleon and the british, many privateers were sent out from england to seize and destroy the french merchant vessels. on one of these george bowen went as second mate. long distance duels at sea, fights at close quarters, fierce boarding attacks, capture and recapture, flight and pursuit, storm and wreck, fire at sea and days without food or water in a small boat on the ocean, are some of the many thrilling experiences our hero passed through. the log of "the flying fish." a story of aerial and submarine peril and adventure. by harry collingwood. with 12 full-page illustrations by gordon browne. crown 8vo, $1.00. in this story the aim of the author has been, not only to interest and amuse, but also to stimulate a taste for scientific study. the missing merchantman. by harry collingwood. with 6 full-page pictures by w. h. overend. crown 8vo, $1.00. a fine australian clipper is seized by the crew; the passengers are landed on one deserted island, the captain and a junior officer on another; and the young hero of the story is kept on board to navigate the ship, which the mutineers refit as a private vessel. after many adventures ned succeeded in carrying off the ship, and in picking up the captain and the passengers. the congo rovers a tale of the slave squadron. by harry collingwood. with 8 full-page illustrations by j. schã¶nberg. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. the scene of this thrilling tale is laid on the west coast of africa among the slavers. the rover's secret a tale of the pirate cays and lagoons of cuba. by harry collingwood. with 6 full-page illustrations by w.c. symons. crown 8vo, $1.00. the hero of "the rover's secret," a young officer of the british navy, narrates his peculiar experiences in childhood and his subsequent perils and achievements. the pirate island a story of the south pacific. by harry collingwood. illustrated by 8 full-page pictures by c.j. staniland and j.r. wells. olivine edges. crown 8vo, $1.50. this story details the adventures of a lad who was found in his infancy on board a wreck, and is adopted by a fisherman. going to sea, he forms one of a party who, after being burned out of their ship, are picked up by a pirate brig and taken to the "pirate island," where they have many thrilling adventures. by george manville fenn "mr. fenn is in the front rank of writers for boys."--_liverpool mercury._ dick o' the fens a romance of the great east swamp. with 12 full-page illustrations by frank dadd. crown 8vo, $1.50. brownsmith's boy with 6 page illustrations. crown 8vo, $1.00. yussuf the guide being the strange story of travels in asia minor. with 8 full page illustrations. crown 8vo, $1.00. the golden magnet a tale of the land of the incas. with 12 full-page pictures by gordon browne. crown 8vo, $1.50. nat the naturalist a boy's adventures in the eastern seas. illustrated by 8 full-page pictures by george browne. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. quicksilver or, a boy with no skid to his wheel. with 10 full-page illustrations by frank dadd. crown 8vo, $1.25. devon boys a tale of the north shore. with 12 full-page illustrations by gordon browne. crown 8vo, $1.50. mother carey's chicken her voyage to the unknown isle. with 8 full-page illustrations. crown 8vo, $1.00. bunyip land the story of a wild journey in new guinea. with 6 full-page illustrations by gordon browne. crown 8vo, $1.25. in the king's name or, the cruise of the _kestrel_. illustrated by 12 full-page pictures by gordon browne. crown 8vo, $1.50. menhardoc a story of cornish nets and mines. with 6 full-page illustrations by c.j. staniland. crown 8vo, $1.00. patience wins or, war in the works. with 6 full-page illustrations. crown 8vo. $1.00. stories of adventure by sea and land paris at bay a story of the siege and the commune. by herbert hayens. with 8 full-page illustrations by stanley l. wood. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. the turkish automaton a tale of the time of catharine the great of russia. by sheila e. braine. with 6 full-page illustrations by william rainey, r.i. crown 8vo, $1.25. a mystery of the pacific by oliphant smeaton. with 8 illustrations by wal paget. 12mo, olivine edges, $1.50. gold, gold, in cariboo a story of adventure in british columbia. by clive phillipps-wolley. with 6 full-page illustrations by g.c. hindley. crown 8vo, $1.25. his first kangaroo an australian story for boys. by arthur ferres. with 6 illustrations by p.b.s. spener. crown 8vo, $1.25. sou'wester and sword by hugh st. leger. with 6 full-page illustrations by hal hurst. crown 8vo, $1.50. with the sea kings a story of the days of lord nelson. by f.h. winder. with 6 full-page illustrations by w.s. stacey. crown 8vo, $1.50. the wigwam and the war-path stories of the red indians. by ascott r. hope. illustrated by gordon browne. crown 8vo, $1.00. "mr. hope's 'wigwam and war-path' is notably good; it gives a very vivid picture of life among the indians."--_spectator._ the seven wise scholars by ascott r. hope. illustrated by gordon browne. square 8vo, $1.50. young travellers' tales by ascott r. hope. with 6 full-page illustrations by h.j. draper. crown 8vo, $1.25. wulfric the weapon thane the story of the danish conquest of east anglia. by charles w. whistler. with 6 illustrations by w.h. margetson. crown 8vo, $1.25. a tale in which is set forth:--how wulfric saved the danish warrior's life; how he fought in the viking ship; how he was accused falsely; how he joined king eadmund, as his weapon-thane; how he fought for the king; and how he won the lady osritha and brought her to his home. tommy the adventurous the story of a brother and sister. by s.e. cartwright. with 3 illustrations. crown 8vo, $1.00. silas verney a tale of the time of charles ii. by edgar pickering. with 6 full-page illustrations by alfred pearse. crown 8vo, $1.25. an ocean outlaw a story of adventure in the good ship _margaret_. by hugh st. leger. with 6 page illustrations by wm. rainey, r.i. crown 8vo, $1.25. this is a breezy sea-yarn in which the reader is made acquainted with jimmy ducks, a tiptop sailor-man and a hero at cutlass work; and all his cleverness was needed when he and his messmates came to tackle the ocean outlaw. the loss of john humble what led to it, and what came of it. by g. norway. with 8 full-page illustrations by john schã¶nberg. crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.50. hal hungerford or, the strange adventures of a boy emigrant. by j.r. hutchinson. with 4 full-page illustrations by stanley berkeley. crown 8vo, $1.25. "there is no question whatever as to the spirited manner in which the story is told; the death of the mate of the smuggler by the teeth of the dog is especially effective."--_london spectator._ sir walter's ward a tale of the crusades. by william everard. illustrated by walter paget. crown 8vo, $1.25. "a highly fascinating work, dealing with a period which is always suggestive of romance and deeds of daring."--_schoolmaster._ hugh herbert's inheritance by caroline austin. with 6 full-page illustrations by c.t. garland. crown 8vo, $1.25. "a story that teaches patience as well as courage in fighting the battles of life."--_daily chronicle._ jones the mysterious by charles edwardes. with 3 illustrations by harold copping. 12mo, 75 cts. a bright story of english schoolboy life, with mysterious happenings to the hero, who has a secret and weird "power," bestowed upon him by his east indian bearer. the history of gutta-percha willie the working genius. by george macdonald. with 8 illustrations by arthur hughes. new edition. 12mo, 75 cts. "hallowe'en" ahoy! or, lost on the crozet islands. by hugh st. leger. with 6 page illustrations. crown 8vo, $1.50. the search for the talisman a tale of labrador. by henry frith. illustrated. crown 8vo, $1.25. famous discoveries by sea and land illustrated. crown 8vo, $1.00. from the clyde to the jordan by hugh callan. with 30 illustrations and a map. crown 8vo, $1.50. jack o'lanthorn a tale of adventure. by henry frith. illustrated. crown 8vo, $1.00. tales of captivity and exile by w.b. fortescue. illustrated. crown 8vo, $1.00. historical stories a thane of wessex being a story of the great viking raids into somerset. by charles w. whistler. illustrated. crown 8vo, $1.25. a prisoner of war a story of the time of napoleon bonaparte. by g. norway. with 6 full-page illustrations by robert barnes, a.r.w.s. crown 8vo, $1.25. some books for girls the reign of the princess naska by amelia hutchison stirling. with 55 illustrations by paul hardy. 12mo, $1.00. the whispering winds and the tales that they told. by mary h. debenham. with 25 illustrations by paul hardy. crown 8vo, $1.00. "we wish the winds would tell us stories like these."--_london academy._ things will take a turn by beatrice harraden, author of "ships that pass in the night." illustrated. 12mo, $1.00. it is the story of a sunny-hearted child, rosebud, who assists her grandfather in his dusty, second-hand bookshop. naughty miss bunny her tricks and troubles. by clara mulholland. illustrated. crown 8vo, 75 cents. "this naughty child is positively delightful."--_land and water._ unlucky a fragment of a girl's life. by caroline austin. illustrated. crown 8vo, 75 cents. a touching story of an unlucky girl at odds with her stepmother. laugh and learn the easiest book of nursery lessons and nursery games. by jennett humphreys. charmingly illustrated. square 8vo, $1.25. "one of the best books of the kind imaginable, full of practical teaching in word and picture, and helping the little ones pleasantly along a right royal road to learning."--_graphic._ adventures in toyland by edith king hall. with 8 colored plates and 72 other illustrations by alice b. woodward. square 8vo, $2.00. the story of what a little girl heard and saw in a toy shop. some books for girls. a newnham friendship by alice stronach. with 6 illustrations by harold copping. crown 8vo. $1.25. in _a newmham friendship_ we have a description of life at newnham college. carol martin, a third-year student, befriends a "fresher," elspeth macleod, a shy, sensitive highland girl, who has worked her way from a board school to college. the enmity of a fellow-student and a mystery about some parodies cloud elspeth's happiness for a time. but the clouds clear. men students play their part in the story, and the closing chapters describe the work of some of the girls as "social settlers" in the east of london. three fair maids or, the burkes of derrymore. by katharine tynan. with 12 illustrations by g.d. hammond. crown 8vo, olivine edges. $1.50. a story of irish country life. the three fair maids are the daughters of an impoverished irish lady. their father had been disinherited by his uncle for marrying against his wish. sir jasper's disinheritance obliged them to give up their great house, derrymore, but the family is ultimately reconciled with uncle peter, who makes elizabeth his heiress. queen charlotte's maidens by sarah tytler, author of "girl neighbors." with 3 illustrations by paul hardy. 12mo. 75 cts. girl neighbors or, the old fashion and the new. by sarah tytler. with 8 full-page illustrations by c.t. garland. crown 8vo. $1.00. "_girl neighbors_ is a pleasant comedy, not so much of errors as of prejudices got rid of, very healthy, very agreeable, and very well written."--_london spectator._ the heiress of courtleroy by anne beale. with 8 page illustrations by t.c.h. castle. crown 8vo, cloth; elegant, olivine edges. $1.50. "miss anne beale relates how the young 'heiress of courtleroy' had such good influence over her uncle as to win him from his intensely selfish ways in regard to his tenants and others."--_london guardian._ some books for girls the lady isobel a story for girls. by eliza f. pollard. with 4 illustrations by w. fulton brown. 12mo, $1.00. a tale of the scottish covenanters. a girl of to-day by ellinor davenport adams. with 6 page illustrations by gertrude demain hammond, r.i. crown 8vo, $1.25. the boys and girls of woodend band themselves together, and that they have plenty of fun is seen in the shopping expedition to purchase stores for their society, and in the successful christmas entertainment. max brenton's fight with joe baker, the bully, shows that their work has its serious side as well. a dreadful mistake by geraldine mockler. with 4 page illustrations by william rainey, r.i. crown 8vo, $1.25. the mistake occurs at the very beginning of the book, gradually rights itself during the course of the story, and at the end is found to be the very best thing that could have happened. a very amusing character is an eccentric aunt. her friend and mine a story of two sisters. by florence coombe. with 3 illustrations by wm. rainey. 12mo, $1.00. the eagle's nest by s.e. cartwright. with 3 illustrations by wm. rainey. 12mo, $1.00. my friend kathleen by jennie chappell. with 4 illustrations by john h. bacon. 12mo, $1.00. a daughter of erin by violet g. finny. with 4 illustrations. price, $1.00. under false colors a story from two girls' lives. by sarah doudney. with 6 full-page illustrations by g.g. kilburne. crown 8vo, $1.25. a story which has in it so strong a dramatic element that it will attract readers of all ages and of either sex. by m. corbet-seymour a girl's kingdom illustrated. crown 8vo, $1.00. olive and her story will receive welcome from all girls. dulcie king a story for girls. illustrated. crown 8vo, $1.00. some books for girls by alice corkran down the snow stairs or, from good-night to good-morning. by alice corkran. with 60 character illustrations by gordon browne. square crown 8vo, olivine edges, $1.25. "a gem of the first water, bearing upon every one of its pages the signet mark of genius.... all is told with such simplicity and perfect naturalness that the dream appears to be a solid reality. it is indeed a little pilgrim's progress."--_christian leader._ margery merton's girlhood by alice corkran. with 6 full-page illustrations by gordon browne. crown 8vo, $1.25. the experience of an orphan girl who in infancy is left by her father, an officer in india, to the care of an elderly aunt residing near paris. joan's adventures at the north pole and elsewhere. by alice corkran. illustrated. crown 8vo, 75 cts. a beautiful dream-land story. adventures of mrs. wishing-to-be by alice corkran. with 3 full-page pictures in colors. crown 8vo, 75 cts. by mrs. r.h. read dora; or, a girl without a home. illustrated. crown 8vo, $1.25. nell's school days a story of town and country. by h.p. gethen. with 4 illustrations. price, $1.00. violet vereker's vanity by annie e. armstrong. with 6 illustrations by g. d. hammond. crown 8vo, $1.25. three bright girls a story of chance and mischance. by annie e. armstrong. with 6 full-page illustrations by w. parkinson. crown 8vo, $1.25. "among many good stories for girls this is undoubtedly one of the very best."--_teachers' aid._ a very odd girl life at the gabled farm. by annie e. armstrong. with 6 full-page illustrations by s.t. dadd. crown 8vo, $1.25. white lilac or, the queen of the may. by amy walton. illustrated. crown 8vo, $1.00. by margaret parker for the sake of a friend a story of school life. illustrated. crown 8vo, $1.00. charles scribner's sons 153-157 fifth ave., new york. transcriber's note: inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have been preserved. obvious typographical errors have been corrected. italic text is denoted by _underscores_. "crank" on page 147 is a possible typo "bamain" on page 213 is a possible typo "semetic" on page 225 is a possible typo "zoroastian" on page 270 is a possible typo "aegospotami" (in index) not found in text "kardos" (in index) not found in text spelling differences between the index and the text were resolved in favor of the text. macmillan and co., limited london · bombay · calcutta melbourne the macmillan company new york · boston · chicago atlanta · san francisco the macmillan co. of canada, ltd. toronto the gates of india being an historical narrative by colonel sir thomas holdich k.c.m.g., k.c.i.e., c.b., d.sc. author of 'the indian borderland,' 'india,' 'the countries of the king's award' _with maps_ macmillan and co., limited st. martin's street, london 1910 preface as the world grows older and its composition both physical and human becomes subject to ever-increasing scientific investigation, the close interdependence of its history and its geography becomes more and more definite. it is hardly too much to say that geography has so far shaped history that in unravelling some of the more obscure entanglements of historical record, we may safely appeal to our modern knowledge of the physical environment of the scene of action to decide on the actual course of events. oriental scholars for many years past have been deeply interested in reshaping the map of asia to suit their theories of the sequence of historical action in india and on its frontiers. they have identified the position of ancient cities in india, sometimes with marvellous precision, and have been able to assign definite niches in history to historical personages with whose story it would have been most difficult to deal were it not intertwined with marked features of geographical environment. but on the far frontiers of india, beyond the indus, these geographical conditions have only been imperfectly known until recently. it is only within the last thirty years that the geography of the hinterland of india--tibet, afghanistan, and baluchistan--have been in any sense brought under scientific examination, and at the best such examination has been partial and incomplete. it is unfortunate that recent years have added nothing to our knowledge of afghanistan, and it seems hopeless to wait for detailed information as to some of the more remote (and most interesting) districts of that historic country. as, therefore, in the course of twenty years of official wanderings i have amassed certain notes which may help to throw some light on the ancient highways and cities of those trans-frontier regions which contain the landward gates of india, i have thought it better to make some use of these notes now, and to put together the various theories that i may have formed from time to time bearing on the past history of that country, whilst the opportunity lasts. i have endeavoured to present my own impressions at first hand as far as possible, unbiased by the views already expressed by far more eminent writers than myself, believing that there is a certain value in originality. i have also endeavoured to keep the descriptive geography of such districts as form the theatre of historical incidents on a level with the story itself, so that the one may illustrate the other. whilst investigating the methods of early explorers into the hinterland of india it has, of course, been necessary to appeal to the original narratives of the explorers themselves so far as possible. consequently i am indebted to the assistance afforded by quite a host of authors for the basis of this compilation. and i may briefly recount the names of those to whom i am under special obligation. first and foremost are mr. m'crindle's admirable series of handy little volumes dealing with the greek period of indian history, the perusal of which first prompted an attempt to reconcile some of the apparent discrepancies between classical story and practical geography, with which may be included sir a. cunningham's _coins of alexander's successors in kabul_. for the arab phase of commercial exploration i am indebted to sir william ouseley's translation, _oriental geography of ibn haukel_, and the _géographie d'edrisi; traduite par p. aimedée joubert_. for more modern records the official reports of burnes, lord, and leech on afghanistan; burnes' _travels into bokhara, etc.; cabul_, by the same author; _ferrier's caravan journeys_; wood's _journey to the sources of the oxus_; moorcroft's _travels in the himalayan provinces_; vigne's _ghazni, kabul, and afghanistan_; henry pottinger's _travels in baloochistan and sinde_; and last, but by no means least, masson's _travels in afghanistan, beluchistan, the panjab, and kalat_, all of which have been largely indented on. to this must be added mr. forrest's valuable compilation of bombay records. it has been indeed one of the objects of this book to revive the records of past generations of explorers whose stories have a deep significance even in this day, but which are apt to be overlooked and forgotten as belonging to an ancient and superseded era of research. because these investigators belong to a past generation it by no means follows that their work, their opinions, or their deductions from original observations are as dead as they are themselves. it is far too readily assumed that the work of the latest explorer must necessarily supersede that of his predecessors. in the difficult art of map compilation perhaps the most difficult problem with which the compiler has to deal is the relative value of evidence dating from different periods. here, then, we have introduced a variety of opinions and views expressed by men of many minds (but all of one type as explorer), which may be balanced one against another with a fair prospect of eliminating what mathematicians call the "personal equation" and arriving at a sound "mean" value from combined evidence. i have said they are all of one type, regarded as explorers. there is only one word which fitly describes that type--magnificent. we may well ask have we any explorers like them in these days? we know well enough that we have the raw material in plenty for fashioning them, but alas! opportunity is wanting. exploration in these days is becoming so professional and so scientific that modern methods hardly admit of the dare-devil, face-to-face intermixing with savage breeds and races that was such a distinctive feature in the work of these heroes of an older age. we get geographical results with a rapidity and a precision that were undreamt of in the early years (or even in the middle) of the last century. our instruments are incomparably better, and our equipment is such that we can deal with the hostility of nature in her more savage moods with comparative facility. but we no longer live with the people about whom we set out to write books--we don't wear their clothes, eat their food, fraternize with them in their homes and in the field, learn their language and discuss with them their religion and politics. and the result is that we don't _know_ them half as well, and the ratio of our knowledge (in india at least) is inverse to the official position towards them that we may happen to occupy. the missionary and the police officer may know something of the people; the high-placed political administrator knows less (he cannot help himself), and the parliamentary demagogue knows nothing at all. my excuse for giving so large a place to the american explorer masson, for instance, is that he was first in the field at a critical period of indian history. apart from his extraordinary gifts and power of absorbing and collating information, history has proved that on the whole his judgment both as regards afghan character and indian political ineptitude was essentially sound. of course he was not popular. he is as bitter and sarcastic in his unsparing criticisms of local political methods in afghanistan as he is of the methods of the indian government behind them; and doubtless his bitterness and undisguised hostility to some extent discounts the value of his opinion. but he knew the afghan, which we did not: and it is most instructive to note the extraordinary divergence of opinion that existed between him and sir alexander burnes as regards some of the most marked idiosyncrasies of afghan character. burnes was as great an explorer as masson, but whilst in afghanistan he was the emissary of the indian government, and thus it immediately became worth while for the afghan sirdar to study his temper and his weaknesses and to make the best use of both. thus arose burnes' whole-hearted belief in the simplicity of afghan methods, whilst masson, who was more or less behind the scenes, was in no position to act as prompter to him. it was just preceding and during the momentous period of the first afghan war (1839-41) that european explorers in afghanistan and baluchistan were most active. long before then both countries had been an open book to the ancients, and both may be said geographically to be an open book to us now. there are, however, certain pages which have not yet been properly read, and something will be said later on as to where these pages occur. contents page introduction 1 chapter i early relations between east and west--greece and persia and early tribal distributions on the indian frontier 11 chapter ii assyria and afghanistan--ancient land routes--possible sea routes 39 chapter iii greek exploration--alexander--modern balkh--the balkh plain and baktria 58 chapter iv greek exploration--alexander--the kabul valley gates 94 chapter v greek exploration--the western gates 135 chapter vi chinese explorations--the gates of the north 169 chapter vii mediæval geography--seistan and afghanistan 190 chapter viii arab exploration--the gates of makran 284 chapter ix earliest english exploration--christie and pottinger 325 chapter x american exploration--masson--the nearer gates, baluchistan and afghanistan 344 chapter xi american exploration--masson (_continued_)--the nearer gates, baluchistan and afghanistan 390 chapter xii lord and wood--the farther gates, badakshan and the oxus 411 chapter xiii across afghanistan to bokhara--moorcroft 442 chapter xiv across afghanistan to bokhara--burnes 451 chapter xv the gates of ghazni--vigne 462 chapter xvi the gates of ghazni--broadfoot 470 chapter xvii french exploration--ferrier 476 chapter xviii summary 500 index 531 list of maps face page 1. general orographic map of afghanistan and baluchistan, showing arab trade routes (see page 190 _et seq._) _with introduction_ 2. sketch of alexander's route through the kabul valley to india 94 3. greek retreat from india (_journal of the society of arts_, april 1901) 135 4. the gates of makran (_journal of the royal geographical society_, april 1906) 284 5. sketch of the hindu kush passes 500 [illustration: orographical map of afghanistan & baluchistan compiled by sir thomas h. holdich, k.c.m.g., k.c.i.e., c.b.] introduction since the gates of india have become water gates and the way to india has been the way of the sea, very little has been known of those other landward gates which lie to the north and west of the peninsula, through which have poured immigrants from asia and conquerors from the west from time immemorial. it has taken england a long time to rediscover them, and she is even now doubtful about their strategic value and the possibility of keeping them closed and barred. it is only by an examination of the historical records which concern them, and the geographical conditions which surround them, that any clear appreciation of their value can be attained; and it is only within the last century that such examinations have been rendered possible by the enterprise and activity of a race of explorers (official and otherwise) who have risked their lives in the dangerous field of the indian trans-frontier. in ancient days the very first (and sometimes the last) thing that was learned about india was the way thither from the north. in our times the process has been reversed, and we seek for information with our backs to the south. we have worked our way northward, having entered india by the southern water gates, and as we have from time to time struggled rather to remain content within narrow borders than to push outward and forward, the drift to the north has been very slow, and there has never been, right from the very beginning, any strenuous haste in the expansion of commercial interests, or any spirit of crusade in the advance of conquest. so late as the early years of the sixteenth century england was but a poor country, with less inhabitants than are now crowded within the london area. there was not much to spare, either of money or men, for ventures which could only be regarded in those days as sheer gambling speculations. the splendid records of a successful voyage must have been greatly discounted by the many dismal tales of failure, and nothing but an indomitable impulse, bred of international rivalry, could have led the royal personages and the few wealthy citizens who backed our earliest enterprises to open their purse-strings sufficiently wide to find the necessary means for the equipment of a modest little fleet of square-sailed merchant ships. national tenacity prevailed, however, in the end. the hard-headed islander finally succeeded where the more impetuous southerner failed, and england came out finally with most of the honours of a long commercial contest. it was in this way that we reached india, and by degrees we painted india our own conventional colour in patches large enough to give us the preponderating voice in her general administration. but as we progressed northward and north-westward we realized the important fact that india--the peninsula india--was insulated and protected by geographical conformations which formed a natural barrier against outside influences, almost as impassable as the sea barriers of england. on the north-east a vast wilderness of forest-covered mountain ranges and deep lateral valleys barred the way most effectually against irruption from the yellow races of asia. on the north where the curving serrated ramparts of the north-east gave place to the himalayan barrier, the huge uplifted highlands of tibet were equally impassable to the busy pushing hordes of the mongol; and it was only on the extreme north-west about the hinterland of kashmir, and beyond the himalayan system, that any weakness could be found in the chain of defensive works which nature had sent to the north of india. here, indeed, in the trans-indus regions of kashmir, sterile, rugged, cold, and crowned with gigantic ice-clad peaks, there is a slippery track reaching northward into the depression of chinese turkestan, which for all time has been a recognised route connecting india with high asia. it is called the karakoram route. mile upon mile a white thread of a road stretches across the stone-strewn plains, bordered by the bones of the innumerable victims to the long fatigue of a burdensome and ill-fed existence--the ghastly debris of former caravans. it is perhaps the ugliest track to call a trade route in the whole wide world. not a tree, not a shrub, exists, not even the cold dead beauty which a snow-sheet imparts to highland scenery, for there is no great snowfall in the elevated spaces which back the himalayas and their offshoots. it is marked, too, by many a sordid tragedy of murder and robbery, but it is nevertheless one of the northern gates of india which we have spent much to preserve, and it does actually serve a very important purpose in the commercial economy of india. at least one army has traversed this route from the north with the prospect before it of conquering tibet; but it was a mongol army, and it was worsted in a most unequal contest with nature. india (if we include kashmir) runs to a northern apex about the point where, from the western extension of the giant muztagh, the hindu kush system takes off in continuation of the great asiatic divide. here the pamirs border kashmir, and here there are also mountain ways which have aforetime let in the irrepressible chinaman, probably as far as hunza, but still a very long way from the indian peninsula. then the hindu kush slopes off to the south-westward and becomes the divide between afghanistan and kashmir for a space, till, from north of chitral, it continues with a sweep right into central afghanistan and merges into the mountain chain which reaches to herat. from this point, north of chitral, commences the true north-west barrier of india, a barrier which includes nearly the whole width of afghanistan beyond the formidable wall of the trans-indus mountains. it is here that the gates of india are to be found, and it is with this outermost region of india, and what lies beyond it, that this book is chiefly concerned. as the history of india under british occupation grew and expanded and the painting red process gradually developed, whilst men were ever reaching north-westward with their eyes set on these frontier hills, the countries which lay beyond came to be regarded as the "ultima thule" of indian exploration, and afghanistan and baluchistan were reckoned in english as the hinterland of india, only to be reached by the efforts of english adventurers from the plains of the peninsula. and that is the way in which those countries are still regarded. it is afghanistan in its relations to india, political, commercial, or strategic, as the case may be, that fills the minds of our soldiers and statesmen of to-day; and the way to afghanistan is still by the way of ships--across the ocean first, and then by climbing upward from the plains of india to the continental plateau land of asia. it was not so twenty-five centuries ago. one can imagine the laughter that would echo through the courts and palaces of nineveh at the idea of reaching afghanistan by a sea route! think of tiglath pilesur, the founder of the second assyrian empire, seated, curled, and anointed, surrounded by his court and flanked by the sculptured art of his period (already losing some of the freshness and vigour of first empire design) in the pillared halls of nineveh, and counting the value of his eastern satrapies in sagartia, ariana, and arachosia, with outlying provinces in northern india, whilst meditating yet further conquests to add to his almost illimitable empire! no shadow of babylon had stretched northward then. no premonition of a yet larger and later empire overshadowed him or his successors, shalmaneser and sargon. northern afghanistan was to these assyrian kings the dumping ground of unconsidered companies of conquered slaves, a bourne from whence no captive was ever likely to return. no record is left of the passing of those bands of colonists from west to east. we can only gather from the writings of subsequent historians in classical times that for centuries they must have drifted eastward from syria, armenia, and greece, carrying with them the rudiments of the arts and industries of the land they had left for ever, and providing india with the germs of an art system entirely imitative in design, colour, and relief. the aryan was before them in india. already the foundations were laid for historic dynasties, and rajput families were dating their origin from the sun and moon, whilst somewhere from beneath the shadow of the himalayas in the foothills of nipal was soon to arise the daystar of a new faith, a "light of asia" for all centuries to come. it is impossible to set a limit to the number and variety of the people who, in these early centuries, either migrated, or were deported, from west to east through persia to northern afghanistan, or who drifted southwards into baluchistan. not until the ethnography of these frontier lands of india is exhaustively studied shall we be able to unravel the influence of assyrian, median, persian, arab, or greek migrations in the strange conglomeration of humanity which peoples those countries. baktra (balkh), in northern afghanistan, must have been a city of consequence in days when nineveh was young. farah, a city of arachosia in western afghanistan on the borders of seistan, must have been a centre from whence assyrian arts and industries were passed on to india for ages; for farah lies directly on the route which connects seistan with the southern passes into the indus valley. the indus itself seems to have been the boundary which limited the efforts of migration and exploration. beyond the indus were deserts in the south and wide unproductive plains of the punjab in the north, and it is the deserts of the world's geography which, far more than any other feature, have always determined the extent of the human tidal waves and influenced their direction. they are as the promontories and capes of the world's land perimeter to the tides of the ocean. beyond these parched and waterless tracts, where now the maximum temperatures of sun-heat in india are registered, were vague uncertainties and mythical wonders, the tales of which in ancient literature are in strange contrast to the exact information which was obtained of geographical conditions and tribal distributions in the basins of the kabul or swat rivers, or within the narrow valleys of makran. a recent writer (mr. ellsworth huntington) has expressed in picturesque and convincing language the nature of the relationship which has ever existed between man and his physical environments in asia, and has illustrated the effect of certain pulsations of climate in the movement of asiatic history. the changing conditions of the climate of high asia, periods of desiccation and deprivation of natural water-supply alternating with periods of cold and rainfall, acting in slow progression through centuries and never ceasing in their operation, have set "men in nations" moving over the face of that continent since the beginning of time, and left a legacy of buried history, to be unearthed by explorers of the type of stein, such as will eventually give us the key to many important problems in race distribution. but more important even than climatic influence is the direct influence of physical geography, the actual shaping of mountain and valley, as a factor in directing the footsteps of early migration. nowadays men cross the seas in thousands from continent to continent, but in the days of egyptian and assyrian empire it was that straight high-road which crossed the fewest passes and tapped the best natural resources of wood and water which was absolutely the determining factor in the direction of the great human processions; and although change of climate may have set the nomadic peoples of high asia moving with a purpose more extensive than an annual search for pasturage, and have led to the peopling of india with successive nations of central asiatic origin, it was the knowledge that by certain routes between mesopotamia and northern afghanistan lay no inhospitable desert, and no impassable mountain barrier, that determined the intermittent flow from the west, which received fresh impulse with every conquest achieved, with every band of captives available for colonizing distant satrapies. to put it shortly, there was an easy high-road from mesopotamia through persia to northern afghanistan, or even to seistan, and not a very difficult one to makran; and so it came about that migratory movements, either compulsory or voluntary, continued through centuries, ever extending their scope till checked by the deserts of the indian frontier or the highlands of the pamirs and tibet, or the cold wild wastes of siberia. thus afghanistan and baluchistan, the countries with which we are more immediately concerned, were probably far better known to assyrian and persian kings than they were to the british intelligence office (or its equivalent) of a century ago. the first landward explorations of these countries are lost in pre-historic mists, but we find that the first scientific mission of which we have any record (that which was led by alexander the great) was well supplied with fairly accurate geographical information regarding the main route to be followed and the main objectives to be gained. in tracing out, therefore, or rather in sketching, the gradual progress of exploration in afghanistan and baluchistan, and the gradual evolution of those countries into a proper appanage of british india, we will begin (as history began) from the north and west rather than from the south and the plains of hindustan. chapter i early relations between east and west. greece and persia and early tribal distributions on the indian frontier. it is unfortunately most difficult to trace the conditions under which europe was first introduced to asia, or the gradual ripening of early acquaintance into inter-commercial relationship. although the eastern world was possessed of a sound literature in the time of moses, and although long before the days of solomon there was "no end" to the "making of books," it is remarkable how little has been left of these archaic records, and it is only by inference gathered from tags and ends of oriental script that we gradually realize how unimportant to old-world thinkers was the daily course of their own national history. india is full of ancient literature, but there is no ancient history. to the brahmans there was no need for it. to them the world and all that it contains was "illusion," and it was worse than idle--it was impious--to perpetuate the record of its varied phases as they appeared to pass in unreal pageantry before their eyes. we know that from under the veil of extravagant epic a certain amount of historical truth has been dragged into daylight. the "mahabharata" and the "ramayana" contain in allegorical outline the story of early conflicts which ended in the foundation of mighty rajput houses, or which established the distribution of various races of the indian peninsula. without an intimate knowledge of the language in which these great epics are written it is impossible to estimate fully the nature of the allegory which overlies an interesting historical record, but it has always appeared to be sufficiently vague to warrant some uncertainty as to the accuracy of the deductions which have hitherto been evolved therefrom. nevertheless it is from these early poems of the east that we derive all that there is to be known about ancient india, and when we turn from the east to the west strangely enough we find much the same early literary conditions confronting us. about 950 years before christ, two of the most perfect epic poems were written that ever delighted the world, the _iliad_ and _odyssey_ of homer. the first begins with achilles and ends with the funeral of hector. the second recounts the voyages and adventures of ulysses after the destruction of troy. with our modern intimate knowledge of the coasts of the mediterranean it is not difficult to detect, amidst the fabulous accounts of heroic adventures, many references to geographical facts which must have been known generally to the greeks of the homeric period, dealing chiefly with the coasts and islands of the western sea. there is but little reference to the east, although many centuries before homer's day there was a sea-going trade between india and the west which brought ivory, apes, and peacocks to the ports of syria. the obvious inference to be derived from the general absence of reference to the mysteries of eastern geography is that there was no through traffic. ships from the east traded only along the coast-lines that they knew, and ventured no farther than the point where an interchange of commodities could be established with the slow crawling craft of the west, the navigation of the period being confined to hugging the coast-line and making for the nearest shelter when times were bad. the interchange of commodities between the rough sailor people of those days did not tend to an interchange of geographical information. probably the language difficulty stood in the way. if there was no end to the making of books it was not the illiterate and rough sailor men who made them. nor do sailors, as a rule, make them now. it is left to the intelligent traveller uninterested in trade, and the journalistic seeker after sensation, to make modern geographical records; and there were no such travellers in the days of homer, even if the art of writing had been a general accomplishment. in days much later than homer we can detect sailors' yarns embodied in what purport to be authentic geographical records, but none so early. we have a reference to certain skythic nomads who lived on mare's milk, and who had wandered from the asiatic highlands into the regions north of the euxine, which is in itself deeply interesting as it indicates that as early as the ninth century b.c. milesian greek colonies had started settlements on the shores of the black sea. as the centuries rolled on these settlements expanded into powerful colonies, and with enterprising people such as the early greeks there can be little doubt that there was an intermittent interchange of commerce with the tribes beyond the euxine, and that gradually a considerable, if inaccurate, knowledge of asia, even beyond the taurus, was acquired. the world, for them, was still a flat circular disc with a broad tidal ocean flowing around its edge, encompassing the habitable portions about the centre. africa extended southward to the land of ethiop and no farther, but asia was a recognised geographical entity, less vague and nebulous even than the western isles from whence the ph[oe]nicians brought their tin. there were certain fables current among the greeks touching the one-eyed arimaspians, the gold-guarding griffins, and the hyperboreans, which in the middle of the sixth century were still credited, and almost indicate an indefinite geographical conception of northern asiatic regions. but it is probable that much more was known of asiatic geography in these early years than can be gathered from the poems and fables of greek writers before the days of herodotus and of professional geography. there were no means of recording knowledge ready to the hand of the colonist and commercial traveller then; even the few literary men who later travelled for the sake of gaining knowledge were dependent largely on information obtained scantily and with difficulty from others, and the expression of their knowledge is crude and imperfect. but what should we expect even in present times if we proceeded to compile a geographical treatise from the works of milton and shakespere? what indeed would be the result of a careful analysis of parliamentary utterances on geographical subjects within, say, the last half century? would they present to future generations anything approaching to an accurate epitome of the knowledge really possessed (though possibly not expressed) by those who have within that period almost exhausted the world's store of geographical record? the analogy is a perfectly fair one. geographers and explorers are not always writers even in these days, and as we work backwards into the archives of history nothing is more astonishing than the indications which may be found of vast stores of accurate information of the earth's physiography lost to the world for want of expression. it was between the sixth century b.c. and the days of herodotus that miletus was destroyed, and captive greeks were transported by darius hystaspes from the lybian barké to baktria, where we find traces of them again under their original greek name in the northern regions of afghanistan. it was long ere the days of darius that the hosts of assyria beat down the walls of samaria and scattered the remnants of israel through the highlands of western asia. where did they drift to, these ten despairing tribes? possibly we may find something to remind us of them also in the northern afghan hills. it was probably about the same era that some pre-hellenic race, led (so it is written) by the mythical hero dionysos, trod the weary route from the euxine to the caspian, and from the southern shores of the caspian to the borderland of modern indian frontier, where their descendants welcomed alexander on his arrival as men of his own faith and kin, and were recognised as such by the great conqueror. now all this points to an acquaintance with the geographical links between east and west which appears nowhere in any written record. nowhere can we find any clear statement of the actual routes by which these pilgrims were supposed to have made their long and toilsome journeys. just the bare facts are recorded, and we are left to guess the means by which they were accomplished. but it is clear that the old-world overland connection between india and the black sea is a very old connection indeed, and further, it is clear that what the greeks may not have known the persians certainly did know. when herodotus first set solidly to work on a geographical treatise which was to embrace the existing knowledge of the whole world, he undoubtedly derived a great deal of that knowledge from official persian sources; and it may be added that the early persian department for geographical intelligence has been proved by this last century's scientific investigations to have collected information of which the accuracy is certainly astonishing. it is only quite recently, during the process of surveys carried on by the government of india through the highlands and coast regions of baluchistan and eastern persia, that anything like a modern gazetteer of the tribes occupying those districts has been rendered possible. twenty-five years ago our military information concerning ethnographic distributions in districts lying immediately beyond the north-western frontier was no better than that which is contained in the lists of the persian satrapies, given to the world by herodotus nearly 500 years before the christian era. twenty-five years ago we did not know of the existence of some of the tribes and peoples mentioned by him, and we were unable to identify others. now, however, we are at last aware that through twenty-four centuries most of them have clung to their old habitat in a part of the eastern world where material wealth and climatic attractions have never been sufficient to lead to annihilation by conquest. oppressed and harried by successive persian dynasties, overrun by the floatsam and jetsam of hosts of migratory asiatic peoples from the north, those tribes have mostly survived to bear a much more valuable testimony to the knowledge of the east entertained by the west in the days of herodotus than any which can be gathered from written documents. the milesian colonies founded on the southern and western shores of the euxine in the sixth and seventh centuries b.c., whilst retaining their trade connection with the parent city of miletus (where sprang that carpet-making industry for which this corner of asia has been famous ever since), found no open road to the further eastern trade through the mountain regions that lie south of the black sea. half a century after herodotus we find xenophon struggling in almost helpless entanglement amongst these wild mountains comparatively close to the greek colonies; and it was there that he encountered the fiercest opposition from the native tribes-people that he met with during his famous retreat from persia. it is always so. our most active opponents on the indian frontier are the mountaineers of the immediate borderland--the people who _know_ us best, and therefore fear us most. it was chiefly through miletus and the cilician gates that greek trade with persia and babylon was maintained. there were no greek colonies on the rugged eastern coasts of the black sea--sufficient indication that no open trade route existed direct to the caspian by any line analogous to that of the modern railway that connects batum with baku. on the north of the euxine, however, there were great and flourishing colonies (of which olbia at the mouth of the borysthenes, or dnieper, was the most famous) which undoubtedly traded with the skythic peoples north and west of the caspian. from these sources came the legends of hyperboreans and griffins and other similar tales, all flavoured with the glamour of northern mystery, but none of them pointing to an eastern origin. recent investigations into the ethnography of certain tribes in afghanistan, however, seem to prove conclusively that even if there was no recognised trade between greece and india before miletus was destroyed by darius hystaspes, and greek settlers were transported by the persian conqueror to the borders of the modern badakshan, yet there must have been greek pioneers in colonial enterprise who had made their way to the far east and stayed there. for instance, we have that strange record of settlements under dionysos amongst the spurs and foothills of the hindu kush, which were clearly of greek origin, although arrian in his history of alexander's progress through asia is unable to explain the meaning of them. there is more to be said about these settlements later. the first actual record of settlement of greeks in baktria is that of herodotus, to which we have referred as being affected by darius hystaspes in the sixth century before christ, and the descendants of these settlers are undoubtedly the people referred to by arrian as "kyreneans", who could be no other than the greek captives from the lybian barke. their existence two centuries later than herodotus is attested by arrian, and they were apparently in possession of the kaoshan pass over the hindu kush at the time of alexander's expedition. another body of greeks is recorded by arrian to have been settled in the baktrian country by xerxes after his flight from greece. these were the brankhidai of milesia, whose posterity are said to have been exterminated by alexander in punishment for the crimes of their grandfather didymus. the name barang, or farang, is frequently repeated in the mountain districts of northern afghanistan and badakshan, and careful inquiry would no doubt reveal the fact that surviving greek affinities are still far more widely spread through that part of asia than is generally known. all these settlements were antecedent to alexander, but beyond these recorded instances of greek occupation there can be little doubt that (as pointed out by bellew in his _ethnography of afghanistan_ and supported by later observations) the greek element had been diffused through the wide extent of the persian sovereignty for centuries before the birth of alexander the great. it is probable that each of the four great divisions of the ancient greeks had contributed for a thousand years before to the establishment of colonies in asia minor, and from these colonies bands of emigrants had penetrated to the far east of the persian dominions, either as free men or captives. amongst the clans and tribal sections of afghans and pathans are to be found to this day names that are clearly indicative of this pre-historic greek connection. persia at her greatest maintained a considerable overland trade with india, and indian tribute formed a large part of her revenues. all afghanistan was persian; all baluchistan, and the indian frontier to the indus. the underlying persian element is strong in all these regions still, the dominant language of the country, the speech of the people, whether baluch or pathan, is of persian stock, whilst the polite tongue of court officials, if not the persian of tehran or shiraz, is at least an imitation of it. it is hardly strange that the greek language should have absolutely disappeared. we have the statement of seneca (referred to by bellew in his _inquiry_) that the greek language was spoken in the indus valley as late as the middle of the first century after christ; "if indeed it did not continue to be the colloquial in some parts of the valley to a considerably later period." as this is nearly two centuries after the overthrow of greek dominion in afghanistan, it at least indicates that the greek settlements established four centuries earlier must have continued to exist, and to be reinforced by greek women (for children speak their mother's tongue) to a comparatively late period; and that the triumph of the jat over the greek did not by any means efface the influence of the greek in india for centuries after it occurred. it is probable that when the importation of greek women (who were often employed in the households of indian chiefs and nobles at a time when greek ladies married indian princes) ceased, then the greek language ceased to exist also. the retinue and followers of alexander's expedition took the women of the country to wife, and it is not, as is so often supposed, to the results of that expedition so much as to the long existence of greek colonies and settlements that we must attribute the undoubted influence of greek art on the early art of india. thus we have a wide field before us for inquiry into the early history of ethnographical movement in asia, as it affected the relation between europe and afghanistan. afghanistan (which is a modern political development) has ever held the landward gates of india. we cannot understand india without a study of that wide hinterland (afghan, persian, and baluch) through which the great restless human tide has ever been on the move: now a weeping nation of captives led by tear-sodden routes to a land of exile; now a band of merchants reaching forward to the land of golden promise; or perchance an army of pilgrims marching with their feet treading deep into narrow footways to the shrines of forgotten saints; or perchance an armed host seeking an uncertain fate; a ceaseless, waveless tide, as persistent, as enterprising, and infinitely more complicated in its developments than the process of modern emigration, albeit modern emigration may spread more widely. living as we do in fixed habitations and hedged in not merely by narrow seas but by the conventionalities of civilized existence, we fail to realize the conditions of nomadic life which were so familiar to our asiatic ancestors. something of its nature may be gathered to-day from the kalmuk and kirghiz nomads of central asia. a day's march is not a day's march to them--it is a day's normal occupation. the yearly shift in search of fresh pasture is not a flitting on a holiday tour; it is as much a part of the year's life as the change of raiment between summer to winter. everything moves; the home is not left behind; every man, woman, and child of the family has a recognised share in the general shift. perhaps that of the kirghiz man is the easiest. he smokes a lazy pipe in the bright sunshine and watches his boys strip off the felt covering of his wicker-built "kibitka," whilst his wife with floating bands of her white headdress fluttering in the breeze, and her quilted coat turned up to give more freedom to her booted legs, gets together the household traps in compact bundles for the great hairy camel to carry. her efforts are not inartistic; long experience has taught her exactly where every household god can be stowed to the best advantage. meanwhile the happy, good-looking kirghiz girls are racing over the grass country after sheep, and ere long the little party is making its slow but sure way over the breezy steppes to the passes of the blue mountains, which look down from afar on to the warmer plains. and who has the best of it? the free-roving, untrammelled child of the plain, quite godless, and taking no thought for the morrow, or the carefully cultured and tight-fitted product of civilization to whom the motor and the railway represent the only thinkable method of progression? that, however, is not the point. what we wish to emphasize is the apparent inability on the part of many writers on the subject of ancient history and geography to realize the essential difference between then and now as regards human migratory movement. there is often an apparent misconception that there is more movement in these days of railways and steamers and motors than existed ten centuries before christ. the difference lies not in the comparative amount of movement but in the method of it. in one sense only is there more movement--there are more people to travel; but in a broader sense there is much less movement. whole nations are no longer shifted at the will of the conqueror across a continent, trade seekers no longer devote their lives to the personal conduct of caravans; armies swelled to prodigious size by a tagrag following no longer (except in china) move slowly over the face of the land, devouring, like a swarm of locusts, all that comes in their way. colonial emigration perhaps alone works on a larger scale now than in those early times; but taking it "bye and large," the circulation of the human race, unrestricted by political boundaries, was certainly more constant in the unsettled days of nomadic existence than in these later days of overgrown cities and electric traffic. if little or nothing is recorded of many of the most important migrations which have changed the ethnographic conditions of asia, whilst at the same time we have volumes of ancient philosophy and mythology, it is because such changes were regarded as normal, and the current of contemporary history as an ephemeral phenomenon not worth the labour of close inquiry or a manuscript record. such a gazetteer as that presented to us by herodotus would not have been possible had there not been free and frequent access to the countries and the people with whom it deals. it is impossible to conceive that so much accuracy of detail could have been acquired without the assistance of personal inquiry on the spot. if this is so, then the persians at any rate knew their way well about asia as far east as tibet and india, and the greeks undoubtedly derived their knowledge from persia. when alexander of macedon first planned his expedition to central asia he had probably more certain knowledge of the way thither than lord napier of magdala possessed when he set out to find the capital of theodore's kingdom in abyssinia, and it is most interesting to note the information which was possessed by the greek authorities a century and a half before alexander's time. one notable occurrence pointing to a fairly comprehensive knowledge of geography of the indian border by the persians, was the voyage of the greek scylax of caryanda down the indus, and from its mouth to the arabian gulf, which was regarded by herodotus as establishing the fact of a continuous sea. this voyage, or mission, which was undertaken by order of darius who wished to know where the indus had its outlet and "sent some ships" on a voyage of discovery, is most instructive. it is true that the accounts of it are most meagre, but such details as are given establish beyond a doubt that the expedition was practical and real. the persian dominions then extended to the indus, but there is no evidence that they ever extended beyond that river into the peninsula of india. the indus of the persian age was not the indus of to-day, and its outlet to the sea presumably did not differ materially from that of the subsequent days of alexander and nearkos. thanks to the careful investigations of the bombay survey department, and the close attention which has been given to ancient landmarks by general haig during the progress of his surveys, we know pretty certainly where the course of the lower indus must have been, and where both scylax and nearkos emerged into the arabian sea. the indus delta of to-day covers an area of 10,000 square miles with 125 miles of coast-line, and it presents to us a huge alluvial tract which is everywhere furrowed by ancient river channels. some of these are continuous through the delta, and can be traced far above it; others are traceable for only short distances. without entering into details of the rate of progression in the formation of delta (which can be gathered not only from the abandoned sites of towns once known as coast ports, but from actual observation from year to year), it may be safely assumed that the indus of alexander and scylax emptied itself into the ran of kach, far to the south of its present debouchment. the volume of its waters was then augmented by at least one important river (the saraswati), which, flowing from the himalayas through what is now known as the rajputana desert, was the source of widespread wealth and fertility to thousands of square miles where now there is nothing to be met with but sandy waste. as far as the indus the persian empire is known to have extended, but no farther; and it was important to the military advisers of darius that something should be known of the character of this boundary river. wherever the ships sent by darius may have gone it is quite clear that they did not sail _up_ the indus, or there would have been no objective for an expedition which was organised to determine where the indus met the sea by the process of sailing down that river. moreover, the voyage up the indus would have been tedious and slow, and could only have been undertaken in the cold weather with the assistance of native pilots acquainted with the ever-shifting bed of the river, which, so far as its liability to change of channel is concerned, must have been much the same in the days of darius as it is at present. the possibility, therefore, is that scylax made his way to the upper indus overland, for we are told that the expedition _started_ from the city of carpatyra in the pactyan country. this in itself is exceedingly instructive, indicating that the pactyans, or pathans, or pukhtu speaking peoples have occupied the districts of the upper indus for four-and-twenty centuries at least; and coincident with them we learn that the aprytæ or afridi shared the honour of being resident landowners. nor need we suppose that the beginning of this history was the beginning of their existence. the afridi may have rejoiced in his native hills ten or twenty centuries before he was written about by herodotus. we need not stay to identify the site of carpatyra. the upper indus valley is full of ancient sites. a century and a half later taxilla was the recognized capital of the upper punjab, and carpatyra meanwhile may have disappeared. anyhow we hear of carpatyra no more, nor has the ingenuity of modern research thrown any certain light on its position. it is, however, probably near attok that we must look for it. scylax made his way down the indus in native craft that from long before his day to the present have retained their primitive form, a form which was not unlike that of the coast crawling "ships" of darius. he proved the existence of an open water-way from the upper punjab to the persian gulf, and incidentally his expedition shows us that the chief lines of communication through the width of the persian empire were well known, and that the road from susa to the upper indus was open. the outlying satrapies of the persian empire could never have been added one by one to that mighty power without definite knowledge of the way to reach them. it was not merely a spasmodic expedition, such as that of scylax, which pointed the way to the conquests of the far east; it was the gathered information of years of experience, and it was on the basis of this experience (unwritten and unrecorded so far as we know) that alexander founded his plans of campaign. the detailed list of peoples included in the satrapies of the persian empire, whilst it is more ethnographical than geographical in its character, is sufficient proof in itself of the existence of constant movement between persia and the borderland of afghanistan, which assuredly included commercial traffic. this enumeration has been compared with a catalogue of tribal contingents which swelled the great army of xerxes, an independent statement, and therefore a valuable test to the general accuracy of herodotus; and it is still further confirmed by the list of nations subject to the persian king found in the inscriptions of darius at behistan and persepolis. we are not immediately concerned with the satrapies included in western asia and egypt, but when herodotus makes a sudden departure from his rule of geographical sequence and introduces a satrapy on the remotest east of the persian empire, we immediately recognize that he touches the indian frontier. the second satrapy most probably corresponds with that part of central afghanistan south of the kabul river, which lies west of the suliman hills and north of the kwaja amran or khojak. every name mentioned by herodotus certainly has its counterpart in one or other of the tribes to be found there to this day, excepting the lydoi (whose history as ludi is fairly well known) and the lasonoi, who have emigrated, the former into india and the latter to baluchistan. the seventh satrapy, again, comprised the sattagydai, the gandarioi, the dadikai, and the aparytai ("joined together"), an association of names too remarkable to be mistaken. the sattag or khattak, the gandhari, the dadi, and the afridi are all trans-indus people, and without insisting too strongly on the exact habitat of each, originally there can be little doubt that the seventh satrapy included a great part of the indus valley. the eleventh satrapy is also probably a district of the indian trans-frontier, although bunbury associates the name kaspioi with the caspian sea. it is far more likely that the kaspioi of herodotus are to be recognized as the people of the ancient kaspira or kasmira, and the daritæ as the daraddesa (dards) of the contiguous mountains. all kashmir, even to the borders of tibet (whence came the story of the gold-digging ants), was well enough known to the persians and through them to herodotus. the twelfth satrapy comprised balkh and badakshan--what is now known as afghan turkistan. it was here that, generations before alexander's campaign, those greek settlements were founded by darius and xerxes which have left to this day living traces of their existence in the places originally allotted to them. in afghan turkistan also was founded the centre of greek dominion in this part of asia after the conquest of persia, and it is impossible to avoid the conviction that there was a connection between these two events. the greeks took the country from the bakhi; but there are no people of this name left in these provinces now. they may (as bellew suggests) be recognized again in the bakhtyari of southern persia, but it seems unlikely; and it is far more probable that they were obliterated by alexander as his most active opponents after he passed aria (herat) and drangia (seistan). the sixteenth satrapy was north of the oxus, and included sogdia and aria (herat). south of aria was the fourteenth satrapy, represented by seistan and western makran, with "the islands of the sea in which the king settles transported convicts"; and east of this again was the seventeenth satrapy covering southern baluchistan and eastern makran. it is only during the last twenty-five years that an accurate geographical knowledge of these uninviting regions has been attained. the gradual extension of the red line of the indian border, with the necessity for preserving peace and security, has gradually enveloped makran and persian baluchistan, the gadrosia and karmania of the greeks, and has brought to light many strange secrets which have been dormant (for they were no secrets to the traveller of the middle ages) for a few centuries prior to the arrival of the british flag in western india. it is an inhospitable country which is thus included. "mostly desert," as one ancient writer says; marvellously furrowed and partitioned by bands of sun-scorched rocky hills, all narrow and sharp where they follow each other in parallel waves facing the arabian sea, or massed into enormous square-faced blocks of impassable mountain barrier whenever the uniform regularity of structure is lost. and yet it is a country full not only of interest historical and ethnographical, such as might be expected of the environment of a series of narrow passages leading to the western gates of india, but of incident also. there are amongst these strange knife-backed volcanic ridges and scarped clay hills valleys of great beauty, where the date-palms mass their feathery heads into a forest of green, and below them the fertile soil is moist and lush with cultured vegetation. but we have described elsewhere this strangely mixed land, and we have now only to deal with the aspect of it as known to the greeks before the days of alexander. that knowledge was ethnographical in its quality and exceedingly slight in quantity. herodotus mentions the sagartoi, zarangai, thamanai, uxoi, and mykoi. these are seistan tribes. the sagartoi were nomads of seistan, mentioned both amongst tribes paying tribute and those who were exempt. the zarangai were the inhabitants of drangia (seistan), where their ancient capital fills one of the most remarkable of all historic sites. the zarangai are said to be recognizable in the afghan durani. no afghan durani would admit this. he claims a very different origin (as will be explained), and in the absence of authoritative history it is never wise to set aside the traditions of a people about themselves, especially of a people so advanced as the duranis. more probable is it that the ancient geographical appellation zarangai covers the historic kaiani of seistan supposed to be the same as the kakaya of sanscrit. the uxoi may be the modern hots of makran--a people who are traditionally reckoned amongst the most ancient of the mixed population which has drifted into the makran ethnographic cul-de-sac, and who were certainly there in alexander's time. in eastern makran, herodotus mentions only the parikanoi and the asiatic ethiopian. parikan is the persian plural form of the sanscrit parva-ka, which means "mountaineer." this bears exactly the same meaning as the word kohistani, or barohi, and is not a tribal appellation at all, although the latter may possibly have developed into the brahui, the well-known name of a very important dravidian people of southern baluchistan (highlanders all of them) who are akin to the dravidian races of southern india. the asiatic ethiopian presents a more difficult problem. during the winter of 1905 careful inquiries were made in makran for any evidence to support the suggestion that a tribe of kushite origin still existed in that country. it is of interest in connection with the question whether the earliest immigrants into mesopotamia (these people who, according to accadian tradition, brought with them from the south the science of civilization) were a semitic race or kushites. it is impossible to ignore the existence of kushite races in the east as well as the south. we have not only the authority of the earliest greek writings, but biblical records also are in support of the fact, and modern interest only centres in the question what has become of them. bellew suggests that it was after the various kush or kach, or kaj tribes that certain districts in baluchistan are called kach gandava or kach (kaj) makran, and that the chief of these tribes were the gadara, after whom the country was called gadrosia. this seems mere conjecture. at any rate the term kach, sometimes kachchi, sometimes katz, is invariably applied to a flat open space, even if it is only the flat terrace above a river intervening between the river and a hill, and is purely geographical in its significance. but it was a matter of interest to discover whether the gadurs of las bela could be the gadrosii, or whether they exhibited any ethiopian traits. the gadurs, however, proved to be a section of the rajput clan of lumris, a proud race holding themselves aloof from other clans and never intermarrying with them. there could be no mistake about the rajput origin of the red-skinned gadur. he was a kshatrya of the lunar race, but he might very possibly represent the ancient gadrosii, even though he is no descendant of kush. the other rajput tribes with whom the gadurs coalesce have apparently held their own in las from a period quite remote, and must have been there when alexander passed that way. asiatic negroes abound in makran: some of them fresh importations from africa, others bred in the slave villages of the arabian sea coast, as they have been for centuries. they are a fine, brawny, well-developed race of people, and some of the best of them are to be found as stokers in the p. & o. service; but they do not represent the asiatic ethiopian of herodotus, who could hardly compile a gazetteer for the greeks which should include all the ethnographical information known to the persians, any more than our intelligence department could compile a complete gazetteer of the whole russian empire. to the maritime greek nation the overwhelming preponderance of the huge empire which overshadowed them must have created the same feeling of anxious suspicion that the unwieldy size of russia presents to us, and it is not very likely that military intelligence of a really practical nature was offered gratis to the greeks by the persian geographers and military leaders. it is not surprising, therefore, that herodotus did not know all that existed on the far persian frontier. there are tribes and peoples about southern baluchistan who are as ancient as herodotus but who are not mentioned. for instance, the ruling tribe in makran until quite recently (when they were ousted by certain sikh or rajput interlopers called gichki) were the boledi, and their country was once certainly called boledistan. the boledi valley is one of the loveliest in a country which is apt to enhance the loveliness of its narrow bands of luxuriance by their rarety and their narrowness. it is a sweet oasis in the midst of a barren rocky sea, and must always have been an object of envy to dwellers outside, even in days when a fuller water-supply, more widely spread, turned many a valley green which is now deep drifted with sand. ptolemy mentions the boledis, so that they can well boast the traditional respectability of age-long ancestry. the boledis are said to have dispossessed the persian kaiani maliks, who ruled makran in the seventeenth century, when they headed what is known as the baluch confederation. this may be veritable history, but their pride of race and origin, on whatever record it is based, has come to an end now; it has been left to the present generation to see the last of them. a few years ago there was living but one representative of the ruling family of the boledis, an old lady named miriam, who was exceedingly cunning in the art of embroidery, and made the most bewitching caps. she was, i believe, dependent on the bounty of the sultan of muscat, who possesses a small tract of territory on the makran coast. herodotus apparently knew nothing about the boledis, nor can it be doubted that the greek knowledge of makran was exceedingly scanty. thus, whilst alexander marched to the indian frontier, well supplied with information as to the ways thither when once he could make persia his base, he was almost totally ignorant of the one route out of india which he eventually followed, and which so nearly enveloped his whole force in disaster. chapter ii assyria and afghanistan--ancient land routes--possible sea routes with the building up of the vast persian empire, and the gradual fostering of eastern colonies, and the consequent introduction of the manners and methods of western asia into the highlands of samarkand and badakshan, other nationalities were concerned besides persians and greeks. captive peoples from syria had been deported to assyria seven centuries before christ. the house of israel had been broken up (for samaria had fallen in 721 b.c. before the victorious hosts of sargon), and some of the israelitish families had been deported eastwards and northwards to northern mesopotamia and armenia. with the vitality of their indestructible race it is at least possible that a remnant survived as serfs in assyria, preserving their own customs and institutions--secretly if not openly--intermarrying, trading, and money-making, yet still looking for the final restoration of israel until the final break-up of the assyrian kingdom. they were never absolutely absorbed, and never forgot to recount their historic pedigree to their children. with the final overthrow of the assyrian kingdom we lose sight of the tribes of israel, who for more than a century had been mingled with the peoples of northern mesopotamia and armenia. at least history holds no record of their further national existence. from time immemorial in asia it had been customary for the captives taken in war to be transported bodily to another field for purposes of colonization and public labour. when the world was more scantily peopled such methods were natural and effectual; the increase of working power gained thereby being of the utmost importance in days when enormous irrigation canals were excavated, and bricks had to be fashioned for the construction of walled cities. the extent and magnificence of assyrian building must have demanded an immense supply of such manual labour for the purpose of brickmaking. all the mighty works of ancient egypt, assyria, and babylon were literally "the work of men's hands." in mesopotamia was captured labour especially necessary. stone was indeed available at nineveh, but the barrenness of the soil which stretches flatly from the rugged hills of kurdistan across mesopotamia rendered the country unproductive unless enormous works of irrigation were undertaken for the distribution of water. mesopotamia is a country of immense possibilities, but the wealth of it is only for those who can distribute the waters of its great rivers over the productive soil. the yearly inundations of the euphrates and tigris are but sufficient for the needs of a narrow strip of land on either side the rivers, and the crops of the country undeveloped by canals can only support a scattered and scanty population. towards the south there is another difficulty. the flat soil becomes water-logged and marshy and runs to waste for want of drainage. there is no stone for building purposes near babylon. approaching babylon over the windy wastes of scrub-powdered plain there is nothing to be seen in the shape of a hill. long, low, flat-topped mounds stretch athwart the horizon and resolve themselves on nearer approach into deeply scarred and weather-worn accretions of debris, or else they are banks of ancient waterways winding through the steppe, the last remnants of a stupendous system of irrigation. then there breaks into view the solitary erection which stands in the open plain overlooking a wide vista of marsh and swamp to the west, which represents the ruins called birs nimrud, the ziggurat or temple which, in successive tiers devoted to the powers of heaven, supported the shrine of mercury. it is by far the most conspicuous object in the babylonian landscape; huge, dilapidated, and unshapely, it mounts guard over a silent, stagnant, swampy plain. now the remarkable feature in all these gigantic remains of antiquity is that they are built of brick. in the wide expanse of mesopotamia plain around there is not a stone quarry to be found. of nineveh, we learn from the masterly records of xenophon that as he was leading the surviving 10,000 greeks in their retreat from the disastrous field of babylon back to the sunny hellespont, some 200 years after the destruction of nineveh, he came upon a vast desert city on the tigris. the wall of it was 25 feet wide, 100 feet high, with a 20-foot basement of stone. this was all that was left of kalah, one of the assyrian capitals. a day's march farther north he came on another deserted city with similar walls. these were the dry bones of nineveh, already forgotten and forsaken. two centuries had in these early ages been sufficient to blot out the memory of assyrian greatness so completely that xenophon knew not of it, nor recognized the place where his foot was treading. barely seventy years ago was the memory of them restored to man, and tokens of the richness and magnificence of the art which embellished them first given to the world. the mounds representing nineveh and babylon are some of them of enormous size. the mound of mugheir (the ancient ur) is the ancient platform of an assyrian palace, which is faced with a wall 10 feet thick of red kiln-dried bricks cemented with bitumen. some of these platforms were raised from 50 to 60 feet above the plain and protected by massive stone masonry carried to a height exceeding that of the platform. but the babylonian mound of birs nimrud, which rises from the plain level to the blue glazed masonry of the upper tier of the ziggurat, is altogether a brick construction. the debris of the many-coloured bricks now forms a smooth slope for many feet from its base; but above, where the square blocks of brickwork still hold together in scattered disarray, you may still dig out a foot-square brick with the title and designations of nebuchadnezzar imprinted on its face. these artificial mounds could only have been built at an enormous cost of labour. the great mound of koyunjik (the palace of nineveh) covers an area of 100 acres and reaches up 95 feet at its highest point. it has been calculated that to heap up such a pile would "require the united efforts of 10,000 men for twelve years, or 20,000 men for six years" (rawlinson, _five monarchies_), and then only the base of the palace is reached; and there are many such mounds, for "it seems to have been a point of honour with the assyrian kings that each should build a new palace for himself" (ragozin, _chaldaea_). only conquering monarchs with whole nations as prisoners could have compassed such results. this, indeed, was one of the great objectives of war in these early times. it was the amassing of a great population for manual labour and the creation of new centres of civilization and trade. thus it was that the peoples of western asia--egyptians, israelites, jews, ph[oe]nicians, assyrians, babylonians, and even greeks--were transported over vast distances by land, and a movement given to the human race in that part of the world which has infinitely complicated the science of ethnology. the peopling of canada by the french, of north america by the english, of brazil by the portuguese, of argentina and chile by spaniards and italians, is perhaps a more comprehensive process in the distribution of humanity and more permanent in its character. but ancient compulsory movement, if not as extensive as modern voluntary emigration, was at least wholesale, and it led to the distribution of people in districts which would not naturally have invited them. the first process in the consolidation of a district, or satrapy, was the settlement of inhabitants, sometimes in supercession of a displaced or annihilated people, sometimes as an ethnic variety to the possessors of the soil. tiglath pileser was the first assyrian monarch to consolidate the empire by its division into satrapies. henceforward the outlying provinces of the dominions were convenient dumping places for such bodies of captives as were not required for public works at home. nothing would be more natural than that sargon should deport a portion of the israelitish nation to colonize his eastern possessions towards india, just as darius hystaspes later employed the same process to the same ends when he deported greeks from the lybian barke to baktria. there is nothing more astonishing in the fact that we should find a powerful people claiming descent from israel in northern afghanistan than that we should find another people claiming a greek origin in the hindu kush. nor was the importance of peopling waste lands and raising up new nations out of well-planted colonies overlooked ten centuries before christ any more than it is now. then it was a matter of transporting them overland and on foot to the farthest eastern limits of these great asiatic empires. always east or south they tramped, for nothing was known of the geography of the north and west. eastwards lay the land of the sun, whence came the indians who fought in the armies of darius, and where gold and ivory, apes and peacocks were found to fill ph[oe]nician ships. to-day it is different. the peopling of the world with whites is chiefly a western process. emigrants go out in ships, not as captives, but almost equally in compact bodies--the best of our working men to canada, and many of the best of our much-wanted domestic servants to south africa. it is a perpetual process in the world's economy, and perhaps the chief factor in the world's history; but in the old, old centuries before the christian era it was necessarily a land process, and the geographical distribution of the land features determined the direction of the human tide. some twenty years before the fall of samaria and the deportation of the ten tribes of israel, tiglath pileser had effected conquests in asia which carried him so far east that he probably touched the indus. why he went no farther, or why alexander subsequently left the greater part of the indian peninsula unexplored, is fully explicable on natural grounds, even if other explanations were wanting. the indus valley would offer to the military explorers from the west the first taste of the quality of the climate of the india of the plains which they would encounter. the indus valley in the hot weather would possess little climatic attraction for the western highlander. alexander's troops mutinied when they got far beyond the indus. any other troops would mutiny under such conditions as governed their outfit and their march. it is more than possible that the great assyrian conqueror before him encountered much the same difficulty. it is clear, however, historically, that the assyrian knew and trod the way to northern afghanistan (or baktria), and if we examine the map of asia with any care we shall see that there is no formidable barrier to the passing of large bodies of people from nineveh to herat (aria), or from herat to the indus valley, until we reach the very gates of india on the north-west frontier. four centuries later than tiglath pileser the battle of arbela was fought to a finish between alexander and darius (who possessed both greek and indian troops in his army) on a field which is not so very far to the east of nineveh, and which is probably represented more or less accurately by the modern persian town of erbil. the modern town may not be on the exact site of the action, and we know that the ancient town was some sixty miles away from the battlefield. however that may be, we learn that in the general retreat of the persians which followed the battle, darius made his way to ecbatana, the ancient capital of the medes. there he remained for about a year, but hearing of alexander's advance from persepolis in the spring of 330 b.c. he fled to the north-east, with a view to taking refuge with his kinsman bessos, who was then satrap of baktria. this gives us the clue to the general line of communication between northern mesopotamia and baktria (or afghanistan) in ancient days; and the twenty-five centuries which have rolled by since that early period have done little to modify that line. until the beginning of the nineteenth century a.d. from the earliest times with which we can come into contact through any human record, this high-road (not the only one, but the chief one) must have been trodden by the feet of thousands of weary pilgrims, captives, emigrants, merchants, or fighting men--an intermittent tide of humanity exceeding in volume any host known to modern days--bringing east into touch with the west to an extent which we can hardly appreciate. it may be said that the straightest road to baktria did not lie through ecbatana. it did not; but independently of the fact that ecbatana was a city of great defensive capacity, and of reasons both political and military which would have impelled darius to take that route, we shall find if we examine the latest survey of india map of western persia that the geographical distribution of hill and valley make it the easiest, if not the shortest, route. the configuration of western persia, like that of makran and southern baluchistan extending to our own north-west frontier, mainly consists of long lines of narrow ridges curving in lines parallel to the coast, rocky and mostly impassable to travellers crossing their difficult ridge and furrow formation transversely, but presenting curiously easy and open roads along the narrow lateral valleys. ecbatana once stood where the modern hamadan now stands. the road from arbil (or erbil) that carries most traffic follows this trough formation to kermanshah and then bends north-eastward to hamadan. from hamadan to rhagai and the caspian gates, which was the route followed by darius in his flight from ecbatana, the road was clearly coincident with the present telegraph line to tehran from hamadan, which strikes into the great post route eastward to mashad and herat, one of the straightest and most uniformly level roads in all asia. it must always have been so. remarkable physical changes have occurred in asia during these twenty-five centuries, but nothing to alter the relative disposition of mountain and plain in this part of persia, or to change the general character of its ancient highway. all this part of persia was under the dominion of the assyrian king when the tribes of israel left syria for armenia. he had but recently traversed the road to india, and he knew the richness of baktria (of afghan turkistan and badakshan) and could estimate what a colony might become in these eastern fields. what more natural than that he should draft some of his captives eastward to the land of promise? there is not an important tribe of people in all that hinterland of india that has not been drafted in from somewhere. there is not a people left in india, for that matter, that can safely call themselves indigenous. from persia and media, from aria and skythia, from greece and arabia, from syria and mesopotamia they have come, and their coming can generally be traced historically, and their traditions of origin proved to be true. but there is one important people (of whom there is much more to be said) who call themselves ben-i-israel, who claim a descent from kish, who have adopted a strange mixture of mosaic law and hindu ordinance in their moral code, who (some sections at least) keep a feast which strangely accords with the passover, who hate the yahudi (jew) with a traditional hatred, and for whom no one has yet been able to suggest any other origin than the one they claim, and claim with determined force; and these people rule afghanistan. it may be that they have justification for their traditions, even as others have; they may yet be proved to stand in the same relationship to the scattered remnants of israel as some of the kafir inhabitants of northern afghanistan can be shown to hold to the greeks of pre-alexandrian days. it is difficult to account for the name afghan: it has been said that it is but the armenian word aghvan (mountaineer). if this is so, it at once indicates a connection between the modern afghan and the syrian captives of armenia. but whilst "men in nations" were thus traversing the highlands of persia from mesopotamia to northern afghanistan by highways so ancient that they may be regarded almost as geographical fixtures as everlasting as the hills, we do not find much evidence of traffic with the central asian states north of the oxus. early military excursions into the land of the skyths were more for the purpose of dealing with the predatory habits of these warlike tribes, who afterwards peopled half of europe as well as india, than of promoting either trade or geographical inquiry; and it was the route which led to northern afghanistan and baktria through northern persia which was most attractive from its general accessibility and promise of profit. it was this way that northern kashmir and the gold-fields of tibet were touched. the indian gold which formed so large a part of the persian revenues in the time of darius undoubtedly came from northern india and tibet. old as are the workings of the wynaad gold-fields in the west, and kolar in the east, of the peninsula, it is unlikely that either of these sources was known to persia. the more direct routes to india from ecbatana, passing through central persia _via_ kashan, yezd, and kirman, terminated on the helmund or in makran, and there is no evidence that the mountain system which faces the indus was ever crossed by invading persian hosts. there was, indeed, a tradition in alexander's time that an attempt had been made to traverse makran and that it had failed. this, says arrian, was one of the reasons why alexander obstinately chose that route on his retirement from india. in spite, however, of the geographical difficulties which render it improbable that the hosts of tiglath pileser (who could have dealt with the skythians of the north readily enough) ever broke across the north-western gateways of india's mountain borderland, there was undoubtedly a close connection between assyria and india of which the evidence is still with us. throughout the golden age of the second empire of assyria, after the subjugation of babylon and the consolidation of the empire by tiglath pileser, during the reigns of sargon and senacherib (who fought the first assyrian naval fight), esar haddon (who destroyed sidon and removed the inhabitants) and assur-bani-pal (sardanapalus), to the final overthrow of assyria by babylon in 625 b.c., when the star of nebuchadnezzar arose on the southern horizon, assyria held the supreme command of eastern commerce, and nineveh dictated the cannons of art to the world. no event more profoundly affected the commerce of asia than the destruction of sidon and the bodily transfer of its commercial inhabitants to assyria. this was the age of assyrian art, of literature, and of architecture; assyrian culture realized its culminating point in the reign of assur-bani-pal, when the library at nineveh far surpassed any library that the world had ever seen. it was then that intercourse between assyria and india became unbroken and intimate. then public works of the largest dimensions were undertaken, and colonies formed for the purpose of developing the riches of the newly acquired lands in the east. assyrian art found its way to india, and the affinity between assyrian and indian art is directly traceable still in spite of the impress subsequently effected by greece and rome. the carpets that are spread on the floors of every anglo-indian home and which, as turkish, persian, central asian, or indian, are to be found in every carpet shop in london, usually possess in the intricacies of their pattern some trace of ancient assyrian art. as sir george birdwood has long ago pointed out, general similarities between assyrian and indian design in carpet patterns may possibly be due to a common turanian origin, pre-semitic and pre-aryan; but there are details of architectural plan in the southern indian temples which, quite as much as the reproduction of the ancient assyrian "knop and flower" in its infinite variety of form (all expressing more or less conventionally the cone and the lotus of the original idea), testify to an infinitely old art affinity, and at the same time witness to the wonderful vitality of intelligent design. the tree of life so largely interwoven into eastern fabrics was the "asherah" or "grove" sacred to asshur the supreme god of the assyrians, the lord and giver of life; and it appears to have been the development of the "hom" or lotus, which, although it is a kashmir valley plant, is always admirably rendered in assyrian sculpture. eventually the date palm took the place of the hom in the euphrates valley, just as the vine replaced it in asia minor and greece. in central asian rugs we find the cone replaced by the pomegranate, and the tree of life becomes a pomegranate tree. there is too much intricacy in such similarity of ornamental detail between assyrian and indian art for the result to have been merely developments from a common pre-historic stock along separate lines. they are clearly imitations one of the other, and the similarity is but another link in the chain of evidence which proves that the highways of asia connecting assyria with india through persia were well-trodden ways seven centuries at least before christ, even if the sea route from the red sea and euphrates had not then reached the indus and western coast of india. whilst all historical evidence points to the tehran-mashad route as the great highway which linked mesopotamia with baktria in past ages, there are certain curious little indications that the southern road through persia, viz. yezd and kirman, was also well known, for it is a remarkable fact (which may be taken for what it is worth) that it is in the villages and bazaars of sind that the potters may be found whose conservative souls delight in the reproduction of a class of ornamental decoration which most clearly indicates an assyrian origin. the direct route to sind from mesopotamia is not by way of herat. it is (as will be subsequently explained) _via_ kirman and makran, but there is absolutely no historical evidence to support the suggestion that this was a route utilized by the assyrians; and there is, on the other hand, arrian's statement that roads through makran were unknown or but legendary. it is impossible, however, to ignore the fact that the sea route to north-western india was utilized in very ancient times; and although its connection with the northern landward gates of india may appear to be rather obscure, that connection is a matter which actually concerns us rather nearly in the present day. for it is by this ancient sea route that persia and baluchistan, seistan and afghanistan derive those supplies of small arms and ammunition which are abundant in those countries, but which never pass through india. muskat is the chief depot for distribution, and the persian ports of bandar abbas, jask, or pasni on the makran coast are utilized as ports for the interior, leading by routes which are quite sufficiently good for caravan traffic towards the point where afghan territory meets that of persia and baluchistan just south of seistan. once in seistan they are well behind the passes which split our nearer line of defence in the trans-indus hills. even our command of the sea fails to suppress this traffic, which has led to such a general distribution of arms of precision (chiefly of german manufacture), that these countries may fairly claim to be able to arm their whole population. no recent researches in the persian gulf or on the persian coast have added much to the sum of our knowledge respecting the early navigation of these eastern seas, but there can be no question as to its immense antiquity. the ph[oe]nician settler in syria and mesopotamia has been traced back to his primeval home in the bahrein islands, which, if herodotus is correct in his estimated date for the founding of tyre (2756 years b.c.), takes us back to very early times indeed for the coast navigation of the persian gulf and the indian seas. hiram, king of tyre, could look back through long ages to the days when his ph[oe]nician forefathers started their well-packed vessels (the ph[oe]nicians were famous for their skill in stowing cargo) to crawl along the coasts of makran and western india for the purpose of acquiring those stores of spices and gold which first made commerce profitable, or else to make their way westward, guided by the headlands and shore outlines of southern arabia, to gather the riches from african fields. makran is full of strange relics of immense age for which none can account. since egyptology has become a recognized science, who will lay the foundations of such a science for southern arabia and makran? when will some one arise with the wisdom and the leisure to write of the power of ancient arabia, and to trace the impressions left on the whole world of commerce, of art, of architecture, and literature by the ancient races who hailed from the south? we cannot tell when the first sea-borne trade passed to and fro between india and the erythrean sea, a creeping, slow-moving trade making the best shift possible of wind and tide, and knowing no guide but the pole star of that period, and the rocky headlands and islands of the makran coast. many of the ancient islands exist no more, but the coast is a peculiarly well-marked one for the mariner still. probably the coast trade was earlier than the overland caravan traffic; but the latter was certainly co-existent with the assyrian monarchy when persia and central asia lay at the feet of the conqueror tiglath pileser. chapter iii greek exploration--alexander--modern balkh--the balkh plain and baktria twenty-two centuries have rolled away since the first military expedition from europe was organized and led into the wilds of an asia which was probably as civilized then as it is now. two thousand two hundred years, and yet along the wild stretches of the indian frontier, where a mound here and there testifies to the former existence of some forgotten camp, or where in the slant rays of the evening sun faint indications may be traced on the level punjab flats of the foundation of a city long since dead, the name of the great macedonian is uttered with reverence and awe as might be the name of a god who can still influence the lives of men, yet qualified by an affix which indicates a curious survival of the mythological conception of gods as human beings. you may wander through some of the valleys cleft through the western frontier hills, where an intermittent rivulet of water spreads a network of streamlets on the boulder-covered bed of the nullah, and where the stony hills rise in barren slopes on either side, and find, perchance half hidden by weather-worn debris and tufts of stringy verdure, the remains of what was once an artificial water-channel, stone built and admirably graded, and you may ask who was responsible for this construction. not a man can say. there is no history, no tradition even, connected with it. it passes their understanding. doubtless it was the work of "sekunder" (alexander)--that prehistoric, mythological, incomprehensible, and yet beneficent being who lives in the minds of the frontier people as the apotheosis of the deputy commissioner. yet the impression left on india by the greeks is marvellously small. it is chiefly to be found in the architecture and the sculpture of the punjab. the greek language disappeared from the indus valley about the end of the tenth century a.d., and there is hardly a greek place-name now to be recognized anywhere on the indus banks. but any unusual relic of the past, the story of which has passed beyond the memory of the present tribes-people (even though it may be obviously of mediæval arabic origin), is invariably attributed to alexander. it is, however, chiefly in the sculpture and decorations of buddhist buildings (which never existed in alexander's day) that clear evidence exists of greek art conception. the classical features and folded raiment of the sculptured saints and buddhas, which are found so freely in certain parts of the punjab, are obviously derived from original greek ideals which may very possibly have been transmitted through rome. with alexander in india we have nothing to do in these pages. it is as the first explorer in the regions beyond india, the afghan and baluchistan hinterlands, that he at present concerns us; and it may fairly be stated that no later expedition combining scientific research with military conquest ever added more to the sum of the world's knowledge of those regions than that led by alexander. for centuries after it no light arises on the geographical horizon of the indian border. indeed, not until political exigencies caused by russia's steady advance towards india compelled a revision of political boundaries in persia, baluchistan, afghanistan, and india, was any very accurate idea obtained of the geographical conditions of northern and western afghanistan, or of baluchistan, or of southern persia. the mapping of these countries has been recent, and the progress of it, as year by year the network of indian triangulation and topography spread westward and northward, has reopened many sources of light which, if not altogether new, have lain hidden ever since the macedonian conqueror passed over them. long before the greek army mustered on the banks of the hellespont we have seen that the highways to the east were well trodden and well known. it was not likely that alexander's intelligence department was lacking in information. for many centuries subsequent to that expedition the rise of the parthian power absolutely cut off these old-world trade communications and set the restless tides of human emigration into new channels. but in alexander's time there was nothing in persia to interrupt the interchange of courtesies between east and west. the great aryan tide had already flowed from the central asian highlands into india, but jutes and skyths had yet to make that great drift westward which peopled half of europe with nomadic tribes speaking kindred tongues--a drift which never rested in its westward advance till, as anglians and saxons, it had enveloped england and faced its final destiny in an american continent. assyria had passed by with arts and commerce rather than with arms, and persia had followed in assyrian tracks. both had established colonies half-way to india in the afghan highlands, persia with the aid of captive greeks, and assyria with people taken from the syrian land. the list of assyrian and persian satrapies included all those lands which we now call the hinterland of india, and which in alexander's time must have been absolutely persianized. but beyond the historical evidence which can be collected to prove the early, the constant, traffic which ensued between mesopotamia, or asia minor, and india, after the consolidation of those two great empires, there is the tradition which certain greek writers (notably arrian) treat rather scornfully, of the conquest of upper india by the mythical hero bacchus. it is never wise to treat any tradition scornfully, and arrian is himself obliged to admit the difficulty of explaining certain records connected with alexander's history, without assuming that the tradition was not groundless. writing of the city of nysa, arrian says that "it was built by dionysos or bacchus, when he conquered the indians; but who this bacchus was, or at what time or from whence he conquered the indians is hard to determine, whether he was that theban who from thebes, or he who from timolus, a mountain of lydia, undertook that famous expedition into india is very uncertain." there is a greek epic poem in hexameter verse, called the "dionysiaka," or "bassarika," which tells of the conquest of india by bacchus, the greatest of all his achievements. the author is nonnus of panopolis in egypt, who wrote about the beginning of the fifth century of our era. bacchus is said to have received a command from zeus to turn back the indians, who had extended their conquests to the mediterranean, and in the execution of this command he marched through syria and assyria. in assyria he was entertained with magnificent hospitality. nothing further is said of the route he took to reach india. the first battle which took place in india was on the banks of the hydaspes, where the indians were routed. then followed as an incident in the war the destruction of the indian fleet in a naval battle, which is instructive. it took the assistance of the goddess of war, pallas athene, to bring the campaign to a conclusion, which terminated with the death of the indian leader deriades. here, then, is crystallized in verse the tradition to which arrian refers, and remembering that we are indebted to two great epics of india, the "ramayana" and the "mahabharata," for such glimmering of the ancient history of the aryan occupation of india as we possess, we may very well conceive that the germs of real historical fact lie half-concealed in this poem of nonnus. however that may be, it is tolerably certain that alexander found a people in northern india who claimed a greek origin when he arrived there, quite apart from the colonists of baktria who had been transported there by darius hydaspes, and that he recognized their claim to distant relationship. when alexander, then, mustered his army in the sunny fields of macedon he was preparing for an expedition over no uncertain ways between greece and baktria or arachosia (northern and western afghanistan). he knew what lay before him if he could once break through the persian barrier; and the strength of that barrier he must have been well aware lay as much in the stern fighting qualities of the mercenary greek legions in the pay of persia as in the hosts of persian and indian troops which the persian monarch could array against him. we have lists of the component forces on both sides. the macedonian legions were homogeneous and patriotic. the persian army was partly european, but chiefly asiatic, with a mixed company of asiatic troops such as has probably never taken the field since. the opposing forces, indeed, partook of the nature of the two armies which fought out the issue of the russo-japanese campaign, and the result was much the same. there was no tie of national sentiment to bind together the unwieldy cohorts of persia. they fought for their pay, and they fought well; but when big battalions are divided in religious sentiment and unswayed by patriotism, they are no match for macedonian cohesion, mahomedan jehad, or japanese bushido. it is quite interesting to examine the details of alexander's army. the main body consisted of six brigades of 3000 men, each united to form an irresistible phalanx. heavily armoured, with a long shield, a long sword, and a four-and-twenty foot spear (sarina), the infantryman of the phalanx must have possessed a powerful physique to enable him to carry himself and his weapons in the field. the depth of the phalanx was sixteen ranks, and the first six ranks were so placed that they could all bring their spears into action at once. the bulk of the phalanx consisted of macedonians only. the light infantry, bowmen, and dartsmen numbered about 6000. a third corps of 6000 men more lightly armed, but with longer swords than the phalangists (called hypaspists), were intermediate. the cavalry consisted of three classes, light, heavy, and medium, 3000 macedonian and thessalian horsemen, heavily armoured, forming its main strength. the light cavalry were thracian lancers. the royal horse guard included eight macedonian squadrons of horsemen picked from the best families in greece. it is useful to note that there were mounted infantry and artillery (_i.e._ balistai and katapeltai) with the force. more useful still to note that none of alexander's victories were won by the solid strength of his phalanx; it was the sweeping and resistless force of his cavalry charges (often led by himself) that gained them. perhaps the most notable feature about this greek expedition to india was the fact that it was the first military expedition of which there is any record which included scientific inquiry as one of its objects. alexander had on his personal staff men of literary if not of scientific acquirements, and it is to them doubtless that we owe a comparatively clear account of the expedition, although unfortunately their records have only been transmitted to us by later authors. if we could but recover originals what a host of doubtful points might be cleared up! it is true that previous to the date of alexander one man of genius, xenophon, had kept a record of a magnificent military achievement, and had proved himself to be master of literature as he was of the science of leading; but xenophon stands alone, and it may be doubted whether, during the many centuries which have passed away since the era of greek supremacy, any practical leader of men has ever attained such a splendid position in the ranks of writers of military history. alexander appears, at any rate, to have been no historian, but his staff of cultivated literary assistants and men of letters included many notable greek names. alexander crossed the hellespont in the spring of the year 334 b.c., and first encountered the persians near the granikos river. the battle was decisive although the losses on either side do not appear to have been heavy. it was but the augury of what was to follow. the subsequent advance of the macedonian troops southward through the lovely land of iona, and the reduction of miletus and helikarnassos, brought the first year's campaign to a close. the second year opened with the conquest of pamphyllia and phrygia, the passage of the tauros ranges being made in winter. on the return of spring he recrossed the tauros and reduced the western hill-tribes of kilikia. part of his force, meanwhile, had occupied the passes into syria known as the syrian gates. within two days march of the syrian gates the persian hosts again were massed in an open plain under darius, who had advanced from the east, waiting to fall upon the macedonian troops and crush them as they debouched from the defile. tired of waiting, however, darius moved forward into kilikia by the amanian passes to look for alexander, and thus it happened that when alexander finally emerged from the syrian gates into the plains of syria he found his enemy behind him. he partially retraced his steps and regained the pass by midnight, and there from one of the adjoining summits he "beheld the persian watch-fires gleaming far and wide over the plain of issos." the rapidity of alexander's movements was only equalled by the fierce energy of his onslaught when he led his cavalry against the unwieldy formations of his persian enemy. it was his own hand that gained the victory both then and afterwards. there is no more stirring story in all history than this progress of the macedonian force. step by step it has been traced out from granikos to issos and from issos to arbela; but this is not the place to recapitulate that part of the story which applies only to western asia. it is not until after the final decisive battle at arbela, when darius fled in hot haste along the south-eastern road to ecbatana, the former capital of media, and thence in the spring of 330 b.c. retreated with a disorganized force and an intriguing court towards baktria, where he hoped to find a refuge with his kinsman bessos the satrap of that province, that we really touch on the subject with which we wish to deal in this book, viz. the high-roads to afghanistan in those long past days. alexander, meanwhile, had received the submission of babylon and restored the temple of belus, and made himself master of a more spacious empire than the world had yet seen. it was then that the amazing results of his military success began to turn his head. from this point the severe simplicity of the macedonian soldier is exchanged for the luxury, arrogance, and intolerance of the despot and conqueror. as alexander advanced in material strength so did he slide down the easy descent of moral retrogression, and whilst we can still admire his magnificence as a military leader we find little else left to admire about him. from babylon to the lovely valley wherein lies susa, and from susa to persepolis, was more or less of a triumphal march in spite of the fierce opposition of the satrap artobaizanes. of persepolis we are taught to believe that alexander left nothing behind him but blackened ruins--the result of a drunken orgy. during the winter, amidst snow and ice, he subdued the mardians in their mountain fastnesses (for he never left an active foe on the flank or rear), and with the return of the sweet persian spring he renewed his hunt after darius, turning his face to the north and east. there are two high-roads through persia to the east--one leading to northern afghanistan and the oxus regions over mashad, the other to kirman, seistan, and kandahar. along both of them there now runs a telegraph line connecting with the russian system _via_ mashad, and the indian system _via_ kirman. they must always have been high-roads--the great trade routes to central asia and india. where the orderly line of telegraph poles now stretches in unending regularity to mark the dusty highway, there, through more ages than we can count, the padded foot of the camel must have worn the road into ridges and ruts as he plodded his weary way with loads of merchandise and fodder. no geological evolution can have disturbed those tracks since the assyrian kings first drew riches from the east and started colonies on the baktrian highlands; they are now as they were 1000 years before christ, and it is only natural that in the ordinary course of the same unresting spirit of enterprise the telegraph posts will sooner or later cast long shadows over a passing railway. the desert regions of persia separate these two roads: the wide flat spaces of sand or "kavir"; an unending procession of sand-hills on the glittering fields of salt-bound swamp. the desert is crossable--it has been fairly well exploited--but nothing so far has been found in it to justify the expectation of great discoveries of dead and buried cities, or traces of a former civilization such as once occupied the deserts of chinese turkistan. we may well believe that the central deserts of persia were the same in alexander's time as they are in ours. consequently any large company of people would have been more or less forced into one or other of the well-known routes which the geographical configuration of the country presented to them. in his pursuit of darius alexander followed the northern route to baktria which strikes a little north of east from ecbatana (hamadan), and in these days leads direct to tehran the modern capital of persia. the tragical fate of darius, and alexander's crocodile grief thereat, belongs to another story. it is only when he touches the regions beyond mashad that he figures as one of the earliest explorers of afghanistan, and certainly the earliest of whom we have any certain record. unfortunately these records say very little of the nature of those cities and centres of human life which he found on the afghan border; nor is there any definite allusion to be found in the writings of alexander's historians to the colonial occupation of afghanistan which must have preceded the persian conquests. we have seen that assyrian influence was strongly and continuously felt in india for many centuries after the consolidation of the second assyrian empire, and the probability that between the tigris and the oxus there must have been intercommunication from the earliest days of the rise of assyrian power. there is one ragged and time-worn city in afghan turkistan which certainly belongs to the centuries preceding the era of alexander--it was the capital of baktria, the city of bessos, and it has been a great centre of commerce, a city of pilgrimage, buddhist and mahomedan, for many a century since. this is balkh, traditionally known as the "mother of cities," whose foundation is variously ascribed to nimrud, or to "karomurs the persian romulus," assyrian or persian as the fancy strikes the narrator. of its extreme antiquity there can be no doubt. it is certain that at a very early date it was the rival of ecbatana, of nineveh, and of babylon. bricks with inscriptions are said to have been found there some seventy years ago, and similar bricks should certainly be there still. officers of the russo-afghan boundary commission passed through modern balkh in 1884, but no such bricks were found during the very cursory and entirely superficial examination which was all that could be made of the place; square bricks, without inscription, of the size and quality of those which may any day be dug out of the birs nimrud at babylon were certainly found, and point to a similarity of construction in a part of the ancient walls, which is surely not accidental. modern balkh consists of about 500 houses of afghan settlers, a colony of jews, and a small bazaar set in the midst of a waste of ruins and many acres of debris. the walls of the city are 6½ or 7 miles in perimeter; in some places they are supported by a rampart like the walls of herat. these, of course, are modern, as is the fort and citadel, or bala hissar, which stands on a mound to the north-east. the green cupola of the masjid sabz and the arched entrance to the ruined madrasa testify to modern mahomedan occupation, as do the top-i-rustam and the takht-i-rustam (two ancient topes) to the fervour of religious zeal with which its buddhist inhabitants invested it in the early centuries of our era. balkh awaits its layard, and not only balkh, for there are mounds and ruins innumerable scattered through the breadth of the balkh plain. as one approaches balkh by the akcha road from the west, one looks anxiously around for some outward signs of its extreme antiquity. they are not altogether wanting, but time and the mellowing hand of nature have rounded off the edges of the mounds of debris which lie scattered over miles of the surrounding country, brushing them over with the fresh green of vegetation, and leaving no sign by which to judge of the age of them. it is difficult in this part of asia to get back farther than the age of the great destroyer chenghiz khan. his time has passed by long enough to leave but little evidence that the hand of the destroyer was his hand; but probably nothing visible on the surface dates back further than the six centuries which have come and gone since his mongol hordes were set loose. beyond these surface ruins and below them there must be cities arranged, as it were, in underground flats, one piled on another, strata below strata, till we reach the debris of the pre-semitic days of western and central asia, when the turanian races who supplied arcadian civilization to mesopotamia peopled the land. just as we cannot tell exactly when babylon first became a city, so are we confounded by the age of balkh. babylon belongs to the time when myths were grouped around the adventures of a solar hero. ultimately, however, the ca-dimissa of the accad became the bab-ili (the "gate of god") of the semite. it was always the "gate of god," but whether the presiding deity was always the accadian merodach seems doubtful. fourteen or fifteen centuries before christ there was probably a balkh as there was a babylon; and from time immemorial and a date unreckoned balkh and babylon must have been the two great commercial centres of asia. what a history to dig out when its time shall come! as the akcha road leads into the city it passes the outer wall, which is about 30 feet high, by a gateway which is frankly nothing more than a gap in the partially destroyed wall. it then skirts along, past a ziarat gay with red flags, to a gateway in the second wall under the citadel leading to an avenue of poplars ending with a garden. here is a pretentious and fairly comfortable caravanserai, facing a court which is shaded by magnificent plane trees. at first sight balkh appears to consist of nothing but ruins, but ascending the mound, which is surrounded by the dilapidated fort walls, one can see from this vantage of about 70 feet how many new buildings are grouped round the remnants of the old mahomedan mosque, of which the dome and one great gateway are all that is left. the plain of the ancient baktria, of which balkh represents the capital, lies south of the oxus river, extending east and west for some 200 miles parallel to the river after its debouchment from the mountains of badakshan. it is flat, with a scattering of prominences and mounds at intervals denoting the site of some village or fortress of sufficient antiquity to account for its gradual rise on the accumulations of its own debris, probably assisted in the first instance by some topographical feature. looking south it appears to be flanked by a flat blue wall of hills, presenting no opportunity for escalade or passage through them, a blue level line of counterscarp, which is locally known as the elburz. this great flanking wall is in reality very nearly what it appears to be--an unassailable rampart; but there are narrow ways intersecting it not easily discernible, and through these ways the rivers of the highlands make a rough passage to the plains. wherever they tumble through the mountain gateways and make placid tracks in the flats below, they are utilized for irrigation purposes, and so there exists a narrow fringe of cultivation under the hills, which extends here and there along the banks of the rivers out into the open balkh plain. but these rivers never reach the oxus. this is not merely because the waters of them are absorbed in irrigation, but because there is a well-ascertained tectonic action at work which is slowly raising the level of the plain. thus it happens that whilst big affluents from the north bring rushing streams of much silt-stained water to the great river, no such affluents exist on the south. the waters of the elburz streams are all lost in the oxus plain ere they reach the river. nevertheless there are abundant evidences of the former existence of a vast irrigation system drawn from the oxus. the same lines of level mounds which break the horizon of the plains of babylon are to be seen here, and they denote the same thing. they are the containing walls of canals which carried the oxus waters through hundreds of square miles of flat plain, where they never can be carried again because of the alteration in the respective levels of plain and river. ten centuries before christ, at least, were the plains of babylon thus irrigated, and just as the arts of greece and india rose on the ashes of the arts of nineveh, so doubtless was the science of irrigation carried into the colonial field of baktria from assyria, and thus was the city of "nimrud" surrounded with a wealth of cultivation which rendered it famous through asia for more centuries than we can tell. whether or no the science of irrigation drifted eastwards from the west it seems more than probable that the ruined and decayed water-ways which intersect the balkh plain were primarily due to the introduction of syrian labour, and account for the presence in that historic region of a people amongst others who claim descent from captive israelites. there are no practical irrigation engineers in the world (excepting perhaps the chinese) who can rival the afghans in their knowledge of how to make water flow where water never flowed before. it is of course impossible, on such evidence as we possess as yet, to claim more than the appearance of a probability based on such an undeniable possibility as this. after the death of darius his kinsman bessos escaped into his own satrapy (probably to balkh), and there assumed the upright tiara, the emblem of persian royalty, taking at the same time the name of artaxerxes. true to his invariable principle of leaving no unbeaten enemy on the flank of his advance, alexander proceeded to subjugate hyrkania, from which country he was separated by the elburz (persian) mountains. he crossed those mountains in three divisions by separate passes, and effected his purpose with his usual thoroughness and without much difficulty. having crushed the mardians he shaped a straight course eastward to herat on his way to baktria, marching by the great highway which connects tehran with mashad. the country around mashad (part of khorasan) was a satrapy of persia under satibarzanes, who submitted without apparent opposition and was confirmed in his government. the capital of this province was artakoana, described as a city situated in a plain of exceptional fertility where the main roads from north to south and from west to east crossed each other. to no place does such a description apply so closely as herat, and it has consequently been assumed that herat indicates more or less closely the site of the ancient city artakoana, which, indeed, is most probable. but alexander had not long passed that city in his march towards baktria when the news of the revolt of satibarzanes reached him with the story of the loss of the macedonian escort which had been left with that satrap and had been massacred to a man. he immediately turned on his tracks, captured artakoana, routed the satrap, and by way of leaving a permanent monument of his victory founded a new city in the neighbourhood which he called alexandreia. this is probably the actual origin of the modern herat, and it is a tribute to the sagacity of the macedonian king that from that time to this it has abundantly proved its importance as a strategical and commercial centre. the forward march to baktria would have taken the greek army via kushk, maruchak, and maimana along the route which is practically the easiest and safest for a large body of troops. it is the route followed by the afghan boundary commission in 1885. alexander, however, instead of resuming his march on baktria, elected to crush another of the persian satraps who was concerned in the murder of darius and who ruled a province to the south of herat. crossing the hari rud he therefore marched straight on farah (prophthasia), then the capital of seistan (drangiana). farah is considerably to the north of any part of the afghan province of seistan at present, but it was undoubtedly alexander's objective, and the drangiana of those times was considerably more extensive than the seistan of to-day--a fact which will go some way to account for the exaggerated reports of the ancient wealth and fertility of that province. farah is a great agricultural centre still, and would add enormously to the restricted cultivable area of seistan, even if one allows for the effects of sand encroachment in that unpleasant region. then occurred the plot against alexander's life which was detected at prophthasia, and the consequent torture and death of philotas, who probably had no part in it. it is one of the many actions of alexander's life which reveals the ferocity of the barbarian beneath the genius of the soldier. it was but the barbarity of his age--a barbarity for the matter of that which lasted in england till the time of the georges, and which still survives in afghanistan. after a halt in seistan, probably whilst waiting for reinforcements, he struck north-eastwards again for baktria. as it is generally assumed that the macedonian force now followed the helmund valley route to the paropamisos, _i.e._ the hindu kush and its extension westwards, it is as well to consider what sort of a country it is that forms the basin of helmund. it is worth remarking in the first place that the ariaspian inhabitants of the helmund valley had received from cyrus the name of euergetai, or benefactors, because they had assisted him at a time when he had been in great difficulties. this is enough to satisfy us that the district was known and had been traversed by a military force long before alexander entered it, and that he was making no venturesome advance in ignorance of what lay before him. the valley of the helmund (or etymander) could not have differed greatly in its geographical features 300 years before christ from its present characteristics. the helmund of the seistan basin then occupied a different channel to its present outlets into the seistan swamps. how different it is difficult to tell, for it has frequently changed its course within historic times, silting up its bed and striking out a new channel for itself, splitting into a number of streams and wandering uncontrolled in loops or curves over the face of the flat alluvial plains to which it brought fertility and wealth. it has been a perpetual source of political discussion as a boundary between afghanistan and persia, and it has altered the face of the land so extensively and so often that there is nothing in ancient history referring to the vast extent of agricultural wealth and the immensity of its population which can be proved to be impossible, although it seems likely enough that false inferences have been drawn from the widespread area of ruined and deserted towns and villages which are still to be seen and may almost be counted. it is not only that the water-supply and facilities for irrigation, by shifting their geographical position, have carried with them the potentialities for cultivation. other forces of nature which seem to be set loose on seistan with peculiar virulence and activity have also been at work. the sweeping blasts of the north-west wind, which rage through this part of asia with a strength and persistence unknown in regions more protected by topographical features, carrying with them vast volumes of sand and surface detritus, piling up smooth slopes to the windward side of every obstruction, smoothing off the rough angles of the gaunt bones of departed buildings, and sometimes positively wearing them away by the force of attrition, play an important part in the kaleidoscopic changes of seistan landscape. villages that are flourishing one year may be sand-buried the next. channels that now run free with crop-raising water may be choked in a month, and all the while the great helmund, curving northward in its course, pours down its steady volume of silt from the highlands, carrying tons of detritus into open plains where it is spread out, sun-baked, dried, wind-blown, and swirled back again to the southward in everlasting movement. thus it is that the evidence of hundreds of square miles of ruins is no direct evidence of an immense population at any one period. nor can we say of this great alluvial basin, which is by turns a smiling oasis, a pestilential swamp, a huge spread of populous villages, or a howling desert smitten with a wind which becomes a curse and afflicted with many of the pests and plagues of ancient egypt, that at any one period of its history more than another it deserved the appellation of the "granary of asia." the helmund of seistan, however, is quite a different helmund from the same river nearer its source. its character changes from the point where it makes its great bend northward towards its final exit into the lagoons and swamps of the hamún. at chaharburjak, where the high-road to seistan from the south crosses the river into afghan territory, the helmund is a wide rippling stream (when not in flood), distinguished, if anything, for the clearness of its waters. from this point eastwards it parts two deserts. to the north the great, flat, windswept dasht-i-margo, about as desolate and arid a region as fancy could depict. to the south the desert of baluchistan, by no means so absolutely devoid of interest, with its marshalled sand-dunes answering to the processes of the winds, its isolated but picturesque peaks like islands in a sand sea, a few green spots here and there showing where water oozes out from the buried feet of the rocky hills, decorated with bunches of flowering tamarisk and perchance a palm or two--a modified desert, but still a desert. between the two deserts is the helmund, running in a cliff-sided trough which is never more than a mile or two wide, intensely green and bright in the grass and crop season, with flourishing villages at reasonable intervals and a high-road connecting them from which can be counted that strange multitude of departed cities of the old kaiani kingdom, which are marked by a ragged crop of ruins still upstanding in a weird sort of procession. sometimes the high-road sweeps right into the midst of a roofless palace, through the very walls of the ancient building, and outside may be found spaces brushed clean by the wind leaving masses of pottery, glass, and other common debris exposed. one constant surprise to modern explorers is the extraordinary quantity of domestic crockery the remains of which surround old eastern cities; and almost yet more of a surprise it is how far and how widespread are certain easily recognized specialities, such, for instance, as the so-called "celadon." chips and fragments of celadon are to be found from babylon to seistan, from seistan to india, in afghanistan, kashmir, burma, siam. in siam are all that remains of what were probably the original furnaces. every shower of rain that falls in this extended cemetery of crumbling monuments reveals small treasures in the way of rings, coins, seals, etc. much of the cultivation and of the extent of population indicated by the ruins in this narrow valley must have existed in the times of alexander of macedon and the ariaspians, and we find no difficulty in accepting the helmund (or etymander) as the line of route which he followed for a certain distance. indeed, there is much more than a passing probability that he followed the line which gave him water and supplies as far as the junction of the argandab and helmund, for the problem of crossing the desert from the helmund valley to nushki and the cultivated districts of kalat is a serious one--one, indeed, which gave the russo-afghan boundary commissioners much anxious thought. but beyond the argandab junction it is extremely improbable that alexander followed the helmund. the helmund and its surroundings have been carefully surveyed from this point through the turbulent districts of zamindawar for 100 miles or more, and again from its source near kabul for some fifty miles of its downward flow. the zamindawar section of the river affords an open road, although the river, as we follow it upward, gradually becomes enclosed in comparatively narrow (yet still fertile) valleys, and rapidly assumes the character of a mountain stream. north of zamindawar and south of its exit from the koh-i-baba mountain system to the west of kabul, no modern explorer has ever seen the helmund. it there passes through the hazara highlands, and although we have not penetrated that rugged plateau we know very well its character by repute, and we have seen similar country to the west where dwell cognate tribes--the taimani and the firozkohi. this upland basin of the helmund to the west of kabul and ghazni, this cradle of a hundred affluents pouring down ice-cold water to the river, is but a huge extension southwards of the hindu kush, and from it emerge many of the great rivers of afghanistan. to the north the rivers of balkh and khulm take a hurried start for the oxus plains. westward the hari rud streams off to herat. south-westward extends the long curving line of the helmund, and eastward flow the young branches of the kabul. a rugged mountain mass called the koh-i-baba, the lineal continuation of the hindu kush, dominates the rolling plateau from the north and continues westward in an almost unbroken wall to the band-i-baian looking down into the narrow hari rud valley. it is a part of the continental divide of asia, high, rugged, desolate, and almost pathless. no matter from which side the toiler of the mountains approaches this elevated and desolate region, whether emerging from the herat drainage he essays to reach kabul, or from the small affluents of the helmund he strikes for the one gap which exists between the hindu kush and the koh-i-baba which will lead him to balkh and afghan turkistan, he will have enormous difficulties to encounter. it can be done, truly, but only with the pains and penalties of high mountaineering attached. taken as a whole, the highest uplands above the sources of the minor rivers which water the bright and fertile valleys of ghur, zamindawar, and farah may be described much as one would describe tibet--a rolling, heaving, desolate tableland, wrinkled and intersected by narrow mountain ranges, whose peaks run to 13,000 and 14,000 feet in altitude, enclosing between them restricted spaces of pasture land. the mongol population, who claim to have been introduced as military settlers by chenghiz khan, live a life of hard privation. they leave their barren wastes which the wind wipes clear of any tree growth, for the lower valleys in the winter months, merely resorting to them in the time of summer pasturage. the winter is long and severe. it is not the altitude alone which is accountable for its severity; it is the geographical position of this central afghan upheaval which exposes it to the full blast of the ice-borne northern winds which, sweeping across turkistan with destructive energy, reduce the atmosphere of seistan to a sand-laden fog, and penetrate even to the valley of the indus where for days together they wrap the whole landscape in a dusty haze. for many months the hazara highlands are buried under successive sheets of snowdrift. in summer, like the pamirs, they emerge from their winter's sleep and become a succession of grass-covered downs. there are then open ways across them, and travellers may pass by many recognizable tracks. but in winter they are impassable to man and beast. yet we are asked to believe that alexander, who had the best of guides in his pay, and who knew the highways and byways of asia as well, if not better, than they are known now to any military authorities, took his army _in winter_ up the helmund valley till it struck its sources somewhere under the koh-i-baba! there was no madness in alexander's methods. his withdrawal from india through the defiles and deserts of makran was most venturesome and most disastrous, but he had a distinct object to gain by the attempt to pass into persia that way. here there was no object. the helmund route does not, and did not, lead directly to his objective, baktria, and there was another high-road always open, which must have been as well known then as, indeed, it is well known to-day. there can be very little doubt that he followed the argandab to the neighbourhood of the modern kandahar (in arachosia), and from kandahar to kabul he took the same historic straight high-road which was followed by a later general (lord roberts) when he marched from kabul to kandahar. this would give him quite difficulties enough in winter to account for arrian's story of cold and privations. it would lead him direct to the plains of the kohistan north of kabul, where there must have ever been the opportunity of collecting supplies for his force, and where, separated from him by the ridges of the hindu kush, were planted those greek colonies of darius hystaspes whose assistance might prove invaluable to his onward movement. it was here, at any rate, not far from the picturesque village of charikar, that he founded that city of alexandreia, the remains of which appear to have been recently disturbed by the amir, and to which we shall make further reference. military text-books still speak of the unai, or bamian, as a pass which was traversed by the greeks. it is most improbable that they ever crossed the hindu kush that way, and the question obviously arises in connection with this theory of his march--how was it possible for alexander to spend the rest of the winter near the sources of the helmund? it was not possible. his next step was to cross the hindu kush. this he attempted with difficulty in the spring, and reached a fertile country in fifteen days. he might have crossed by the kaoshan pass (which local tradition assigns as the pass which he really selected), or by the panjshir, which is longer, but in some respects easier. the panjshir is the pass usually adopted for the passage of large bodies of troops by the afghans themselves, and there is reported to be, in these days, a well-engineered khafila road, which is kept open by forced labour in snow-time, connecting kabul with andarab by this route. the pass of the panjshir is about 11,600 feet high, whereas the kaoshan, though straighter, is 14,300. considering the slow rate of movement (fifteen days) it is more probable that he took the easier route _via_ panjshir. in either case he would reach the beautiful and fertile valley of andarab, and from that base he could move freely into baktria. the country had been ravaged and wasted by bessos, but that did not delay alexander. the chief cities of baktria surrendered without opposition, and he pushed forward to the oxus in his pursuit of bessos. all this would be more interesting if we could trace the route more closely which was followed to the oxus. we know, however, that for previous centuries balkh had been the capital city, the great trade emporium of all that region. there is therefore no difficulty in accepting balkh as the greek baktria. between balkh and the oxus the plains are strewn with ruins, some of them of vast extent, whilst other evidences of former townships are to be found about khulm and tashkurghan farther to the east, and on the direct route from andarab to the oxus. bessos had retreated to sogdiana of which marakanda was capital, and the straight road to marakanda (samarkand) crosses the oxus at kilif. the description of the river oxus at that point tallies fairly well with arrian's account of it. it is deep and rapid, and the hill fortress of kilif on the right bank, and of dev kala and other isolated rocky hills on the left, hedges in the river to a channel which cannot have changed through long ages. elsewhere the oxus is peculiarly liable to shift its channel, and has done so from time to time, forming new islands, taking fresh curves, and actually changing its destination from the caspian to the aral sea; but at kilif it must have ever been deep and rapid, covering a breadth of about three-quarters of a mile. across the breadth nowadays is about as peculiar a ferry as was ever devised. long, shallow, flat-bottomed boats, square as to bow and stern, are towed from side to side of the river by swimming horses. this would not be a matter of so much surprise if the horses employed for the purpose were powerful animals from fourteen to fifteen hands in height, but the remarkable feature about the kilif stud is the diminutive and ragged crew of underfed ponies which it produces. and yet two, or even one, of these inefficient-looking little animals will tow across a barge of twenty feet or so in length, crowded with weighty bales of bokhara merchandise, and filled as to interstices with its owners and their servants. the ponies are attached to outriggers with a strap from a surcingle or belly-band buckled to their backs, thus supporting their weight in the water at the same time that it takes the haulage. with their heads just above stream, snorting and blowing, they swim with measured strokes and tow the boat (advancing diagonally in crab-like fashion to meet the current) straight across the river. the inadequacy of the means to the end is the first thing which strikes the beholder, but he is, however, rapidly convinced of the extraordinary hauling capacity of a swimming horse when properly trained. alexander crossed on rafts supported on skins stuffed with straw, and it took him five days to cross his force in this primitive fashion. on the right bank of the river, bessos was given up by traitors in his camp and was sent south to "zariaspa" to await his doom. zariaspa is identified with balkh by some authorities, but the name is probably a variant on adraspa which almost certainly was andarab. andarab was the fertile and promising district into which alexander descended from the slopes of the hindu kush, by whichever route (kaoshan or panjshir) he crossed those mountains. directly on the route between andarab and balkh is a minor province called baglan, and a little less than half-way (after crossing a local pass of no great significance called kotal murgh) is a village or township, nowadays called zardaspan, which is sufficiently like zariaspa to suggest an identity which is at least plausible though it may be deceptive. but it is the fact that the town of baraki which lies farther on the same route is on the outskirts of baglan; and in this connection a reference to the theory put forward by dr. bellew in his _ethnography of afghanistan_ (_asiatic quarterly_, october 1891) is at least interesting. he points out that the captive greeks who were transported in the sixth century b.c. by darius hystaspes from the lybian barké to baktrian territory were still occupying a village called barké in the time of herodotus. a century later again during the macedonian campaign, kyrenes, or kyreneans, existed in that region according to arrian, and it is difficult to account for them in that part of asia unless they were the descendants of those same exiles from barké, a colony of kyrene whom darius originally transported to baktria. they were in possession of the kaoshan pass too, and might have rendered very effective aid to alexander during his passage across the mountains. another body of greek colonists are recorded to have been settled in this same part of baktria by xerxes after his flight from greece, namely, the brankhidai, whose original settlement appears to have been in andarab. as we shall see later, people from greece or from grecian colonies undoubtedly drifted across asia to northern afghanistan in even earlier times than those of the persian empire. there can, indeed, be very little doubt that ariaspa, or andarab, was an important position for the greeks to occupy from its strategic value as commanding the most practicable of the hindu kush passes. when bessos, therefore, was deported across the oxus to zariaspa it is probable that he was sent to andarab; and here too alexander returned to winter towards the close of the year 329 b.c. after his extraordinary success in sogdia (bokhara). with his trans-oxus campaign we have nothing to do; it is another history, and deeply interesting as it would be to follow it in detail we must return to afghanistan. nothing in all his eastern campaign is more remarkable than the facility with which alexander recruited his army from greece during its progress. gaps in the ranks were constantly filled up, and the fighting strength of his force maintained at a high level. his army was reorganized during the winter, and with the returning spring he again started expeditions across the oxus, in the course of which he captured roxana, the most beautiful woman in asia (after the wife of darius) and married her. the particular fortress which held this charming lady was perched on the top of an isolated craggy hill, and the story of its capture is as thrilling as that of aornos subsequently. but, like aornos, it is difficult to locate it. it might have been dev kala, or kilif, or any of a dozen such rock-crowned hills which border the oxus river. it is about this period that we read first of his encounters with the skythic races of central asia, who gave him great trouble at the time and who subsequently subverted the greek power in baktria altogether. in the spring of 327 b.c. he moved out to invade a mountain district to the "east of baktria" (probably modern badakshan), and subdued the hill-tribes under khorienes whom he confirmed in the government of his own country. it was summer ere he set out finally from baktria on his indian expedition. he recrossed the paropamisos in ten days and halted at alexandreia near charikar. then commences the first recorded expedition of the kabul river basin. chapter iv greek exploration--alexander--the kabul valley to the indus alexander passed the next winter at the city of his own founding, alexandreia, in the koh daman to the north of kabul. and from thence in two divisions he started for the indus, sending the main body of his troops by the most direct route, with taxila (the capital of the upper punjab) for its objective, and himself with lighter brigades specially organized to subdue certain tribes on the northern flank of the route who certainly would imperil the security of his line of communication if left alone. this was his invariable custom, and it was greatly owing to the completeness with which these flanking expeditions were carried out that he was able to keep open his connection with greece. there have been discussions as to the route which he followed. hyphæstion, in command of the main body, undoubtedly followed the main route which would take him most directly to the plains of the punjab, which route is sufficiently well indicated in these days as the "khaibar." we hear very little about his march eastwards. [illustration: sketch map of alexander's route] in the days preceding the use of fire-arms the march of a body of troops through defiles such as the khurd kabul or the jagdallak was comparatively simple. so far from such defiles serving as traps wherein to catch an enemy unawares and destroy him from the cliffs and hills on either side, these same cliffs and hills served rather as a protection. the mere rolling down of stones would not do much mischief, even if they could be rolled down effectively, which is not usually the case; and in hand-to-hand encounters the tribespeople were no match for the armoured greeks. alexander's operations would preserve his force from molestation on its northern flank, and the rugged ridges and spread of desolate hill-slopes presented by the safed koh and other ranges on the south has never afforded suitable ground for the collection of fighting bodies of men in any great strength. general stewart marched his force from kabul to peshawur in 1880 with his southern flank similarly unprotected with the same successful result, his movements being so timed as to give no opportunity for a gathering of the ghilzai clans. on the northern flank of the khaibar route, however, there had been large tribal settlements from the very beginning of things, and it was most important that these outliers should feel the weight of alexander's mailed fist if the road between kabul and the indus were ever to be made secure. he accordingly directed his attention to a more northerly route to india which would bring him into contact with the aspasians, gauraians, and assakenians. we need not follow the ethnologists who identify these people with certain tribes now existing with analogous names. there may very possibly be remnants of them still, but they are not to be identified. they obviously occupied the open cultivable valleys and alluvial spaces which are interspersed amongst the mountains of the kabul river basin, the kohistan and kafiristan of modern maps. the gauraians certainly were the people of the panjkora valley, and there is no difficulty in assigning to the aspasians the first great fertile tract of open valley which would be encountered on the way eastwards. this is laghman (or lamghan) with its noble reach of the kabul river meeting a snow-fed affluent, the alingar, from the kafir hills. there is, indeed, no geographical alternative. similarly with even a cursory knowledge of the actual geographical conformation of the country, it is impossible to imagine that alexander would choose any other route from alexandreia towards laghman than that which carries him past kabul. the koh daman (the skirts of the hills) which intervene between alexandreia (or bagram) and kabul is one of the gardens of afghanistan. there one may wander in the sweet springtide amidst the curves and folds of an undulating land, neither hill nor plain, with the scent of the flowering willow in the air, and the rankness of a spring growth of flower and grass bordering narrow runlets and irrigation channels; an unwinking blue above and a varied carpet beneath, whilst the song of the labourer rises from fields and orchards. westward are the craggy outlines of paghman (a noble offshoot of the hindu kush hiding the loveliness of the ghorband valley behind it), down whose scarred and wrinkled ribs slide waterfalls and streams to gladden the plain. piled up on steep and broken banks from the very foot of the mountains are scattered white-walled villages, and it is here that you may find later in the year the best fruit in afghanistan. in november a gentle haze rests in soft indecision upon the dust-coloured landscape--heavier and bluer over the low-lying fields from which all vegetation has been lifted, lighter and edged with filmy skirts where it rises from the sun-warmed brow of the hills. it is a different world from the world of spring--all utterly sad-coloured and dust-laden; but it is then that the troops and strings of fruit-laden donkeys take their leisurely way towards the city, where are open shops facing the narrow shadowed streets with golden bulwarks of fruit piled from floor to roof. a narrow band of rugged hills shuts off this lovely plain on the east from the only valley route which could possibly present itself to an inexperienced eye as an outlet from the charikar region to the kabul river bed, ere it is lost in the dark defiles leading to the laghman valley. the hills are red in the waning light, and when the snow first lays its lacework shroud over them in network patches they are inexpressibly beautiful. but they are also inexpressibly rough and impracticable, and the valley beyond is but a walled-in boulder-strewn trough, which no general in his senses would select for a military high-road. alexander certainly did not march that way; he went to where kabul is, and there, at the city of nikaia, he made sacrifice to the goddess athena. if nikaia was not the modern kabul it must have been very near it. does not nonnus tell us that it was a stone city near a lake? there is but one lake in the kabul valley, and it is that at wazirabad close to the city. it is usual to regard nonnus as a most untrustworthy authority, but here for once he seems to have wandered into the straight and narrow path of truth. so far there can be no reasonable doubt about the direction of this great pioneer's explorations in afghanistan. beyond this, once again, we prefer to trust to the known geographical distribution of hill and valley, and the opportunities presented by physical features of the country, rather than to any doubtful resemblance between ancient and modern place, or tribal, names, for determining the successive actions of the expedition. after the summons to taxiles, chief of taxila (itself the chief city of the upper punjab), and the satisfactory reply thereto, there was nothing to disturb the even course of alexander's onward movements but the activity of the mountain tribespeople who flanked the line of route. the valley of laghman must always have been a populous valley. from the north the snow-capped peaks of kafiristan look down upon it, and from among the forest-clad valleys at the foot of these peaks two important river systems take their rise, the alingar and the alishang, which, uniting, join the kabul river in the flat plain, where villages now crowd in and dispute each acre of productive soil. it is difficult to reach the laghman valley from the west. the defiles of the kabul river are here impassable, but they can be turned by mountain routes, and alexander's force, which included the hyspaspists, who were comparatively lightly armed, with the archers, the "companion" cavalry and the lancers, was evidently picked for mountain warfare. the heavier brigades were with hyphæstion who struck out by the straightest route for peukelaotis, which has been identified with an ancient site about 17 miles to the north-east of peshawur on the eastern bank of the swat river, and was then the capital of the ancient gandhara. we are told that alexander's route was rugged and hilly, and lay along the course of the river called khoes. rugged and hilly it certainly was, but the khoes presents a difficulty. he could not actually follow the course of the kabul river (kophen) from the kabul plain because of the defiles, but he could have followed that river below butkak to the western entrance of the laghman valley where it unites with the alingar, or kao, river. it is impossible to admit that he reached the kao river after crossing the kohistan and kafiristan, and then descended that river to its junction with the kabul. no cavalry could have performed such a feat. geographical conditions compel us to assume that he followed the kabul river, which is sometimes called kao above the junction of the kao river. it is far more impossible to identify the actual sites of alexander's first military engagements than it is to say, for instance, at this period of history, where cæsar landed in great britain, as we have no means of making exhaustive local inquiries; but subsequent history clearly indicates that his next step after settling the laghman tribes was to push on to the valley of the choaspes, or kunar. it was in the kunar valley that he found and defeated the chief of the aspasians. the kunar river is by far the most important of the northern tributaries of the kabul. it rises under the pamirs and is otherwise known as the chitral river. the kunar valley is amongst the most lovely of the many lovely valleys of afghanistan. flanked by the snowy-capped mountains of kashmund on the west, and the long level water parting which divides it from bajaor and the panjkora drainage on the east, it appears, as one enters it from jalalabad, to be hemmed in and constricted. the gates of it are indeed somewhat narrow, but it widens out northward, where the ridges of the lofty kashmund tail off into low altitudes of sweeping foothills a few miles above the entrance, and here offer opportunity for an easy pass across the divide from the west into the valley. this is a link in the oldest and probably the best trodden route from kabul to the punjab, and it has no part with the khaibar. it links together these northern valleys of laghman, kunar, and lundai (_i.e._ the panjkora and swat united) by a road north of the kabul, finally passing southwards into the plains chequered by the river network above peshawur. the lower kunar valley in the early autumn is passing beautiful. down the tawny plain and backed by purple hills the river winds its way, reflecting the azure sky with pure turquoise colour--the opaque blue of silted water--blinking and winking with tiny sun shafts, and running emerald green at the edges. sharp perpendicular columns of black break the landscape in ordered groups. these are the cypresses which still adorn in stately rows the archaic gardens of townlets which once were townships. the clustering villages are thick in some parts--so thick that they jostle each other continuously. there is nothing of the drab punjab about these villages. they are white-walled and outwardly clean, and in at least one ancient garden there is a fair imitation of a kashmir pavilion set at the end of a white eye-blinding pathway, leading straight and stiff between rows of cypress, and blotched in spring with inky splashes of fallen mulberries. the scent of orange blossoms was around when we were there, luscious and overpowering. it was the oppressive atmosphere of the typical, sensuous east, and the free, fresh air from the river outside the mud walls of that jealously-guarded estate was greatly refreshing when we climbed out of the gardens. all this part of the river must have been attractive to settlers even in alexander's time, and it requires no effort of imagination to suppose that it was here that his second series of actions took place. higher up the river the valley closes, until, long before chitral is reached, it narrows exceedingly. here, in the north, the northern winds rage down the funnel with bitter fury and make life burdensome. the villages take to the hill-slopes or cluster in patches on the flat terraces at their foot. the revetted wall of small hillside fields outline the spurs in continuous bands of pasture, and at intervals quaint colonies of huts cling to the hills and seem ready to slither down into the wild rush of the river below. such as a whole is the kunar valley, which, centuries after alexander had passed across it, was occupied by kafir tribes who may have succeeded the aspasian peoples, or who may indeed represent them. all the wild mountain districts west of the kunar are held by kafirs still, and there is nothing remarkable in the fact (which we shall see later on) that just to the east of the kunar valley alexander found a people claiming the same origin there that the kafirs of kashmund and bashgol claim now. it was during the fighting in the kunar valley that we hear so much of that brilliant young leader ptolemy, the son of lagos, who was then shaping his career for a royal destiny in egypt. with all the thrilling incidents of the actual combat we have no space to deal, and much as they would serve to lighten the prosaic tale of the progress of alexander's explorations, we must reluctantly leave them to arrian and the greek historians. we are told that after the kunar valley action alexander crossed the mountains and came to a city at their base called arigaion. assuming that he crossed the kunar watershed by the spinasuka pass, which leads direct from pashat (the present capital of kunar) into bajaor, he would be close to nawagai, the present chief town of bajaor. arigaion would therefore be not far from nawagai. the place was burnt down; but recognizing the strategic importance of the position, he left krateros to fortify it and make it the residence not only of such tribespeople as chose to return to their houses, but also of such of his own soldiers as were unfit for further service. this seems to have been his invariable custom, and accounts for the traditions of greek origin which we still find so common in the north-western borderland of india. the story of this part of his expedition reads almost as if it were journalistic. then, as now, the tribesmen took to the hills. then, as now, their position and approximate numbers could be ascertained by their camp-fires at night. ptolemy was intelligence officer and conducted the reconnaissance, and on his report the plan of attack was arranged. this was probably the most considerable action fought by alexander in the hills north of india. the conflict was sharp but decisive, and the aspasians, who had taken up their position on a hill, were utterly routed. according to ptolemy 40,000 prisoners and 230,000 oxen were taken, and the fact that the pick of the oxen were sent to macedonia to improve the breed there shows how complete was the line of communication between greece and upper india. the next tribe to be dealt with were the assakenians, and to reach them it was necessary to cross the gauraios, or panjkora, which was deep, swift as to current, and full of boulders. as we find no mention in arrian's history of the passage of the suastos (swat river) following on that of the gauraios, we must conclude that alexander crossed the panjkora _below_ its junction with the swat, where the river being much enclosed by hills would certainly afford a most difficult passage. there are other reasons which tend to confirm this view. the next important action which took place was the siege and capture of the city called massaga, which was only taken after four days' severe fighting, during which alexander was wounded in the foot by an arrow. m'crindle[1] quotes the various names given in sanscrit and latin literature, and agrees with rennel in adopting the site of mashanagar, mentioned by the emperor baber in his memoirs as lying two marches from bajaor on the river swat, as representing massaga. m. court heard from the yasufzais of swat that there was a place called by the double name of mashkine and massanagar 24 miles from bajaor. it is not to be found now, but there is in the survey maps a place on the swat river about that distance from nawagai (the chief town in bajaor) called matkanai, close to the malakand pass, and this is no doubt the place referred to. it is very difficult even in these days to get a really authoritative spelling for place-names beyond, or even within, the british indian border; and as these surveys were made during the progress of the tirah expedition when the whole country was armed, such information as could be obtained was often unusually sketchy. if this is the site of massaga it would be directly on the line of alexander's route from nawagai eastwards, as he rounded the spurs of the koh-i-mor which he left to the north of him, and struck the panjkora some miles below its junction with the swat. there can be little doubt that it was near this spot that the historic siege took place. his next objective were two cities called ora and bazira, which were obviously close together and interdependent. cunningham places the position of bazira, at the town of rustam (on the kalapani river), which is itself built on a very extensive old mound and represents the former site of a town called bazar. rustam stands midway between the swat and indus, and must always have been an important trade centre between the rich valley of swat and the towns of the indus. ora may possibly be represented by the modern bazar which is close by. geographically this is the most probable solution of the problem of alexander's movements, there being direct connection with the swat valley through rustam which is not to be found farther north. alexander would have to cross the malakand from the swat valley to the indus plains, but would encounter no further obstacles if he moved on this route. bazira made a fair show of resistance, but the usual greek tactics of drawing the enemy out into the plains was resorted to by koenos with a certain amount of success; and when ora fell before alexander, the full military strength of bazira dispersed and fled for refuge to the rock aornos. so far we have followed this greek expedition into regions which are beyond the limits of modern afghanistan, but the new geographical detail acquired during the most recent of our frontier campaigns enables new arguments to be adduced in favour of old theories (or the reverse), and this departure from the strict political boundaries of our subject leads us to regions which are at any rate historically and strategically connected with it. with aornos, however, our excursion into indian fields will terminate. round about aornos historical controversy has ebbed and flowed for nearly a century, and it is not my intention to add much to the literature which already concerns itself with that doubtful locality. i believe, however, that it will be some time yet before the last word is said about aornos. of all the positions assigned to that marvellous feat of arms performed by the greek force, that which was advanced by the late general sir james abbott in 1854 is the most attractive--so attractive, indeed, that it is hard to surrender it. the discrepant accounts of the capture of the famous "rock" given by arrian (from the accounts of ptolemy, one of the chief actors in the scene), curtius, diodoros, and strabo obviously deal with a mountain position of considerable extent, where was a flattish summit on which cavalry could act, and the base of it was washed by the indus. all, however, write as if it were an isolated mountain with a definite circuit of, according to arrian, 23 miles and a height of 6200 feet (according to diodoros of 12 miles and over 9000 feet). the "rock" was situated near the city of embolina, which we know to have been on the indus and which is probably to be identified more or less with the modern town of amb. the mountain was forest-covered, with good soil and water springs. it was precipitous towards the indus, yet "not so steep but that 220 horse and war engines were taken up to the summit," all of which sir james abbott finds compatible with the hill mahaban which is close to amb, and answers all descriptions excepting that of isolation, for it is but a lofty spur of the dividing ridge between the chumla, an affluent of the buner river, and the lower mada khel hills, culminating in a peak overlooking the indus from a height of 7320 feet. the geographical situation is precisely such as we should expect under the circumstances. the tribespeople driven from bazira (assuming bazira to be near rustam) following the usual methods of the mountaineers of the indian frontier, would retreat to higher and more inaccessible fastnesses in their rugged hills. there is but one way open from rustam towards the indus offering them the chance of safety from pursuit, and undoubtedly they followed that track. it leads up to the great divide north of them and then descends into the chumla valley leading to that of buner, and the hills which were to prove their salvation might well be those flanking the chumla on the south, rising as they do to ever higher altitudes as they approach the indus. this, in fact, is mahaban. by all the rules of native strategy in northern india this is precisely the position which they would take up. aornos appears to have been a kind of generic name with the greeks, applied to mountain positions of a certain class, for we hear of another aornos in central asia, and the word translated "rock" seems to mean anything from a mountain (as in the present case) to a sand-bank (as in the case of the voyage of nearkos). no isolated hill such as would exactly fit in with arrian's description exists in that part of the indus valley, and no physical changes such as alteration in the course of the indus, or such as might be effected by the tectonic forces of nature, are likely to have removed such a mountain. abbott's identification has therefore been generally accepted for many years, and it has remained for our latest authority to question it seriously. the latest investigator into the archæological interests of the indian trans-frontier is dr. m. a. stein, the inspector-general of education in india. the marvellous results of his researches in chinese turkistan have rendered his name famous all over the archæological world, and it is to him that we owe an entirely new conception of the civilization of indo-china during the buddhist period. dr. stein's methods are thorough. he leaves nothing to speculation, and indulges in no romance, whatever may be the temptation. he takes with him on his archæological excursions a trained native surveyor of the indian survey, and he thus not only secures an exact illustration of his own special area of investigation, but incidentally he adds immensely to our topographical knowledge of little known regions. this is specially necessary in those wild districts which are more immediately contiguous to the indian border, for it is seldom that the original surveys of these districts can be anything more than topographical sketches acquired, sometimes from a distance, sometimes on the spot, but generally under all the disadvantages and disabilities of active campaigning, when the limited area within which survey operations can be carried on in safety is often very restricted. thus we have very presentable geographical maps of the regions of alexander's exploits in the north, but we have not had the opportunity of examining special sites in detail, and there are doubtless certain irregularities in the map compilation. this is very much the case as regards those hill districts on the right bank of the indus immediately adjoining the buner valley both north and south of it. mahaban, the mountain which in abbott's opinion best represents what is to be gathered from classical history of the general characteristics of aornos, is south of buner, overlooking the lower valley close to the indus river. dr. stein formed the bold project of visiting mahaban personally, and taking a surveyor with him. it was a bold project, for there were many difficulties both political and physical. the tribespeople immediately connected with mahaban are the gaduns--a most unruly people, constantly fighting amongst themselves; and it was only by seizing on the exact psychological moment when for a brief space our political representative had secured a lull in these fratricidal feuds, that stein was enabled to act. he actually reached mahaban under most trying conditions of wind and weather, and he made his survey. incidentally he effected some most remarkable buddhist identifications; but so far as the identification of mahaban with aornos is concerned he came to the conclusion that such identification could not possibly be maintained. this opinion is practically based on the impossibility of fitting the details of the story of aornos to the physical features of mahaban. it is unfortunate (but perhaps inevitable) that even in those incidents and operations of alexander's expedition where his footsteps can be distinctly traced from point to point, where geographical conformation absolutely debars us from alternative selection of lines of action, the details of the story never do fit the physical conditions which must have obtained in his time. as the history of alexander is in the main a true history, there is absolutely no justification for cutting out the thrilling incident of aornos from it. there was undoubtedly an aornos somewhere near the indus, and there was a singularly interesting fight for its possession, the story of which includes so many of the methods and tactics familiar to every modern north-west frontiersman, that we decline to believe it to be all invention. but the story was written a century after alexander's time, compiled from contemporary records it is true, but leaving no margin for inquiry amongst survivors as to details. if, instead of ancient history, we were to turn to the century-old records of our own frontier expeditions and rewrite them with no practical knowledge of the geography of the country, and no witness of the actual scene to give us an _ex parte_ statement of what happened (for no single participator in an action is ever able to give a correct account of all the incidents of it), what should we expect? some furtive investigator might study the story of the ascent of the famous frontier mountain, the takht-i-suliman (a veritable aornos!), during the expedition of 1882-83, and find it impossible to recognize the account of its steep and narrow ascent, requiring men to climb on their hands and knees, with the fact that a very considerable force did finally ascend by comparatively easy slopes and almost dropped on to the heads of the defenders. such incidents require explanation to render them intelligible, and at this distance of time it is only possible to balance probabilities as regards aornos. alexander's objective being india, eventually, and the indus (of india, not of the himalayas) immediately, he would take the road which led straightest from massaga to the indus; it is inconceivable that he would deliberately involve himself and his army in the maze of pathless mountains which enclose the head of buner. he would certainly take the road which leads from malakand to the indus, on which lies rustam. it has always been a great high-road. one of the most interesting discoveries in connection with the tirah campaign was the old buddhist road, well engineered and well graded, which leads from malakand to the plains of the punjab--those northern plains which abound with buddhist relics. if we identify bazar, or rustam, with bazireh we may assume with certainty that a retreating tribe, driven from any field of defeat on the straight high-road which links panjkora with the indus, would inevitably retire to the nearest and the highest mountain ridge that was within reach. this is certainly the ridge terminating with mahaban and flanking the buner valley on the south, a refuge in time of trouble for many a lawless people. probability, then, would seem to favour mahaban, or some mountain position near it. the modern name of this peak is shah kot, and it is occupied by a mixed and irregular folk. here dr. stein spent an unhappy night in a whirling snow-storm, but he succeeded in examining the mountain thoroughly. he decided that that position of mahaban could not possibly represent aornos, for the following reasons:--the hill-top is too narrow for military action; the ascent, instead of being difficult, is easy from every side; and there is no spring of water on the summit, which summit must have been a very considerable plateau to admit of the action described; finally, there is no great ravine, and therefore no opportunity for the erection of the mound described by arrian, which enabled the greeks to fusilade the enemy's camp with darts and stones. can we reconcile these discrepancies with the text of history? after the reduction of bazira alexander marched towards the indus and received the submission of peukelaotis, which was then the capital of what is now, roughly speaking, the peshawur district. the site of this ancient capital appears to be ascertained beyond doubt, and we must regard it as fixed near charsadda, about 17 miles north-east (not north-west as m'crindle has it) from peshawur. from this place alexander marched to embolina, which is said to be a city close adjoining the rock of aornos. on the route thither he is said by arrian to have taken "many other small towns seated upon that river," _i.e_. the indus; two princes of that province, cophæus and assagetes, accompanying him. this sufficiently indicates that his march must have been up the right bank of the indus, which would be the natural route for him to follow. arrived at embolina, he arranged for a base of supplies at that point, and then, with "archers, agrians, cænus' troop" and the choicest, best armed, and most expeditious foot out of the whole army, besides 200 auxiliary horse and 100 equestrian archers, he marched towards the "rock" (8 miles distant), and on the first day chose a place convenient for an encampment. the day after, he pitched his tents much higher. the ancient embolina may not be the modern amb, but amb undoubtedly is an extremely probable site for such a base of supplies to be formed, whether the final objective were mahaban or any place (as suggested by stein) higher up the river. the fact that there is a similarity in the names amb and embolina need not militate against the adoption of the site of amb as by far the most probable that any sagacious military commander would select. a mere resemblance between the ancient and modern names of places may, of course, be most deceptive. on the other hand it is often a most valuable indication, and one certainly not to be neglected. place-names last with traditional tenacity in the east, and obscured as they certainly would be by greek transliteration (after all, not worse than british transliteration), they still offer a chance of identifying old positions such as nothing else can offer excepting accurate topographical description. once again, if embolina were not amb it certainly ought to have been. alexander's next movements from embolina most clearly indicate that he had to deal with a mountain position. there is no getting away from it, nor from the fact that the road to it was passable for horsemen, and therefore not insuperably difficult. at the same time he had to move as slowly as any modern force would move, for he was traversing the rough spurs of a hill which ran to 7800 feet in altitude. further, the mountain was high enough to render signalling by fire useful. the "rock" was obviously either a mountain itself or it was perched on the summit of a mountain. ptolemy as usual had conducted the reconnaissance. he established himself unobserved in a temporary position on the crest, within reach of the enemy, who attempted to dispossess him and failed; and it was he who (according to the story) signalled to alexander. ptolemy had followed a route, with guides, which proved rough and difficult, and alexander's attempt to join him next day was prevented by the fierce activity of the mountaineers, who were plainly fighting from the mountain spurs. then, it is said, alexander communicated with ptolemy by night and arranged a combined plan of attack. when it "was almost night" of the following day alexander succeeded in joining ptolemy, but only after severe fighting during the ascent. then the combined forces attacked the "rock" and failed. all this so far is plain unvarnished mountain warfare, and the incidents follow each other as naturally as in any modern campaign. it becomes clear that the "rock" was a position on the crest of a high mountain, the ascent of which was rendered doubly difficult by fierce opposition. but it was practicable. nothing is said about cavalry ascending. why, then, did alexander take cavalry? this question leads to another. why do our frontier generals always burden themselves with cavalry on these frontier expeditions? they cannot act on the mountain-sides, and they are useless for purposes of pursuit. the answer is that they are most valuable for preserving the line of communication. without the cavalry alexander had no overwhelming force at his disposal, and it would not be very hazardous if we assumed that the force which actually reached the crest of the mountain was a comparatively small one--much of the original brigade being dispersed on the route. dr. stein found the ascent too easy to reconcile with history. this might possibly be the effect of long weather action of the slopes of mountains subject to severe snow-falls. twenty-three centuries of wind and weather have beaten on those scarred and broken slopes since alexander's day. those twenty-three centuries have had such effect on the physical outlines of land conformation elsewhere as absolutely to obliterate the tracks over which the greek force most undoubtedly passed. what may have been the exact effect of them on mahaban, whether (as usual) they rounded off sharp edges, cut out new channels, obliterated some water springs and gave rise to others, smoothing down the ruggedness of spurs and shaping the drainage, we cannot say. only it is certain that the slopes of mahaban--and its crest for that matter--are not what they were twenty-three centuries ago. we shall never recognize aornos by its superficial features. then, in the greek story, follows the episode of filling up the great ravine which yawned between the greek position and the "rock" on which the tribespeople were massed, and the final abandonment of the latter when, after three days' incessant toil, a mound had been raised from which it could be assailed by the darts and missiles of the greeks. arrian tells the story with a certain amount of detail. he states that a "huge rampart" was raised "from the level of that part of the hill where their entrenchment was" by means of "poles and stakes," the whole being "perfected in three days." on the fourth day the greeks began to build a "mound opposite the rock," and alexander decided to extend the "rampart" to the mound. it was then that the "barbarians" decided to surrender. in the particular translation from which i have quoted (rookes, 1829) there is nothing said about the "great ravine" of which stein writes that it is clearly referred to by "all texts," and a very little consideration will show that it could never have existed. no matter what might have been the strength of alexander's force it could only have been numbered by hundreds and not by thousands, when it reached the summit of the mountain. we might refer to the modern analogy of the expedition to the summit of the takht-i-suliman, where it was found quite impossible to maintain a few companies of infantry for more than two or three days. numbers engaged in action are proverbially exaggerated, especially in the east; but the physical impossibility of keeping a large force on the top of a mountain must certainly be acknowledged. even supposing there were a thousand men, and that no guards were required, and no reliefs, and that the whole force could apply themselves to filling up a "large ravine" with such "stakes and poles" as they could carry or drag from the mountain-slopes, it would take three months rather than three days to fill up any ravine which could possibly be called "large." general abbott, as a scientific officer, was probably quite correct in his estimate of the "rampart" as some sort of a "trench of approach with a parapet." there could not possibly have been a "great mound built of stakes and poles for crossing a ravine." it may be noted that ptolemy's defensive work on his first arrival on the summit is called (or translated) "rampart," and yet we know that it could only have been a palisade or an abattis. the story told by arrian (and possibly maltreated by translators) is doubtless full of inaccuracies and exaggerations, but we decline to believe that it is pure invention. there is nothing in it, so far, which absolutely militates against the mahaban of to-day (that refuge for hindustani fanatics at one time, and for the discontented tribesfolk of the whole countryside through all time) being the aornos of arrian. no appearance of "precipices" is, however, to be found in the survey of the summit which accompanied dr. stein's report, and no opportunity for the defeated tribesmen to fall into the river. the story runs that the defeated mountaineers retreating from the victorious greeks fell over the precipices in their hot haste, and that many of them were drowned in the indus. this is indeed an incident which might be added as an effective addition to any tall story of a fight which took place on hills in the immediate neighbourhood of a river; but under no conceivable circumstances could it be adjusted to the formation of the mahaban hill, even if it were admitted that armoured greeks were any match in the hills for the fleet-footed and light-clad indians. probably the incident is purely decorative, but we need not therefore assume that the whole story is fiction. it has been pointed out by sir bindon blood, who commanded the latest expedition to the buner valley, that failing mahaban there is north of the buner river, immediately overlooking the indus, a peak called baio with precipitous flanks on the river side, which would fit in with the tale of aornos better even than mahaban. the buner river joins the indus through an impassable gorge steeply entrenched on either side, and a mile or two above it is the peak of baio. so far as the indus is concerned, that river presents no difficulties, for boats can be hauled up it far beyond baio--even to thakot. looking northward or westward from above kotkai one sees the river winding round the foot of the lower spurs of the black mountain on its left or eastern bank. beyond is baio on its right bank, towering (with a clumsy fort on its summit) over the indus and forming part of a continuous ridge, beyond which again in the blue distance is the line of hills over which is the ambela pass at the head of the chumla valley. (it is curious how the nomenclature hereabouts echoes faintly the greek embolina.) above baio is the ford of chakesar, from which runs an old-time road westward to manglaor, once the buddhist capital of swat. it would be all within reach of either indians or greeks, so we need not quite give up the thrilling tale of aornos yet, even if dr. stein defeats us on mahaban. then follows the narrative of an excursion into the country of the assakenoi and the capture of the elephants, which had been taken for safety into the hills. the scene of this short expedition must have been near the indus, and was probably the valley of the chumla or buner immediately under mahaban, to the north. there was in those far-off days a different class of vegetation on the indus banks to any which exists at present. we know that a good deal of the indus plain below its debouchment from the hills was a reedy swamp in alexander's time, and it was certainly the haunt of the rhinoceros for centuries subsequently, and consequently quite suitable for elephants, and it is probable that for some little distance above its debouchment the same sort of pasturage was obtainable. most interesting perhaps of all the incidents in arrian's history is that which now follows. we are told that "alexander then entered that part of the country which lies between the kophen and the indus, where nysa is said to be situate." other authorities, however, curtius (viii. 10), strabo (xv. 697), and justin (xii. 7), make him a visitor to nysa before he crossed the choaspes and took massaga. all this is very vague; the river he crossed immediately before taking massaga was certainly the gauraios or panjkora. there is a certain element of confusion in classical writings in dealing with river names which we need not wait to investigate; nor is it a matter of great importance whether alexander retraced his steps all the way to the country of nysa (for no particular reason), or whether he visited nysa as he passed from the kunar valley to the panjkora. the latter is far more probable, as nysa (if we have succeeded in identifying that interesting relic of pre-alexandrian greek occupation) would be right in his path. various authorities have placed nysa in different parts of the wide area indicated as lying between the kophen (kabul) and the indus, but none, before the asmar boundary commission surveyed the kunar valley in the year 1894, had the opportunity of studying the question _in loco_. even then there was no possibility of reaching the actual site which was indicated as the site of nysa; and when subsequently in 1898 geographical surveys of swat were pushed forward wherever it was possible for surveyors to obtain a footing, they never approached that isolated band of hills at the foot of which nysa once lay. the result of inquiries instituted during the progress of demarcating the boundary between afghanistan and the independent districts of the east from asmar have been given in the _r.g.s. journal_, vol. vii., and no subsequent information has been obtained which might lead me to modify the views therein expressed, excepting perhaps in the doubtful point as to _when_, in the course of his expedition, alexander visited nysa. in the first engraved atlas sheet of the indian survey dealing with the regions east of the kunar river, the name of nysa, or nyssa, is recorded as one of the most important places in that neighbourhood, and it is placed just south of the koh-i-mor, a spur, or extension, from the eastern ridges of the kunar valley. from what source of information this addition to the map was made it is difficult to say, now that the first compiler of those maps (general walker) has passed away. but it was undoubtedly a native source. similarly the information obtained at asmar, that a large and scattered village named _nusa_ was to be found in that position, was also from a native (yusufzai) source. no possible cause can be suggested for this agreement between the two native authorities, and it is unlikely that the name could have been invented by both. at the same time nysa, or nusa, is not now generally known to the borderland people near the indian frontier, and it is certainly no longer an important village. it is probably no more than scattered and hidden ruins. above it towers the three-peaked hill called the koh-i-mor, whose outlines can be clearly distinguished from peshawur on any clear day, and on that hill grows the wild vine and the ivy, even as they grow in glorious trailing and exuberant masses on the scarped slopes of the kafiristan hills to the west. we may repeat here what arrian has to say about nysa. "the city was built by dionysos or bacchus when he conquered the indians, but who this bacchus was, or at what time or from whence he conquered the indians is hard to determine. whether he was that theban who from thebes or he who from tmolus, a mountain of lydia, undertook that famous expedition into india ... is very uncertain." so here we have a clear reference to previous invasions of india from greece, which were regarded as historical in arrian's time. however, as soon as alexander arrived at nysa a deputation of nysæans, headed by one akulphis, waited on him, and, after recovering from the astonishment that his extraordinary appearance inspired, they presented a petition. "the nysæans entreat thee o king, for the reverence thou bearest to dionysos, their god, to leave their city untouched ... for bacchus ... built this city for an habitation for such of his soldiers as age or accident had rendered unfit for military service.... he called this city nysa (nuson) after the name of his nurse ... and the mountain also, which is so near us, he would have denominated meros (or the thigh) alluding to his birth from that of jupiter ... and as an undoubted token that the place was founded by bacchus, the ivy which is to be found nowhere else throughout all india, flourishes in our territories." alexander was pleased to grant the petition, and ordered that a hundred of the chief citizens should join his camp and accompany him. it was then that akulphis, with much native shrewdness, suggested that if he really had the good of the city at heart he should take two hundred of the worst citizens instead of one hundred of the best--a suggestion which appealed at once to alexander's good sense, and the demand was withdrawn. alexander then visited the mountain and sacrificed to bacchus, his troops meanwhile making garlands of ivy "wherewith they crowned their heads, singing and calling loudly upon the god, not only by the name of dionysos, but by all his other names." a sort of bacchic orgy! but who were the nysæans, and what became of them? in arrian's _indika_ he says: "the assakenoi" (who inhabited the swat valley east of nysa) "are not men of great stature like the indians ... not so brave nor yet so swarthy as most indians. they were in old times subject to the assyrians; then after a period of median rule submitted to the persians ... the nysaioi, however, are not an indian race, but descendants of those who came to india with dionysos"; he adds that the mountain "in the lower slopes of which nysa is built" is designated meros, and he clearly distinguishes between assakenoi and nysaioi. m. de st. martin says that the name nysa is of persian or median origin; but although we know that assyrians, persians, and medes all overran this part of india before alexander, and all must have left, as was the invariable custom of those days, representatives of their nationality behind them who have divided with subsequent skyths the ethnographical origin of many of the upper indian valley tribes of to-day, there seems no sound reason for disputing the origin of this particular name. ptolemy barely mentions nysa, but we learn something about the nysæans from fragments of the _indika_ of megasthenes, which have been collected by dr. schwanbeck and translated by m'crindle. we learn that this pre-alexandrian greek dionysos was a most beneficent conqueror. he taught the indians how to make wine and cultivate the fields; he introduced the system of retiring to the slopes of meros (the first "hill station" in india) in the hot weather, where "the army recruited by the cold breezes and the water which flowed fresh from the fountains, recovered from sickness.... having achieved altogether many great and noble works, he was regarded as a deity, and obtained immortal honours." again we read, in a fragment quoted by strabo, that the reason of calling the mountain above nysa by the name of meron was that "ivy grows there, and also the vine, although its fruit does not come to perfection, as the clusters, on account of the heaviness of the rains, fall off the trees before ripening. they" (the greeks) "further call the oxydrakai descendants of dionysos, because the vine grew in their country, and their processions were conducted with great pomp, and their kings, on going forth to war, and on other occasions, marched in bacchic fashion with drums beating," etc. again we find, in a fragment quoted by polyænus, that dionysos, "in his expedition against the indians, in order that the cities might receive him willingly, disguised the arms with which he had equipped his troops, and made them wear soft raiment and fawn-skins. the spears were wrapped round with ivy, and the thyrsus had a sharp point. he gave the signal for battle by cymbals and drums instead of the trumpet; and, by regaling the enemy with wine, diverted their thoughts from war to dancing. these and all other bacchic orgies were employed in the system of warfare by which he subjugated the indians and the rest of asia." all these lively legends point to a very early subjugation of india by a western race (who may have been of greek origin) before the invasions of assyrian, mede, or persian. it could not well have been later than the sixth century b.c., and might have been earlier by many centuries. the nysæans, whose city alexander spared, were the descendants of those conquerors who, coming from the west, were probably deterred by the heat of the plains of india from carrying their conquests south of the punjab. they settled on the cool and well-watered slopes of those mountains which crown the uplands of swat and bajaur, where they cultivated the vine for generations, and after the course of centuries, through which they preserved the tradition of their western origin, they welcomed the macedonian conqueror as a man of their own faith and nation. it seems possible that they may have extended their habitat as far eastward as the upper swat valley and the mountain region of the indus, and at one time may have occupied the site of the ancient capital of the assakenoi, massaga, which there is reason to suppose stood near the position now occupied by the town of matakanai; but they were clearly no longer there in the days of alexander, and must be distinguished as a separate race altogether from the assakenoi. as the centuries rolled on, this district of swat, together with the valley of dir, became a great headquarters of buddhism. it is from this part of the trans-frontier that some of the most remarkable of those sculptures have been taken which exhibit so strong a greek and roman influence in their design. they are the undoubted relics of stupas, dagobas, and monasteries belonging to a period of a buddhist occupation of the country, which was established after alexander's time. buddhism did not become a state religion till the reign of asoka, grandson of that sandrakottos (chandragupta) to whom megasthenes was sent as ambassador; and it is improbable that any of these buildings existed in the time of the greek invasion, or we should certainly have heard of them. but along with these buddhist relics there have been lately unearthed certain strange inscriptions, which have been submitted by their discoverer, major deane,[2] to a congress of orientalists, who can only pronounce them to be in an unknown tongue. they have been found in the indus valley east of swat, most of them being engraved on stone slabs which have been built into towers, now in ruins. the towers are comparatively modern, but it by no means follows that these inscriptions are so. it is the common practice of pathan builders to preserve any engraved or sculptured relic that they may find, by utilizing them as ornamental features in their buildings. it has probably been a custom from time immemorial. in 1895 i observed evidences of this propensity in the graveyard at chagan sarai, in the kunar valley, where many elaborately carved buddhist fragments were let into the sides of their roughly built "chabutras," or sepulchres, with the obvious purpose of gaining effect thereby. no one would say where those buddhist fragments came from. the kunar valley appears at first sight to be absolutely free from buddhist remains, although it would naturally be selected as a most likely field for research. these undeciphered inscriptions may possibly be found to be vastly more ancient than the towers they adorned. it is, at any rate, a notable fact about them that some of them "recall a greek alphabet of archaic type." so great an authority as m. senart inclines to the opinion that their authors must be referred to the skythic or mongolian invaders of india; but he refers at the same time to a sculptured and inscribed monument in the louvre, of unknown origin, the characters on which resemble those of the new script. "the subject of this sculpture seems to be a bacchic procession." what if it really is a bacchic procession, and the characters thereon inscribed prove to be an archaic form of greek--the forgotten forms of the nysæan alphabet? whilst surveying in the kunar valley along the kafiristan borderland, i made the acquaintance of two kafirs of kamdesh, who stayed some little time in the afghan camp, in which my own tent was pitched, and who were objects of much interest to the members of the boundary commission there assembled. they submitted gracefully enough to much cross-examination, and amongst other things they sang a war-hymn to their god gish, and executed a religious dance. gish is not supreme in their mythology, but he is the god who receives by far the greatest amount of attention, for the kafir of the lower bashgol is ever on the raid, always on the watch for the chance of a mahomedan life. it is, indeed, curious that whilst tolerant enough to allow of the existence of mahomedan communities in their midst, they yet rank the life of a mussulman as the one great object of attainment; so that a kafir's social position is dependent on the activity he displays in searching out the common enemy, and his very right to sing hymns of adoration to his war-god is strictly limited by the number of lives he has taken. the hymn which these kafirs recited, or sang, was translated word by word, with the aid of a chitrali interpreter, by a munshi, who has the reputation of being a most careful interpreter, and the following is almost a literal transcript, for which i am indebted to dr. macnab, of the q.o. corps of guides:- o thou who from gir-nysa's (lofty heights) was born who from its sevenfold portals didst emerge, on katan chirak thou hast set thine eyes, towards (the depths of) sum bughal dost go, in sum baral assembled you have been. sanji from the heights you see; sanji you consult? the council sits. o mad one, whither goest thou? say, sanji, why dost thou go forth? the words within brackets are introduced, otherwise the translation is literal. gir-nysa means the mountain of nysa, gir being a common prefix denoting a peak or hill. katan chirak is explained to be an ancient town in the minjan valley of badakshan, now in ruins; but it was the first large place that the kafirs captured, and is apparently held to be symbolical of victory. this reference connects the kamdesh kafirs with badakshan, and shows these people to have been more widespread than they are at present. sum bughal is a deep ravine leading down to the plain of sum baral, where armies are assembled for war. sanji appears to be the oracle consulted before war is undertaken. the chief interest of this verse (for i believe it is only one verse of many, but it was all that our friends were entitled to repeat) is the obvious reference in the first line to the mountain of bacchus, the meros from which he was born, on the slopes of which stood the ancient nysa. it is, indeed, a bacchic hymn (slightly incoherent, perhaps, as is natural), and only wants the accessories of vine-leaves and ivy to make it entirely classical. that eminent linguistic authority, dr. grierson, thinks that the language in which the hymn was recited is derived from what sanscrit writers said was the language of the pisacas, a people whom they dubbed "demons" and "eaters of raw flesh," and who may be represented by the "pashai" dwellers in laghman and its vicinity to-day. possibly the name of the chief village of the kunar valley pashat may claim the same origin, for laghman and kunar both spread their plains to the foot of the mountains of kafiristan. the vine and the ivy are not far to seek. in making slow progress through one of the deep "darras," or ravines, of the western kunar basin, leading to the snow-bound ridges that overlook bashgol, i was astonished at the free growth of the wild vine, and the thick masses of ivy which here and there clung to the buttresses of the rugged mountain spurs as ivy clings to less solid ruins in england. the kafirs have long been celebrated for their wine-making. early in the nineteenth century, when the adventurer baber, on his way to found the most magnificent dynasty that india has ever seen at delhi, first captured the ancient city of bajaor, and then moved on to the valley of jandoul--now made historic by another adventurer, umra khan--he was perpetually indulging in drinking-parties; and he used to ride in from jandoul to bajaor to join his cronies in a real good bacchic orgy more frequently than was good for him. he has a good deal to say about the kafir wine in that inimitable diary of his, and his appreciation of it was not great. it was, however, much better than nothing, and he drank a good deal of it. through the kindness of the sipah salar, the amir's commander-in-chief, i have had the opportunity of tasting the best brand of this classical liquor, and i agree with baber--it is not of a high class. it reminded me of badly corked and muddy chablis, which it much resembled in appearance. [illustration: greek retreat from india] footnotes: [1] _ancient india_, "invasion by alexander the great." appendix. [2] the late sir h. deane. chapter v greek exploration--the western gates of india south of the khaibar route from peshawur to kabul and separated from it by the remarkable straight-backed range of sufed koh, is an alternative route _via_ the kuram valley, at the head of which is the historic peiwar pass. from the crest of the rigid line of the sufed koh one may look down on either valley, the kabul to the north or the kuram to the south; and but for the lack of any convenient lateral communications between them, the two might be regarded as a twin system, with kabul as the common objective. but there is no practicable pass across the sufed koh, so that no force moving along either line could depend on direct support from the other side of the mountains. it will be convenient here to regard the kuram as an alternative to the kabul route, and to consider the two together as forming a distinct group. the next important link between afghanistan and the indian frontier south of the kuram, is the open ramp of the tochi valley. the tochi does not figure largely in history, but it has been utilized in the past for sudden raids from ghazni in spite of the difficulties which nature has strewn about its head. the tochi, and the gomul river south of it, must be regarded as highways to ghazni, but there is no comparison between the two as regards their facilities or the amount of traffic which they carry. all the carrying trade of the ghazni province is condensed into the narrow ways of the gomul. trade in the tochi hardly extends farther than the villages at its head. about the gomul there hangs many a tale of adventure, albeit adventure of rather ancient date, for it is exceedingly doubtful if any living european has ever trod more than the lower steps of that ancient staircase. then, south of the gomul, there follows a whole series of minor passes and byways wriggling through the clefts of the mountains, scrambling occasionally over the sharp ridges, but generally adhering closely to the line of some fierce little stream, which has either split its way through the successive walls of rock offered by the parallel uptilted ridges, or else was there, flowing gently down from the highlands, before these ridges were tilted into their present position. there are many such streams, and the history of their exploration is to be found in the modern archives of the survey of india. they may have been used for centuries by roving bands of frontier raiders, but they have no history to speak of. south of the gomul, they all connect baluchistan with india, for baluchistan begins, politically, from the gomul; and they are of minor importance because, by grace of the determined policy of the great maker of the baluch frontier, sir robert sandeman, their back doors and small beginnings in the baluch highlands are all linked up by a line of posts which runs from quetta to the gomul _via_ the zhob valley. whoever holds the two ends of the zhob holds the key of all these back doors. there is not much to be said about them. no great halo of historical romance hangs around them; and yet the stern grandeur of some of these waterways of the frontier hills is well worth a better descriptive pen than mine. i know of one, in the depths of a fathomless abyss, whose waters rage in wild fury over fantastic piles of boulders, tossing up feathers of white spray to make glints of light on the smooth apron of the limestone walls which enclose and overshadow it, which is matchless in its weird beauty. from rounded sun-kissed uplands, where olive groves shelve down long spurs, the waters come, and with a gradually deepening and strengthening rush they swirl into the embrace of the echoing hills, passing with swift transition from a sunny stream to a boiling fury of turgid water under the rugged cliffs of the pine-clad takht-i-suliman. then the stream sets out again, babbling sweetly as it goes, into the open, just a dimpled stream, leaving lonely pools in silent places on its way, and breaking up into a hundred streamlets to gladden the mountain people with the gift of irrigation. it is impossible to describe these frontier waterways. there is nothing like them to be found amidst scenes less wild and less fantastic than their frontier cradles. but full of local light and colour (and local tragedy too) as they surely are, they are unimportant in the military economy of the frontier, and their very wildness and impassability have saved them from the steps of the great horde of indian immigrants. when, however, we reach still farther southward to the straight passes leading to quetta, we are once again in a land of history. it is there we find by far the most open gates and those most difficult to shut, although the value of them as military approaches is very largely discounted by the geographical conditions of western india at the point where they open on to the indus frontier. quetta, kalat, and las bela, standing nearly in line from north to south, are the watch-towers of the western marches. quetta and kalat stand high, surrounded by wild hill country. magnificent cliff-crowned mountains overlooking a wilderness of stone-strewed spurs embrace the little flat plain on which quetta lies crumpled. here and there on the plain an isolated smooth excrescence denotes an extinct volcano. such is the miri, now converted into the protecting fort of quetta. the road from quetta to the north-west, _i.e._ to kandahar and herat, has to pass through a narrow hill-enclosed space some eight miles from quetta; and this physical gateway is strengthened and protected by all the devices of which military engineering skill is capable, whilst midway between quetta and kandahar is the formidable khojak range which must always have been a trouble to buccaneers from the north-west. from quetta to the south-east extends that road and that railway which, intersecting the complicated rampart of frontier hills, finally debouches into the desert plains round jacobabad in sind. kalat is somewhat similarly situated. high amongst the mountains, kalat also commands the approaches to an important pass to the plains, _i.e._ the mula, a pass which in times gone by was a commercial high-road, but which has long been superseded by the quetta passes of harnai and bolan (or mashkaf). las bela is an insignificant baluch town in the valley of the purali, and at present commands nothing of value. but it was not always insignificant, as we shall see, and if its military value is not great at present, las bela must have stood full in the tide of human immigration to india for centuries in the past. it is a true gateway, and the story of it belongs to a period more ancient than any. owing to the peculiar geographical conformation of the country, quetta holds in her keeping all the approaches from the west, thus safeguarding kalat. the kalat fortress is only of minor importance as the guardian of the mula stairway to the plains of india. it is the extraordinary conformation of ridge and valley which forms the great defensive wall of the southern frontier. only where this wall is traversed by streams which break through the successive ridges gathering countless affluents from left and right in their course--affluents which are often as straight and rectangular to the main stream as the branches of a pear-tree trained on a wall are to the parent stem--is it possible to find an open road from the plains to the plateau. for very many miles north of karachi the plains of sind are faced by a solid wall of rock, so rigid, so straight and unscalable (this is the kirthar range) as to form a veritably impracticable barrier. there is but one crack in it. for a short space at its southern end, however, it subsides into a series of minor ridges, and it is here that the connection between karachi and las bela is to be found. these southern las bela approaches (about which there is more to be said) are not only the oldest, but they have been the most persistently trodden of any in the frontier, and they would be just as important in future as they have been in the past but for their geographical position. they are commanded from the sea. no one making for the indus plains can again utilize these approaches who does not hold command of the arabian sea. in this way, and to this extent, the command of the arabian sea and of the persian gulf beyond it becomes vitally important to the security of india. omitting for the present the gomul gateway (the story of the exploration of which belongs to a later chapter), and in order to preserve something of chronological sequence in this book, it is these most southern of the baluchistan passes which now claim our attention. until quite lately these seaboard approaches to india have been almost ignored by historians and military strategists (doubtless because so little was known about them), and the pages of recent text-books are silent concerning them. they lead outwards from the lower indus valleys through makran, either into persia or to the coast ports of the arabian sea. from extreme western persia to the frontiers of india at quetta, or indeed to the indus delta, it is possible for a laden camel to take its way with care and comfort, never meeting a formidable pass, never dragging its weary limbs up any too steep incline, with regular stages and more or less good pasturage through all the 1400 or 1500 miles which intervene between western persia and las bela. from the pleasant palm groves of panjgur in makran to india, it might indeed be well to have an efficient local guide, and indeed from las bela to karachi the road is not to be taken quite haphazard; nevertheless, if the camel-driver knew his way, he could not only lead his charge comfortably along a well-trodden route, but he might turn chauffeur at the end of his long march and drive an exploring party back in a motor. in the illimitable past it was this way that dravidian peoples flocked down from asiatic highlands to the borderland of india. some of them remained for centuries either on the coast-line, where they built strange dwellings and buried each other in earthen pots, or they were entangled in the mass of frontier hills which back the solid kirthar ridge, and stayed there till a turco-mongol race, the brahuis (or barohis, _i.e._ "men of the hills"), overlaid them, and intermixing with them preserved the dravidian language, but lost the dravidian characteristics. according to their own traditions a large number of these brahuis were implanted in their wild and almost inaccessible hills by the conqueror chenghiz khan, and some of them call themselves mingals, or mongols, to this day. this seems likely to be true. it is always best to assume in the first instance that a local tradition firmly held and strongly asserted has a basis of fact to support it. here are a people who have been an ethnological puzzle for many years, talking the language of southern indian tribes, but protesting that they are mongols. like the degenerate descendants of the greeks in the extreme north-west, or like the mixed arab peoples of the makran coast and baluchistan, these half-bred mongols have preserved the traditions of their fathers and adopted the tongue of their mothers. it is strange how soon a language may be lost that is not preserved by the women! what we learn from the brahuis is that a dravidian race must once have been where they are now, and this supports the theory now generally admitted, that the dravidian peoples of india entered india by these western gateways. no more interesting ethnographical inquiry could be found in relation to the people of india than how these races, having got thus far on their way, ever succeeded in getting to the south of the peninsula. it could only have been the earliest arrivals on the frontier who passed on. later arrivals from western persia (amongst whom we may reckon the medes or meds) remained in the indus valley. the bar to frontier progress lies in the desert which stretches east of the indus from the coast to the land of the five rivers. this is indeed india's second line of defence, and it covers a large extent of her frontier. conquerors of the lower indus valley have been obliged to follow up the indus to the punjab before striking eastwards for the great cities of the plains. thus it is not only the indus, but the desert behind it, which has barred the progress of immigration and conquest from time immemorial, and it is this, combined with the command given by the sea, which differentiates these southern gates of india from the northern, which lead on by open roads to lahore, delhi, and the heart of india. the answer to the problem of immigration is probably simple. there was a time when the great rivers of india did not follow their courses as they do now. this was most recently the case as regards the indus and the rivers of central india. in the days when there was no indus delta and the indus emptied itself into the great sandy depression of the rann of katch, another great lost river from the north-east, the saraswati, fed the indus, and between them the desert area was immensely reduced if it did not altogether disappear. then, possibly, could the cairn-erecting stone-monument building dravidian sneak his way along the west coast within sight of the sea, and there indeed has he left his monuments behind him. otherwise the dravidian element of central southern india could only have been gathered from beyond the seas; a proposition which it is difficult to believe. however, never since that desert strip was formed which now flanks the indus to the east can there have been a right-of-way to the heart of india by the gateways of the west. the earliest exploration of these western roads, of which we can trace any distinct record, was once again due to the enterprise of the greeks. we need not follow alexander's victorious footsteps through india, nor concern ourselves with the voyage of his fleet down the indus, and from the mouth of the indus to karachi. general haig, in his pamphlet on the indus delta, has traced out his route[3] with patient care, demonstrating from observations taken during the course of his surveys the probable position of the coast-line in those early days. from karachi to the persian gulf, a voyage undertaken 300 years b.c., of which a log has been kept from day to day, is necessarily of exceeding interest, if only as an indication of a few of the changes which have altered the form of that coast-line in the course of twenty-two centuries. this old route from arabia to the west coast of india can hardly be left unnoticed, for it illustrates the earliest beginning of those sea ways to india which were destined finally to supplant the land ways altogether. i have already pointed out that, judged by the standard of geographical aptitude only, there is no great difficulty in reaching persia from karachi. but geographical distribution of mountain, river, and plain is not all that is necessary to take into account in planning an expedition into new territory. there is also the question of supplies. this was the rock on which alexander's enterprise split. in moving out of india towards persia he adopted the same principle which had stood him in good stead on the indus, viz. the maintenance of communication between army and fleet. naturally he elected to retire from india by a route which as far as possible touched the sea. this was his fatal mistake, and it cost him half his force. we need not trouble ourselves further with the ethnographical conditions of that extraordinary country, makran, in alexander's time; nor need we follow in detail the changes which have taken place in the general configuration of the coast-line between india and the persian gulf during the last 2000 years, references to which will be found in the _journal of the royal society of arts_ for april 1901. apart from the enormous extension of the indus delta, and in spite of the disappearance of many small islands off the coast, the general result has been a material gain by the land on the sea in all this part of the asiatic coast-line. alexander left patala about the beginning of september 326 b.c. to push his way through the country of the arabii and oritæ to gadrosia (or makran) and persia. the arabii occupied the country between karachi and the purali (or river of las bela), and the oritæ and gadrosii apparently combined with other tribes to hold the country that lay beyond the purali (or arabius). he had previously done all that a good general can do to ensure the success of his movements by personally reconnoitring all the approaches to the sea by the various branches of the indus; by pacifying the people and consolidating his sovereignty at patala so as to leave a strong position behind him entirely subject to greek authority; and by dividing his force so as to utilize the various arms with the best possible effect. this force was comprised in three divisions; one under krateros included the heavy transport and invalids, and this was despatched to persia by a route which was evidently as well known in that day as it is at present. it is never contended by any historian that alexander did not know his way out of india. on the contrary, arrian distinctly insinuates that it was the perversity of pride, the "ambition to be doing something new and astonishing" which "prevailed over all his scruples" and decided him to send his crank indus-built galleys to the euphrates by sea, and himself to prove that such an army led by "such a general" could force a passage through the makran wilderness where the only previous records were those of disaster. he had heard that cyrus and semiramis had failed, and that decided him to make the attempt. we can follow krateros no farther than to point out that his route was by the mulla (and not the bolan) pass to kalat and quetta. thence he must have taken the kandahar route to the helmund, and following that river down to the fertile and well-populated plains of lower seistan (or drangia) he crossed the kirman desert by a well-known modern caravan route, and joined alexander at or near kirman; for alexander was "on his way to karmania" at the time that krateros joined him, and not at pura (the capital of the gadrosii) as suggested by st. john. one interesting little relic of this march was dug up by captain mackenzie, r.e., during the construction of the fort on the miri at quetta. a small bronze figure of hercules was brought to light, and it now rests in the asiatic society's museum at calcutta. alexander, as we have said, left patala about the beginning of september. but where was patala? probably it was neither hyderabad (as suggested by general cunningham) nor tatta (as upheld by other authorities), but about 30 miles s.e. of the former and 60 miles e.n.e. of the latter, in which locality, indeed, there are ruins enough to satisfy any theory. from patala we are told by arrian that he marched with a sufficient force to the arabius; and that is all. but from quintus curtius we learn that it was nine marches to krokala (a point easier of identification than most, from the preservation of the name which survived through mediæval ages in the karak--the much-dreaded pirate of the coast--and can now be recognized in karachi) and five marches thence to the arabius. he started in cool monsoon weather. his route, after leaving krokala, is determined by the natural features of the country as then existing. there was no shore route in these days. alexander followed the subsequent mediæval route which connected makran with sind in the days of arab ascendancy, a route that has been used as a highway into india for nearly eight centuries. it is not the route which now connects karachi and las bela, but belongs to the later mediæval phase of history. as the sea then extended at least to liari, in the basin of the purali or arabius, we are obliged to locate the position of his crossing that river as being not far south of las bela; where in alexander's time it was "neither wide nor deep," and in these days is almost entirely absorbed in irrigation. this does not, i admit, altogether tally with the five marches of quintus curtius. it would amount to over a hundred miles of marching, some of which would be heavy, though not very much of it; but the discrepancy is not a serious one. the arabius may have been far to the east of its present channel--indeed, there are old channels which indicate that it was so, and it does not follow that the river was crossed at the point at which it was struck. the reason for placing this crossing so far north is that room is required for subsequent operations. after crossing, we are told that alexander "turned to his left towards the sea" (from which he was evidently distant some space), and with a picked force he made a sudden descent on the oritæ. he marched one night only through desert country and in the morning came to a well-inhabited district. pushing on with cavalry only, he defeated the oritæ, and then later joining hands with the rest of his forces, he penetrated to their capital city. for these operations he must necessarily have been hedged in between the purali and hala range, which he clearly had not crossed as yet. now we are expressly told by arrian that the capital city of the oritæ was but a village that did duty for the capital, and that the name of it was rambakia. the care of it was committed to hephæstion that he might colonize it after the fashion of the greeks. but we find that hephæstion certainly did not stay long there, and could only have left the native village as he found it, with no very extensive improvements. it would be most interesting to decide the position of rambakia. what we want to find is an ancient site, somewhere approaching the sea-coast, say 30 or 40 miles from the crossing of the purali, in a district that might once have been cultivated and populous. we have found two such sites--one now called khair kot, to the north-west of liari, commanding the hala pass; and another called kotawari, south-west of liari, and very near the sea. the latter has but recently been uncovered from the sand, but an existing mud wall and its position on the coast indicate that it is not old enough for our purpose. the other, khair kot, is an undoubted relic of mediæval arab supremacy. it is the kambali of idrisi on the high-road from armail (now bela) to the great sind port of debal, and the record of it belongs to another history. nevertheless, khair kot is exactly where we should expect rambakia to be, and quite possibly where rambakia was. amongst the coins and relics collected there, there is, however, no trace of greek inscription; but that this corner of the bela district was once flourishing and populous there is ample evidence. from rambakia alexander proceeded with half his targeteers and part of his cavalry to force the pass which the gadrosii and oritæ had conjointly seized "with the design of stopping his progress." this pass might either have been the turning pass at the northern end of the hala, or it might have been on the water-parting from which the phur river springs farther on. i should think it was probably the former, where there is better room for cavalry to act. immediately after defeating the oritæ (who apparently made little resistance) alexander appointed leonatus, with a picked force, to support the new governor of rambakia (hephæstion having rejoined the army), and left him to make arrangements for victualling the fleet when it arrived, whilst he pushed on through desert country into the territory of the gadrosii by "a road very dangerous," and drawing down towards the coast. he must then have followed the valley of the phur to the coast, and pushed on along the track of the modern telegraph line till he reached the neighbourhood of the hingol river. we are indebted to aristobulus for an account of this track in alexander's time. it was here that the ph[oe]nician followers of the army gathered their myrrh from the tamarisk trees; here were the mangrove swamps, and the euphorbias, which still dot the plains with their impenetrable clumps of prickly "shoots or stems, so thick set that if a horseman should happen to be entangled therewith he would sooner be pulled off his horse than freed from the stem," as aristobulus tells us. here, too, were found the roots of spikenard, so precious to the greedy ph[oe]nician followers. these same products formed part of the coast trade in the days when the periplus was written, 400 years later, though there is little demand for them now. it was somewhere near the hingol river that alexander made a considerable halt to collect food and supplies for his fleet. his exertions and his want of success are all fully described by arrian, as well as the rude class of fishing villages inhabited by ichthyophagi, all the latter of which might well be cut out of the pages of greek history and entered in a survey report as modern narrative. after this we have but slight indications in arrian's history of alexander's route to pura, the capital of gadrosia. three chapters are full of most graphic and lively descriptions of the difficulties and horrors of that march. we only hear that he reached pura sixty days after leaving the country of the oritæ, and there is no record of the number of troops that survived. luckily, however, the log kept by the admiral of the fleet, nearkhos, comes into our assistance here, and though it is still arrian's history, it is nearkhos who speaks. we must now turn back to follow the ships. i cannot enter in detail into the reasons given by general haig, in his interesting pamphlet on the indus delta country, for selecting the gharo creek as the particular arm of the indus which was finally selected for the passage of the fleet seaward. i can only remark that whilst the nature of the half-formed delta of that period is still open to conjecture, so that i see no reason why the island of krokala, for instance, should not have been represented by a district which bears a very similar name nowadays, i fully agree that the description of the coast as given by nearkhos can only possibly apply to that section of it which is embraced between the gharo creek and karachi. it is only within very recent times that the gharo has ceased to be an arm of the indus. for the present, at any rate, we cannot do better than follow so careful an observer as general haig in his conclusions. there can be little doubt that alexander's haven, into which the fleet put till the monsoon should moderate, and where it was detained for twenty days, was _somewhere near_ karachi. that it was the modern karachi harbour seems improbable. of all parts of the western coast of india, that about karachi has probably changed its configuration most rapidly, and there is ample room for conjecture as to where that haven of refuge of 2000 years ago might actually have been. let us accept the fleet of river-built galleys, manned with oars, and open to every phase of wind and weather, as having emerged from it about the beginning of october, and as having reached the island of domai, which i am inclined to identify with manora. much difficulty has been found in making the estimate of each day's run, as given in stadia, tally with the actual length of coast. i think the difficulty disappears a good deal if we consider what means there were of making such estimates. short runs in the river between known landmarks are very fairly consistent in the greek accounts. on the basis of such short runs, and with a very vague idea of the effect of wind and tide, the length of each day's run at sea was probably reckoned at so much per hour. there could hardly have been any other way of reckoning open to the greeks. they recognized no landmarks after leaving karachi. even had they been able to use a log-line it would have told them but little. wind and current (for the currents on this part of the sea mostly follow the monsoon wind) were either against them or on their beam all the way to the hingol, and they encountered more than one severe storm which must have broken on them with the full force of a monsoon head wind. from the point where the fleet rounded cape monze and followed the windings of the coast to the harbour of morontobara the estimates, though excessive, are fairly consistent; but from this point westward, when the full force of monsoon wind and current set against them, the estimates of distance are very largely in excess of the truth, and continue so till the pilot was shipped at mosarna who guided them up the coast of persia. thenceforward there is much more consistency in their log. it must not be supposed that nearkhos was making a voyage of discovery. he was following a track that had often been followed before. it was clear that alexander knew the way by sea to the coasts of persia before he started his fleet, and it is a matter of surprise rather than otherwise that he did not find a pilot amongst the malli, who, if they are to be identified with the meds, were one of the foremost sea-going peoples of asia. his ph[oe]nician and greek sailors evidently were strangers to the coast, and some of his mixed crew of soldiers and sailors had subsequently to be changed for drafts from the land forces. we cannot now follow the voyage in detail, nor could we, even if we would, indicate the precise position of those islands of which arrian writes between cape monze and sonmiani; some of them may now be represented by shoals known to the coasting vessels, whilst others may be connected with the mainland. i have no doubt myself that morontobara (the "woman's haven") is represented by the great depression of the sirondha lake. between morontobara and krokala (which about answers to ras kachari) they touched at the mouth of the purali, or arabius, not far from liari, having an island which sheltered them from the sea to windward, which is now part of the mainland. near by the mouth of the arabius was another island "high and bare" with a channel between it and the mainland. this, too, has been linked up with the shore formation, and the channel no longer exists, but there is ample evidence of the ancient character of this corner of the coast. between the arabius and krokala (three days' sail) very bad weather was made, and two galleys and a transport were lost. it was at krokala that they joined hands with the army again. here nearkhos formed a camp, and it was "in this part of the country" that leonatus defeated the oritæ and their allies in a great battle wherein 6000 were slain. arrian adds that a full account of the action and its sequel, the crowning of leonatus with a golden crown by alexander, is given in his other work, but as a matter of fact the other account is so entirely different (representing the oritæ as submitting quietly) that we can only suppose this to have been a separate and distinct action from the cavalry skirmish mentioned before. it must be noted that the coast hereabouts has probably largely changed. a little farther west it is changing rapidly even now, and it is idle to look for the names given by the greeks as marking any positive locality known at present. hereabouts at any rate was the spot where alexander with such difficulty had collected ten days' supplies for the fleet. this was now put on board, and the bad or indifferent sailors exchanged for better seamen. from krokala, a course of 500 stadia (largely over-estimated) brought them to the estuary of the hingol river (which is described a winter torrent under the name of tomeros), and from this point all connection between the fleet and the army appears to have been lost. it was at the mouth of the hingol that a skirmish took place with the natives which is so vividly described by nearkhos, when the greeks leapt into the sea and charged home through the surf. of all the little episodes described in the progress of the voyage this is one of the most interesting; for there is a very close description given of certain barbarians clothed in the skins of fish or animals, covered with long hair, and using their nails as we use fish-knives, armed with wooden pikes hardened in the fire, and fighting more like monkeys than men. here we have the real aboriginal inhabitants of india. not so very many years ago, in the woods of western india, a specimen almost literally answering to the description of nearkhos was caught whilst we were in the process of surveying those jungles, and he furnished a useful contribution to ethnographical science at the time. probably these barbarians of nearkhos were incomparably older even than the turanian races which we can recognize, and which succeeded them, and which, like them, have been gradually driven south into the fastnesses of central and southern india. makran is full of turanian relics connecting it with the dravidian races of the south; but there is no time to follow these interesting glimpses into prehistoric ethnography opened up by the log of nearkhos. nor, indeed, can we follow the voyage in detail much farther, for we have to take up the route of alexander, about which very much less has hitherto been known than can be told about the voyage of nearkhos. we may, however, trace the track of nearkhos past the great rocky headland of malan, still bearing the same name that the greeks gave it, to the commodious harbour of bagisara, which is likely enough the damizar, or eastern bay, of the urmara headland. the padizar, or western bay, corresponds more nearly with the name bagisara, but as they doubled a headland next day it is clear they were on the eastern side of the isthmus. the pasiris whom he mentions have left frequent traces of their existence along the coast. kalama, reached on the second day from bagisara, is easily recognizable in the khor khalmat of modern surveys, and it is here again that we can trace a very considerable extension of the land seawards that would completely have altered the course of the fleet from the coasting track of modern days. the island of karabine, from which they procured sheep, may very well have been the projecting headland of giaban, now connected by a low sandy waste with the mainland. it could never have been the island of astola, as conjectured by m'crindle and others. from kalama to kissa (now disappeared) and mosarna, along the coast called karbis (now gazban), the course would again be longer than at present, for there is much recent sand formation here; and when we come to mosarna itself, after doubling the headland of jebel zarain, we find the harbour completely silted up. it may be noted that this western bay of pasni was probably exactly similar to the padizar of urmara or of gwadur, and that there is a general (but not universal) tendency to shallowing on the western sides of all the makran headlands. here they took the pilot on board, and after this there was little difficulty. in three more days they made barna (or badara), which answers to gwadur, where were palm trees and myrtles, and we need follow them for the present no farther. colonel mockler, who was well acquainted with the makran coast, but hardly, perhaps, appreciated all the changes which the coast-line has undergone (neither, indeed, did i till the surveys were complete), has traced the course of that historic fleet with great care. he has pointed out correctly that two islands (pola and karabia) have disappeared from the eastern neighbourhood of the gwadur headland and one (derenbrosa) from its western extremity; and he might have added that yet another is breaking up, and rapidly disappearing off the headland of passabandar, near gwadur. he has identified kyiza (or knidza), the small town built on an eminence not far from the shore, which was captured by stratagem, beyond doubt, and has traced the fleet from point to point with a careful analysis of all existing records that i cannot pretend to imitate. we cannot, however, leave nearkhos without a passing reference to that island on the coast of the ichthyophagi, and which was sacred to the sun, and which was, even in those days, enveloped in such a halo of mystery and tradition that even arrian holds nearkhos up to contempt for expending "time and ingenuity in the not very difficult task of proving the falsehood" of these "antiquated fables." i have been to that island, the island of astola, and the tales that were told to nearkhos are told of it still. there, off the southern face of it, is the "sail rock," the legendary relic of a lost ship which may well have been the transport which nearkhos did undoubtedly lose off its rocky shores. there, indeed, i did not find the nereid of such fascinating manners and questionable customs as nearkhos describes on the authority of the inhabitants of the coast, but sea-urchins and sea-snakes abounded in such numbers as to make the process of exploration quite sufficiently exciting; and there were not wanting indications of those later days when the meds (now an insignificant fish-eating people scattered in the coast hamlets) were the dreaded pirates of the arabian sea, and used to convey the crews of the ships they captured to that island, where they were murdered wholesale. it is curious that the name given by nearkhos is nosala, or nuhsala. in these days it is astola, or more properly hashtala, sometimes even called haftala. i am unable to determine the meaning of the termination to which the numerals are prefixed. another name for it is sangadip, which is also the mediæval name for ceylon. there can be no doubt about the identity of this island of sun worship and historic fable. we must now turn to alexander. we left him near the mouth of the hingol, then probably four or five miles north of its present position, and nearer the modern telegraph line. so far he had almost step by step followed out the subsequent line of the indo-persian telegraph, and at the hingol he was not very far south of it. near here leonatus had had his fight with the oritæ, and alexander had spent much time (for it must be remembered that he started a month before his fleet, and that the fleet and leonatus at least joined hands at this point) in collecting supplies of grain from the more cultivated districts north, and was prepared to resume his march along the coast, true to his general tactical principle of keeping touch with his ships. but an obstacle presented itself that possibly he had not reckoned on. the huge barrier of the malan range, abutting direct on the sea, stopped his way. there was no "buzi" pass (or goat track) in those days, such as finally and after infinite difficulty helped the telegraph line over, though there was indeed an ancient stronghold at the top, which must have been in existence before his time, and was likely enough the original city of malan. he was consequently forced into the interior, and here his difficulties began. we should be at a loss to follow him here, but for the fact that there is only one possible route. he followed up the hingol till he could turn the malan by an available pass westward. nothing here has altered since his days. those magnificent peaks and mountains which surround the sacred shrine of hinglaz are, indeed, "everlasting hills," and it was through them that he proceeded to make his way. it would be a matter of immense interest could one trace any record of the hinglaz shrine in classical writings, but there is none that i know of. and yet i believe that shrine which, next possibly to juggernath, draws the largest crowds of pilgrims (hindu and mussulman alike) of any in india, was in existence before the days of alexander. for the shrine is sacred to the goddess nana (now identified with siva by hindus), and the assyrian or persian goddess nana is of such immense antiquity that she has furnished to us the key to an older chronology even than that of egypt. the famous cylinder of assurbanipal, king of assyria, tells us that in the year 645 b.c. he destroyed susa, the capital of elam, and from its temple he carried back the chaldean goddess nana, and by the express command of the goddess herself, took her from whence she had dwelt in elam, "a place not appointed her," and reinstated her in her own sanctuary at urukh (now warka in mesopotamia), whence she had originally been taken 1635 years before by a conquering king of elam, who had invaded accad territory. thus she was clearly a well-established deity in mesopotamia 2280 years b.c. alexander, however, would have left that ziarat hidden away in the folds of the hinglaz mountain on his left, and followed the windings of the hingol river some forty miles to its junction with a stream from the west, which would again give him the chance of striking out parallel to the coast. we should be in some doubt at what particular point alexander left the hingol, but for the survival of names given in history as those of a people with whom he had to contend, viz. the parikanoi, the sagittæ, and the sakæ, names not mentioned by arrian. now, herodotus gives the parikanoi and asiatic ethiopians as being the inhabitants of the seventeenth satrapy of the persian empire, and bellew suggests that the greek parikanoi is a greek transcript of the persian form of parikan, the plural of the sanscrit parvá-ka--or, in other words, the _ba-rohi_--or men of the hills. however this may be, there is the bed of the stream called parkan skirting the north of the taloi range and leading westwards from the hingol, and we need look no farther for the parikanoi. in support of bellew's theory it may be stated that it is not only in the heart of the brahui country, but the sajidi are still a tribe of jalawan brahuis, of which the chief family is called sakæ, and that they occupy territory in makran a little to the north of the parkan. there is every reason why alexander should have selected this route. it was his first chance of turning the malan block, and it led most directly westwards with a trend towards the sea. but at the time of the year that he was pushing his way through this low valley flanked by the taloi hills, which rose to a height of 2000 feet above him on his left, there would not be a drop of water to be had, and the surrounding wilderness of sandy hillocks and scanty grass-covered waste would afford his troops no supplies and no shelter from the fierce autumn heat. all the miseries of his retreat were concentrated into the distance (about 200 miles) between the hingol and the coast. the story of that march is well told by arrian. it was here that occurred that gallant episode when alexander proudly refused to drink the small amount of water that was offered him in a helmet, because his army was perishing with thirst. it must have been near the harbour of pasni, once again almost on the line of the present telegraph, that alexander emerged from the sand-storm with but four horsemen on to the sea-coast at last, and instantly set to work to dig wells for his perishing troops. thenceforward arrian tells us only that he marched for seven days along the coast till he reached the well-known highway to karmania, when he turned inland, and his difficulties were at an end. now, that well-known highway was almost better known then than it is now. he could only leave the coast near the dasht river at gwadur, and strike across into the valley of the bahu, which would lead him through a country subsequently great in arabic history, over the yet unsuspected sites of many famous cities, to bampur, the capital of gadrosia. from leaving the coast to bampur the duration of his march with an exhausted force would be little less than a month. working backward again from that same point (which may be regarded as an obligatory one in his route) the seven days' weary drag through the sand of the coast would carry him no farther than from the neighbourhood of pasni, and that is why i have selected that point for the historic episode of his guiding his army by chance and emerging on to the shore unexpectedly, rather than the neighbourhood of the basol river, to which the parkan route should naturally have led him. he clearly lost his way, as arrian says he did, or else the estimated number of marches is wrong. we are told by arrian that he reached pura, the capital of gadrosia, on the sixtieth day after leaving the country of the oritæ. this is a little indefinite, as he may be considered to have left the country of the oritæ when he started to collect supplies from the northern district, and we do not know how long he was on this reconnaissance. probably, however, the date of leaving the coast and striking inland up the hingol river is the date referred to by arrian, in which case we may estimate that he spent about twenty-four days negotiating the fearful country opened up to him on the parkan route ere he touched the seashore again. this is by no means an exaggerated estimate if we consider the distance (something short of 200 miles) and the nature of his army. a half-armed mob, which included women and children, and of which the transport consisted of horses and mules and wooden carts dragged by men, cannot move with the facilities of a modern brigade. nor would a modern brigade move along that line with the rapidity that has distinguished some of our late man[oe]uvres in south africa. on the whole, i think the estimate a probable one, and it brings us to bampur, the ancient capital of gadrosia. we have now followed alexander out of india into persia. thenceforward there are no great geographical questions to decipher, or knots to be untied. his progress was a progress of triumph, and the story of his retreat well ends with the thrilling tale of his meeting again with nearkhos, after the latter had harboured his fleet at the mouth of the minab river and set out on the search for alexander, guided by a greek who had strayed from alexander's army. blackened by exposure and clothed in rags, nearkhos was unrecognized till he announced himself to the messenger sent to look for him. even alexander himself at first failed to recognize his admiral in the extraordinary apparition that was presented to him in his camp, and could only believe that his fleet must have perished and that nearkhos and arkias were sole survivors. we can imagine what followed. those were days of ready recognition of service and no despatches, and all persia was open to the conquerors to choose their reward. after alexander's time many centuries elapsed before we get another clear historic view into makran, and then what do we find? a country of great and flourishing cities, of high-roads connecting them with well-known and well-marked stages; armies passing and re-passing, and a trade which represented to those that held it the dominant commercial power in the world, flowing steadily century after century through that country which was fatal to alexander, and which we are rather apt now to consider the fag-end of the baluchistan wilderness. the history of makran is bound up with the history of india from time immemorial. not all the passes of all the frontiers of india put together have seen such traffic into the broad plains of hindustan as for certainly three, and possibly for eight, centuries passed through the gateways of makran. as one by one we can now lay our finger on the sites of those historic cities, and first begin faintly to measure the importance of makran to india ere vasco da gama first claimed the honour of doubling the cape and opened up the ocean highway, we can only be astonished that for four centuries more makran remained a blank on the map of the world. footnote: [3] _indus delta country_, 1894. chapter vi chinese explorations--the gates of the far north there are many gateways into india, gateways on the north as well as the north-west and west, and although these far northern ways are so rugged, so difficult, and so elevated that they can hardly be regarded as of political or strategic importance, yet they are many of them well trodden and some were once far better known than they are now. opinions may perhaps differ as to their practical value as military or commercial approaches under new conditions of road-making, but they never have, so far, been utilized in either sense, and the interest of them is purely historical. these are the ways of the pilgrims, and we are almost as much indebted to chinese records for our knowledge of them as we are to the researches of modern explorers. for many a century after alexander had left the scene of his eastern conquests historical darkness envelopes the rugged hills and plains which witnessed the passing of the greeks. the faith of buddha was strong before their day, but the building age of buddhism was later. no mention is to be found in the pages of greek history of the magnificent monuments of the creed which are an everlasting wonder of the plains of upper india. such majestic testimony to the living force of buddhism could hardly have passed unnoticed by observers so keen as those early greeks; and when next we are dimly lighted on our way to identify the lines of movement and the trend of commerce on the indian frontier, we find a new race of explorers treading their way with pious footsteps from shrine to shrine, and the sacred books and philosophic teaching of a widespreading faith the objects of their quest. the chinese pilgrim fa hian was the first to leave a permanent record of his travels. his date is about a.d. 400, and he was only one of a large number of chinese pilgrims who knew the road between india and china far better than any one knew it twenty-five years ago. although the northern approaches to india from the direction of china are rather far afield, yet recent revelations resulting from the researches of such enterprising travellers as sven hedin and stein, confirming the older records, require some short reference to the nature of those communications between the outside world of asia and india which distinguished the early centuries of our era. in those early centuries there was to be found in that western extension of the gobi desert which we call chinese turkistan, in the low-lying country, mostly sand-covered, which stretches to a yellow horizon northward beneath the shimmering haze of an almost perpetual dust veil, very different conditions of human existence to those which now prevail. the zone of cultivation fed by the streams of the kuen lun was wider, stretching farther into the desert. rivers ran fuller of water, carrying fertility farther afield; great lakes spread themselves where now there are but marshes and reeds, and cities flourished which have been covered over and buried under accumulating shifting sand for centuries. a great central desert there always has been within historic period, but it was a desert much modified by bordering oases of green fertility, and a spread of irrigated cultivation which is not to be found there now. amongst the most interesting relics recovered from some of these unearthed cities are certain writings in karosthi and brahmi (indian) script, which testify to the existence of roads and posts and a regular system of communication between these cities of the plain, which must have been in existence in those early years of the christian era when karosthi was a spoken language in northern india. all this now sand-buried country was buddhist then, and a great city overlooked the wide expanse of the lop lake, and the rivers of the southern hills carried fertility far into the central plain. when the pilgrim fa hian trod the weary road from western china to chinese turkistan by way of turfan and the buddhist city of lop, he followed in a groove deep furrowed by the feet of many a pilgrim before him, and a highway for devotees for many a century after. strange as it may seem, the ancient people of this desert waste--the people who now occupy the cultivated strip of land at the foot of the kuen lun mountains which shut them off from tibet--are an indian race, or rather a race of indian extraction, far more allied to the indo-european than to any mongol, chinese, tibetan, or turk race with which they may have been recently admixed. did they spread northward from india through the rugged passes of northern kashmir, taking with them the faith of their ancestors? we do not know; but there can be little doubt that the chanto of the lop basin and of turfan is the lineal successor of the people who welcomed the chinese pilgrims in their search after truth. buddhist then and mahomedan now, they seem to have lost little of their genial spirit of hospitality to strangers. khotan (ilchi) was the central attraction of western turkistan, one at least of the most blessed wayside fountains of faith, the ultimate sources of which were only to be found in india. those ultimate sources have long left india. they are concentrated in lhasa now, which city is still the sanctuary of buddhism to the thousands of pilgrims who make their way from china on the east and mongolia on the north as full of devout aspiration and of patient searching after spiritual knowledge as was ever a chinese pilgrim of past ages. not only was western turkistan full of the monuments and temples of buddhism scattered through the length of the green strips of territory which bordered the dry steppe of the central depression watered on the north by the tarim river, and on the south by the many mountain streams which rushed through the gorges of the kuen lun, but there was an evident extension of outward and visible signs of the faith to the northward, embracing the turfan basin, which in many of its physical characteristics is but a minor repetition of that of lop, and possibly even as far west as the great lake issyk kul. thus the old pilgrim route to india from western china, which was chosen by the devotee so as to include as many sacred shrines as could possibly be made to assist in adding grace to his pilgrimage, was a very different route to that now followed by the pious mongolian or western chinaman to lhasa. avoiding the penalties of the nan shan system of mountains which guards the tibetan plateau on the north-east, these early pilgrims held on their journey almost due west, and, skirting the mongolian steppe within sight of the tibetan frontier hills, they reached turfan; then turning southward, they passed on to the lop nor lake region by a well-ascertained route, which at that time intersected the well-watered and fertile land of lulan. there is water still in the lower tarim and in the konche river beds, but it has proved in these late years to be useless for agricultural development owing to the increasing salinity of the soil. several recent attempts at recolonizing this area have resulted in total failure. from the lop lake to khotan _via_ cherchen the old-world route was much the same as now, but the width of fertility stretched farther north from the kuen lun foothills, and the temples of buddhism were rich and frequent, and thus were pious pilgrims refreshed and elevated every step of the way through this turkistan region. khotan appears to have been the local centre of the faith. no lake spread out its blue waters to catch the sky reflections here, but from the cold wastes of tibet, through the gorges of the great kuen lun range, the waters of a river flowed down past the temples and stupas of ilchi to find their way northward across the sands to the tarim. the high ritual of buddhism in its ancient form was strange and imposing. when we read fa hian's account of the great car procession, we are no longer surprised at the effect which buddhist symbolism exercised on its disciples. fa hian and his fellow-travellers were lodged in a sanghârâma, or temple of the "great vehicle," where were three thousand priests "who assemble to eat at the sound of the _ghantâ_. on entering the dining hall their carriage is grave and demure, and they take their seats in regular order. all of them keep silence; there is no noise with their eating bowls; when the attendants give more food they are not allowed to speak to one another but only to make signs with the hand." "in this country," says fa hian, "there are fourteen great sanghârâmas. from the first day of the fourth month they sweep and water the thoroughfares within the city and decorate the streets. above the city gate they stretch an awning and use every kind of adornment. this is when the king and queen and court ladies take their place. the gomâti priests first of all take their images in the procession. about three or four li from the city they make a four-wheeled image car about 30 feet high, in appearance like a moving palace adorned with the seven precious substances. they fix upon it streamers of silk and canopy curtains. the figure is placed in the car with two bodhisatevas as companions, while the devas attend on them; all kinds of polished ornaments made of gold and silver hang suspended in the air. when the image is 100 paces from the gate the king takes off his royal cap, and changing his clothes for new ones proceeds barefooted, with flowers and incense in his hand, from the city, followed by his attendants. on meeting the image he bows down his head and worships at its feet, scattering the flowers and burning the incense. on entering the city the queen and court ladies scatter about all kinds of flowers and throw them down in wild profusion. so splendid are the arrangements for worship!"[4] thus writes fa hian, and it is sufficient to testify to the strength of buddhism and the magnificence of its ritual in the third century of our era, when india still held the chief fountains of inspiration ere the holy of holies was transferred to lhasa and the pilgrim route was changed. so far, then, we need not look for the influence exercised by the most recent climatic pulsation of central asia which has dried up the water-springs and allowed the sand-drifts to accumulate above many of the minor townships of the lop basin, in order to account for the trend of asiatic religious history towards tibet. it was the gradual decay of the faith, and its final departure from its birthplace in the plains of india in later centuries, which sent pilgrims on another track, and left many of the northern routes to be rediscovered by european explorers in the nineteenth century. most of the chinese pilgrims visited khotan, but from khotan onward their steps were bent in several directions. some of them visited ki-pin, which has been identified with the upper kabul river basin. here, indeed, were scattered a wealth of buddhist records to be studied, shrines to be visited, and temples to be seen. the road from balkh to kabul and from kabul to the punjab was pre-eminently a buddhist route. balkh, haibak, and bamian all testify, as does the neighbourhood of kabul itself, to the existence of a lively buddhist history before the mahomedan conquest, and between kabul and india there are buddhist remains near jalalabad which rival in splendour those of the swat valley and the upper punjab. all these places were objects of devout attention undoubtedly, but to reach kabul _via_ balkh from khotan it would be necessary to cross the pamirs and badakshan. it is not easy to follow in detail the footsteps of these devotees, but it is obvious that until they entered the "tsungling" mountains they remained north of the great trans-himalayan ranges and of the hindu kush. the tsungling was the dreaded barrier between china and india, and the wild tales of the horrors which attended the crossing of the mountains testify to the fact that they were not much easier of access or transit at the beginning of the christian era than they are now. the direct distance between khotan and balkh is not less than 700 miles, and 700 miles of such a mountain wilderness as would be involved by the passing of the pamirs into the valley of the oxus and the plains of badakshan would represent 900 to 1000 of any ordinary travelling. and yet there appear to be indications of a close connection between these two centres of buddhism. the great temple a mile or two to the west of khotan, called the nava sanghârâma, or royal new temple, is the same as that to the south-west of balkh, according to a later traveller, hiuen tsiang, while the kings of khotan were said to be descended from vaisravana, the protector of the balkh convent. no modern traveller has crossed badakshan from the pamirs to balkh, but the general conformation of the country is fairly well ascertained, and there can be no doubt that the journey would occupy any pilgrim, no matter how devout and enthusiastic, at least two and a half months, and another month would be required to traverse the road from balkh _via_ hiabak, or baiman, over the hindu kush to kabul. now we are told that fa hian journeyed twenty-five days to the tsen-ho country, from whence, by marching four days southward, he entered the tsungling mountains. another twenty-five days' rugged marching took him to the kie-sha country, a country "hilly and cold" in "the midst of the tsungling mountains," where he rejoined his companions who had started for ki-pin. it is therefore clear that he did not rejoin them at kabul, nor could they have gone there; and the question arises--where is kie-sha? the continuation of fa hian's story gives the solution to the riddle. another month's wandering from kie-sha across the tsungling mountains took him to north india. it was a perilous journey. the terrors of it remained engraved on the memory of the saint after his return to his home in china. great "poison dragons" lived in those mountains, who spat poison and gravel-stones at passing pilgrims, and few there were who survived the encounter. the impression conveyed of furious blasts of mountain-bred winds is vivid, and many travellers since fa hian's time have suffered therefrom. "on entering the borders" of india he came to a little country called to-li. to-li seems to be identified beyond dispute with darel, and with this to guide us we begin to see where our pilgrims must have passed. fifteen days more of tsungling mountain-climbing southwards took him to wuchung (udyana), where he remained during the rains. thence he went "south" to sin-ho-to (swat), and finally "descended" into gandara, or the upper punjab. from these final stages of his journey india-ward there is little difficulty in recognizing that kie-sha must be kashmir. in the first place, kashmir lies on the most direct route between chinese turkistan and india. nor is it possible to believe that the wealth of buddhist remains which now appeal to the antiquarian in that delightful garden of the himalayas were not more or less due to the first impulse of the devotees of the early faith to plant the seeds of buddhism where the passing to and fro of innumerable bands of pilgrims would of necessity occur. through kashmir lay the high-road to high asia, at that time included in the buddhist fold, where indian language had crystallized and corroborated the faith that was born in india. thus it was that glorious temples arose amidst the groves and on the slopes of kashmir hills, and even in the days of fa hian, when buddhism was already nine centuries old, there must have been much to beguile the pilgrim to devotional study. in short, kashmir could not be overlooked by any devotee, and whether the direct route thither was taken from khotan, or whether kashmir was visited in due course from northern india, we may be certain that it was one of the chief objectives of chinese pilgrimage. fa hian says so little about the kingdom of kie-sha which can be made use of to assist us, that it is not easy to identify the part of kashmir to which he refers. twenty-five days after entering the tsungling mountains would enable him to reach the valley of kashmir by the karakoram pass, leh, and the zoji-la at the head of the sind valley. it is not a matter of much consequence for our purposes which route he took, as it is quite clear that all these northern routes were open to chinese pilgrim traffic from the very earliest times. the alternative route would be to the head of the tagdumbash pamir, over the killik pass, and by hunza to gilgit and astor. the hunza country (kunjut) has always had an attraction for the chinese. it has been conquered and held by china, and is still reckoned by its inhabitants as part of the chinese empire. hunza and nagar pay tribute to china to this day. if we remember that the pains and penalties of a pilgrimage over any of the hindu kush passes, or by the karakoram (the chief trade route through all time), to india, is as nothing to the trials which modern mongolian pilgrims undergo between china and lhasa, over the terrible altitudes of the tibetan plateau, there will be little to surprise us in these earlier achievements. pioneers of exploration in the true sense they were not, for the himalayan byways must have been as well known to them as were the asiatic highways to alexander ere he attempted to reach india. we may assume, however, that fa hian entered the central valley of kashmir from leh, for it gives a reasonable pretext for his choice of a route out of it. it is not likely that he would go twice over the same ground. he witnessed the pomp and pageantry of buddhist ritual in kie-sha. the king of the country had kept the great five-yearly assembly. he had "summoned sramanas from the four quarters, who came together like clouds." silken canopies and flags with gold and silver lotus-flowers figure amongst the ritualistic properties, and form part of the processional arrangements which end with the invariable offerings to the priests. "the king, taking from the chief officer of the embassy the horse he rides, with its saddle and bridle, mounts it, and then, taking white taffeta, jewels of various kinds, and things required by the sramanas, in union with his ministers, he vows to give them all to the priests. having thus given them, they are redeemed at a price from the priests." no mention is made of the price, but as the kashmiri of the past has been excellently well described by another pilgrim as a true prototype of the kashmiri of the present, it is unlikely that the king lost much by the deal. the description of kie-sha as "in the middle of the tsungling range" would hardly apply to any country but kashmir, and the fact is noted that from kie-sha towards india the vegetation changes in character. having crossed tsungling, we arrive at north india, says fa hian, but to reach the "little country called to-li" (darel) he would have to cross by the burzil pass into the basin of the indus, and then follow the gilgit river to a point under the shadow of the hindu koh range, opposite the head-waters of the darel. crossing the hindu koh, he would then drop straight into this "little country." remembering something of the nature of the road to gilgit ere our military engineers fashioned a sound highway out of the rocky hill-sides, one can sympathize with the pious fa hian when recalling in after years the frightful experiences of that journey. a few miles beyond gilgit the rough evidences of a ruined stupa, and a still rougher outline of a buddhist figure cut on the rocks which guard a narrow gorge leading up the hindu koh slopes, points to the take-off for darel. no modern explorer has followed that route, except one of the native explorers of the indian survey who travelled under the soubriquet of "the mullah." the mullah made his way through the darel valley to the indus, and describes it as a difficult route. there is little variation in the tale of troubled progress, but "the mullah" makes no mention of buddhist relics, nor is it likely that they would have appealed to him had he seen them. there can be little doubt, however, that darel holds some hidden secrets for future enterprise to disclose. "keeping along tsungling, they journeyed southward for fifteen days," says fa hian. "the road is difficult and broken with steep crags and precipices in the way. the mountain-side is simply a stone wall standing up 10,000 feet. looking down, the sight is confused and there is no sure foothold. below is a river called sintu-ho (indus). in old days men bored through the walls to make a way, and spread out side ladders, of which there are seven hundred in all to pass. having passed the ladders, we proceed by a hanging rope bridge to cross the river." all this agrees fairly well with the mullah's account of ladders and precipices, and locates the route without much doubt. the darel stream joins the indus some 30 to 35 miles below chilas, where the course of the latter river is practically unsurveyed. crossing the indus, fa hian came to wuchung, which is identified with udyana, or upper swat, and there he remained during the rains. the indus below the darel junction is confined within a narrow steep-sided gorge with hills running high on either side, those on the east approaching 15,000 and 16,000 feet. there are villages, groups of flat-roofed shanties, clinging like limpets to the rocks, but there is little space for cultivation, and no record of buddhist remains north of buner. no systematic search has been possible. investigations such as led to the remarkable discovery by dr. stein of the site of that famous buddhist sanctuary marking the spot where buddha, in a former birth, offered his body to the starving tigress on mount banj, south of buner, have never been possible farther north, on account of the dangerous character of the hill-people of those regions. other chinese pilgrims, song yun (a.d. 520) and huec sheng, have recorded that after leaving the capital of ancient udyana (near manglaor, in upper swat) they journeyed for eight days south-east, and reached the place where buddha made his body offering. "there high mountains rose with steep slopes and dizzy peaks reaching to the clouds," etc. "there stood on the mountain the temple of the collected bones which counted 300 priests." but there is no mention of other buddhist sites of importance in the valley of the indus. leaving udyana, fa hian and his companions went south to the country of su-ho-to (lower swat), and finally ("descending eastward") in five days found themselves in gandhara--or the upper punjab. nine days' journey eastward from the point where they reached gandhara they came to the place of buddha's body-offering, or mount banj. such, in brief outline, is the story of one pilgrim's journey across the himalayas to india. other pilgrims undoubtedly entered india _via_ the kabul river valley, but we need hardly follow them. there were hundreds of them, possibly thousands, and the pains and penalties of the pilgrimage but served to add merit to their devotion. the point of the story lies in its revelation as regards connection between central asia and india in the early centuries a.d. clearly there was no pass unknown or unvisited by the chinese. not merely the direct routes, but all the connecting ways which linked up one buddhist centre with another were equally well known. what has required from us a weary process of investigation to overcome the difficulties of map-making, was to them, if not exactly an open book, certainly a geographical record which could be turned to practical use, and it is instructive to note the use that was made of it. as a pious duty, bristling with difficulty and danger, travel over the wandering tracks which pass through the northern gates of the himalayas was regarded with fervour; but it may be taken for granted that less pious-minded adventurers than the chinese pilgrims would most certainly have made good use of that geographical knowledge to exploit the riches of india had such a proceeding been possible. we know that attempts have been made. from the earliest times the mongol hordes of china and central asia have been directed on india, and no gateway which could offer any possible hope of admittance has been neglected. baktria (badakshan), lying beyond the mountain barrier, had been at their mercy. the successors to alexander's legions in that country were swamped and dispersed within a century or two of the foundation of the greek kingdom; and the kabul river way to india has let in army after army. but these northern passes have not only barred migratory asiatic hordes through all ages, but have proved too much even for small organized mongol military expeditions. the chinese hosts, who apparently thought little of crossing the tibetan frontier over a succession of alpine passes such as no western general in the world's history has ever encountered, failed to penetrate farther than kunjut. the mongol invasion of tibet early in the sixteenth century (which is so graphically described in the tarikh-i-rashidi by mirza haidar) was tentatively pushed into kashmir _via_ ladakh, and was defeated by the natural difficulties of the country--not by the resistance of the weak-kneed kashmiri--much, indeed, as a similar expedition to lhasa was defeated by cold and starvation. no modern ingenuity has as yet contrived a method of dealing with the passive resistance of serrated bands of mountains of such altitude as the himalayas. no railway could be carried over such a series of snow-capped ramparts; no force that was not composed of asiatic mountaineers could attempt to pass them with any chance of success; and these northern lines, these eternal defences of nature's making may well be left, a vast silent wilderness of peaks, undisturbed by man's puny efforts to improve their strength. certainly the making of highways in the midst of them is not the surest means of adding to their natural powers of passive obstruction, although such public works may possibly be deemed necessary in the interests of peace and order preservation amongst the "snowy mountain men." chinese pilgrims no longer tread those rocky mountain-paths (except in the pages of rudyard kipling's entrancing work), and the tides of devotion have set in other directions--to mecca or to lhasa; but the fact that thousands of buddhist worshippers yearly undertake a journey which, for the hardships entailed by cold and starvation between the western borders of china and lhasa, should surely secure for them a reserve of merit equal to that gathered by their forefathers from the "tsungling" mountains, might possibly lead to the question whether the plateau of eastern tibet does not afford the open way which is not to be found farther west. if a chinese force of 70,000 men could advance into the heart of tibet, and finally administer a severe defeat on the gurkhas (which surely occurred in 1792) in nepal, it is clear that such a force could equally well reach lhasa. it is also certain that the stupendous mountain-chains and the elevated passes, which are the ruling features of the eastern entrance into tibet from china, far exceed in natural strength and difficulty those which intervene between the plains of india and lhasa. we are therefore bound to admit that it might be possible for an unopposed chinese force to invade india by eastern tibet; possibly even by the valley of assam. there is, however, no record that such an attempt has ever been made. the savage and untamable disposition of the eastern himalayan tribes, and their intense hostility to strangers may have been, through all time, a strong deterrent to any active exploitation of their country; and the density of the forests which close down on the narrow ways which intersect their hills, give them an advantage in savage tactics such as was not possessed by the fighting gurkha tribe in nepal. but whatever the reason may be, there is apparently no record of any chinese force descending through the himalayas into the eastern plains of india by any of the many ways afforded by the affluents of the brahmaputra. we may, i think, rest very well assured that no such attempt could possibly be made by any force other than chinese, and that it is not likely that it ever will be made by them. we do not (at present) look to the north-east (to china) for the shadows of coming events in india. we look to the north, and looking in that direction we are quite content to write down the approach to india by any serious military force across tibet or through the northern gateways of kashmir to be an impossibility. the footsteps of the buddhist pilgrim point no road for the tread of armies. in the interests of geographical research it is well to follow their tracks, and to learn how much wiser geographically they were in their day than we are now. it is well to remember that as modern explorers we are as hopelessly behind them in the spirit of enterprise, which reaches after an ethical ideal, as we are ahead of them in the process of attaining exact knowledge of the world's physiography, and recording it. footnote: [4] _buddhist records of the western world_, vol. i. p. 27. chapter vii mediæval geography--seistan and afghanistan it was about eight centuries before buddhism, debased and corrupted, tainted with siva worship and loaded with all the ghastly paraphernalia of a savage demonology, had been driven from india across the himalayas, that the star of bethlehem had guided men from the east to the cradle of the christian faith--a faith so like buddhism in its ethical teaching and so unlike in its spiritual conceptions,--and during those eight centuries christianity had already been spread by apostles and missionaries through the broad extent of high asia. thereupon arose a new propaganda which, spreading outwards from a centre in south-west arabia, finally set all humanity into movement, impelling men to call the wide world to a recognition of allah and his one prophet by methods which eventually included the use of fire and sword. the rise of the faith of islam was nearly coincident (so far as india was concerned) with the fall of buddhism. thenceforward the gentle life-saving precepts of gautama were to be taught in the south, and east, and north; in ceylon, burma, china, and mongolia after being first firmly rooted in tibet and turkistan, but never again in the sacred groves of the land of their birth. and this raging religious hurricane of islam swept all before it for century after century until, checked at last in western europe, it left the world ennobled by many a magnificent monument, and, by adding to the enlightenment of the dark places of the earth, fulfilled a mission in the development of mankind. with it there arose a new race of explorers who travelled into india from the west and north-west, searching out new ways for their commerce, and it is with them now and their marvellous records of restless commercial activity that we have to deal. masters of the sea, even as of the land, no military and naval supremacy which has ever directed the destinies of nations was so widespread in its geographical field of enterprise as that of the arabs. the whole world was theirs to explore. their ships furrowed new paths across the seas, even as their khafilas trod out new highways over the land; and at the root of all their movement was the commercial instinct of the semite. after all it was the eternal question of what would pay. their progenitors had been builders of cities, of roads, of huge dams for water storage and irrigation, and directors for public works in europe, asia, and africa. the might of the sword of islam but carved the way for the slave-owner and the merchant to follow. thus it is that mediæval records of exploration in afghanistan and baluchistan are mostly arab records; and it is from them that we learn the "open sesame" of india's landward gates, long ere the seaports of her coasts were visited by european ships. nothing in the history of the world is more surprising than the rapid spread of arab conquests in asia, africa, and western europe at the close of the seventh century of our era, excepting, perhaps, the thoroughness of the subsequent disappearance of arab influence, and the absolute effacement of the arabic language in those countries which arabs ruled and robbed. in persia, makran, central asia, or the indus valley, hardly a word of arabic is now to be recognized. geographical terms may here and there be found near the coast, surviving only because arab ships still skirt those shores and the sailor calls the landmarks by old-world names. even in the english language the sea terms of the arab sailor still live. what is our "admiral" but the "al mir ul bahr" of the arabian sea, or our "barge" but his "barija," or warship! but in sind, where arab supremacy lasted for at least three centuries, there is nothing left to indicate that the arab ever was there. the effacement of the arab in india is chiefly due to the afghan, the turk, and the mongol. mahmud of ghazni put the finishing blow to arab supremacy in the indus valley, when he sacked multan about the beginning of the eleventh century; and subsequently the destroying hordes of chenghiz khan and tamerlane completed the final downfall of the empire of the khalifs. between the beginning of the eighth century and that of the eleventh the whole world of the indian north-west frontier and its broad hinterland, extending to the tigris and the oxus, was much traversed and thoroughly well known to the arab trader. in makran we have seen how they shaped out for themselves overland routes to india, establishing big trade centres in flourishing towns, burying their dead in layers on the hill-sides, cultivating their national fruit, the date, in makran valleys, and surrounding themselves with the wealth and beauty of irrigated agriculture. the chief impulse to arab exploration emanated from the seat of the khalifs in mesopotamia, and the schools of western persia and bagdad appear to have educated the best of those practical geographers who have left us their records of travel in the east; but there are indications of an occasional influx of arabs from the coasts of southern arabia about whom we learn nothing whatever from mediæval histories. it will be at any rate interesting to discuss the general trend of exploration and travel, associated either with pilgrimage or commerce, which distinguished the days of arab supremacy, and which throws considerable light on the geography of the indian borderland before its political features were rearranged by the hand of chenghiz khan and his successors. this has never yet been attempted by the light of recent investigations, and even now it can only be done partially and indifferently from the want of completed maps. the borderland which touches the arabian sea--southern baluchistan--has been completely explored and mapped, and the more obvious inferences to be derived from that mapping have already been made. but seistan, karmania, the highways and cities of turkistan (tocharistan) and badakshan have not, so far as i know, been outlined in any modern work based on arab writings and collated with the geographical surveys of the russo-afghan boundary commission and their reports. it was after all but a cursory examination of a huge area of most interesting country that was possible within the limited time devoted to boundary demarcation labours in 1883-85; but the physical features of this part of asia being now fairly well defined, there is a good deal to be inferred with reasonable probability from the circumstance that highways and cities must ever be dependent for their location on the distributions of topography. the first impression produced by the general overlook of all the historic area which lies between eastern persia and the sources on the oxus, is one of surprise. there is so little left of this great busy world of arab commerce. it seems to have dropped out of the world's economy, and certain regions to have reverted to a phase of pristine freedom from sordid competition, which argues much for a decreased population and a desiccated area of once flourishing lands. there are no forests and jungles in western afghanistan, or at least only in restricted spaces on the mountain-slopes, so that there is no wild undergrowth uprooting and covering the evidences of man's busy habitation such as we find in ceylon and the nepal tarai; where may be seen strange staring stone witnesses of the faith of former centuries, half hidden amidst the wild beauty and luxuriance of tropical forest growth. there is nothing indeed quite so interesting. nature has spread out smooth grass slopes carpeted with sweet flowers in summer, but frozen and windswept in winter; and beneath the surface we know for a surety that the buried remains of centuries of busy traffic and marketing lie hidden, but there is frequently no sign whatever above ground. it is difficult to account for the utter want of visible evidence. in the processes of clearing a field for military action, when it becomes essential to remove some obstructive mud-built village and trace a clear and free zone for artillery fire, it is often found that the work of destruction is exceedingly difficult. only with the most careful management can the debris be so dispersed that it affords no better cover to the enemy than the village which it once represented. as for effacing it altogether, only time, with the assistance of wind and weather, can accomplish that. but it is remarkable with what completeness time succeeds. i have stood on the site of a buried city in sind--a city, too, of the mediæval era of arab ascendency--and have recognized no trace of it but what appeared to be the turbaned effigies of a multitude of faithful mourners in various expressive attitudes of grief and despair, who represented the ancient cemetery of the city. the city had been wiped off the land as clean as if it had been swept into the sea, but the burying places remained, and the stone mourners continue mourning through the centuries. the architectural order of these khalmat tombs is quite saracenic, and the vestiges of geometrical design which relieve the plain surface of the stone work and accentuate the lines of arch and moulding, are all clean cut and clear. at the end of each tomb, set up on a pedestal, the folded turban testifies in hard stone to the faith of the occupant beneath. the sharp edges of the slabs and the clearness of the ornamental carving are sufficient to prove that the age of these tombs and monuments cannot be so very remote, although remote enough to have led to the effacement of the township to which they belong. sometimes a mound, where no mound would naturally occur, indicates the base of one of the larger buildings. sometimes in the slanting rays of the evening sun certain shadows, unobserved before, take shape and pattern themselves into the form of a basement; and almost always after heavy rain strange little ornaments, beads, and coins, glass bangles, rings, etc., are washed out on the surface which tell their own tale as surely as does the widespread and infinitely varied remnants of household crockery. this last feature is sometimes quite amazing in its variety and extent, and the quality of the local finds is not a bad indication of the quality of the local household which made use of it. "celadon" ware is abundant from karachi to babylon, and some of it is of extraordinary fineness and beauty of glaze. pale sage green is invariably the colour of it, and the tradition of luck which attaches to it is common from china to arabia. in places where vanished towns were in existence as late as the eighteenth century (for instance, in the helmund valley below rudbar), debris of pottery may be found literally in tons. in other places, still living, where generations of cities have gradually waxed and waned in successive stages, each in turn forming the foundation of a new growth, it is very difficult to derive any true historical indication from the debris which is to be found near the surface. nothing but systematic and extensive excavation will suffice to prove that the existing conglomeration of rubbishy bazaars and ruined mosques is only the last and most unworthy phase of the existence of a city the glory of whose history is to be found in the world-wide tradition of past centuries. and so it happens that, moving in the footsteps of these old mediæval commercial travellers, with the story of their travels in one's hand, and the indications of hill and plain and river to testify to the way they went, and a fair possibility of estimating distances according to their slipshod reckoning of a "day's journey," one may possess the moral certainty that one has reached a position where once there stood a flourishing market-town without the faintest outward indication of it. without facilities for digging and delving, and the time for careful examination, there must necessarily be a certain amount of conjecture about the exact locality of some even of the most famous towns which were centres of arab trade through high asia. some indeed are to be found still under their ancient names, but others (and amongst them many of great importance) are no longer recognizable in the place where once they palpitated with vigorous eastern life. the area of asia which for three or four centuries witnessed the monopoly of arab trade included very nearly the whole continent. asia minor may be omitted from that area, and the remoter parts of china; but all the indian borderland was literally at their feet; and we can now proceed to trace out some of their principal lines of route and their chief halting-places in those districts of which the mediæval geography has lately become known. it is not at all necessary, even if it were possible, to follow the records of all the eminent arab travellers who at intervals trod these weary roads. in the first place they often copied their records from one another, so that there is much vain repetition in them. in the second place they are not all equally trustworthy, and their writing and spelling, especially in place-names, wants that attention to diacritical marks which in eastern orthography is essential to correct transliteration. it is perhaps unfortunate that the most eminent geographer amongst them should not have been a traveller, but simply a compiler. abu abdulla mohamed was born at ceuta in morocco towards the end of the eleventh century. being descended from a family named idris, he came to be known as al idrisi. the branch of the family from which idrisi sprang ruled over the city of magala. he travelled in europe and eventually settled at the court of roger ii. in sicily. here he wrote his book on geography. he quotes the various authors whom he consulted in its compilation, and derived further information from travellers whose accounts he compared and tested. the title of his work is _the delight of those who seek to wander through the regions of the world_, and it is from the french translation of this work by jaubert that the following notes on the countries lying beyond the western borders of india are taken. this account may be accepted as representing the condition of political and commercial geography throughout those regions at the end of the eleventh century, some eighty years or so after the borders of india had been periodically harried by mahmud of ghazni, and not very long before the mongol host appeared on the horizon and made a clean sweep of asiatic civilization. to the west of the indian frontier in those early days lay the persian provinces of makran and sejistan (seistan), which two provinces between them appear to represent a great part of modern baluchistan. the "belous" were not yet in baluchistan; they lived north of the mountains occupied by the "kufs," with whom they are invariably associated in arab geography. "the kufs," says idrisi, "are the only people who do not speak persian in the province of kerman. their mountains reach to the persian gulf, being bordered on the north by the country of najirman (?nakirman), on the south and east by the sea and the makran deserts, on the west by the sea and the 'belous' country and the districts of matiban and hormuz." these are doubtless the "bashkird" mountains, and the "species of kurd, brave and savage" which inhabited them under the name of kufs probably represent the progenitors of the present inhabitants. the "bolous" or "belous" lived in the plains to the north "right up to the foot of the mountains," and these are the people (according to mr. longworth dames) who, hailing originally from the caspian provinces, are the typical baluch tribespeople of to-day. these mountains, which idrisi calls the "cold mountains," extend to the north-west of jirift and are "fertile, productive, and wooded." "it is a country where snow falls every year," and of which "the inhabitants are virtuous and innocent." there have been changes since idrisi's time, both moral and physical, but here is a strong item of evidence in favour of the theory of the gradual desiccation which has enveloped southern baluchistan and dried up the water-springs of makran. what idrisi called the "great desert" is comprehensive. all the great central wastes of persia, including the kerman desert as well as the basin of the helmund south of the hills, the frontier hills of the sind border up to multan, were a part of it, and they were inhabited by nomadic tribes of "thieves and brigands." modern seistan is a flat, unwholesome country, distributed geographically on either side of the helmund between persia and afghanistan. it owes its place in history and its reputation for enormous productiveness to the fact that it is the great central basin of afghanistan, where the helmund and other afghan rivers run to a finish in vast swamps, or lagoons. surrounded by deserts, seistan is never waterless, and there was, in days which can hardly be called ancient, a really fine system of irrigation, which fertilized a fairly large tract of now unproductive land on the persian side of the river. the amount of land thus brought under cultivation was considerable, but not considerable enough to justify the historic reputation which seistan has always enjoyed as the "granary of asia." this traditional wealth was no doubt exaggerated from the fact that the fertility of seistan (like that of the herat valley, which is after all but an insignificant item in afghan territory) was in direct contrast to the vast expanse of profitless desert with which it was surrounded--a green oasis in the midst of an asiatic wilderness. the helmund has taken to itself many channels in the course of measurable time. its ancient beds have been traced and mapped, and with them have been found evidences of closely-packed townships and villages, where the shifting waters and consequent encroachment of sand-waves leave no sign of life at present. century after century the same eternal process of obliteration and renovation has proceeded. millions of tons of silt have been deposited in this great alluvial basin. levels have changed and the waters have wandered irresponsibly into a network of channels westward. then the howling, desiccating winds of the north-west have carried back sand-waves and silt, burying villages and filling the atmosphere for hundreds of miles southward with impalpable dust, crossing the helmund deserts even to the frontier of india. there is no measurable scale for the force of the seistan winds. they scoop up the sand and sweep clean the surface of the earth, polishing the rounded edges of the ragged walls of the helmund valley ruins. it is a notable fact that no part of these ruins face the wind. all that is left of palaces and citadels stands "end on" to the north-west. for a few short months in the year the wind is modified, and then there instantly arises the plague of insects which render life a burden to every living thing. and yet seistan has played a most important part in the history of asia, and may play an important rôle again. arab records are very full of seistan. the earliest of them that give any serious geographical information are the records of ibn haukel, but there are certainly indications in his account which engender a suspicion that he never really visited the country. he mentions the capital zarinje (of which the ruins cover an enormous area to the east of nasratabad, the present capital) and writes of it as a very large town with five gates, one of which "leads to bist." there were extensive fortifications, and a bazaar of which he reckons the annual revenue to be 1000 direms. there were canals innumerable, and always the wind and the windmills. it is curious that he traces the helmund as running to seistan first and then to the darya-i-zarah. this is in fact correct, only the darya-i-zarah (or gaod-i-zireh, as we know it) receives no water from the helmund until the great hamún (lagoons) to the north of nasratabad are filled to overflow. he also mentions two rivers as flowing into the zarah--one from farah (an important place in his time), which is impossible, as it would have to cross the helmund; and one from ghur. this indicates almost certainly that the name zarah was not confined, as it is now, to the great salt swamp south of rudbar on the helmund, but it included the hamúns north of nasratabad, into which the farah river and the ghur river do actually empty themselves. at present these two great lake systems are separated by about 120 miles of helmund river basin, and are only connected occasionally in flood time by means of the overflow (called shelag) already referred to. the mention of bist, and of the bridge of boats across the river at that point, is important, for it is clear that about the year a.d. 950 one high-road for trade eastward was across the desert, _i.e._ _via_ the khash rud valley from zarinje to about the meridian of 63 e.l. and then straight over the desert to bist (kala bist of modern mapping). the further mention of robats (or resting-places) _en route_, indicates that it was well kept up and a much traversed high-road. subsequently girishk appears to have become the popular crossing-place of the river, but it is well to remember that the earlier route still exists, and could readily be made available for a flank march on kandahar. from idrisi's writings we learn that a century later, _i.e._ about the end of the eleventh century, the seistan province extended far beyond its present limits. bamian and ghur (_i.e._ the central hills of afghanistan) were _vis-à-vis_ to that province; farah was included; and probably the whole line of the frontier hills from the sulimanis, opposite multan, to sibi and kalat. it was an enormous province, and a new light breaks on its traditional wealth in grain and agricultural produce when we understand its vast extent. the regions of ghur and dawar bordered it to the north, and there is a word or two to be said about both hereafter. ghur in the eleventh century included the valley of herat and all the wedge of mountainous country south of it to dawar, but how far seistan extended into the heart of the mountain system which culminates to the south-west of kabul it is difficult to say. it is difficult to understand the statement that bamian, for instance, bordered seistan, with ghur in between, unless, indeed, in these early days of ghur's history (for ghur was only conquered by the arabs in a.d. 1020, and was still far from intertwining its history with that of ghazni when idrisi wrote) the greatness of bamian overshadowed the light of the lesser valleys of ghur, and bamian was the ruling province of central afghanistan. this, indeed, seems possible. the district of dawar to the south of ghur has always been something of a mystery to geographers. described by idrisi as "vast, rich, and fertile," and "the line of defence on the side of ghur, baghnein, and khilkh," it would be impossible to place it without a knowledge of the towns mentioned, were it not that we are told that derthel, one of the chief towns of dawar, is on the helmund, and that one crosses the river there "in order to reach sarwan." this at once indicates the traditional ford at girishk as the crossing-place, and zamindawar as the dawar of idrisi. khilkh then becomes intelligible also as a town of the khilkhi (the people who then occupied dawar, described as turkish by idrisi, and probably identified with the modern ghilzai), and finds its modern representative in the kalat-i-ghilzai which crowns the well-known rock on the road from kandahar to kabul. "the country is inhabited by a people called khilkh," says idrisi. "the khilkhs are of a turkish race, who from a remote period have inhabited this country, and whose habitations are spread to the north of india on the flank of ghur and in western seistan." thus the position of the ghilzai in the ethnography of central afghanistan appears to have been established long before the days of mongol irruption. then as now they formed a very important tribal community. it is, however, sometimes difficult to reconcile idrisi's account of the routes followed by his countrymen in this part of asia with existing geographical features. deserts and mountains must have been much the same as they are now, and the best, if not the only, way to unravel the geographical tangle is to take his itinerary and see where it leads us. of baghnein on the southern borders of seistan, he says it is an "agreeable country, fertile and abundant in fruits." from there (_i.e_. the country, not the town) to derthel one reckons one day's journey through the nomad tribes of bechinks, derthel being "situated on the banks of the helmund and one of the chief towns of dawar." so we have to cross an open uncultivated region for 40 miles or so from baghnein to reach derthel, on the helmund. again, "one crosses the helmund at derthel to reach sarwan--a town situated about one day's journey off," on which depends a territory which produces everything in abundance. "sarwan is bigger than fars, and more rich in fruit and all sorts of productions. grapes are transported to bost (or bist), a town two days distant passing by firozand, which possesses a big market, and is on the traveller's right as he travels to benjawai, which is _vis-à-vis_ to derthel." "rudhan (?rudbar) is a small town south of the helmund." the helmund valley has been surveyed from zamindawar to its final exit into the seistan lagoons, and we know that at girishk there is a very ancient ford, which now marks, and has always marked, the great highway from kandahar to herat. south of girishk, at the junction of the arghandab with the helmund, we find extensive and ancient ruins at kala bist; and south of that again there are many ruins at intervals in the helmund valley; but these latter are comparatively recent, dating from the time of the kaiani maliks of the eighteenth century. assuming that the helmund fords have remained constant, and placing derthel on one side of the river at girishk and benjawai on the other, we find on our modern maps that from the ford it is a possible day's journey to kala sarwan, higher up the helmund, where "fruit and grapes are to be had in abundance," and from whence they might certainly have been sent to bist, where grapes do not grow. baghnein, separated from derthel by a strip of nomad country, one day's journey wide, might thus be on either side the helmund; but its contiguity to ghur seems to favour a position to the west, rather than to the east, of the river, somewhere east of the plains of bukwa about washir. now it is certain that no arab traveller, crossing the helmund desert from the west by the direct route recently exploited in british indian interests below kala bist and south of the river, could by any possibility have reached a grape-growing and highly-cultivated country in one day's journey. the inference, then, is tolerably clear. arab traders and travellers never made use of this southern route. nor should we ourselves make use of such a route as that _via_ nushki and the koh-i-malik siah, were we not forced into it by afghan policy. the natural high-road from the east of persia and herat to india is _via_ the plains of kandahar and the ford of girishk, and the arabs, with all khorasan at their feet, were not likely to travel any other way. undoubtedly the system of approach to the indus valley, open to arab traffic from syria and bagdad, most generally used and most widely recognized was that through the makran valleys to karachi and sind, whilst the inland route, _via_ persia and seistan, made the well-known ford of the helmund at girishk, or the boat bridge at kala bist, its objective, and passed over the river to the plains about kandahar. but it is a very remarkable, and possibly a significant, fact that the continuation of the route to sind and the indus valley from the plains about kandahar is not mentioned by any arab writer. did the arabs descend through any of the well-known passes of the frontier--the mulla, bolan, saki-sarwar, or gomul--into the plains of india? possibly they did so; but in that case it is difficult to account for so important a geographical feature as the frontier passes of sind being ignored by the greatest geographer of his day. following idrisi's description of the helmund province we have a brief itinerary from the helmund ford (derthel or benjawai) to ghazni, said to be nine days' journey inland. none of the places mentioned are to be identified in modern maps except cariat, which is more than probably kariut, a rich and fertile district in the arghandab valley in the direct line to kalat-i-ghilzai. this route passes well to the north-east of kandahar, which was apparently of little account in idrisi's days. although there are extensive ruins at kushk-i-nakhud, indicated by a huge artificial mound half-way between girishk and kandahar, there is nothing in idrisi's writings by which they can be identified. ghazni was then a large town "surrounded by mud walls and a ditch. there are many houses and permanent markets in ghazni; much business is done there. it is one of the 'entrepots' of india. kabul is nine days' journey from it." this is not much to say of the city which had been enriched by the spoils carried away from muttra and somnath, and by the treasures amassed during seventeen fierce raids of that mahmud who, by repeated conquests, made all northern and western india contribute to his treasury. later, in 1332, the arab traveller, ibn batuta, writes of ghazni as a small town set in a waste of ruins--a description which fits it not inaptly at the present day; but in idrisi's time, before the wars with ghur led to its destruction, whilst still the wealth of a great part of india supported its magnificence, and whilst it was still the theme of glowing panegyric by contemporary historians, one would expect a rather more enthusiastic notice. but even kabul (nine days' journey distant from ghazni) is only recognized as "_l'une des grandes villes de l'inde, entourée de murs_," with a "_bonne citadelle et au dehors divers faubourgs_."[5] there is little to interest us, however, in tracing out the routes that linked up ghazni and kabul with the helmund. they have been the same through all time, with just the difference of place-names. towns and villages, caravanserais and posts, have come and gone, but that historic road has been marked out by nature as one of the grandest high-roads in asia, from the days of alexander to those of roberts. two minars tapering to the sky on the plain before ghazni are all that are left of its ancient glories, and one cannot but contrast the scattered debris of that once so famous city with the solid endurance of the far greater and older architectural efforts in egypt and assyria. southern afghanistan is indeed singularly poor and empty of historic monuments. even now were kabul, kandahar, and herat, its three great cities, to be flattened out by a widespread earthquake there would be little that was not of buddhist origin left for the future archæologist to make a stir about. idrisi writes of the kingdom of ghur as apart from herat, although a great part of the long herat valley was certainly included. he calls it a country "mountainous and well inhabited, where one finds springs, rivers, and gardens--easy to defend and very fertile. there are many cultivated fields and flocks. the inhabitants speak a language which is not that of the people of khorasan, and they are not mohammedans." who were they? the khilkhis or ghilzais we know at that time overspread the southern hills of dawar; but who were the people speaking a strange language in the land of the chahar aimak where now dwell the taimanis, unless they were the taimanis themselves whose traditions date from the time of moses? more recently the ghilzais have left zamindawar, and the taimanis have been pressed backward and upward into the central hills by the afghan durani clans, who circle round westward, forming a fringe on the foothills between herat and kandahar, and who have now completely monopolized zamindawar. here, indeed, the truculent nurzai and achakzai, and other elements of the durani section of afghan ethnography, flourish exceedingly, and it is in this corner of afghanistan, bordering on the herat highway to india, that nearly all the fanatics and ghazis of the country are bred. they presented so turbulent and uncompromising a front to strangers in 1882 that there was great difficulty in getting a fair survey of the land of the chahar aimak or of zamindawar. the mediæval provinces of ghur and bamain figure so largely in the records of arab geography, and appear to have been so fully open to commerce during the centuries succeeding the arab conquests, that one naturally wonders whether there can have been any remarkable change in the physical configuration of those regions which, in these later days, has rendered them more inaccessible and unapproachable. the arab accounts of trade routes flit easily from point to point, taking little reckoning of long distances and gigantic ice-bound passes, or the perils of a treacherous climate. an itinerary which deals with stupendous mountains and extreme altitudes has little more of descriptive illustration in these arab records than such as would apply to camel tracks across the sandy desert or over the flat plain. nor is the distance which figures as a "day's journey" sensibly changed to suit the route. forty miles or so across the backbone of the hindu kush is written of in much the same terms as if it were forty miles over the plains. giving the arab travellers all credit for far greater powers of endurance and determination than we moderns possess, we must still believe that there is a great deal of exaggeration (or forgetfulness) in these heroic records of the past. it is unlikely that the physical conditions of the country have materially changed. so little has been written of this central region of modern afghanistan (within which lie the ruins of more than one kingdom), so little has it been traversed by modern explorers, that it may be useful to give some slight general description of the country with which these records deal, including bamain and kabul and the mountain system occupied by the taimani and hazara tribes as well as the prolific region of zamindawar with the routes which traverse it. no part of afghanistan has been subject to more speculative theories, or requires more practical elucidation, than this mountain region in which so large a share of the drama of afghan history has been played. before the days of the anglo-russian agreement on the subject of the northern boundaries of afghanistan nothing was known of its geography, beyond what might be gathered from the doubtful records of ferrier's journey--and that was very little. the geography of a country shapes its history just as surely in the east as in the west, and we have consequently much new light thrown on the interesting story of the rise and fall of the ghur dynasties by the fairly comprehensive surveys of the region of their turbulent activities which were carried out in 1882-83. from these sources we obtain a very fair idea of the general conformation of central afghanistan, _i.e._ that part of afghanistan which is occupied by the tribes known as the chahar aimak, _i.e._ the jamshidis, the hazaras, firozkohis, and taimanis. it consists in the first place of a huge irregular tableland--or uplift--which has been deeply scored and eroded by centuries of river action, the rivers radiating from the central mass of the koh-i-babar to the west of kabul and flowing in deep valleys either directly northward towards the oxus, due west towards herat (eventually to turn northward), or south-west in irregular but more or less parallel lines to the helmund lagoons in seistan. the kabul river basin also finds its head near the same group of river sources. the central mountain mass, the koh-i-babar, is high, rocky, generally snow-capped and impassable. to the north it sends down long, barren, and comparatively gentle spurs to the main plateau level, which is deeply cut into by the northern system of rivers, including the murghab and the balkh ab. but the strangest feature in this network of hydrography is the long, deep, narrow valley (almost ditch-like in its regularity) which has been eroded by the hari rud river as it makes its way due west, cutting off the sources of the northern group from those of the helmund or south-western group. it is a most remarkable valley, depressed to a depth of 1000 to 2000 feet below the general plateau level, bounded on the north by a comparatively level line of red-faced cliffs, and on the south by another straight flat-backed range called the band-i-baian (or farther west, the sufed koh), which has been carved into the semblance of a range by the parallel valleys of the hari rud on the north and the tagao ishlan on the south, which hug the range between them. no affluents of any consequence join either stream. either separate or together they make their way with straight determination westward towards herat. south of this curious ditch rise the many streamlets which work their way, sometimes through comparatively open valleys where the floor level has been raised by the centuries of detritus, sometimes through steep and narrow gorges where the harder rock of the plateau formation presents more difficulties to erosion, into the great helmund basin. these are affluents of the adraskand, the farah rud, and the helmund, all of which have the same bourne in the seistan depression. high up between the farah rud and the helmund affluents isolated rugged peaks and short ranges crease and crumple the surface of the inhospitable land of the hazaras, who occupy all the highest of the uplands and all the sources of the streams, a hardy, handy race of mongols, living in wild seclusion, but proving themselves to be one of the most useful communities amongst the many in afghanistan. we have some of them as sepoys in the indian army. lower down in the same river basins, where the gentle grass-covered valleys sweep up to the crests of the hills, cultivation becomes possible. here flocks of sheep dot the hill-sides, and the land is open and free; but there are still isolated and detached ribs of rocky eminence rising to 11,000 and 12,000 feet, maintaining the mountainous character of the scenery, and rivers are still locked in the embrace of occasional gorges which admit of no passing by. this is the land of that very ancient people, the taimanis. the fierce and lawless firozkohis live in the murghab basin on the plateau north of the hari rud, the jamshidis to the west of them in the milder climate of the lower hills, into which the plateau subsides. whilst we are chiefly concerned in tracing out the mediæval commercial routes of afghanistan, we may briefly summarize the events which prove that those traversed between herat and the central kingdoms were important routes, worn smooth by the feet of armies as well as by the tread of pack-laden khafilas. they are still very rough and they present solid difficulties here and there, but in the main they are passable commercial roads, although little commerce wends its way about them now. in the middle ages the kingdom of ghur included the herat valley as far as khwaja chist above obeh in the valley of the hari rud, as well as all the hill country to the south-east. about the earliest mention of ghur by any traveller is that of ibn haukel, who speaks of jebel al ghur, and talks of plains, ring-fenced with mountains, fruitful in cattle and crops, and inhabited by infidels (_i.e._ non-mussulmans). the later history of ghur is inextricably intertwined with that of ghazni. mahmud of ghazni frequently invaded the hills of ghur which lay to the west of him, but never made any practical impression on the ghuri tribespeople. in 1020, however, mahomedans conquered ghur effectually from herat. about a century later (this is after the time of idrisi, whose records we are following) a member of the ruling ghuri family (shansabi) was recognized as lord of ghur, and it was one of his sons (alauddin) who inflicted such terrible reprisals on ghazni when he sacked and destroyed that city and its people. it was about this time (according to some authorities) that the kingdom of bamian was founded by another member of the same family; but we find bamian distinctly recognized as a separate kingdom by idrisi a century or so earlier. from 1174 to 1214 bamian was the seat of government of a branch of this family ruling all tokharistan (turkistan), during which period seistan and herat were certainly tributary to ghur. ghur then became so powerful, that it was said that prayers in the name of the ghuri were read from uttermost india to persia, and from the oxus to hormuz. in 1214 ghur was reduced first by mahomedans from khwarezm (khiva), and shortly afterwards by chenghis khan and his mongol hosts. about the middle of the thirteenth century, however, a recrudescence of power appeared under the kurt (or tajik) dynasty subject to the supreme government of the mongols. seistan, kabul, and tirah were then ruled from herat as the capital of ghur. timur finally broke up herat and ghur in 1383, since which time its history has been as obscure as the geography of the region which surrounded it. such in brief is the stormy tale of ghur, and it leads to one or two interesting deductions. there was evidently constant and ready communication with herat, bamian, and ghazni. the capital of ghur must have been an important town, situated in a fertile and fairly populous district, which, although it was mountainous, yet enjoyed an excellent climate. it must have been a military centre too, with fortresses and places of defence. during its later history it is clear that ghur was often governed from herat, but in earlier mediæval days ghur possessed a distinct capital and a separate entity amongst afghan kingdoms, and was able to hold its own against even so powerful an adversary as mahmud of ghazni, whilst its communications were with bamian on the north-east rather than with kabul, which was then regarded as an "indian" city. we can at any rate trace no record of a direct route between ghur and kabul. in the twelfth century we read that the capital of ghur was known as firozkohi, which name (says yule) was probably appropriated by the nomad aimak tribe now called firozkohi; but within the limits of what is now recognized as the habitat of the firozkohi (_i.e._ the plateau which forms the basin of the upper murghab), it is impossible to find any place which would answer to what we know of the general condition of the surroundings and climate of the capital of ghur, and which would justify a claim to be considered a position of commanding eminence. the altitude of the upper murghab branches is not more than 6000 to 7000 feet above sea-level, at which height the climate certainly admits of agriculture, but no place that has been visited, nor indeed any position in the valleys of the upper murghab affluents, corresponds in any way to what we are told of this capital. if we look for the best modern lines of communication through central afghanistan we shall certainly find that they correspond with mediæval routes, fitting themselves to the conformation of the country. central afghanistan is open to invasion from the north, west, and south, but not directly from the east. the invasion of ghur from ghazni, for instance, must have been directed by kalat-i-gilzai, kariut, and musa kila (in zamindawar), to yaman, which lies a little to the east of ghur (or taiwara). so far as we know there are no passes leading due west from ghazni to the heart of the taimani country. from the south the helmund and its affluents offer several openings into the heart of the hazara highlands to the east of taimani land, amidst the great rocky peaks of which the positions were fixed from stations on the band-i-baian. but there is no certain information about the inhabited centres of hazara population; and from what we know of that desolate region of winter snow and wind, there never could have been anything to tempt an invader, nor would any sound commercial traveller have dreamt of passing that way from seistan to bamian and kabul. the idea that alexander ever took an army up the helmund valley, and over the bamian passes, must be regarded as most improbable in spite of the description of quintus curtius, who undoubtedly describes a route which presented more difficulties than are quite appropriate to the regular kandahar to kabul road. on the other hand, from seistan by the farah rud there is a route which is open to wheeled traffic all the way to daolatyar on the upper hari rud. daolatyar may be regarded as the focus of several routes trending north-eastward from seistan, with the ultimate objective of bamian and the populous valleys of ghur. one of the chief affluents of the farah rud is now known as the ghur, and we need look no farther than this valley for the central interest of the ghur kingdom, although the exact position of the capital may still be open to discussion. between the tagao ghur and the farah rud are the park mountains, which are almost himalayan in general characteristics and beauty, with delightful valleys and open spaces, terraced fields, well-built two-storied wooden houses, pretty villages, orchards with an abundance of walnuts and vines trailing over the trees; the ghur valley itself being broad and open with a clear river of sweet water in its midst. this is near its junction with the farah rud. above this, for a space, the valley narrows to a gorge and there is no passing along it, whilst above the gorge again it becomes wide, cultivated, and well populated, and this is where the taimani headquarters of taiwara are found. taiwara is locally known as ghur, and may be absolutely on the site of the ancient capital, for there are ruins enough to support the theory. beyond an intervening band of hills to the south are two valleys full of cultivation and trees, wherein are two important places, nili and zarni, which likewise boast of extensive ruins, whilst at jam kala, hard by, there is perched on a high spur above the road with only one approach, a remarkable stone-built fort. yaman, to the east of taiwara, in the helmund drainage, is a permanent taimani village. here also are very ancient ruins, and the people say that they date from the time of moses. at that time they say that cups were buried with the dead, one at the head and one at the foot of the corpse. our native surveyor imám sharif saw one of these cups with an inscription on it, but was unable to secure the relic. nili and zarni are in direct connection with farah, with no inconvenient break in the comparatively easy line of communication; and they all (including taiwara) are in direct communication with herat, by a good khafila route (_i.e._ good for camels). but the routes differ widely, that from herat to taiwara by farsi being more direct, whilst the route from herat to zarni by parjuman (which is well kept up between these two places) passes well to the south. all these places, again, are connected with the hari rud valley at khwaja chist (the ghur frontier) by a good passable high-road, which first crosses the hills between zarni and taiwara, then passes under the shadow of a remarkable mountain called chalapdalan, or chahil abdal (12,700 feet high--about which many mysterious traditions still hover), over the burma pass into the farah rud drainage, thence over another pass into the valleys of the tagao ishlan, and finally over the band-i-baian into the hari rud valley at khwaja chist. this is the route described by idrisi as connecting ghur with herat, as we shall see. the ghur district is linked up with daolatyar and bamian by the farah rud line of approach, or by a route, described as good, which runs east into the hazara highlands, and then follows the helmund. the latter is very high. there is therefore absolutely no difficulty in traversing these taimani mountain regions in almost any direction, and the facility for movement, combined with the beauty and fertility of the country, all point unmistakably to taiwara and its neighbourhood as the seat of the ghuri dynasty of the afghan kings. the picturesque characteristics of ghur extend southward to zamindawar on its southern frontier, the valleys of the helmund, the arghandab, the tarnak, and arghastan--this is a land of open, rolling watersheds, treeless, but covered with grass and flowers in spring, and crowned with rocky peaks and ridges of rugged grandeur alternating with the rich beauty of pastoral fields. the summer of their existence is in curious contrast to the stern winter of the storm-swept highlands above them, or the dreary expanse of drab sand-dusted desert below. the route upstream to the backbone of the mountains, and so over the divide to the kingdom of bamian, was once a well-trodden route. since so many routes converge on daolatyar at the head of the hari rud valley, one would naturally look for daolatyar to figure in mediæval geography as an important centre. it is not easy, however, to identify any of the places mentioned by idrisi as representing this particular focus of highland routes. between ghur and herat, or between ghur and ghazni, the difficulty lies in the number and extent of populous towns, any one of which may represent an ancient site, to say nothing of ruins innumerable. between taiwara and herat we get no information from idrisi till we reach khwaja chist on the frontier. he merely mentions the existence of a khafila road, and then he counts seven days' journey between khwaja chist and herat, reckoning the first as "short." the names of the halting-places between khwaja chist and herat are housab, auca, marabad, astarabad, bajitan (or najitan), and nachan. auca i have no hesitation in identifying with obeh. there is a large village at marwa which might possibly represent marabad, and naisan would correspond in distance with nachan, but this is mere guesswork; to identify the others is impossible, without further examination than was undertaken when surveying the ground. the story of the commerce of central asia, which centred itself in herat in the days of arab supremacy, has a strong claim on the student of eastern geography, for it is only through the itineraries of these wandering semetic merchants and travellers that we can arrive at any estimation of the peculiar phase of civilization which existed in asia in the mediæval centuries of our era; a period at which there is good reason to suppose that civilization was as much advanced in the east as in the west. it is not the professional explorers, nor yet the missionaries (great as are their services to geography), who have opened up to us a knowledge of the world's highways and byways sufficient to lead to general map illustration of its ancient continents, so much as the everlasting pushing out of trade investigations in order to obtain the mastery of the road to wealth. india and its glittering fame has much to answer for, but india (that is to say, the india we know, the peninsula of india) was so much more get-at-able by sea than by land even in the early days of navigation, that we do not learn so much about the passes through the mountains into india as the way of the ships at sea, and the coast ports which they visited. according to certain arab writers large companies of arabs settled in the borderland and coasts of india from the very earliest days. indeed, there are evidences of their existence in makran long before the days of alexander; but there is very little evidence of any overland approach to india across the indus. hindustan, to the mediæval arab, commenced at the hindu kush, and kabul and ghazni were "indian" frontier towns; and the invasions and conquests of india dating back to assyrian times include no more than the indus basin, and were not concerned with anything farther south. the indus, with its flanking line of waterless desert, was ever a most effectual geographical barrier. the arabs entered india and occupied the indus valley through makran, and throughout their writings we find, strangely, little reference to any of the indian frontier passes which we now know so well. but in the north and north-west of afghanistan, in the seistan and the oxus regions, they were thoroughly at home both as traders and travellers; and with the assistance of their records we can make out a very fair idea of the general network of traffic which covered high asia. the destroying hordes of the subsequent mongol invasions, and the everlasting raids of turkmans and persians on the border, have clean wiped out the greater number of the towns and cities mentioned by them, and the map is now full of comparatively modern turkish and persian names which give no indication whatever of ancient occupation. there are, nevertheless, some points of unmistakable identity, and from these we can work round to conclusions which justify us in piecing together the old route-map of northern afghanistan to a certain extent. this is not unimportant even to modern geographers. the roads of the old khafila travellers may again be the roads of modern progress. we know, at any rate, that the arabs of 1000 years ago were much the same as the arabs of to-day in their manners and methods. their routes were camel routes, not horse routes, and their day's journey was as far as a camel could go in a day, which was far in the wider and more waterless spaces of desert or uninhabited country, and very much shorter when convenient halting-places occurred. these arab itineraries are bare enumeration of place-names and approximate distances. as for any description of the nature of the road or the scenery, or any indication of altitude (which they possibly had no means of judging), there is not a trace of it; and the difficulties of transliteration in place-names are so great as to leave identification generally a matter of mere guesswork. one of the most interesting geographical centres from which to take off is herat, and it may be instructive to note what is said about herat itself and its connections with the oxus and seistan. herat, says idrisi, is "great and flourishing, it is defended inside by a citadel, and is surrounded outside by 'faubourgs.' it has many gates of wood clamped with iron, with the exception of the babsari gate, which is entirely of iron. the grand mosque of the town is in the midst of the bazaars.... herat is the central point between khorasan, seistan, and fars." ibn haukel (tenth century) mentions a gate called the darwaza kushk, which is evidence that kushk was of importance in those days, though no separate mention is made of that place; and he adds that the iron gate was the balkh gate, and was in the midst of the city. the strategical value of the position was clearly recognized. that grand edifice, the mosalla, with its mosques and minars, which stood outside the walls of herat and was the glory of the town in 1883 (when it was destroyed in the interests of military defence), had no previous existence in any other form than that which was given it when it was built in the twelfth century. both ibn haukel and idrisi mention a mountain about six miles from herat, from which stone was taken for paving (or mill-stones), where there was neither grass nor wood, but where was a place (in ibn haukel's time, but not mentioned by idrisi) "inhabited, called sakah, with a temple or church of christians." idrisi says this mountain was "on the road to balkh, in the direction of asfaran." this would seem to indicate that asfaran, "on the road to balkh," must be parana (or parwana), an important position about a day's march north of herat. ibn haukel says nothing about the road to balkh, which can only be northward from herat, but merely mentions that the mountain was on the desert or uncultivated side of herat, where was a river which had to be crossed by a bridge. this could only be _south_ of herat. asfaran is also stated to be on the road to _seistan_ and to have had four places dependent on it, one of which was adraskand; and the route to asfaran from herat is further described as three days' journey (idrisi). ibn haukel also describes asfaran as possessing four dependent towns, and places it between farah and herat, or _south_ of herat. as adraskand[6] is a well-known place between herat and farah, we must assume that this is either another asfaran, or that idrisi has made a mistake in copying ibn haukel. it might possibly be represented by parah, twenty-five miles south-west of herat, although the limited area of cultivable ground around renders this unlikely. subzawar would indicate a far more promising position for an important trade centre such as asfaran must have been, and would accord better with the three days' journey from herat of idrisi, or the itinerary from farah given by ibn haukel, while the extensive ruins around testify to its antiquity. asfaran was almost certainly subzawar. considering the interest which may once again surround the question of communications from herat to india, it may be useful to point out that the route connecting farah with herat 1000 years ago remains apparently unchanged. the bridge called the pul-i-malun, over the hari rud, must have been in existence then, and there was another bridge over the farah river one day's march below farah, on the highway between herat and seistan. to the west of herat, on the ruin-strewn road to sarakhs, we have one or two interesting geographical propositions. idrisi mentions a place possessing considerable local importance "before herat had become what it is now," about 9 miles west of herat, called kharachanabad. this can easily be recognized in the modern khardozan, a walled but very ancient town, which is about 8½ miles distant. between it and the walls of the city there is now no place of importance, nor does it appear likely, for local reasons, that there ever could have been any. another place, called bousik, or boushinj (pousheng, according to ibn haukel), is said to be half the size of sarakhs, built on the flat plain 6 miles distant from the mountains, surrounded with walls and a ditch, with brick houses, and inhabitants who were commercial, rich, and prosperous, and "who drink the water of the river that runs to sarakhs." this indicates a site on the banks of the hari rud. the only modern place of importance which answers this description is the ancient town of zindajan, which is about 6 miles from the mountains, and which (according to ferrier) still bears the name of foosheng. this name, however, was not recognized by the afghan boundary commission. "to the west of bousik are kharkerde and jerkere. one reckons two days' journey to this last town, which is well populated, smaller than kuseri, but where there is plenty of water and cultivation. from jerkere to kharkerde is two days' journey." these two places are obviously on the road to nishapur. there is an ancient "haoz," or tank, below the isolated hill of sangiduktar, near the persian frontier, which might well represent what is left of jerkere, and kharkerde lies beyond it, on the road to rue khaf (itself a very ancient site, probably representing rudan), near karat. another place which has a very ancient and troubled history is ghurian, about thirteen miles west of zindajan. this is readily identified as the koure of idrisi, which is described as twelve miles from bousik, on the left of the high-road westward, and about three miles from it. this corresponds exactly with ghurian, and proves that the high-road has retained its position through ages. koure is described as an important town, but there is no mention of walls or defences. another place, second only in importance to bousik, is kouseri. it is in fact said to be equal to bousik, and to possess "running water and gardens." there can be little doubt that this is kuhsan (or kusan), one of the most important towns of the herat valley. this great high-road, intersecting the plain from the north-west gate of the city, is a pleasant enough road in the spring and summer months. for a space it runs singularly free from crowded villages and close cultivation, and the tread of a horse's hoof is amongst low-growing flowers of the plain, a dwarf yellow rose with maroon centre being the most prominent. then, as one skirts the kaibar river as it runs to a junction with the hari rud from the northern hills, cultivation thickens and villages increase. the road next hugs the hari rud, and, passing the high-walled town of zindajan to the south, runs, white and even and hard, with the scarlet and purple of poppies and thistles fringing it, between long gravel slopes of open dasht and the twin-peaked ridge of doshak, to rozanak and kuhsan. kuhsan is a little to the south of the kaman-i-bihist. it was here that the british commission of the russo-afghan boundary gathered in the late autumn of 1884, one half from england and the other half from india. the drab squares of the cultivated plain were bare then, in november, and the poplars on the banks of the river were scattering yellow leaves to the blasts of the bitter north-west winds of autumn which sweep through khorasan and seistan, making of life a daily burden. but there came a marvellous change in the spring-time, when the world was scarlet and green below and blue above; when the sand-grouse began to chatter through the clear sky; then kaman-i-bihist (the bow of paradise) justified its name. the old arab of the trading days who wandered northward to sarakhs must have loved this place. stretching sarakhs-ward are the hills, rocky and broken along the river edge, but gradually giving place eastward to easy rounded slopes, softened by rain and snow, and washed into smooth spurs with treacherous waterways between which become quagmires under the influence of a north-western "shamshir." the extraordinary effect of denudation which yearly results from the heavy rain-storms which are so frequent in spring and early summer in these hills must have absolutely changed their outlines during the centuries which have elapsed since the semitic trader trod them. a summer storm-cloud charged with electricity may burst on their summits, and the whole surface of the slopes at once becomes soft and pulpy. mud avalanches start on the steeper grades and carry down thousands of tons of slimy detritus in a crawling mass, and spread it out in fans at their feet. it is not safe to say that the modern passes of the paropamisus north of herat--the ardewan and the babar--were the passes of mediæval commerce, although the ardewan is marked by certain wells and ruined caravanserais which show that it has long been used. it seems possible that these passes may have shifted their positions more than once. there was undoubtedly a well-trodden route from bousik, which carried the traveller more directly to sarakhs than would the ardewan or even the chashma sabz pass. this road followed the river more closely than any railway ever will. it turned the river gorge to the east, and probably passed through the hills by the karez ilias route, which runs almost due north to sarakhs. the only certain indication which we can find in idrisi is the statement that the "silver hill" (_i.e._ the hill of the silver mine) is on the road from herat to sarakhs. the simkoh (silver hill) is still a well-known feature in the broken range of the paropamisus, near that route. but it is difficult after centuries of disturbing forces, natural and artificial, to identify the sites of many of the towns and markets mentioned by idrisi, who places badghis to the west of bousik, and gives the "silver hill" as one of its "dependencies." there were two considerable towns, kua (or kau) and kawakir, said to have been near the silver hill, and there is mention of a place called kilrin in this neighbourhood. probably the ruins at gulran represent the latter, but kua and kawakir are not identified. gulran was one of the most fascinating camps of the afghan boundary commission. on the open grass slopes stretching in gentle grades northward, bordered by the line of red paropamisan cliffs to the south and west and by the open desert stretching to merv on the north, it was, during one or two early months of the year, quite an ideal camping-ground. it was here that the wild asses of the mountains made a raid on the humble four-footed followers of the commission, and signified their extreme disgust at the free use which was made of their feeding-grounds; thus witnessing to the condition of primeval simplicity into which that once populous district had subsided after centuries of border raid and insecurity. the remains of an old karez, or underground irrigation channel, not far north of gulran, testified to a former condition of cultivation and prosperity. from gulran (which is connected with the herat plains directly by the pass called chashma sabz) roads stretch northwards and north-eastwards, without obstacle, to the open turkistan plains, where ancient sites abound. idrisi's indications, however, are but a very uncertain foundation for identifying most of them. the "dependencies" of badghis are said to be kua, kughanabad, bast, jadwa, kalawun, and dehertan, the last place being built on a hill having neither vegetation nor gardens; but "lead is found there, and a small stream." the great trade centres of turkistan, north of the paropamisus, in mediæval days were undoubtedly near panjdeh, at the confluence of the kushk and murghab rivers, and at merv-el-rud, or maruchak. two or three obvious routes lead from the passes above kaman-i-bihist, or above herat, to panjdeh and maruchak. one is indicated by the drainage of the kushk river, and the other by that of the kashan, which is more or less parallel to the kushk to the east of it, with desolate chol country in between. from herat the most direct route to panjdeh and merv is by the babar pass, or by korokh, the zirmast pass, and naratu. korokh (karuj) is mentioned both by ibn haukel and idrisi as being situated three marches from herat, surrounded by entrenchments, and in the "gorge of mountains," with gardens and orchards and vines. the korokh of to-day is between the mountains, but only some twenty-five miles from herat. this modern korokh has, however, many evidences of great antiquity, and it is on the high-road to an important group of passes leading past naratu to bala murghab and maruchak. the most remarkable feature about korokh is a grove of pine trees closely resembling the "stone" pine of italy, which mass themselves into a dark blotch on the landscape and mark korokh in this treeless country most conspicuously. there are no other trees of the same sort to be found now in this part of asia, but i was told that they once were abundant in the herat valley, which renders it possible that the "arar" trees, mentioned by ibn haukel as a peculiar source of revenue to bousik, may have been of this species. naratu, again, is very ancient, and its position among the hills (for it is a hill-fortress) seems to identify it with dahertan. undoubtedly this was one of the most important of the old routes northward, and it is a route of which account should be taken to-day. in the kuskh river more than one ancient site was observed, kila maur being obviously one of the most important, whilst in the kashan stream there were evidences of former occupation at torashekh and at robat-i-kashan. whilst there is a general vague resemblance between the names of certain old arab towns and places yet to be found in the herat valley and badghis, it is only here and there that it has been possible to identify the precise position of a mediæval site. the dependencies of badghis, enumerated by idrisi, require the patient and careful researches of a stein to place them accurately on the basis of such vague definitions as are given. we are merely told that kanowar and kalawun are situated at a distance of three miles one from the other, and that between them there is neither running water nor gardens. "the people drink from wells and from rain-water. they possess cultivated fields, sheep, and cattle." such a description would apply excellently well to any two contiguous villages in the chol country anywhere between the kushk and the kashan. those rolling, wave-like hills, with their marvellous spread of grass and flowers in summer, and their dreary, wind-scoured bareness in winter, are excellent for sheep and cattle at certain seasons of the year; but water is only to be found at intervals, and there are much wider distances than three miles where not even wells are to be found. writing again of herat, idrisi says that, starting towards the east in the direction of balkh, one encounters three towns in the district of kenef: tir, kenef, and lakshur; and that they are all about equally distant, it being one day's journey to tir, one more to kenef, and another to lakshur (lacschour). tir is a rich town where the "prince of the country" resides, larger than bousik, full of commerce and people, with brick-built houses, etc. kenef is as large, but more visited by foreigners; and lakshur is equal to either. they are all of them big towns of commercial importance, lakshur being bounded on the west by the merv-el-rud province, of which the capital is merv-el-rud. assuming for the present that maruchak, on the murghab, represents merv-el-rud (merv of the river), where are we to place these three important sites, so that the last shall be east of the maruchak province and only three days' journey from herat? the distance from herat to maruchak is not less than 150 miles, and it is called by idrisi a six days' journey. starting towards the east can only refer to the balkh route already referred to, _i.e._ _via_ korokh and the zirmast pass. it cannot mean the hari rud valley, for that leads to bamian rather than balkh. by the korokh route, however, it is possible to follow a more direct line to balkh than any which would pass by maruchak or bamian. there is on this route, east of naratu and south-east of maruchak, a place called langar which might possibly correspond to lakshur, and it is not more than 70 to 80 miles from herat. from langar there is an easy pass leading over the band-i-turkistan more or less directly to maimana and balkh, and it seems probable that this was a recognized khafila route. tir is an oft-repeated name in the herat district. the river itself was called tir west of herat, and there is the bridge of tir (tir-pul) just above kuhsan. the mountains, again, to the north-east are known as tir band-i-turkistan, and the tir mentioned as on the road to balkh must certainly have been east of herat. of kenef i can trace no evidence. it must have been close to korokh. that this route, through the korokh valley and across the water-parting by the zirmast pass to naratu, was the high road between herat and balkh i have very little doubt. it was the route selected for mail service during the winter when the afghan boundary commission camp was at bala murghab, on the murghab river, and it was seldom closed by snow, although the zirmast heights rise to over 7000 feet, and the tir band-i-turkistan (which represents the northern _rebord_ or revetment of the uplands which contain the murghab drainage) cannot be much less. the intense bitterness of a northern afghan winter is more or less spasmodic. it is only the dreaded shamshir (the "scimitar" of the north-west) which is dangerous, and travelling is possible at almost every season of the year. the condition of the mountain ways and passes immediately above bala murghab is not that of steep and difficult tracks across a rugged and rocky divide. in most cases it is possible to ride over them, or, indeed, off them, in almost any direction; but as these mountains extend eastward they alter the character of their crests. from herat to maruchak this is not, however, the direct road; the kushk river, or the kashan, offering a much easier line of approach. all our investigations in 1884 tended to prove beyond dispute that maruchak represents the famous old city of merv-el-rud, the "merv of the river," to which every arab geographer refers. sir henry rawlinson sums up the position in the royal geographical society's _proceedings_ (vol. viii.), when he points out that there were two mervs known to the ancient geographer. one is the well-known russian capital in trans-caspia, the "merv of the oasis," a city which, in conjunction with herat and balkh, formed the tripolis of primitive aryan civilization. it was to this place that orodis, the parthian king, transported the roman soldiers whom he had taken prisoners in his victory over crassus, and here they seemed to have formed a flourishing colony. merv was in early ages a christian city, and christian congregations, both jacobite and nestorian, flourished at merv from about a.d. 200 till the conquest of persia by the mahomedans. merv the greater has as stirring a history as any in asia, but merv-el-rud, which was 140 miles south of the older merv, is altogether of later date. this city is said to have been built by architects from babylonia in the fifth century a.d., and was flourishing at the time of the arab invasion. all this oxus region (tokharistan) was then held by a race of skytho-aryans (white huns) called tokhari or kushan, and their capital, talikhan, was not far from maruchak. now, merv-el-rud is the only great city named in history on the upper murghab, above panjdeh, before the end of the fourteenth century a.d. after that date, in the time of shah rokh (timur's son), the name merv-el-rud disappears, and maruchak takes its place in all geographical works, the inference being that, merv-el-rud being destroyed in timur's wars, maruchak was built in its immediate neighbourhood. this surmise of rawlinson's is confirmed by the appearance of maruchak, which is but an insignificant collection of inferior buildings surrounded by a mud wall, with a labyrinth of deep canal cuttings in front of it and a rough irregular stretch of untilled country around. merv-el-rud must have been a much greater place. there are, however, abundant evidences of grass-covered ruins, both near maruchak and at the junction of the chaharshamba river with the murghab some 10 miles above maruchak. sir henry rawlinson points out the strategic value of this point, as the chaharshamba route leads nearly straight into the oxus plains and to balkh. at the point of the junction of the two rivers the valley of the murghab hardly affords room enough for a town of such importance as we are led to believe merv-el-rud to have been, even after making all due allowance for oriental exaggeration. it is only about maruchak that the valley widens out sufficiently to admit of a large town. it seems probable, therefore, that the site of maruchak must be near the site of merv-el-rud, although it does not actually command the entrance to the chaharshamba valley and the road to afghan turkistan. on this road, some 30 miles from the junction of the rivers, there is to be seen on the slopes which flank the southern hills, the jagged tooth-edged remains of a very old town (long deserted) which goes by the name of kila wali. it is here, or close by, that the tochari planted their capital talikan, at one time the seat of government of a vast area of the oxus basin. there is, however, another talikan[7] in badakshan to the east of balkh, and there are symptoms that some confusion existed between the two in the minds of our mediæval geographers. ibn haukel writes of talikan as possessing more wholesome air than merv-el-rud, and he refers to the river running between the two. this is evidently in reference to the capital of tocharistan at kila wali. again when he writes of talikan as the largest city in tocharistan, "situated on a plain, near mountains," he is correct enough as applied to kila wali, but this has nothing to do with andarab and badakshan with which we find it directly associated in the context. on the other hand the talikan in badakshan was one of a group of important cities whose connection with india lay through andarab and the northern passes of the hindu kush. between maruchak and panjdeh, along the banks of the murghab, are ruins innumerable, the sites of other towns which it is impossible to identify with precision. there can be little doubt, however, that the remains of the bridge which once spanned the river at a point between maruchak and panjdeh marked the site of dizek (or derak, according to idrisi), which we know to have been built on both sides of the river, and that khuzan existed near where aktapa now is (_i.e._ near panjdeh). the name dizek is still to be recognized, but it is applied to a curious sequence of ancient buddhist caves which have been carved out of the cliffs at panjdeh, and not to any site on the river banks. the confusion which occasionally exists between places bearing the same name in mediæval geographical annals is very obvious in idrisi's description of merv. the greater merv (the russian provincial capital) is clearly mixed up in his mind with the lesser merv when, in describing the latter, he says that merv-el-rud is situated in a plain at a great distance from mountains, and that its territory is fertile but sandy; three grand mosques and a citadel adorn an eminence and water is brought to it by innumerable canals, all of which is applicable to merv but not to merv-el-rud. he then continues with a description of the greater merv, which is quite apropos to that locality, and makes it clear incidentally that khiva (not merv) represents the ancient khwarezm. again, he enumerates towns and places of mahomedan origin which are "dependent" on "merv." amongst them we find mesiha, a pretty, well-cultivated place one day's journey to the west of merv; jirena (behvana), a market-town 9 miles from merv, and 3 from dorak (? dizek), a place situated on the banks of the river; then dendalkan, an important town two days from merv on the road to sarakhs; sarmakan, a large town to the left of dorak and 3 miles farther, dorak being situated on the banks of the river at 12 miles from merv in the direction of sarakhs; kasr akhif (or ahnef), a little town at one day's distance from merv on the road to balkh; derah, a small town 12 miles from kasr ahnef where grapes were abundant. here, says idrisi, the river divides the town in two parts which are connected by a bridge. it is quite impossible to straighten out this geographical enumeration, unless we assume that it refers to merv-el-rud and not to merv. then mesiha becomes a possibility, and might be looked for among the ruined sites on the kushk river--possibly at kila maur. dorak, at 12 miles from merv in the direction of sarakhs, and dendalkan at two days' journey in the same direction, would still be on the river banks. kasr ahnef we know to have been built after the arab invasion in the valley of the murghab, about 12 miles from khuzan (identified by rawlinson with ak tepe) and 15 from merv-el-rud, and must have been situated near the band-i-nadir, where the desert road to balkh enters the hills. ak tepe must once have been a place of great importance, both strategically (as it commands the position of the two important highways southward to herat, the kushk and the murghab valleys) and commercially. but apparently its importance did not survive to arab times. dendalkan was certainly near ak tepe. in making our surveys of this historic district it was exceedingly difficult to associate the drab and dreary landscape of this chol (loess) country and its intersecting rivers with such a scene of busy commercial life as the valleys must have presented in arab times. the kushk is at best a "dry" river, as its name betokens, an unsatisfactory driblet in a world of sandy desolation. reeds and thickets hide its narrow ways, and it is only where its low banks recede on either hand as it emerges into the flat plains above panjdeh that there is room for anything that could by courtesy be called a town. the murghab river shows better promise. below maruchak, where towns once crowded, it widens into green spaces, and the multiplicity and depth of the astonishing system of canals which distribute the waters of the river on its left bank leave no room to doubt the strength of the former population that constructed them. where the pheasants breed now in myriads, in reedy swamps and scrubby thickets, there may lie hidden the foundations of many an old town with its caravanserais, its mosques, and its baths. the economic value of the murghab river is still great in northern afghanistan. no one watching the sullen flood pouring past bala murghab in the winter time and looking up to the dark doors of the mountains from whence it seems to emerge, could have any idea of the wealth and fertility and the spread of its usefulness which is to be found on the far side of those doors. from its many cradles in the firozkohi uplands to its many streamlets reaching out round merv and turning the desert into a glorious field of fertility, the murghab does its duty bravely in the world of rivers, and well deserves all that has ever been written in its praise by past generations of geographers. amongst the many high-roads of northern afghanistan which are mentioned by the arab writers, none is more frequently referred to than the road from herat to balkh, _i.e._ to afghan turkistan. intervening between herat and afghan turkistan there is immediately north the easy round-backed range called by various names which have been lumped under the term paropamisus, down the northern slopes of which the kushk and kashan made a fairly straight way through the sea of rounded slopes and smooth steep-sided hills which constitute the chol. but this range is but an extension of the southern rampart of the firozkohi upland, which forms the upper basin of the murghab and overlooks the narrow valley of the hari rud. the northern rampart or buttress of that upland is the tir band-i-turkistan, the western flank of which is turned by the murghab river as it makes its way northward. so that there are several ways by which afghan turkistan may be reached from herat. setting aside the hari rud route to bamian or kabul, which would be a difficult and lengthy detour for the purpose of reaching balkh, there is the route we have already mentioned _via_ korokh, naratu, and langar, and thence over the band-i-turkistan, or down the murghab. but there is another and probably the most trodden way, _via_ the kashan to the murghab valley at the junction of the chaharshamba river, and up that river to the divide at its head, passing over into the kaisar drainage, and so, either to andkhui and the oxus, or to maimana and balkh. this was the route made use of generally by the russo-afghan boundary commission, and the existence of ancient tanks (called "haoz") and of "robats" (or halting-places) at regular intervals in the kashan valley, testifies to its use at no very ancient date. the entrance to the chaharshamba valley is very narrow, so narrow as to preclude the possibility of any large town ever having occupied this position; but it opens out as one passes the old kila wali ruins where there is ample space for the old capital of tocharistan to have existed. on the north, trailing streams descend from the kara bel plateau (a magnificent grass country in summer and a cold scene of windy desolation in winter), and their descent is frequently through treacherous marshes and shining salt pitfalls, making it exceedingly difficult to follow them to the plateau edge. to the south are the harder features of the band-i-turkistan foothills, the crest of the long black ridge of this band being featureless and flat, as is generally the case with the boundary ridges and revetments of a plateau country. over the chaharshamba divide (at about 2800 feet) and into the kaisar drainage is an introduction to a country that is beautiful with the varied beauty of low hill-tops and gentle slopes, until one either by turning north, debouches into the flat desert plains of the oxus at daolatabad, or continuing more easterly, arrives at maimana, the capital of the little province of almar, the centre of a small world of highly cultivated and populous country, and a town which must from its position represent one or other of the ancient trade centres mentioned by idrisi. here we leave behind the long lines of turkman kibitkas looking like rows of black bee-hives in the snow-spread distance, and find the flat-roofed substantial houses of a settled uzbek population, with flourishing bazaars and a general appearance of well-being inside the mud walls of the town. idrisi writes that talikan is built at the foot of a mountain which is part of the jurkan range (band-i-turkistan), and that it is on the "paved" route between merv and balkh. this at once indicates that route as an important one compared with other routes (there being a desert route across the karabel plateau from near panjdeh in addition to those already mentioned), although there is no sign of any serious road-making to be detected at present. sixty miles from talikan, on the road to balkh, idrisi places karbat, a town not so large as talikan but more flourishing and better populated. the distance reckoned along the one possible route here points to maimana, which is just 60 miles from talikan, but there is no other indication of identity. karbat was a dependency of the province of juzjan (or jurkan, probably guzwan), and 54 miles to the east of it was the town of aspurkan, a small town, itself 54 miles from balkh. now balkh, by any possible route, is at least 130 to 140 miles from maimana, but if we assume aspurkan to have been just half-way (as idrisi makes it) between maimana and balkh, we find sar-i-pul (a small place indifferently supplied with water, and thus answering idrisi's description of aspurkan) almost exactly in that position. in support of this identification of aspurkan with sar-i-pul there is the name aspardeh close to sar-i-pul. other places are mentioned by idrisi as flourishing centres of trade and industry in this singularly favoured part of afghanistan, where the low spurs and offshoots of the band-i-turkistan break gently into the oxus plains. he says that anbar, one day's march to the south-west of aspurkan, was a larger place than merv-el-rud, with vineyards and gardens surrounding it and a fair trade in cloth. there, both in summer and winter, the chief of the country resided. two days from aspurkan, and one from karbat, was the jewish colony of yahudia, a walled town with a good commercial business. this colony is also mentioned by ibn haukel as situated in the district of jurkan. from yahudia to shar (a small town in the hills) was one day's march. the main road south-west from sar-i-pul has probably remained unchanged through the centuries. it runs to balangur (? bala angur) and kurchi, the former being 10 miles and the latter 30 from sar-i-pul. either might represent the site of anbar. twenty miles from kurchi is belchirag, and belchirag is about 25 from maimana. it would thus represent the site of the ancient yahudia fairly well, whilst 25 to 30 miles from belchirag we find kala shahar, a small town in the mountains, still existing. jurkan is described as a town by idrisi (and as a district by ibn haukel), built between two mountains, three short marches from aspurkan, and zakar is another commercial town two marches to the south-east. i should identify jirghan of our maps with jurkan, and takzar with zakar. all this part of afghan turkistan is rich in agricultural possibilities. the uzbek population of the towns and the ersari turkmans of the deserts beyond shibarghan are all agriculturists, and the land is great in fruit. they are a peaceful people, hating the afghan rule and praying for british or any other alternative. shibarghan is an insignificant walled town with a small garrison of afghan kasidars; always in straits for water in the dry season. the road between shibarghan and sar-i-pul is flat, skirting the edge of the rolling chol to the east of it. sar-i-pul itself is but a small walled town in rotten repair, sheltering a few kasidars and two guns, but no regular afghan troops. there are a few jews there who make and sell wine, and a few peshawur bunniahs (shopkeepers). from sar-i-pul a direct road runs to bamian and kabul _via_ takzar to the south-east, and strikes the hill country almost at once after leaving sar-i-pul. it surmounts a high divide (about 11,000 feet), and crosses the balkh ab valley to reach bamian. there is another route up the astarab stream leading to chiras at the head of the murghab river and into the hazara highlands; but these were never trade routes except for local purposes. the hazaras send down to the plain their camel hair-cloth and receive many of the necessities of life in exchange, but there is no through traffic. the characteristics of the astarab road are typical of this part of afghanistan. after passing jirghan the valley is shut in by magnificent cliffs from 700 to 1000 feet high. the vista is closed by snow peaks to the south, which, with the brilliancy of up-springing crops on the banks of the river, form a picture of almost alpine beauty. there is, curiously enough, an entire absence of forest in the valley, but blocks of a soft white clay mixed with mica lend a weird whiteness to its walls, dazzling the eye, and making patchwork of nature's colouring. snakes abound in great numbers, mostly harmless, but the deadly "asp-i-mar" is amongst them. there is a yellow variety which is freely handled by the uzbeks, who call this snake kamchin-i-shah-i-murdan. about eight miles beyond jirghan the uzbek population ceases. from this point there are only firozkohis and some few taimanis who have been ejected from the hari rud valley for their misdeeds. they are all robbers by profession, supporting existence by slave trading. they kidnap girls and boys from the hazara villages of the highlands and trade them to the uzbeks in exchange for guns, ammunition, and horses. these taimani robbers are by no means the only slave dealers. nearly every well-to-do establishment in afghan turkistan has one or two hazara slaves. the prices paid, of course, vary, but 300 krans each was paid for two girls bought in 1883. expert native authorities have a very high opinion of the handiness of hazara slave girls. they are good at needlework, turning out most exquisite embroidery, and they are never idle. the narrowness of the astarab gorge renders it impossible to follow the river along the whole of its course. the road finally leaves the valley and strikes up to the plateau on its left bank. one remarkably persistent feature in these valley formations is the existence of two plateau levels, or terraces; that immediately overlooking the valley being sometimes 100 feet lower than the second platform which is thrown back for a considerable distance, leaving a broad terrace formation between the line of its cliff edge and that bordering the stream. occasionally there is more than one such terrace indicating former geologic floors of the valley. on gaining the plateau level a very remarkable scene opens out--a broad green dasht, or plain, slopes away to a sharp line westwards bordered by glittering cliffs and intersected by the white line of the road. in the midst of this setting of white and green are the remains of what must once have been a town of considerable importance, which goes by the name locally of the shahar-i-wairan, or ancient city. such buildings as remain are of sun-dried brick; there appears to be no indication of the usual wall or moat surrounding this city, and nothing suggestive of a canal or "karez"; nothing, in short, but scattered ruins covering about one and a half square miles. the kabristan (or graveyard) was easily recognizable, and its vast size furnished some clue to the size of the city. all history, all tradition even, about this remarkable place seems lost in oblivion; but a city of such pretensions must have had a fair place in geography from very early times. it seems improbable, however, that it could have been more than a summer residence in its palmy days, for winter at this elevation (nearly 7000 feet) and in such an exposed locality would be very severe indeed. the only indication which can be derived from idrisi's writings is the reference to the small town in the mountains called shah (shahar) one day's march from the jewish colony of yahudia. as already explained there is a kila shahar some 25 to 30 miles from yahudia (if we accept the position of belchirag as more or less representing that place), but the shahar-i-wairan is nearer by some 10 miles, and fits better into the geographical scheme. i should be inclined to identify the shahar-i-wairan with the ancient shahar (or shah) and the kila shahar as a later development of the same place. the point, however, to be specially noted about this geographical theory is that there is no route by which camels can pass either over the band-i-turkistan or the mountains enclosing the balkh ab from the district of sangcharak southward. the province of sangcharak, which corresponds roughly to the ancient district of jurkan (or gurkan), is rich throughout, with highly cultivated valleys and a dense population, but it is a sort of geographical cul-de-sac. communication with the plains of the oxus and with balkh (by the lower reaches of the balkh ab) is easy and frequent, but there never could have been a khafila road over the rugged plateau land and mountains which divide it from the basin of the helmund. from time immemorial efforts have been made to reach kabul by the direct route from herat which is indicated by the remarkable lie of the hari rud valley. it was never recognized as a trade route, although military expeditions have passed that way; and it has always presented a geographical problem of great interest. from herat eastwards, past obeh as far as daolatyar, there is no great difficulty to be overcome by the traveller, although the route diverges from the main valley for a space. between daolatyar and the head of sar-i-jangal stream (which is the source and easternmost affluent of the hari rud) the valley is well populated and well cultivated, with abundant pasturage on the hills. but the winter here is severe. from the middle of november to the middle of february snow closes all the roads, and even after its disappearance the deep clayey tracks are impassable even for foot travellers. in the neighbourhood of a small fort called kila sofarak, about 40 miles from daolatyar, there is a parting of the ways. over the water-parting at the head of the stream by the bakkak pass a route leads into the yakulang valley, a continuation of the band-i-amir, or river of balkh, which, in the course of its passage through the gorges of the mountains, here forms a series of natural aqueducts uniting seven narrow and deep lakes. inexpressibly wild and impressive is the character of the scenery surrounding those deep-set lakes in the depths of the afghan hills. near the lakes are the ruins of two important towns or fortresses, chahilburj, and khana yahudi. on a high rock between them are the ruins of shahr-i-babar the capital of kings who ruled over a country most of which must have been included in the hazara highlands, and was probably more or less conterminous with the bamian of idrisi. between the yakulang and the bamian valley is a high flat watershed. looking north-west a vast broken plateau, wrinkled and corrugated by minor ranges, and scored by deep valleys and ravines, fills up the whole space from the mountains standing about the source of the murghab and hari rud to the kunduz river of badakshan. so little is this part of modern afghanistan known, that it may be as well to give a short description of the existing lines of communication connecting the oxus plains and herat with bamian and kabul, before attempting to follow out their mediæval adaptation to commercial intercourse. from balkh, or mazar-i-sharif, or from deh dadi (the new fortified position near mazar) the most direct routes southward either follow the balkh ab valley to kupruk and the zari affluent, and then crossing the alakah ridge pass into the river valley again, and so reach the band-i-amir and the head of the river at yakulang; or passing by the darra yusuf (a most important affluent of the balkh river) attain more directly to bamian. balkh and mazar lie close together on the open plain, and about 10 miles to the south of them rises the northern wall of the plateau called elburz, through which the balkh river, and other drainage of the plateau, forces its passage. thus the whole course of the balkh river, from its head to within a mile or two of balkh, lies within a deep and narrow ditch cut out from the plateau which fills up the space from the elburz to the great divide of central afghanistan. east and west of the balkh river the plateau increases in elevation as it reaches southward, culminating in knolls or peaks 12,000 and 13,000 feet high about the latitude 35° 30', and falling gently where it encloses the actual sources of the river. it is this plateau, or uplift, which forms the dominant topographical feature of northern afghanistan. west of the balkh ab it is represented by the firozkohi uplands, which contain the head valleys of the murghab, bordered on the north by the tirband-i-turkistan from the foot of which stretch away towards the oxus the endless sand-waves of the chol, and by the highlands of maimana and sangcharak, and which trend northward to within a few miles of balkh. at balkh its northern edge is well defined by the elburz, but between balkh and maimana it is more or less merged into the great loess sand sea, and its limitations become indefinite. east of the longitude of balkh it is lost in a distance whither our surveyors have not traced its outlines, but where without doubt it fills a wide area north of the hindu kush, determining the nature of the badakshan river sources and shaping itself into a vast upland region of mountain and deep sunk gully, and generally preserving the same characteristics throughout, till it overlooks the valley of the oxus. that part of it which embraces the affluents of the balkh ab and the kunduz is described as intensely wild and dreary, traversed by irregular folds and ridges which rise in more or less rounded slopes to great altitudes, hiding amongst them deep-seated valleys and gulches, wherein is to be found all that there is of cultivation and beauty. from above it presents the aspect of a huge drab-coloured, hill-encumbered desert where man's habitation is not, and nature has sunk her brightest efforts out of sight. these efforts are to be found in the valleys, which are excavated by ages of erosion, steep sided, with precipitous cliffs overhanging, and a narrow green ribbon of fertility winding through the flat floor of them. across those dreary uplands, or else wandering blindfold along the bottom of the river troughs, run the roads and tracks of the country; some of them being the roads of centuries of busy traffic. a little apart from the obvious route supplied by the lower course of the balkh ab, and more important as leading more directly to the crest of the main divide, is the road from mazar to the band-i-amir district which is practically the best road to kabul. this strikes on to the plateau and crosses several minor passes over spurs dividing the heads of certain eastern affluents of the balkh ab before it drops into the trough of the darra yusuf. following the course of this river, and skirting the towns of kala sarkari and sadmurda, it strikes off from its head over a pass called dandan shikan (the "tooth-breaker") into the kamard valley which runs eastwards into the big river of badakshan--the kunduz. from kamard over three passes into the saigan--another valley draining deeply eastwards into the kunduz. from this again, two parallel routes and passes southward connect saigan with the bamian depression. here the river of bamian also runs east, parallel to saigan and kamard (the three forming three parallel depressions in the general plateau land), but meeting an affluent draining from the east, the two join and curve northward into the kunduz. this new affluent from the east is important, for it leads over the easy shibar pass into the head of the ghorband valley and to charikar. finally, there is the well-travelled route from bamian, leading southward over the hajigak pass into the helmund valley at gardandiwal, where it crosses the river and then proceeds _via_ the unai pass and maidan to kabul. such is the general system of the balkh communications with kabul. from tashkurghan, east of mazar, there are other routes equally important. there is a direct road southward, which starts through an extraordinary defile, where perpendicular walls of slippery rock enclose a narrow cleft which hardly admits the passing of a loaded mule to ghaznigak and haibak. from haibak you may follow up the tashkurgan river to its head and then drop over the kara pass into kamard at bajgah, and so to bamian again; or you may avoid bamian altogether and striking off south-east from haibak over the plateau, slip down into the kunduz drainage at baghlan, and then follow it to its junction with the andarab at dosh. this position at dosh gives practical command of all the passes over the hindu kush into the kabul basin, for the andarab drains along the northern foot of the hindu kush, and commands the back doors of all passes between the chapdara (or chahardar) and the khawak. the most trodden route to-day is that which is the most direct between kabul and mazar, _i.e._ the route _via_ bamian and the darra yusuf. this is the route taken by the late amir when he met his cousin ishak khan in the field of afghan turkistan and defeated him. it is not the route taken by the afghan boundary commission in returning from the same field in 1885. they returned by haibak and dosh and deploying along the northern foot of the hindu kush, crossed by nearly every available pass either into the ghorband valley or that of the panjshir. it would almost appear from mediæval geographical record that there was no way between herat and kabul that did not lead to the bamian valley. this is very far from accurately representing the actual position, for bamian lies obviously to the north of the direct line of communication. bamian was undoubtedly a place of great significance, probably more important as a buddhist centre than kabul, more valuable as a centre trade-market subsequently than the indian city, as kabul was called. but its significance has disappeared, and it is now far more important for us to know how to reach kabul directly from the west than how to pass through bamian. the route to bamian and kabul from herat diverges at the small deserted fort of sofarak, and follows the lal and the kerman valleys at the head of the hari rud. crossing the ak zarat pass southward there is little difficulty in traversing the besud route to the helmund, from whence the road to kabul over the unai pass is open. the bakkak pass northward is the only real difficulty between herat and bamian; much worse, indeed, than anything on the route between herat and kabul direct; so that we have determined the existence of a fairly easy route by the hari rud from herat to kabul, and another route, with but one severe pass, between herat and bamian. we must, however, remember that we are dealing with alpine altitudes. overlooking the yakulang head of the balkh river are magnificent peaks of 13,000 and 14,000 feet, and the passes are but a few thousand feet lower. the valley of the bamian, deep sunk in the great plateau level, is between 8000 and 9000 feet above sea-level, and the passes leading out of it are over 10,000 feet. to the south is the magnificent snow-capped array of the koh-i-baba (or probably babar, from the name of the ancient people who occupied bamian), the culminating group of the central water-parting of afghanistan running to 16,000 and 17,000 feet. it is altitude, nothing but sheer altitude, which is the effectual barrier to approach through the mountains which divide the oxus and kabul basins. rocky and "tooth-breaking" as may be the passes of these northern hills they are all practicable at certain times and seasons, but for months they are closed by the depth of winter snows and the fierce terror of the asiatic blizzard. the deep valleys traversing the storm-ridden plateau are often beautiful exceedingly, and form a strange contrast to the dull grey expanse of rocky ridge and treeless plain of the weird plateau land; but in order to reach them, or to pass from one to the other, high altitudes and rugged pathways must always be negotiated. in the days before the mahomedan conquest, the pilgrim days of devout chinese searchers after truth, the footsteps of the buddhist devotees can be very plainly traced. balkh was a specially sacred centre; and the magnificence of the bamian relics are also celebrated. we should not have known precisely the route followed by the pilgrims had they not left their traces half-way between balkh and bamian at haibak. here in the heart of this stony and rugged wilderness is an open cultivated plain, green with summer crops and streaked with the dark lines of orchard foliage. little white houses peep out from amongst the greenery, and there is a kind of swiss summer holiday air encompassing this mountain oasis which must have enchanted the votaries of buddha in their time. the buddhist architects of old were unsurpassed, even by the roman catholic monks of later ages in the selection of sites for their monasteries and temples. the sweet seductions which nature has to offer in her mountain retreats were as a thanksgiving to the pilgrim, weary footed and sore with the terrible experiences of travel which was far rougher than anything which even the most devoted hajji can place to the credit of his account with the recording angel of the present day, and they were appreciated accordingly. haibak, although not quite on the straight line to bamian, was not to be overlooked as a resting-place, and here one of the quaintest of all these northern religious relics was literally unearthed by captain talbot[8] during the progress of the russo-afghan surveys. a small circular stupa was discovered cut out of solid rock below the ground level. it was surrounded by a ditch, and crowned by a small square-built chamber which was also cut out of the rock _in situ_. there was nothing to indicate the origin or meaning of a stupa in such a position, and time was wanting for anything more than a superficial examination; but here we had the evidence of buddhist occupation and buddhist worship forming a distinct link between balkh and bamian, and marking one resting-place for the weary pilgrim. as for caves, the country round haibak appears to be studded with them. so long must this strange region of ditch-like valleys, carved out of the wrinkled central highlands of afghanistan, have existed as the focus of devout pilgrimage, if not of commercial activity, under the bamian kings, that the absence of any record descriptive of the routes across it is rather surprising. above the surface of the plateau the long grey folds of the hills follow each other in monotonous succession, with little relief from vegetation and unmarked by forest growth. it is generally a scene of weary, stony desolation through which narrow, white worn tracks thread their way. in the valleys it is different. cut squarely out of the plateau these intersecting valleys, cliff bound on either side with reddish walls such as border the valley of bamian, offer fair opportunity for colonization. where the valleys open out there is space enough for cultivation, which in early summer makes pretty contrast with the ruddy hills that hedge it. where it spreads out from the mouth of the gorges nourished by hundreds of small channels which carry the water far afield, it is in most charming contrast to the gaunt ruggedness of the hills from whence it emerges. such is the general outlook from the firozkohi plateau, looking northward into the oxus plains when the yellow dust haze, driven southward by the north-western winds, lifts sufficiently from athwart the plains to render it possible to see towards maimana or into the valley of astarab. the valley of bamian stands at a level of about 8500 feet; the passes out of it northward to balkh or southward to kabul rise to 11,000 and 12,000 feet. it is the mystery of its unrecorded history and the local evidences of the departed glory of buddhism, which render bamian the most interesting valley in afghanistan. massive ruins still look down from the bordering cliffs, and for six or seven miles these cliffs are pierced by an infinity of cave dwellings. little is left of the ancient city but its acropolis (known as ghulghula), which crowns an isolated rock in the middle of the valley. enormous figures (170 and 120 feet high) are carved out of the conglomerate rock on the sides of the bamian gorge. once coated with cement, and possibly coloured, or gilt, these images must have appealed strongly to the imagination of the weary pilgrim who prostrated himself at their feet. "their golden lines sparkle on every side," says huen tsang, who saw them in the year a.d. 630, when he counted ten convents and 1000 monks of the "little vehicle" in the valley of bamian. twelve hundred and fifty years later the great idols were measured by theodolite and tape, and duly catalogued as curiosities of the world's museum. we know very little of the later history of bamian. the city was swept off the face of the valley by chengiz khan; and nadir shah, in later times, left the marks of his artillery on the face of cliffs and images. moslem destroyers and iconoclasts have worked their wicked will on these ancient monuments, but they witness to the strength and tenacity of a faith that still survives to sway a third of the human race. chahilburj and shahr-i-babar (31 miles above chahilburj at the junction of the sarikoh stream with the band-i-amir) with the ruined fortresses of gawargar and zohak, wonderful for the multiplicity of its lines of defence, all attest to the former position of bamian in afghan history and explain its prominence in mediæval annals. and yet there is not much said about the road thither from balkh, or onward to the "indian city" of kabul. idrisi just mentions the road connecting balkh with bamian, which he describes as follows: "from balkh to meder (a small town in a plain not far from mountains) three days' journey. from meder to kah (well-populated town with bazaar and mosque) one day's journey. from kah to bamian three days." bamian he describes as of about the same extent as balkh, built on the summit of a mountain called bamian, from which issue several rivers which join the andarab, possessing a palace, a grand mosque, and a vast "faubourg"; and he enumerates kabul, ghazni, and karwan (which we find elsewhere to be near charikar) amongst others as dependencies of bamian. it is not easy to identify meder and kah. the total distance from balkh to bamian is at least 200 miles by the most direct route _via_ the darra yusuf. forty miles a day through such a country must be regarded as a fine performance, even for arab travellers who would think little of 50 or 60 miles over the flats of turkistan. however, we must take the record as we find it, and assume that the camels of those days (for the arabs never rode horses on their journeys) were better adapted for work in the hills than they are at present. the inference, however, is strong that not very much was really known about this mountain region south of the balkh plain. to the pilgrim it offered no terrors; but to the merchant, with his heavily laden caravan, it is difficult to conceive that 800 or 900 years ago it could have been much easier to negotiate than it is to the bokhara merchants of to-day, who take a much longer route between the oxus and kabul than that which carries them past bamian. the province of badakshan to the east (the ancient baktria) is still but indifferently explored. it is true that certain native explorers of the indian survey have made tracks through the country, passing from the pamir region to the oxus plains; but no english traveller has recently done more than touch the fringe of that section of the hindu kush system which includes kafiristan and its extension northwards, encircled by the great bend of the oxus river. kafiristan has ever been an unexplored region--a mountain wilderness into which no call of buddhism ever lured the pilgrim, no moslem conqueror (excepting perhaps timur) ever set his foot, until the late amir abdurrahmon essayed to reduce that region and make it part of civilized afghanistan. even he was content to leave it alone after a year or two of vain hammering at its southern gates. kafiristan formed part of the mediæval province, or kingdom, of bolor; but it is always written of as the home of an uncouth and savage race of people, with whom it was difficult to establish intercourse. kafiristan is, however, in these modern days very much curtailed as the home of the kafir. undoubtedly many of the border tribes fringing the country (dehgans, nimchas, etc.), who are now to be numbered amongst the most fanatical of moslem clans, are comparatively new recruits to the faith, and therefore handle the new broom with traditional ardour; but they were not so long ago members of the great mixed community of kafirs who, driven from many directions into the most inaccessible fastnesses of the hills by the advance of stronger races north and south, have occupied remote valleys, preserving their own dialects, mixing up in strange confusion brahman, zoroastian, and buddhist tenets with classical mythology, each valley with apparently a law and a language of its own, until it is impossible to unravel the threads of their complicated relationship. here we should expect to find (and we do find) the last relics of the greek occupation of baktria, and here are certainly remnants of a yet more ancient persian stock, with all the flotsam and jetsam of high asia intermingled. they are, from the point of view of the kabul court, all lumped together as kafirs under two denominations, siahposh and lalposh; and not till scientific investigation, such as has not yet reached afghanistan, can touch them shall we know more than we do now. no commercial road ever ran through the heart of kafiristan, but there were two routes touching its eastern and western limits, viz. that on the east passing by jirm, and that on the west by anjuman, both joining the kokcha river, which are vaguely referred to by our arab authorities. that by jirm is certainly impracticable for any but travellers on foot. badakshan (_i.e._ the province) was apparently full of well-populated and flourishing towns 1000 years ago. the names of many of them are given by idrisi, but it is not possible to identify more than a few. the ancient khulm (50 miles east of balkh) was included in badakshan. in idrisi's day it was a place "of which the productions and resources were very abundant: there is running water, cultivated fields, and all sorts of vegetable productions." from thence to semenjan "a pretty town, in every way comparable to khulm, commercial, populated, and encircled with mud walls," two days' journey. then we have "from balkh to warwalin" (a town agreeable and commercial with others dependent on it), two days. from warwalin to talekan, two days. talekan is described as only one-fourth the size of balkh, on the banks of a big river in a plain where there are vineyards. and then, strangely enough, we find "from balkh to khulm west of warwalin is a two-days' journey. from semenjan to talekan, two days." this is a puzzle which requires some adjustment. from balkh to khulm is about 50 miles and may well pass as two days' journey. but from balkh to warwalin is also said to be a two-days' journey, and from warwalin to talekan two days, whilst khulm is two days _west_ of warwalin. the difficulty lies in the fact that all these places must be on a line running almost due _east_ from balkh. it was and is the great high-road of badakshan in the oxus plains. moreover, talekan has been fixed by native surveyors at a point about 150 miles east of balkh which fully corresponds in its physical features to the description given of that place above. if, however, we assume 150 miles to represent six days' journey instead of four, the difficulty vanishes. we then have balkh to khulm, two days; khulm to warwalin, two days; and warwalin to talekan, two days. this would place warwalin somewhere about kunduz, which is, indeed, a very probable position for it. semenjan is important. two days from talekan; two days from khulm; five days from andarab. andarab is fortunately a fixed position. the description given of it by idrisi places it at the junction of the kaisan (or kasan) stream with the andarab, both of which retain their ancient names. andarab is a very old and a very important position in all itineraries, from greek times till now, and it may be important again. but seeing that khulm is separated from talekan by four days, it is difficult to distinguish between semenjan and warwalin which is also two days from each of those places. this illustrates the problems which beset the unravelling of arab itineraries. seeing, however, that talekan and warwalin have already been confused once, it is, i think, justifiable to assume that the same mistake has occurred again. such an assumption would place semenjan about where haibak is, and where some central town of importance must have always been, judging from its important geographical position. haibak is rather more than a hundred miles from andarab by the only practicable khafila route, which is a very fair five-days' journey. this would indicate that the route followed by the english commission for the settlement of the russo-afghan frontier from balkh to kabul was one of those recognized as trade routes in the tenth and eleventh centuries. the location of one other town in badakshan is of interest, and that is a town called by idrisi "badakshan," which gave its name to the province. the first assumption to make is that the modern capital faizabad is on or near the site of the ancient one. let us see how it fits idrisi's itinerary. the information is most meagre. from talekan to badakshan, seven days. from andarab to the same town (going east), four days. badakshan is described as a town "not very large but possessing many dependencies and a most fertile soil. the vine and other trees grow freely, and the country is watered by running streams. the town is defended by strong walls, and it possesses markets, caravanserais, and baths. it is a commercial centre. it is built on the west bank of the khariab, the largest river of those which flow to the oxus." it is elsewhere stated that the khariab is another name for the oxus or jihun. it is added that horses are bred there and mules; and rubies and lapis lazuli found in the neighbourhood and distributed through the world. musk from wakhan is brought to badakshan. also badakshan adjoins canouj, a dependency of india. the two provinces which are found immediately beyond the oxus (under one government) are djil and waksh, which lie between the khariab (? oxus) and wakshab rivers, of which the first bathes the eastern part of djil and the other the country of waksh. the waksh joins the oxus from the north near the junction of the latter with the kunduz. then follow the names of places dependent on waksh, of which helawerd and menk seem to be the chief. now faizabad is about 70 miles from talekan, and about 160 at least from andarab. from andarab the route strikes east at first, but after crossing the nawak pass, over a spur of the hindu kush (which is itself crossed near this point by the khawak), it turns and passes down the valley of anjuman to jirm and faizabad. jirm is on the left bank of the kokcha or khariab--faizabad being on the right,--and its altitude (4800 feet) would certainly admit of vine-growing and may be suitable for horse-breeding; but it must be admitted that in both these particulars faizabad has the advantage, although jirm is the centre of the mining industry in lapis lazuli, if not in rubies. jirm is about 130 miles from andarab, and 80 (with a well-marked road between) to talekan. to fit idrisi's itinerary we should have to select a spot in the anjuman valley some sixty miles south of jirm. this would involve an impossible altitude for either wine or horses (in that latitude), so we are forced to conclude that the itinerary is wrong. if it were exactly reversed and made seven days from andarab and four from talekan, jirm would represent the site of the ancient capital exactly. some such adjustment as this is necessary in order to meet the requirements, and idrisi's indications of the climate. on the whole, i am inclined to believe that jirm represents the ancient capital. however that may be, it is important to note that the anjuman route from the pass at the head of the panjshir valley was a recognized route in the middle ages, and emphasizes the importance of the andarab position in afghanistan. we have seen that from the very earliest times, prior to the greek invasion of india, this was probably the region of western settlements in baktria. it is about here that we find the greatest number of indications (if place-names are to be trusted) of greek colonization. it is one of the districts which are to be recognized as distinctly the theatres of alexander's military movements during his famous expedition. it commands four, if not five, of the most important passes across the hindu kush. the surveyor who carried his traverse up to the head of the andarab and over the khawak pass into the panjshir found a depression in the hindu kush range which admitted of two crossings (the til and khawak) at an elevation of about 11,650 feet, neither of which presented any great physical difficulty apart from that of altitude, both leading by comparatively easy grades into the upper panjshir valley. it is reported that since the russo-afghan commission surveyors passed that way, the late amir has constructed a passable road for commercial purposes, which can be kept open by the employment of coolie labour in removing the snow, and that khafilas pass freely between kabul and badakshan all the year round. in the tenth century there is ample evidence that it was a well-trodden route, for we find it stated that from andarab to hariana (travelling southward) is three days' journey. "hariana is a small town built at the foot of a mountain and on the banks of a river, which, taking its source near panjshir (banjohir) traverses that town without being utilized for irrigation until, reaching karwan, it enters into the territory of india and joins its waters to the nahrwara (kabul) river. the inhabitants of hariana possess neither trees nor orchards. they only cultivate vegetables, but they live by mining. it is impossible to see anything more perfect than the metal which is extracted from the mines of panjshir, a small town built on a hill at one day's distance from hariana and of which the inhabitants are remarkable for violence and wickedness (mechanceté) of their character. the river, which issues from panjshir, runs to hariana as we have said." ... "from there (? hariana) to karwan, southward, two days' journey." "the town of karwan is small but pretty, its environs are agreeable, bazaars frequent, inhabitants well-off. the houses are built of mud and bricks. situated on the banks of a river which comes from panjshir, this town is one of the principal markets of india." from this account it is clear that the village of panjshir must have been somewhere near the modern khawak, and hariana about 20 miles lower down the stream. but the site is not identified. karwan was obviously near the site of the modern charikar, and might possibly be parwan, a very ancient site. it is worthy of note that in the tenth century all the kabul province was "india." of all the passes traversing the hindu kush we have mention only of this, the khawak, and (indirectly) of the group which connect kabul with bamian; and it may be doubted whether in the middle ages any use was made of the shibar, chapdara, or others that lie between the kaoshan and irak for commercial purposes. there is, however, strong inference that the greeks made use of the kaoshan, or parwan, which is also commanded from andarab. the excellent military road constructed by the late amir from charikar, up the ghorband valley and over the chapdara pass, is a modern development. here, however, we must take leave of the routes to india, which are sufficiently dealt with elsewhere, and returning to badakshan see if we can unravel some of the mediæval geography of the region which stretches eastward to the oxus affluents and the pamirs. we know that between khotan and balkh there was a very well-trodden pilgrim route in the earlier days of our era (from the first century to the tenth), when both these places were full of the high-priests of buddhism. was it also a commercial route? the shortest way to determine its position is to examine the map and see which way it must have run at a time when (if we are to believe mr. ellsworthy huntington's theories of periodic fluctuations of climate in high asia) all that vastly elevated region was colder, less desiccated, and possibly more fertile than now, whilst its glaciers and lakes were larger and more extensive. before turning eastward into the highlands and plateau of asia it is interesting to note that north of the oxus the districts of jil (which was the region of mountains) and waksh were both well known, and boasted many important commercial centres. the two districts (under one government) lay between the wakshab which joins the oxus from the north to the north-east of khulm, and the khariab, which is clearly another river than the khariab (now the kokcha) of badakshan, and which is probably the oxus itself (see preceding note). these trans-oxus regions take us afield into the khanates of central asia beyond afghanistan, and we can only note in passing that 1000 years ago termez was the most important town on the oxus, commanding as it did the main river crossing from bokhara to khulm and balkh; kabadian also being very ancient. termez may yet again become significant in history. references to the pamir region are very scanty, and indicate that not much was known about them. the most direct road from khotan in chinese turkistan to balkh, a well-worn pilgrim route of the early centuries of our era, is that which first strikes north-west to yarkand, and then passing by the stone fort of tashkurghan (one of the ancient landmarks of central asian travel) follows the tashkurghan river to its head, passes over the wakhjir pass from the tagdumbash pamir into the valley of the wakhab (or panja) river and follows that river to zebak in badakshan. so far it is a long, difficult, and toilsome route rising to an altitude of 15,000 to 16,000 feet, but after passing zebak to faizabad and so on through badakshan to balkh, it is a delightful road, full of picturesque beauty and incident. at certain seasons of the year no part of it would appear formidable to such earnest and determined devotees as the chinese buddhist pilgrims. from huen tsang's account, however, it would seem that a still more northerly route was usually preferred, one which involved crossing the oxus at termez or kilif. it is a curious feature in connection with buddhist records of travel (even the arab records) that no account whatever seems to be taken of abstract altitude, _i.e._ the altitude of the plains. so long as the mountains towered above the pilgrims' heads they were content to assume that they were traversing lowlands. never does it seem to have occurred to them that on the flat plains they might be at a higher elevation than on the summits of the chinese or arabian hills. the explanation undoubtedly lies in the fact that they had no means of determining elevation. hypsometers and aneroids were not for them. the gradual ascents leading to the pamir valleys did not impress them, and so long as they ascended one side of a range to descend on the other, the fact that the descent did not balance the ascent was more or less unobserved. wandering over the varied face of the earth they were content to accept it as god made it, and ask no questions. recent investigations would lead us to suppose that in the palmy days of buddhist occupation of chinese turkistan, when lop nor spread out its wide lake expanse to reflect a vista of towns and villages on its banks, refreshing the earth by a thousand rivulets not then impregnated with noxious salts; when high-roads traversed that which is now but a moving procession of sand-waves following each other in silent order at the bidding of the eternal wind; when men made their arrangements for posting from point to point, and forgot to pay their bills made out in the karosthi language, the climate was very different from what it is now. it was colder, moister, and the zones of cultivation far more extensive, but it may also be that these regions were not so highly elevated; indeed, there is good reason for believing that the eternal processes of expansion and contraction of the earth's crust, never altogether quiescent, is more marked in central asia than elsewhere, and that the gradual elevation, which is undoubtedly in operation now, may have also affected the levels of river-beds and intervening divides, and thrown out of gear much of the original natural possibilities for irrigation. however that may be, it is fairly certain that no great amount of trade ever crossed the pamirs. marco polo crossed them, passing by tashkurghan and making his way eastwards to cathay, and has very little to say about them except in admiration of the magnificent pasturage which is just as abundant and as nutritious now as it was in his time. idrisi's information beyond the regions of the central asian khanates and the oxus was very vague. he says that on the borders of waksh and of jil are wakhan and sacnia, dependencies of the country of the turks. from wakhan to tibet is eighteen journeys. "wakhan possesses silver mines, and gold is taken from the rivers. musk and slaves are also taken from this country. sacnia town, which belongs to the khizilji turks, is five days from wakhan, and its territory adjoins china." wakhan probably included the province of the same name that now forms the extreme north-eastern extension of afghanistan, but the tibet, which was eighteen days' journey distant, in nowise corresponds with the modern tibet. assuming that it was "little tibet" (or ladakh), which might perhaps correspond in the matter of distance, we should still have some difficulty in reconciling idrisi's description of the "ville de tibet" with any place in ladakh. he says "the town of tibet is large, and the country of which it is the capital carries the name." this country belongs to the "turks tibetians." its inhabitants entertain relations with ferghana, botm,[9] and with the subjects of the wakhan; they travel over most of these countries, and they take from them their iron, silver, precious stones, leopard skins, and tibetan musk. this town is built on a hill, at the foot of which runs a river which discharges into the lake berwan, situated towards the east. it is surrounded with walls, and serves as the residence of a prince, who has many troops and much cavalry, who wear coats of mail and are armed _de pied en cap_. they make many things there, and export robes and stuff of which the tissue is thick, rough, and durable. these robes cost much, and one gets slaves and musk destined for ferghana and india. there does not exist in the world creatures endowed with more beautiful complexions, with more charming figures, more perfect features, and more agreeable shape than these turk slaves. they are disrobed and sold to merchants, and it is this class of girl who fetches 300 dinars. the country of bagnarghar lies between tibet and china, bounded on the north by the country of the kirkhirs (kiziljis in another ms.), possibly kirghiz. the course of the river on which the town is built, no less than the name of the lake into which that river falls and the description of the turk slave girls (as of the cavalry), is quite inapplicable to anything to be found in modern tibet. i have little doubt that the tibet of idrisi was a town on the high-road to china, which followed the tarim river eastward to its bourne in lake burhan. lake burhan is now a swamp distinct from lob, but 1000 years ago it may have been a part of the lob system, and bagnarghar a part of mongolia. the description of the slave girls would apply equally well to the turkman women or to the kirghiz, but certainly not to the flat-featured, squat-shaped tibetan, although there are not wanting good looks amongst them. then follows, in idrisi's account, a list of the dependencies of tibet and some travellers' tales about the musk-deer. it is impossible to place the ancient town of tibet accurately. there are ruined sites in numbers on the tarim banks, and amongst them a place called tippak, but it would be dangerous to assume a connection between tibet and tippak. this is interesting (and the interest must be the excuse for the digression from afghanistan), because it indicates that modern chinese turkistan was included in tibet a thousand years ago, and it further throws a certain amount of light on the origin of the remarkable concentration of buddhist centres in the takla makan. footnotes: [5] joubert's translation. [6] adraskand is mentioned as "a little place with cultivation, gardens, and plenty of sweet water," and as one of the four towns under the domination of asfaran. this corresponds fairly well with the modern town of kila adraskand of the same name. on the same southern route from herat, undoubtedly, was "malin herat, at one day's journey, a town surrounded by gardens." the picturesque ruins of the bridge called the pul-i-malun, across the hari rud, on the kandahar road, is evidence of the former existence of a town of malun, of which no trace remains to-day, but which must have corresponded very closely with rozabagh. [7] talikhan in modern maps. [8] now colonel the hon. m. g. talbot, r.e. [9] the name or term bot is locally applied now to certain himalayan districts as well as to tibet. chapter viii arab exploration--makran between arabia and india is the strange land of makran, in the southern defiles and deserts of which country alexander lost his way. had he by chance separated himself from the coast and abandoned connection with his fleet he might have passed through makran by more northerly routes to persia, and have made one of those open ways which arab occupation opened up to traffic 1000 years later. makran is not an attractive country for the modern explorer. it is not yet a popular field for enterprise in research (though it well may become so), and a few words of further description are necessary to explain how it was that the death-trap of alexander proved to be the road to wealth and power of the subsequent arab. [illustration: sketch map of ancient & mediæval makran to illustrate paper by col. t. h. holdich.] from the sun-swept arabian sea a long line of white shore, with a ceaseless surf breaking on it, appears to edge it on the north. this is backed by other long lines of level-topped hills, seldom rising to conspicuous peaks or altitudes, but just stretched out in long grey and purple lines with a prominent feature here and there to serve as a useful landmark to mariners. now and then when the shoreline is indented, the hills actually face the sea and there are clean-cut scarped cliffs presenting a square face to the waves. at such points the deep rifted mountains of the interior either extend an arm to the ocean, as at malan, or it may be that a narrow band of ancient ridge leaves jagged sections of its length above sea-level, parallel to the coast-line, and that between it and the hills of the interior is a sandy isthmus with sea indentation forming harbours on either side. this country, for a width of about 100 miles, is called makran. it is the southernmost region of southern baluchistan, a country geologically of recent formation, with a coastal uplift from the sea-bottom of soft white sand strata capped here and there by laterite. such a formation lends itself to quaint curiosities in hill structure. a protecting cap may preserve a pinnacle of soft rock, whilst all around it the persistence of weather action has cut away the soil. gigantic cap-crowned pillars and pedestals are balanced in fantastic array about the mountain slopes; deep cuttings and gorges are formed by denudation, and from the gullies so fashioned amongst these hills there may tower up a scarped cliff edge for thousands of feet, with successive strata so well defined that it possesses all the appearance of massive masonry construction. the sea which beats with unceasing surf on the shores of makran is full of the wonders of the deep. from the dead silent flat surface, such as comes with an autumn calm, monstrous fish suddenly shoot out for 15 or 20 feet into the air and fall with a resounding slap almost amounting to a detonation. whales still disport themselves close inshore, and frighten no one. it is easy, however, to understand the terror with which they inspired the greek sailors of nearkhos in their open indian-built boats as they wormed their way along the coast. occasionally a whale becomes involved with the cable of the indo-persian telegraph line and loops himself into it, with fatal results. there are islands off the shore, cut out from the mainland. some of them are in process of disappearance, when they will add their quota to the bar which makes approach to the makran shores so generally difficult; others, more remote, bid fair to last as the final remnants of a long-ago submerged ridge through ages yet to come; and one regrets that the day of their enchantment has passed. of such is that island of haftala, hashtala, nuhsala (it is difficult to account for the variety of persian numerals which are associated with its name), which is called nosala by nearkhos and said by him to be sacred to the sun. in the days of the greeks it was enveloped in a haze of mystery and tradition. the karaks who made of this island a base for their depredations, finally drew down upon themselves the wrath of the arabs, and this led incidentally to one of the most successful invasions of india that have ever been conducted by sea and land. but it is not only the historical and legendary interest of this remarkable coast which renders it a fascinating subject for exploration and romance. the physical conditions of it, the bubbling mud volcanoes which occasionally fill the sea with yellow silt from below, and always remain in a perpetual simmer of boiling activity; the weird and fantastic forms assumed by the mud strata of recent sea-making, which are the basis of the whole structure of ridge and furrow which constitute makran conformation, no less than the extraordinary prevalence of electric phenomena,--all these offered the arabian sea as a promising gift to the inventive faculty of such arab genius as revelled in stories of miraculous enterprise. on a still, warm night when the stars are all ablaze overhead the sea will, of a sudden, spread around in a sheet of milky white, and the sky become black by contrast with the blackness of ink. then again will there be a transformation to a bright scintillating floor, with each little wavelet dropping sparks of light upon it; and from the wake of the vessel will stretch out to the horizon a shining way, like a silver path into the great unknown. meanwhile, the ship herself will be lit up by the electric genii. each iron rod or stanchion will gleam with a weird white light; each spar will carry a little bunch of blue flame at its point; the mast-head will be aflame, and softly through the wonders of this strange eastern sea the ship will stalk on in solemn silence and most "excellent loneliness." small wonder that arab mariners were stirring storytellers, living as they did amidst the uncounted wonders of the persian gulf and the arabian sea. hardly less strange is the land formation of this southern edge of baluchistan. it is an old, old country, replete with the evidences of unwritten history, the ultimate bourne of much of the flotsam and jetsam of asiatic humanity; a cul-de-sac where northern intruders meet and get no farther. yet geologically it is very new--so new that one might think that the piles of sea-born shells which are to be found here and there drifted into heaps on the soft mud flats amongst the bristling ridges, were things of yesterday; so new, in fact, that it has not yet done changing its outline. there is little difficulty in marking the changes in the coast-line which must have occurred since the third century b.c. one may even count up the island formations and disappearances which have occurred within a generation; so incomplete that the changing conditions of its water-supply have left their marks everywhere over it. desiccated forests are to be found with the trees still standing, as they will continue to stand in this dry climate for centuries. huge masonry constructions, built as dams for the retention of water in the inland hills, testify to the existence of an abundant water-supply within historic periods; as also do the terraced slopes which reach down in orderly steps to the foot of the ridges, each step representing a formerly irrigated field. the water has failed; whether, as is most probable, from the same desiccating processes which are drying up lakes and dwindling glaciers in both northern and southern hemispheres, or whether there has been special interference with the routine of nature and man has contributed to his own undoing, it is impossible at present to say, but the result is that makran is now, and has been for centuries, a forgotten and almost a forsaken country. in order to understand the remarkable peculiarity of its geographical formation one requires a good map. ridges, rather than ranges, are the predominant feature of its orography. ridges of all degrees of altitude, extension, and rockiness, running in long lines of parallel flexure on a system of curves which sweeps them round gradually from the run of indus frontier hills to an east and west strike through makran, and a final trend to the north-west, where they guard the persian coasts of the gulf. as a rule they throw off no spurs, standing stiff, jagged, naked, and uncompromising, like the parallel walls of some gigantic system of defences, and varying in height above the plain from 5000 feet to 50. the higher ranges have been scored by weather and wet, with deep gorges and drainage lines, and their scarred sides present various degrees of angle and declivity, according to the dip of the strata that forms them. some of the smaller ridges have their rocky backbone set up straight, forming a knife-like edge along which nothing but a squirrel could run. across them, breaking through the axis almost at right angles run some of the main arteries of the general drainage system; but the most important features of the country are the long lateral valleys between the ridges, the streams of which feed the main rivers. these are often 8 or 10 miles in width, with a flat alluvial bottom, and one may ride for mile after mile along the open plain with clay or sand spread out on either hand, and nothing but the distant wall of the hills flanking the long and endless route. some of these valleys are filled with a luxuriance of palm growth (the dates of panjgur, for instance, being famous), and it is this remarkable feature of long, lateral valleys which, through all the ages, has made of makran an avenue of approach to india from the west. the more important ranges lie to the north, facing the deserts of central baluchistan. it is in the solid phalanx of the coastal band of hills that the most marked adherence to the gridiron, or ridge and furrow formation, is to be found. exceptionally, out of this banded system arises some great mountain block forming a separate feature, such as is the massive crag-crowned cliff-lined block of malan, west of one of the most important rivers of makran (the hingol), to which reference has already been made. from it an arm stretches southwards to the sea, and forms a square-headed obstruction to traffic along the coast, which almost defeated the efforts of the indo-persian telegraph constructors when they essayed to carry a line across it, and did entirely defeat the intentions of alexander the great to conduct his army within sight of his indus-built fleet. it is within the folds of this mountain group that lies hidden that most ancient shrine of indo-persian worship, to which we have already referred in the story of alexander's retreat. it is the possibilities of makran as an intervening link in the route from europe to india which renders that country interesting at the present time, and it is therefore with a practical as well as historical interest that we take up the story of frontier exploration from the time when we first recognize the great commercial movements of the arab races, centuries after the disappearance of the last remnants of ancient explorations by assyrians, persians, and greeks. it is extraordinary how deep a veil of forgetfulness was drawn over southern baluchistan during this unrecorded interval. for a thousand years, from the withdrawal of alexander's attenuated force to the rise and spread of islam, we hear nothing of makran, and we are left to the traditions of the baluch tribes to fill up the gap in history. what the arabs made of mediæval makran as a gate of india may be briefly told. recent surveys have revealed their tracks, although we have no clear record of their earliest movements. we know, however, that there was an arab governor of makran long previous to the historical invasion of india in a.d. 712, and that there must have been strong commercial interest and considerable traffic before his time. arabia, indeed, had always been interested in makran, and amongst other relics of a long dead past are those huge stone constructions for water-storage purposes to which we have referred, and which must have been of very early arab (possibly himyaritic) building, as well as a host of legends and traditions, all pointing to successive waves of early tribal emigration, extending from the persian frontier to the lower arabius--the purali of our time. hajjaj, the governor of irak, under the kalif walid i., projected three simultaneous expeditions into asia for the advancement of the true faith. one was directed towards samarkand, one against the king of kabul, and the third was to operate directly on india through the heart of makran. the makran field force was organised in the first instance for the purpose of punishing certain karak and med pirates, who had plundered a valuable convoy sent by the ruler of ceylon to hajjaj and to the kalif. these karaks probably gave their names to the krokala of nearkhos, and the karachi of to-day, and have disappeared. the meds still exist. the expedition, which was placed under the command of an enterprising young general aged seventeen, named mahomed kasim, not only swept through makran easily and successfully, but ended by establishing mahomedan supremacy in the indus valley, and originated a form of government which, under various phases, lasted till mahmud of ghazni put an end to a degenerated form of it by ousting the karmatian rulers of multan in a.d. 1005. the original force which invaded sind under mahomed kasim, and which was drawn chiefly from syria and irak, consisted of 6000 camel-riders and 3000 infantry. in makran the arab governor (it is important to note that there was an arab governor of makran before that country became the high-road to india) added further reinforcements, and there was also a naval squadron, which conveyed catapults and ammunition by sea to the indus valley port of debal. it was with this small force that one of the most surprising invasions of india ever attempted was successfully carried through makran--a country hitherto deemed impracticable, and associated in previous history with nothing but tales of disaster. for long, however, we find that mahomed kasim had both the piratical meds, and the hardly less tractable jats (a skythic people still existing in the indus valley) in his train, and the news of his successes carried to damascus brought crowds of arab adventurers to follow his fortunes. when he left multan for the north, he is said to have had 50,000 men under his command. his subsequent career and tragic end are all matters of history. the points chiefly to note in this remarkable invasion are that the arab soldiers first engaged were chiefly recruited from syria; that, contrary to their usual custom, they brought none of their women with them; and that none of them probably ever returned to their country again. elliott tells us of the message sent them by the savage kalif suliman: "sow and sweat, for none of you will ever see syria again." what, then, became of all these first arab conquerors of western india? they must have taken persian-speaking wives of the stock of makran and baluchistan, and their children, speaking their mother-tongue, lost all knowledge of their fathers' language in the course of a few generations. there are many such instances of the rapid disappearance of a language in the east. for three centuries, then, whilst a people of arab descent ruled in sind, there existed through makran one of the great highways of the world, a link between west and east such as has never existed elsewhere on the indian border, save, perhaps, through the valley of the kabul river and its affluents. along this highway flowed the greater part of the mighty trade of india, a trade which has never failed to give commercial predominance to that country which held the golden key to it, whether that key has been in the hands of arab, turk, venetian, portuguese, or englishman. and though there are traces of a rapid decline in the mediæval prosperity of makran after the commencement of the eleventh century, yet its comparative remoteness in geographical position saved it subsequently from the ruthless destruction inflicted by turk and tartar in more accessible regions, and left to it cities worth despoiling even in the days of portuguese supremacy. it is only lately that makran has lapsed again into a mere geographical expression. twenty years ago our maps told us nothing about it. it might have been, and was, for all practical purposes, as unexplored and unknown as the forests of africa. now, however, we have found that makran is a country of great topographical interest as well as of stirring history. and when we come to the days of arab ascendency, when arab merchants settled in the country; when good roads with well-marked stages were established; when, fortunately for geography, certain western commercial travellers, following, _longo intervallo_, the example of the chinese pilgrims--men such as ibn haukal of baghdad, or istakhri of persepolis--first set to work to reduce geographical discovery to systematic compilation, we can take their books and maps in our hands, and verify their statements as we read. it is true that they copied a good deal from each other, and that their manner of writing geographical names was obscure, and leaves a good deal to be desired--a fault, by the way, from which the maps of to-day are not entirely free--yet they are on the whole as much more accurate than the early greek geographers as the area of their observations is more restricted. we may say that makran and sind are perhaps more fully treated of by arab geographers than any other portion of the globe by the geographers who preceded them; and as their details are more perfect, so, for the most part, is the identification of those details rendered comparatively easy by the nature of the country and its physical characteristics. with the exception of the coast-line the topography of makran to-day is the topography of makran in alexandrian days. this is very different indeed from the uncertain character of the indus valley mediæval geography. there the extraordinary hydrographical changes that have taken place; the shifting of the great river itself from east to west, dependent on certain recognized natural laws; the drying up and total disappearance of ancient channels and river-beds; the formation of a delta, and the ever-varying alterations in the coast-line (due greatly to monsoon influences), leave large tracts almost unrecognizable as described in mediæval literature. makran is, for the most part, a country of hills. its valleys are narrow and sharply defined; its mountains only passable at certain well-known points, which must have been as definite before the christian era as they are to-day; and it is consequently comparatively easy to follow up a clue to any main route passing through that country. makran is, in short, a country full of long narrow valleys running east and west, the longest and most important being the valley of kej. the main drainage of the country reaches the sea by a series of main channels running south, which, inasmuch as they are driven almost at right angles across the general run of the watersheds, necessarily pass through a series of gorges of most magnificent proportions, which are far more impressive as spectacles than they are convenient for practical road-making. thus makran is very much easier to traverse from east to west than it is from north to south. i have, perhaps, said enough to indicate that the old highways through makran, however much they may have assisted trade and traffic between east and west, could only have been confined to very narrow limits indeed. it is, in fact, almost a one-road country. given the key, then, to open the gates of such channels of communication as exist, there is no difficulty in following them up, and the identification of successive stages becomes merely a matter of local search. we know where the old arab cities _must_ have been, and we have but to look about to find their ruins. the best key, perhaps, to this mediæval system is to be found in a map given by the baghdad traveller, ibn haukal, who wrote his account of makran early in the tenth century, and though this map leaves much to be desired in clearness and accuracy, it is quite sufficient to give us the clue we require at first starting. in the written geographical accounts of the country, we labour under the disadvantage of possessing no comparative standard of distance. the arab of mediæval days described the distance to be traversed between one point and another much as the bedou describes it now. it is so many days' journey. occasionally, indeed, we find a compiler of more than usual precision modifying his description of a stage as a long day's journey, or a short one. but such instances are rare, and a day's journey appears to be literally just so much as could conveniently be included in a day's work, with due regard to the character of the route traversed. across an open desert a day's journey may be as much as 80 miles. between the cities of a well-populated district it may be much less. taking an average from all known distances, it is between 40 and 50 miles. nor is it always explained whether the day's journey is by land or sea, the unit "a day's journey" being the distance traversed independent of the means of transit. in ibn haukal's map, although we have very little indication of comparative distance, we have a rough idea of bearings, and the invaluable datum of a fixed starting-point that can be identified beyond doubt. the great arab port on the makran coast, sometimes even called the capital of makran, was tiz; and tiz is a well-known coast village to this day. about 100 miles west of the port of gwadur there is a convenient and sheltered harbour for coast shipping, and on the shores of it there was a telegraph station of the persian gulf line called charbar. the telegraph station occupied the extremity of the eastern horn of the bay, and was separated inland by some few miles of sandy waste from a low band of coarse conglomerate hills, which conceal amongst them a narrow valley, containing all that is left of the ancient port of tiz. if you take a boat from charbar point, and, coasting up the bay, land at the mouth of this valley, you will first of all be confronted by a picturesque little persian fort perched on the rocks on either hand, and absolutely blocking the entrance to the valley. this fort was built, or at least renewed, in the days of general sir f. goldsmid's seistan mission, to emphasize the fact that the persian government claimed that valley for its own. about a mile above the fort there exists a squalid little fishing village, the inhabitants of which spend their spare moments (and they have many of them) in making those palm mats which enter so largely into the house architecture of the coast villages, as they sit beneath the shade of one or two remarkably fine "banian" trees. the valley is narrow and close, and the ruins of tiz, extending on both sides the village, are packed close together in enormous heaps of debris, so covered with broken pottery as to suggest the idea that the inhabitants of old tiz must have once devoted themselves entirely to the production of ceramic art ware. every heavy shower of rain washes out fragments of new curiosities in glass and china. here may be found large quantities of an antique form of glass, the secret of the manufacture of which has (according to venetian experts) long passed away, only to be lately rediscovered. it takes the shape of bangles chiefly, and in this form may be dug up in almost any of the recognized sites of ancient coast towns along the makran and persian coasts. it is apparently of egyptian origin, and was brought to the coast in arab ships. here also is to be found much of a special class of pottery, of very fine texture, and usually finished with a light sage-green glaze, which appears to me to be peculiarly arabic, but of which i have yet to learn the full history. it is well known in afghanistan, where it is said to possess the property of detecting poison by cracking under it, but even there it is no modern importation. this is the celadon to which reference has already been made. the rocky cliffs on either side the valley are honey-combed with mahomedan tombs, and the face of every flat-spaced eminence is scarred with them. a hundred generations of moslems are buried there. the rocky declivities which hedge in this remarkable site may give some clue to the yet more ancient name of talara which this place once bore. talar in baluchi bears the signification of a rocky band of cliffs or hills. the obvious reason why the port of tiz was chosen for the point of debarkation for india is that, in addition to the general convenience of the harbour, the monsoon winds do not affect the coast so far west. at seasons when the indus delta and the port of debal were rendered unapproachable, tiz was an easy port to gain. there must have been a considerable local trade, too, between the coast and the highly cultivated, if restricted, valleys of northern makran, and it is more than probable that tiz was the port for the commerce of seistan in its most palmy days. from tiz to kiz (or kej, which is reckoned as the first big city on the road to india in mediæval geography) was, according to istakhri and idrisi, a five-days' journey. kiz is doubtless synonymous with kej, but the long straight valley of that name which leads eastwards towards india has no town now which exactly corresponds to the name of the valley. the distance between tiz and the kej district is from 160 to 170 miles. no actual ruined site can be pointed out as yet marking the position of kiz, or (as idrisi writes it) kirusi, but it must have been in the close neighbourhood of kalatak, where, indeed, there is ample room for further close investigation amongst surrounding ruins. about the city, we may note from idrisi that it was nearly as large as multan, and was the largest city in makran. "palm trees are plentiful, and there is a large trade," says our author, who adds that it is two long days' journey west of the city of firabuz. from all the varied forms which arab geographical names can assume owing to omission of diacritical marks in writing, this place, firabuz, has perhaps suffered most. the most correct reading of it would probably be kanazbun, and this is the form adopted by elliott, who conjectures that kanazbun was situated near the modern panjgur. from kej to panjgur is not less than 110 miles, a very long two-days' journey. yet istakhri supports idrisi (if, indeed, he is not the original author of the statement) that it is two days' journey from kiz to kanazbun. this would lead one to place kanazbun elsewhere than in the panjgur district, more especially as that district lies well to the north of the direct road to india, were it not for local evidence that the fertile and flourishing panjgur valley must certainly be included somehow in the mediæval geographical system, and that the conditions of khafila traffic in mediæval times were such as to preclude the possibility of the more direct route being utilized. to explain this fully would demand a full explanation also of the physical geography of eastern makran. i have no doubt whatever that sir h. elliott is right in his conjecture, and that amongst the many relics of ancient civilization which are to be found in panjgur is the site of kanazbun. kanazbun was in existence long before the arab invasion of sind. the modern fort of kudabandan probably represents the site of that more ancient fort which was built by the usurper chach of sind, when he marched through makran to fix its further boundaries about the beginning of the mahomedan era. kanazbun was a very large city indeed. "it is a town," says idrisi, "of which the inhabitants are rich. they carry on a great trade. they are men of their word, enemies of fraud, and they are generous and hospitable." panjgur, i may add, is a delightfully green spot amongst many other green spots in makran. it is not long ago that we had a small force cantoned there to preserve law and order in that lawless land. there appeared to be but one verdict on the part of the officers who lived there, and that verdict was all in its favour. in this particular, panjgur is probably unique amongst frontier outposts. the next important city on the road to sind was armail, armabel, or karabel, now, without doubt, las bela. from kudabandan to las bela is from 170 to 180 miles, and there is considerable variety of opinion as to the number of days that were to be occupied in traversing the distance. istakhri says that from kiz to armail is six days' journey. deduct the two from kiz to kanazbun, and the distance between kanazbun and armail is four days. ibn haukal makes it fourteen marches from kanazbun to the port of debal, and as he reckons armail to be six from debal on the kanazbun road, we get a second estimate of eight days' journey. idrisi says that from manhabari to firabuz is six marches, and we know otherwise that from manhabari to armail was four, so the third estimate gives us two days' journey. istakhri's estimate is more in accordance with the average that we find elsewhere, and he is the probable author of the original statements. but doubtless the number of days occupied varied with the season and the amount of supplies procurable. there were villages _en route_, and many halting-places. the _ashkalu l' bilad_ of ibn haukal says: "villages of dahuk and kalwan are contiguous, and are between labi and armail"; from which elliott conjectures that labi was synonymous with kiz. idrisi states that "between kiz and armail two districts touch each other, rahun and kalwan." i should be inclined to suggest that the districts of dashtak and kolwah are those referred to. they are contiguous, and they may be said to be between kiz and armail, though it would be more exact to place them between kanazbun and armail. kolwah is a well-cultivated district lying to the south of the river, which in its upper course is known as the lob. i should conjecture that this may be the labi referred to by ibn haukal. the city of armail, armabel (sometimes karabel), or las bela, is of great historic interest. from the very earliest days of historical record armail, by right of its position commanding the high-road to india, must have been of great importance. las bela is but the modern name derived from the influx of the las or lumri tribe of rajputs. it is at present but an insignificant little town, picturesquely perched on the banks of the purali river, but in its immediate neighbourhood is a veritable _embarras de richesse_ in ancient sites. eleven miles north-west of las bela, at gondakahar, are the ruins of a very ancient city, which at first sight appear to carry us back to the pre-mahomedan era of arab occupation, when the country was peopled by arabii, and the arab flag was paramount on the high seas. not far from them are the caves of gondrani, about which there is no room for conjecture, for they are clearly buddhist, as can be told from their construction. we know from the chachnama of sind that in the middle of the eighth century the province of las bela was part of a buddhist kingdom, which extended from armabel to the modern province of gandava in sind. the great trade mart for the buddhists on the frontier was a place called kandabel, which elliott identifies with gandava, the capital of the province of kach gandava. it is, however, associated in the chachnama with kandahar, the expression "kandabel, that is, kandahar" being used, an expression which elliott condemns for its inaccuracy, as he recognizes but the one kandahar, which is in afghanistan. it happens that there is a kandahar, or gandahar, in kach gandava, and there are ruins enough in the neighbourhood to justify the suspicion that this was after all the original kandabel rather than the modern town of gandava. the capital of this ancient buddha--or buddhiya--kingdom i believe to have been armabel rather than kandabel, it being at armabel that chach found a buddhist priest reigning in the year a.h. 2, when he passed through. the curious association of names, and the undoubted buddhist character of the gondrani caves, would lead one to assign a buddhist origin also to the neighbouring ruins of gondakahar (or gandakahar) only that direct evidence from the ruins themselves is at present wanting to confirm this conjecture. they require far closer investigation than has been found possible in the course of ordinary survey operations. the country lying between las bela and kach gandava is occupied at present by a most troublesome section of the dravidian brahuis, who call themselves mingals, or mongols, and who possibly may be a mongolian graft on the dravidian stock. they may prove to be modern representatives of the old buddhist population of this land, but their objection to political control has hitherto debarred us from even exploring their country, although it is immediately on our own borders. about 8 miles north of las bela are the ruins of a comparatively recent arab settlement, but they do not appear to be important. it is probable that certain other ruins, about 1½ miles east of the town, called karia pir, represent the latest mediæval site, the site which was adopted after the destruction of the older city by mahomed kasim on his way to invade sind. karia pir is full of arabic coins and pottery. so many invasions of india have been planned with varied success by the kalifs of baghdad since the first invasion in the days of omar i. in a.d. 644, till the time of the final occupation of sind in the time of the sixth kalif walid, about a.d. 712, that there is no difficulty in accounting for the varied sites and fortunes of any city occupying so important a strategical position as bela. from armail we have a two-days' march assigned by istakhri and idrisi as the distance to the town of kambali, or yusli, towards india. these two places have, in consequence of their similarity in position, become much confused, and it has been assumed by some scholars that they are identical. but they are clearly separated in ibn haukal's map, and it is, in fact, the question only of which of two routes towards india is selected that will decide which of the two cities will be found on the road. there is (and always must have been) a choice of routes to the ancient port of debal after passing the city of armail. that route which led through yusli in all probability passed by the modern site of uthal. close to this village the unmistakable ruins of a considerable arab town have been found, and i have no hesitation in identifying them as those of yusli. about kambali, too, there can be very little doubt. there are certain well-known ruins called khairokot not far to the west of the village of liari. we know from mediæval description that kambali was close to the sea, and the sea shaped its coast-line in mediæval days so as nearly to touch the site called khairokot. even now, under certain conditions of tide, it is possible to reach liari in a coast fishing-boat, although the process of land formation at the head of the sonmiani bay is proceeding so fast that, on the other hand, it is occasionally impossible even to reach the fishing village of sonmiani itself. the ruins of khairokot are so extensive, and yield such large evidences of arab occupation that a place must certainly be found for them in the mediæval system. kambali appears to be the only possible solution to the problem, although it was somewhat off the direct road between armail and debal. from either of these towns we have a six-days' journey to debal, passing two other cities _en route_, viz. manabari and the "small but populous town of khur." the manhanari of istakhri, manbatara of ibn haukal, or manabari of idrisi, again confronts us with the oft-repeated difficulty of two places with similar names, there being no one individual site which will answer all the descriptions given. general haig has shown that there was in all probability a manjabari on the old channel of the indus, nearly opposite the famous city of mansura, some 40 miles north-east of the modern hyderabad, which will answer certain points of arabic description; but he shows conclusively that this could not be the manhabari of ibn haukal and idrisi, which was two days' journey from debal on the road to armail. as we have now decided what direction that road must have taken, after accepting general haig's position for debal, and bearing in mind idrisi's description of the town as "built in a hollow," with fountains, springs, and gardens around it, there seems to me but little doubt that the site of the ancient manhabari is to be found near that resort of all karachi holiday-makers called mugger pir. here the sacred alligators are kept, and hence the recognized name; but the real name of the place, divested of its vulgar attributes, is manga, or manja pir. the affix pir is common throughout the bela district, and is a modern introduction. the position of mugger pir, with its encircling walls of hills, its adjacent hot springs and gardens (so rare as to be almost unique in this part of the country), its convenient position with respect to the coast, and, above all, its interesting architectural remains, mark it unmistakably as that manhabari of idrisi which was two days' march from debal. whether manhabari can be identified with that ancient capital of indo-skythia spoken of by ptolemy and the author of the _periplus_ as minagar, or binagar, may be open to question, though there are a good many points about it which appear to meet the description given by more ancient geographers. the question is too large to enter on now, but there is certainly reason to think that such identification may be found possible. the small but populous town of khur has left some apparent records of its existence near the malir waterworks of karachi, where there is a very fine group of arab tombs in a good state of preservation. there is a village called khair marked on the map not far from this position, and the actual site of the old town cannot be far from it, although i have not had the opportunity of identifying it. it is directly on the road connecting debal with manhabari. with manhabari and khur our tale of buried cities closes in this direction. we have but to add that general haig identifies debal with a ruin-covered site 20 miles south-west of thatta, and about 45 miles east-south-east of karachi. all these ancient cities eastwards from makran are associated with one very interesting feature. somewhat apart from the deserted and hardly recognizable ruins of the cities are groups of remarkable tombs, constructed of stone, and carved with a most minute beauty of design, which is so well preserved as to appear almost fresh from the hands of the sculptor. these tombs are locally known as "khalmati." invariably placed on rising ground, with a fair command of the surrounding landscape, they are the most conspicuous witnesses yet remaining of the nature of the saracenic style of decorative art which must have beautified those early cities. the cities themselves have long since passed away, but these stone records of dead citizens still remain to illustrate, if but with a feeble light, one of the darkest periods in the history of indian architecture. these remains are most likely khalmati (_not_ karmati) and belong to an arab race who were once strong in sind and who came from the makran coast at khalmat. the karmatians were not builders. we have so far only dealt with that route to india which combined a coasting voyage in arab ships with an overland journey which was obviously performed on a camel, or the days' stages could never have been accomplished. but the number of cities in western makran and kirman which still exist under their mediæval names, and which are thickly surrounded with evidences of their former wealth and greatness, certifies to a former trade through persia to india which could have been nowise inferior to that from the shores of arabia or egypt. indeed, the overland route to india through persia and makran was probably one of the best trodden trade routes that the world has ever seen. it is almost unnecessary to enumerate such names as darak, bih, band, kasrkand, asfaka, and fahalfahra (all of which are to be found in ibn haukal's map), and to point out that they are represented in modern geography by dizak, geh, binth, kasrkand, asfaka, and bahu kalat. degenerated and narrowed as they now are, there are still evidences written large enough in surrounding ruins to satisfy the investigator of the reality and greatness of their past; whilst the present nature of the routes which connect them by river and mountain is enough to prove that they never could have been of small account in the arab geographical system. one city in this part of makran is, i confess, something of a riddle to me still. rasak is ever spoken of by arab geographers as the city of "schismatics." there is, indeed, a rasak on the sarbaz river road to bampur, which might be strained to fit the position assigned it in arab geography; but it is now a small and insignificant village, and apparently could never have been otherwise. there is no room there for a city of such world-wide fame as the ancient headquarters of heresy must have been--a city which served usefully as a link between the heretics of persia and those of sind. istakhri says that rasak is two days' journey from fahalfahra (which there is good reason for believing to be bahu kalat), but idrisi makes it a three-days' journey from that place, and three days from darak, so that it should be about half-way between them. now, darak can hardly be other than dizak, which is described by the same authority as three days' journey from firabuz (_i.e._ kanazbun). it is also said to have been a populous town, and south-west of it was "a high mountain called the mountain of salt." south-west of dizak are the highest mountains in makran, called the bampusht koh, and there is enough salt in the neighbourhood to justify the geographer's description. it may also be said to be three days' journey from kanazbun. somewhere about half-way between dizak and bahu kalat is the important town of sarbaz, and from a description of contiguous ruins which has been given by mr. e. a. wainwright, of the survey department (to whom i am indebted for most of the makran identifications), i am inclined to place the ancient rasak at sarbaz rather than in the position which the modern name would apply to it. it is rather significant that ibn haukal omits rasak altogether from his map. its importance may be estimated from idrisi's description of it taken from the translation given by elliott in the first volume of his history of india: "the inhabitants of rasak are schismatics. their territory is divided into two districts, one called al kharij, and the other kir" (or kiz) "kaian. sugar-cane is much cultivated, and a considerable trade is carried on in a sweetmeat called 'faniz,' which is made here.... the territory of maskan joins that of kirman." maskan is probably represented by mashkel at the present day, mashkel being the best date-growing district in southern baluchistan. it adjoins kirman, and produces dates of such excellent quality that they compare favourably with the best products of the euphrates. idrisi's description of this part of western makran continues thus: "the inhabitants have a great reputation for courage. they have date-trees, camels, cereals, and the fruit of cold countries." he then gives a table of distances, from which we can roughly estimate the meaning of "a day's journey." after stating that fahalfahra, asfaka, band, and kasrkand are dependencies of makran which resemble each other in point of size and extent of their trade, he goes on to say, "fahalfahra to rasak two days." (istakhri makes it three days, the distance from bahu kalat to sarbaz being about 80 miles.) "from fahalfahra to asfaka two days." (this is almost impossible, the distance being about 160 miles, and the route passing through several large towns.) "from asfaka to band one day towards the west." (this is about 45 miles south-west rather than west.) "from asfaka to darak three days." (150 to 160 miles according to the route taken.) "from band to kasrkand one day." (about 70 miles, passing through bih or geh, which is not mentioned.) "from kasrkand to kiz four days." this is not much over 150 miles, and is the most probable estimate of them all. it is possible, of course, that from 70 to 80 miles may have been covered on a good camel within the limits of twenty-four hours. such distances in arabia are not uncommon, but we are not here dealing with an absolutely desert district, devoid of water. on the contrary, halting-places must have always been frequent and convenient. i cannot leave this corner of makran without a short reference to what lay beyond to the north-west, on the kirman border, as it appears to me that one or two geographical riddles of mediæval days have recently been cleared up by the results of our explorations. idrisi says that "tubaran is near fahraj, which belongs to kirman. it is a well-fortified town, and is situated on the banks of a river of the same name, which are cultivated and fertile. from hence to fardan, a commercial town, the environs of which are well populated, four days. kir kaian lies to the west of fardan, on the road to tubaran. the country is well populated and very fertile. the vine grows here and various sorts of fruit trees, but the palm is not to be found." elsewhere he states that "from mansuria to tubaran about fifteen days"; and again, "from tubaran to multan, on the borders of sind, ten days." here there is clearly the confusion which so constantly arises from the repetition of place-names in different localities. multan and mansuria are well-known or well-identified localities, and turan was an equally well-recognized district of lower sind, of which khozdar was the capital. turan may well be reckoned as ten days from multan, or fifteen from mansuria, but hardly the tubaran, about which such a detailed and precise description is given. there are two places called indifferently fahraj, pahrag, pahra, or pahura, both of which are in the kirman district; one, which is shown in st. john's map of persia, is not very far from regan, in the narmashir province, and is surrounded far and wide with ruins. it has been identified by st. john as the pahra of arrian, the capital of gadrosia, where alexander rested after his retreat through makran. the other is some 16 miles east of bampur, to the north-west of sarbaz. both are on the banks of a river, "cultivated and fertile"; both are the centres of an area of ruins extending for miles; both must find a place in mediæval geography. for many reasons, into which i cannot fully enter, i am inclined to place the pahra of arrian in the site near bampur. it suits the narrative in many particulars better than does the pahra identified with fahraj by st. john. the latter, i have very little doubt, is the fahraj of idrisi, and the town of tubaran was not far from it. fardan may well have been either bampur itself (a very ancient town) or pahra, 16 miles to the east of it; and between fardan and fahraj lay the district of kir (or kiz) kaian, which has been stated to be a district of rasak. "on tubaran," says idrisi, "are dependent mahyak, kir kaian, sura" (? suza), "fardan" (? bampur or pahra), "kashran" (? khasrin), "and masurjan. masurjan is a well-peopled commercial town surrounded with villages on the banks of the tubaran, from which town it is 42 miles distant. masurjan to darak yamuna 141 miles, darak yamuna to firabuz 175 miles." if we take regan to represent the old city of masurjan, and yakmina as the modern representative of darak yamuna, we shall find idrisi's distances most surprisingly in accordance with modern mapping. regan is about 40 miles from fahraj, and the other distances, though not accurate of course, are much more approximately correct than could possibly have been expected from the generality of idrisi's compilation. i cannot, however, now open up a fresh chapter on mediæval geography in persia. it is makran itself to which i wish to draw attention. in our thirst for trans-frontier knowledge farther north and farther west, we have somewhat overlooked this very remarkable country. idrisi commences his description with the assertion that "makran is a vast country, mostly desert." we have not altogether found it so. it is true that the voyager who might be condemned to coast his way from the gulf of oman to the port of karachi in the hot weather, might wonder what of beauty, wealth, or even interest, could possibly lie beyond that brazen coast washed by that molten sea; might well recall the agonies of thirst endured during the greek retreat; might think of the lost armies of cyrus and simiramis; and whilst his eye could not fail to be impressed with the grand outlines of those bold headlands which guard the coast, his nose would be far more rudely reminded of the unpleasant proximity of ichthyophagi than delighted by soft odours of spikenard or myrrh. and yet, for century after century, the key to the golden gate of indian commerce lay behind those makran hills. beyond those square-headed bluffs and precipices, hidden amongst the serrated lines of jagged ridges, was the high-road to wealth and fame, where passed along not only many a rich khafila loaded with precious merchandise, but many a stout array of troops besides. those citizens of makran who "loved fair dealing, who were men of their word, and enemies to fraud," who welcomed the lagging khafila, or sped on their way the swift camel-mounted soldiers of arabia, could have little dreamed that for centuries in the undeveloped future, when trade should pass over the high seas round the southern coast of africa, and the western infidel should set his hated foot on eastern shores, makran should sink out of sight and into such forgetfulness by the world, that eventually this ancient land of the sun should become something less well known than those mountains of the moon in which lay the far-off sources of the egyptian nile. yet it is not at all impossible that makran may once again rise to significance in indian councils. men's eyes have been so much turned to the proximity of russia and russian railways to the indian frontier that they have hardly taken into serious consideration the problems of the future, which deal with the direct connection overland between india and europe other than those which touch seistan or herat. that such connection will finally eventuate either through seistan or herat (or through both) no one who has any appreciation of the power of commercial interests to overcome purely military or political objections will doubt; but meanwhile it may be more than interesting to prove that a line through persia is quite a practicable scheme, although it would not be practicable on any alignment that has as yet been suggested. it would not be practicable by following the coast, for instance. it would be useless to link up teheran with mashad, unless the seistan line were adopted in extension; and the proposal to join ispahan to seistan through central persia would involve such a lengthening of the route to india as would seriously discount its value. the only solution of the difficulty is through makran to karachi. military nervousness would thus be met by the fact that russia could make no use of such a line for purposes of invasion, inasmuch as it would be commanded and protected from the sea. political difficulties with afghanistan would be absolutely avoided by a persian line. whether that would be better than a final agreement with russia based on mutual interest, which would certainly make strongly for the peace of our borders, is another question. i am only concerned just now in illustrating the geography of makran and pointing out its facilities as a land of possible routes to india, and in showing how the exploration of baluchistan and of western india was secured in mediæval times by means of these routes. it will, then, be interesting to note that at the eastern extremity of makran, dovetailed between the makran hills as they sweep off with a curve westward and our sind frontier hills as they continue their general strike southwards, is the little state of las bela. the mountain conformation which encloses it makes the flat alluvial portion of the state triangular in shape, and from the apex of the triangle to the sea runs a river now known as the purali, which in ancient times was called the arabis from the early arab occupation of the region. there are relics of apparent arabic origin which, independently of greek records, testify to a very early interest in this corner of the indian borderland. las bela has a history which is not without interest. it has been a buddhist centre, and the caves of gondakahar near by testify to the ascetic fervour of the buddhist priesthood. the grave of one of the greatest of frontier political leaders, sir robert sandeman, lies near this little capital. already it forms an object of devotional pilgrimage through all the sind countryside. possibly once again it may happen that las bela will be a wayside resting-place on the road to india, as it has undoubtedly been in the centuries of the past. it is not difficult to reach las bela from karachi by following the modern telegraph line. there are no great physical obstacles interposed to make the way thorny for the slow-moving train of a khafila, and where camels can take their stately way there the more lively locomotive can follow. should the railway from central persia (let us say ispahan) ever extend its iron lines to las bela, it will make little of the rest of its extension to karachi. it is the actual physical arrangement of makran topography only which really matters; and here we are but treading in the footsteps of the ubiquitous arab when first he made his way south-eastward from arabia, or from syria, to the indian frontier. he could, and he did, pass from the plateau of persia into the very heart of makran without encountering the impediment of a single difficult pass. although the chief trade route of the arabs to india was not through persia, but by way of the sea in coasting vessels, it is probable that both arabs and persians before them made good use of the geographical opportunities offered for an approach to the indus valley and northern india, and that the central line of persian approach through makran had been a world-old route for centuries. it is really a delightful route to follow, full of the interest of magnificent scenery and of varied human existence, and it is the telegraph route from ispahan to panjgur in makran. with the initial process of reaching ispahan, whether through the kurdistan hills from baghdad by way of kermanshah and the ancient town of hamadan to kum (the mountain road selected for the telegraph line), or whether from teheran to kum and thence by kashan (a line not so replete with hills), we have no concern. this part of persia now falls by agreement under the influence of russia, and it is only by further agreement with russia that this link in any european connection could be forged. but from ispahan to karachi one may still look over the wide uplands of the persian plateau and imagine, if we please, that it is for england to take her share in the development of these ancient highways into a modern railway. ispahan is 5300 feet above sea-level, and from ispahan one never descends to a lower level than 3000 feet till one enters makran. as ispahan lies in a wide valley separated by a continuous line of flanking hills from the main high road of central persia, which connects teheran and kashan with kirman, passing through yezd, it is necessary to cross this intervening divide in order to reach yezd. there is a waterway through the hills, near taft, a little to the south-west of yezd which meets this difficulty. from yezd onwards to the south-west of kirman, bam, and the populous plains of narmashir and regan, the road is never out of sight of mountains, the long lines of the persian ranges flanking it north and south culminating in the magnificent peak of the koh-i-basman, but leaving a wide space between unhindered by passes or rivers. from narmashir the modern telegraph passes off north-eastward to seistan, and from there follows the new trade route to nushki and quetta. it is probable that through all ages this palpable method of circumventing the dasht-i-lut (the kirman desert) by skirting it on the south was adopted by travellers seeking seistan and kandahar. there is, however, the difficulty of a formidable band of mountains skirting the desert seistan, which would be a difficulty to railway construction. from regan to bampur and panjgur the normal and most convenient mountain conformation (although the ranges close in and the valleys narrow) points an open way, with no obstacle to bar the passage even of a motor; but after leaving bampur on the east there is a divide (of about 4000 to 5000 feet) to be crossed before dropping into the final system of mashkhel drainage, which leads straight on to panjgur, kalat, and quetta. early arab commercial explorers did not usually make this detour to quetta in order to reach the indus delta country, nor should we, if we wished to take the shortest line and the easiest through persia to karachi or bombay. much depends on the objective in india. calcutta may be reached from the indus valley by the north-western lines on the normal indian gauge, or it may be reached through the rajputana system on the metre gauge. but for the latter system and for bombay, karachi becomes our objective. to reach karachi _via_ seistan and quetta would add at least 500 unnecessary miles to our route from central persia, an amount which equals the total distance between the present russian terminus of the transcaspian line at kushk and our own indian terminus at new chaman. a direct through line from panjgur to karachi by the old arab caravan route, within striking distance from the sea, would apparently outflank not only all political objections, but would satisfy those military objectors who can only see in a railway the opportunity for invasion of india. chapter ix earliest english exploration--christie and pottinger the arabs of the mediæval period, whose footsteps we have been endeavouring to trace, were after their fashion true geographers and explorers. true that with them the process of empire-making was usually a savage process in the first instance, followed by the peaceable extension of commercial interests. trade with them (as with us) followed the flag, and the semitic instinct for making the most of a newly-acquired property was ever the motive for wider exploration. with the chinese, during the buddhist period, the ecstatic bliss of pilgrimage, and the acquirement of special sanctity, were the motive power of extraordinary energies; but with this difference of impulse the result was much the same. arab trader and chinese pilgrim alike gave to the world a new record, a record of geographical fact which, simple and unscientific as it might be, was yet a true revelation for the time being. but when buddhism had become a memory, and arab domination had ceased to regulate the affairs of the indus valley; when the devastating hordes of the mongol swept through afghanistan to the plains of india, geographical record no longer formed part of the programme, and exploration found no place in the scheme of conquest. the mongol and the turk were not geographers, such as were the chinese pilgrim and the arab, and one gets little or nothing from either of geographical record, in spite of the abundance of their historical literature and the really high standard of literary attainment enjoyed by many of the turk leaders. that truly delightful historical personage babar, for instance, "the adventurer," the founder of the turk dynasty in india, good-looking, intellectual, possessed of great ability as a soldier, endowed with true artistic temperament as painter, poet, and author, the man who has left to all subsequent ages an autobiography which is almost unique in its power of presenting to the mind of its reader the impression of a "whole, real, live, human being," with all his faults and his fancies, his affections and aspirations, was apparently unimpressed with the value of dull details of geography. he can say much about the human interests of the scenes of his wanderings; he can describe landscape and climate, flowers and fruits (especially melons); but though he doubtless possessed the true bandit's instinct for local topography (which must, indeed, have been very necessary in many of the episodes of his remarkable career) he makes no systematic attempt to place before us a clear notion of the geographical conditions of afghanistan as they existed in his time. his literary cousin haidar is far more useful as a geographer. to him we owe something more than a vague outline of the elusive kingdom of bolar and the limits of kafiristan, but he merely touches on afghanistan in its connection with tibet, and says little of the country with which we are now immediately concerned. the one pre-eminent european traveller of the thirteenth century (1272-73), the immortal marco polo, hardly touched afghanistan. he and his kinsmen passed by the high valleys of vardos and wakhan on their way to kashgar and cathay, but his geographical information is so vague as to render it difficult (until the surveys of these regions were completed) to trace his footsteps. the raid of taimur into kafiristan early in the fifteenth century, when it is said that he reached najil from the khawak pass over the hindu kush, will be referred to again in dealing with masson's narrative; but even to this day it is doubtful how far he succeeded in penetrating into kafiristan, although the geographical inference of a practicable military line of communication between andarab and the head of the alingar river is certain. three hundred and thirty years after polo's journey another european traveller passed through badakshan and across the pamirs. this was the lay jesuit, benedict goës, a true geographer, bent on the exploration of cathay and the reconnaissance of its capabilities as a mission field. he crossed the parwan pass of the hindu kush from kabul to badakshan and journeyed thence to yarkand; but he did not survive to tell his story in sufficient detail to leave intelligible geography. we find practically no useful geographical records of afghanistan during many centuries of its turbulent history, so that from the time of arab commercial enterprise to the days of our forefathers in india, when afghanistan began to loom large on the political horizon as a factor in our relations with russia and it became all important to know of what afghanistan consisted, there is little to collect from the pages of its turbid history which can fairly rank as a record of geographical exploration. it took a long time to awaken an intelligent interest in trans-indus geography in the minds of india's british administrators. but for russia it is possible that it would have remained unawakened still; but early in the nineteenth century the shadow of russia began to loom over the north-western horizon, and it became unpleasantly obvious that if we did not concern ourselves with afghan politics, and secure some knowledge of afghan territory, our northern neighbours would not fail to secure the advantages of early action. it is strange to recall the fact that we are indebted to the emperor napoleon buonaparte for the first exploration made by british officers into the trans-frontier regions of afghanistan and baluchistan in british political interests. nearly a century ago (in 1810) the uneasiness created by the ambitious schemes of that most irrepressible military freebooter resulted in the nomination of two officers of bombay infantry to investigate the countries lying to the west of what was then british india, with a view to ascertaining the possibilities of invasion. the punjab and sind intervened between british india and the hinterland of the frontier, and their independence and jealous suspicion of the expansive tendency of the british raj added greatly to the difficulties and the risks of any such trans-frontier enterprise. the bombay infantry has ever been a sort of nursery for explorers of the best and most famous type, and the two young gentlemen selected for this remarkable exploit were worthy forerunners of burton and speke. the traditions of intelligence service may almost be said to have been founded by them. the rule of exploration a century ago admitted of no elaborate preparation: a knowledge of the languages to be encountered was the one acquisition which was deemed indispensable; and there can be little doubt that the knowledge of oriental tongues was an advantage which in those days very rapidly led to distinction. it was probably less widespread but much more thorough than it is at present. captain christie and lieutenant pottinger started fair in the characters which they meant to assume during their travels. they embarked as natives in a native ship, and from the very outset they found it necessary to play up to their disguise. the port of sonmiani on the north-eastern shores of the arabian sea was the objective in the first instance, and the rôle of horse-dealers in the service of a bombay firm was the part they elected to play. how far it really imposed on baluch or afghan it is difficult to say. one cannot but recollect that when another gallant officer in later years assumed this disguise on the persian frontier, he was regarded as a harmless but eccentric european, who injured nobody by the assumption of an expert knowledge which he did not possess. he was known locally for years after his travels had ceased as the english officer who "called himself" a horse-dealer. sonmiani was a more important port a century ago than it is now that karachi has absorbed the trade of the indus coast; but even then the mud flats which render the village so unapproachable from the coast were in process of formation, and it was only with favourable conditions of tide that this wretched and long overlooked little seaport could be reached. sonmiani, however, may yet again rise to distinction, for it is a notable fact that the facility for reaching the interior of baluchistan and the afghan frontier by this route, which facility decided its selection by christie and pottinger, is no less nowadays than it was then. the explanation of it lies in the fact that the route practically turns the frontier hills. it follows the extraordinary alignment of their innumerable folds, passing between them from valley to valley instead of breaking crudely across the backbone of the system, and slips gently into the flat places of the plateau land which stretch from kharan to kandahar. the more obvious reason which presented itself to these early explorers was doubtless the avoidance of the independent buffer land of sind. they experienced little difficulty, in spite of many warnings of the dangers in front of them, when they left sonmiani for bela. at bela they interviewed an interesting and picturesque personality in the person of the jam, and were closely questioned about the english and their proceedings. apparently the jam was prepared to accept their description of things european generally, until they ventured to describe a 100-gun warship and its equipment. such an astounding creation he was unable to believe in, and he frankly said so. from bela the great northern high-road led to the old capital, khozdar, through a district infested with brahui robbers; but there was no better alternative, and the two officers followed it. on the whole, the brahui tribespeople treated them well, and there was no serious collision. khozdar was an important centre in those days, with eight hundred houses, and certain hindu merchants from shikarpur drove a thriving business there. nothing was more extraordinary in the palmy days of sind than the widespread commercial interests of shikarpur. credit could be obtained at almost all the chief towns of central asia through the shikarpur merchants, and it was by draft, or "hundi," on hindu bankers far and wide that travellers were able to keep themselves supplied with cash as they journeyed through these long stages. the route to kalat passed by sohrab and rodinjo, and the two wayfarers reached kalat on february 9, 1810. the cold was intense; they were quite unprepared for it, and suffered accordingly. living with the natives and putting up at the mehman khana (the guest house) of such principal villages or towns as possessed one, they naturally were thrown very closely into contact with native life, and learned native opinions. the views of such travellers when dealing with the social details of native existence are especially valuable, and the opinions expressed by them of the character and disposition of the people amongst whom they lived, and with whom they daily conversed on every conceivable subject, are infinitely to be preferred to those of the state officials of that time who lived in an artificial atmosphere. thus we find very considerable divergence in the opinions expressed regarding baluch and afghan character between such close observers as pottinger or masson and such eminent authorities as burnes and elphinstone. the splendid hospitality and the affectation of frankness which is common to all these varied types of frontier humanity, combined with their magnificent presence, and very often with a determined adherence to certain rules of guardianship and the faithful discharge of the duties which it entails, are all of them easily recognizable virtues which are much in the minds and mouths of official travellers with a mission. the counteracting vices, the spirit of fanatical hatred, of thievish malevolence, and the utter social demoralization which usually (but not always) distinguishes their domestic life and disgusts the stranger, is not so much _en evidence_, and is only to be discerned by those who mix freely with ordinary natives of the jungle and bazaar. as an instance, take pottinger's estimate of persian character; it is really worth recording as the impression of one of the earliest of english soldier travellers. "among themselves, with their equals, the persians are affable and polite; to their superiors, servile and obsequious; towards their inferiors, haughty and domineering. all ranks are equally avaricious, sordid, and dishonest.... falsehood they look on ... as highly commendable, and good faith, generosity, and gratitude are alike unknown to them. in debauchery none can exceed them, and some of their propensities are too execrable and infamous to admit of mention.... i feel inclined to look upon persia, at the present day, to be the very fountainhead of every species of tyranny, cruelty, meanness, injustice, extortion, and infamy that can disgrace or pollute human nature, and have ever been found in any age or nation." these are strong terms to use about a people of whom we have been assured that the basis of their youthful education is to "ride, to shoot, and to speak the truth!" and yet who is it who knows persia who will say even now that they are undeserved? may the persian parliament mend their morals and reform their methods--if, indeed, such a "silk purse" as a parliament can be made out of such crude material as the persian plebs! in spite of endless vexations and much spiteful malevolence, which included endless attempts to trip up pottinger in his assumed disguise (and which, it must be admitted, were met by a not too strict adherence to the actual truth on pottinger's part), he does not condemn the baluchi and the afghan in such terms as he applies to the persian; but he illustrates most forcibly the dangers arising from habitual lawlessness due to the semi-feudal system of the baluch federation, and consequent want of administrative responsibility. in spite, however, of endless difficulties, he finally got through, and so did christie; and for the getting through they were both largely indebted to the vicarious hospitality of village chiefs and heads of independent clans. at kalat they found it far easier to get into the timber and mud fortress than to get out again, and this difficulty repeated itself at nushki. at nushki begins the real interest of their adventures. christie (after the usual wrangling and procrastination which attended all arrangements for onward movement) took his way to herat on almost the exact line of route (_via_ chagai, the helmund, and seistan) which was followed seventy-three years later by the russo-afghan boundary commission. pottinger made what was really a far more venturesome journey _via_ kharan to jalk and persia. the meeting of these two officers eventually at ispahan in the darkness of night, and their gradual recognition of each other, is as dramatic a story as the meeting of nearkhos with alexander in makran, or of nansen with jackson amongst the ice-floes of the far north. christie gives us but small detail of his adventures. he necessarily suffered much from thirst, but met with no serious encounters. beyond a well-deserved tribute to the sweet beauty of that picturesque wayside town of anardara in his careful record of his progress northward from seistan, where he made jalalabad (which he calls doshak) his base for further exploration, he says very little about the country he passed through. incidentally he mentions pulaki (poolki) as a very remarkable relic of past ages. he describes the ruins of this place as covering an area of 16 square miles. ferrier mentions the same place subsequently, and locates it about a day's march to the north of kala-i-fath (which christie did not visit), and it must have been one of the most famous of mediæval towns in seistan. but as collective ruins covering an area of 500 square miles have been noted by mr. tate, the surveyor of the late seistan mission, who camped in their midst to the north of kala-i-fath, the exact site of pulaki may yet require careful research before it is identified. seistan is the land of half-buried ruins. no such extent of ruins exists anywhere else in the world. it seems probable, therefore, that, like the sites of many another ancient city of seistan, pulaki has been either partially or absolutely absorbed in the boundless sea of desert sand, which envelops and hides away each trace of the past as its waves move forward in irresistible sequence before the howling blasts of the north-west. christie's route through seistan followed the track connecting jalalabad on the helmund with peshawaran on the farah rud in dry seasons, but which disappears in seasons of flood, when the two hamúns or lakes of seistan become one. pushing on to jawani he passed anardara on april 4, and reached herat on the 18th. his description of herat is of a very general character, but is sufficient to indicate that no very great change took place between the time of his visit and that of the 1883 commission. he was fairly well received, and remained a month without any incident worthy of note, leaving on may 18 for persia. this century-old visit of a british officer to herat is chiefly notable for its revelations as to the attitude of the afghan government and people towards the english at the time it was made. with the exception of the risk inseparable from travel in a lawless country infested with organised bands of professional robbers, there appears to have been no hostility bred by fanaticism or suspicion of the trend of british policy. afghanistan was socially in about the same stage of development that france was in the days of louis xi.--or england a little earlier; and it is only the solidity conferred on afghan administration by the moral support of the british government which has effected any real change. were england to abandon india to-morrow there would be nothing to prevent a lapse into the same condition of social anarchy which prevailed a century ago. india would become the bait for ceaseless activity on the part of every afghan border chief who thought he had following sufficient to make a raid effective. a thin veneer of civilization has crept into afghanistan with motors and telegraphs, but with it also has arisen new incentives to hostility from dread of a possible loss of independence, and (in the western parts of afghanistan) from real fanatical hatred to the infidel. thus afghanistan is actually more dangerous as a field of exploration to the individual european at the present moment than it was in the days of christie and pottinger. at the same time, british military assistance would not only be welcome nowadays in case of a conflict with a foreign enemy, but it would be claimed as the fulfilment of a political engagement and expected as a right. christie's stay at herat seems to have been quite uneventful, and when he left for persia no one barred his way. the persian frontier then seems to have been rather more than 20 miles distant from herat--christie places it a mile beyond the village of "sekhwan," 22 miles from the city. the only place which appears to correspond with the position of sekhwan now is shakiban, which probably represents another village. making rapid progress westward through persia, he eventually reached ispahan, where he rejoined pottinger on june 30. it must have been a hot and trying experience! lieutenant pottinger's adventures after leaving nushki (from which place he had considerable difficulty in effecting his departure) were more exciting and apparently more risky than those of christie. he selected a route which no european has subsequently attempted, and which it would be difficult to follow from his description of it were it not that this region has now been completely surveyed. he struck southwards down the bado river, which leads almost directly to kharan and the desert beyond it stretching to the mashkhel "hamún" or swamp. he did not visit kharan itself, and he apparently misplaces its position by at least 50 miles, unless, indeed (which is quite possible), the present site of the naoshirwani capital is far removed from that of a century ago. i am unaware, however, that any evidence exists to that effect. until the desert was encountered there was no great difficulty on this route, but the horror of that desert crossing fully atoned for any lack of unpleasant incident previously. it would even now be regarded as a formidable undertaking, and we can easily understand the deadly feelings that beset this pioneer explorer as he made his way in the month of april from kharan on a south-westerly track to the border of persia at jalk. his description of this desert, like the rest of his narrative, is full of instructive suggestion. the scope of his observation generally, and the accuracy of the information which he collected about the infinitely complex nationality of the baluch tribes, renders his evidence valuable as regards the natural phenomena which he encountered; and no part of this evidence is more interesting than his story of the kharan desert, especially as no one since his time has made anything like a scientific examination of its construction and peculiarities. he describes it as a sea of red sand, "the particles of which were so light that when taken in the hand they were scarcely more than palpable; the whole is thrown into an irregular mass of waves, principally running from east to west, and varying in height from 10 to 20 feet. most of them rise perpendicularly on the opposite side to that from which the prevailing wind blows (north-west), and might readily be fancied at a distance to resemble a new brick wall. the side facing the wind slopes off with a gradual declivity to the base (or near it) of the next windward wave." he further describes a phenomenon which he observed in the midst of this sand sea, which i think has not been described by any later traveller or surveyor. he says "the desert seemed at a distance of half a mile or less to have an elevated or flat surface from 6 to 12 inches higher than the summits of the waves. this vapour appeared to recede as we advanced, and once or twice completely encircled us, limiting the horizon to a very confined space, and conveying a most gloomy and unnatural sensation to the mind of the beholder; at the same moment we were imperceptibly covered with innumerable atoms of small sand, which, getting into our eyes, mouths and nostrils, caused excessive irritation, attended with extreme thirst that was increased in no small degree by the intense heat of the sun." this was only visible during the hottest part of the day. pottinger's explanation of this curious phenomenon is that the fine particles of this dust-sand, which are swept into the air almost daily by the force of the north-west winds, fail to settle down at once when those winds cease, but float in the air by reason of some change in their specific gravity due to rarefaction from intense heat; and he adds that he has seen this condition of sand-haze at the same time that, in an opposite quarter, he has observed the mirage or luminous appearance of water which is common to all deserts. crossing the bed of the budu (the mashkhel nullah--dry in april), he makes a curious mistake about the direction of its waters, which he says run in a south-easterly direction towards the coast. it actually runs north-west and empties itself (when there is water in it) into the mashkhel swamps. i must admit, however, that, from personal observation, it is often exceedingly difficult to decide from a casual inspection in which direction the water of these abnormally flat nullahs runs. shortly after passing the mashkhel, he encountered an ordinary dust-storm, followed by heavy rain, which much modified the terrors of the awful heat. pottinger has something to say about the hot winds that occur between june and september in these regions, known as the bad-i-simun, or pestilential winds, which kill men exposed to them and destroy vegetation, but his information was not derived from actual observation, and it is difficult to get any really authentic account of these winds. parts of the sind desert are equally subject to them. after losing his way (which was inexcusable on the part of his guide with the hills in sight), he arrived finally at the delightful little valley of kalagan, near jalk, where the terrors of nature were exchanged for those of his human surroundings. kalagan is one of the sweetest and greenest spots of the baluch frontier, and it is easy to realize pottinger's intense joy in its palm groves and orchards. he was now in persia, and his subsequent proceedings do not concern our present purpose. he travelled by sib and magas to pahra and bampur, maintaining his disguise as a pirzada, or wandering religious student, with some difficulty, as he was insufficiently versed in the tenets of islam. however, he acted up to his moslem professions with a certain amount of success till he reached pahra, where he was at once recognized as an englishman by a boy who had previously met an english officer exploring in southern persia. but he was excellently well treated at pahra, in strange contrast to his subsequent treatment at bampur, close by. he eventually reached kirman, and passed on by the regular trade route to ispahan. it is impossible to take leave of these two gallant young officers without a tribute of admiration for their magnificent pluck, the tenacity with which they held to their original purpose, the forbearance and cleverness with which they met the persistent and worrying difficulties which were set in their way by truculent native officials, and the accuracy of their final statements. pottinger really left little to be discovered about the distribution of baluch tribes, and if his mapping exhibits some curious eccentricities, we must remember that it was practically a compilation from memory, with but the vaguest means at his disposal for the measurement of distances. it was a first map, and by the light of it the success of the subsequent explorations of masson (which covered a good deal of the same ground in baluchistan) is fairly accounted for. christie died a soldier's death early in his career, but pottinger lived to transmit an honoured name to yet later adventurers in the field of geography. chapter x american exploration--masson in 1832 lord william bentinck, then governor-general of india, found shah sujah, the deposed amir of kabul, living as a pensioner at ludhiana when he visited the punjab for an interview with its ruler ranjit singh. at that interview the question of aiding shah sujah to regain his throne from the usurper dost mahomed, who was suspected of russian proclivities, was mooted; and it was then, probably, that the seeds of active interference in afghan politics were sown, although the idea of aiding shah sujah was negatived for the time being. the result was the mission of alexander burnes to kabul, which formed a new era in central asian geography. from this time forward the map of afghanistan commenced to grow. the story of burnes' first journey to kabul was published by murray in 1834, and his example as a geographical observer stimulated his assistants leech, lord, and wood to further enterprise during a second journey to the same capital. indeed the geographical work of some of these explorers still remains as our standard reference for a knowledge of the configuration of northern badakshan. this was the beginning of official recognition of the value of trans-indian geographical knowledge to indian administration; but then, as now, information obtained through recognized official agents was apt to be regarded as the only information worth having; and far too little effort was made to secure the results of travellers' work, who, in a private capacity and unhindered by official red tape, were able to acquire a direct personal knowledge of afghan geography such as was absolutely impossible to political agents or their assistants. before indian administrators had seriously turned their attention to the afghan buffer-land and set to work to fill up "intelligence" material at second hand, there was at least one active european agent in the field who was in direct touch with the chief political actors in that strange land of everlasting unrest, and who has left behind him a record which is unsurpassed on the indian frontier for the width of its scope of inquiry into matters political, social, economic, and scientific, and the general accuracy of his conclusions. this was the american, masson. it must be remembered that the punjab and sind were almost as much _terra incognita_ to us in 1830 as was afghanistan. the approach to the latter country was through foreign territory. the sikh chiefs of the punjab and the amirs of sind were not then necessarily hostile to british interests. they watched, no doubt, the gradual extension of the red line of our maps towards the north-west and west, and were fully alive to the probability that, so far as regarded their own countries, they would all soon be "painted red." but there was no official discourtesy or intoleration shown towards european travellers, and in the sikh-governed punjab, at any rate, much of the military control of that most military nationality was in the hands of european leaders. nor do we find much of the spirit of fanatical hatred to the feringhi even in afghanistan at that time. the european came and went, and it was only due to the disturbed state of the country and the local absence of law and order that he ran any risk of serious misadventure. in these days it would be impossible for any european to travel as masson or ferrier travelled in afghanistan, but in those days there was something to be gained by friendship with england, and the weakness of our support was hardly suspected until it was disclosed by the results of the first afghan war. so masson and ferrier assumed the rôle of afghan travellers, clothed in afghan garments, but more or less ignorant of the afghan language, living with the people, partaking of their hospitality, studying their ways, joining their pursuits, discussing their politics, and placing themselves on terms of familiarity, if not of intimacy, with their many hosts in a way which has never been imitated since. no one now ever assumes the dress of the afghan and lives with him. no one joins a caravan and sits over the nightly fire discussing bazaar prices or the character of a chief. a hurried rush to kabul, a few brief and badly conducted interviews with the amir, and the official representative of india's foreign policy returns to india as an afghan oracle, but with no more knowledge of the real inwardness of afghan political aspiration, or of the trend of national thought and feeling, than is acquired during a six months' trip of a travelling m.p. in india. consequently there is a peculiar value in the records of such a traveller as masson. they are in many ways as valuable now as they were eighty years ago, for the character of the afghan has not changed with his history or his politics. to some extent they are even more valuable, for it is inevitable that the story of a long travel through an unknown and unimagined world should be received with a certain amount of reservation until later experience confirms the tale and verifies localities. fifty years elapsed before the footsteps of masson could be traced with certainty. not till the conclusion of the last afghan war, and the final reshaping of the surveys of baluchistan, could it be said exactly where he wandered during those strenuous years of unremitting travel. and now that we can take his story in detail, and follow him stage by stage through the indian borderlands, we can only say that, considering the circumstances under which his observations were taken and recorded, it is marvellously accurate in geographical detail. were his long past history of those stirring times as accurate as his geography or as his antiquarian information there would be little indeed left for subsequent investigators to add. masson was in the field before burnes. in the month of september 1830 the resident in the persian gulf writes to the chief secretary to the government of india[10] that "an american gentleman of the name of masson" arrived at bushire from bassadore on the "13th june last," and that he described himself as belonging to the state of kentucky, having been absent for ten years from his country, "which he must consequently have left when he was young, as he is now only about two-and-thirty years of age." the same letter says that previous to the breaking out of the war between russia and persia in 1826 masson "appears to have visited khorasan from tiflis by way of mashed and herat, making no effort to conceal his european origin," and that from herat he went to kandahar, shikarpur, and sind. masson appears to have furnished some valuable information to the indian government regarding the durani occupation of herat and the political situation in kabul and kandahar, which, according to his own account, he subsequently regretted, as he obviously regarded the british attitude towards afghanistan at that time in much the same light as certain continental nations regarded the british attitude towards the transvaal previous to the last boer war. "about the same time," says the same letter from the resident at bushire, masson was much in the bahawalpur country (sind), after which he proceeded to peshawar, kabul, ghazni, etc. extracts from his reports of his journeys are forwarded with other information. in his book (_travels in afghanistan, baluchistan, the punjab, and kalat_, published in 1842) masson opens his story with the autumn of 1826, when he was in bahawalpur and sind, which he had approached through rajputana, and not from afghanistan. he has much to say about bahawalpur which, however interesting and valuable as first-hand information about a foreign state in 1826, no longer concerns this story. from bahawalpur he passed on to peshawar and kabul, from kabul to kandahar, and thence to shikarpur. as the incidents of his remarkable journey between kandahar and shikarpur, described in the letter of the bushire resident, are obviously the same as those in his book, the inference is strong that the journey from tiflis to herat and kandahar (which is not mentioned in the book) has been somehow misplaced in the resident's record. when masson entered afghanistan from peshawar there is certain indirect evidence that this was the first time that he crossed the afghan border. he knew nothing of the pashto language, which would be remarkable in the case of a man like masson, who always lived with the people and not with the chiefs, and there is not the remotest reference to any previous visit to herat in his subsequent history. we will at any rate follow the text of his own narrative, and surely no narrative of adventure that has ever appeared before or since in connection with afghan exploration can rival it for interest. peshawar was at that time held by four pathan sirdars, brothers, who were hardly independent, as they held their country (a small space extending to about 25 miles round peshawar, and which included kohat and hangu) entirely at the pleasure of ranjit singh, the sikh chief of the punjab. some show of making a strike for independence had been made in connection with the yusufzai rising led by saiad ahmad shah, but it had been suppressed, and during the temporary occupation of peshawar by the sikhs the city had been despoiled and devastated. masson estimated that there were about fifty or sixty thousand inhabitants in peshawar, where he was exceedingly well treated. "people of all classes were most civil and desirous to oblige." he was an honoured guest at all entertainments. how long masson remained at peshawar it is difficult to say, for there is a most lamentable absence of dates from his records, and peshawar appears to have been the base from which he started on a good many excursions. finally he made acquaintance with a pathan who offered to accompany him to kabul, and he left peshawar for afghanistan by the khaibar route. he mentions two other routes as being popular in those days, _i.e._ those of abkhana and karapa, and he asserts that they were far more secure for traders than the khaibar, but not so level nor so direct. masson started with his companion, dressed as a pathan, but taking nothing but a few pais (copper coins) and a book. his companion, however, possessed a knife tied up in a corner of his pyjamas. after cautiously crossing the plains and some intervening hills, they struck the high road of the khaibar apparently not far from ali masjid, and here they fell in with the first people they had met _en route_--about twenty men sitting in the shade of a rock, "elderly, respectable, and venerable." they were hospitably received and entertained, and news of the arrival of a european quickly spread. every european was expected to be a doctor in those days, and masson had to assume the rôle and make the most of his limited medical knowledge. he either prescribed local remedies, or healed the sick on christian science principles with a certain amount of success--enough to ensure him a welcome wherever he went. it is a curious story for any one who has traversed the khaibar in these later days to read. a european with a most limited knowledge of pushto tramping the road in company with a pathan, living the simple life of the people, picking up information every yard of the way, keenly interested in his rough surroundings, taking count of the ragged groups of stone-built huts clinging to the hill-sides or massed around a central citadel in the open plain, with here and there a disintegrating monument crowning the hill-top with a cupola or dome, the like of which he had never seen before. masson had hardly realized in these early days that he was on one of the routes most sacred to pilgrimage of all those known to the disciples of buddha, and it was not till later years that he set about a systematic exploration of the extraordinary wealth of buddhist relics which lie about jalalabad and the valleys adjoining the khaibar route to kabul. on his journey he made his way with the varied incidents of adventure common to the time--robbed at one place, treated with hospitality at another; sitting under the mulberry trees discussing politics with all the energy of the true afghan (who is never deficient in the power of expressing his political sentiments), and, taking it altogether, enjoying a close, if not an absolutely friendly, intimacy with the half-savage people of those wholly savage hills. an intimacy, such as no other educated european has ever attained, and which tells a tale of a totally different attitude on the part of the afghan towards the european then, to that which has existed since. the fact that masson was american and not english counted for nothing. the difference was not recognized by the afghans, although it was explained by him sometimes with careful elaboration. it was the time when dost mahomed ruled in kabul, but with the claims of shah sujah (possibly backed by both sikh and british) on the political horizon. it was a time of political intrigue amongst afghan sirdars and chiefs so complicated and so widespread as to be almost unintelligible at this distance of time, and not even masson, with all his advantages of intimate association and great powers of intuition, seems to have fathomed the position satisfactorily. consequently it was to the interests of the afghan government to stand well with the british, even if it were equally their aim to keep on good terms with russia--in short, to play the same game that has lasted during the rest of the century, and which threatens to last for many another decade yet. but this was before the mission of burnes, and before the events of the subsequent afghan war had taught the afghan that british arms were not necessarily invincible, nor british promises always trustworthy. apart from the ordinary chances of disaster on the roads arising from the lack of law and order, any european would have met with a hospitable reception at that time, and masson himself relates how, in kabul, during some of the friendly gatherings which he attended, the respective probabilities of british or russian intervention in kabul affairs was a common subject of discussion. it is easy for one who knows the country to picture him sitting under the shade of the mulberry trees, with the soft lush of the afghan summer in grass and flowers about him, the scent of the willow in the air, and, across the sliding blue of the kabul river, a dim haze shadowing the rounded outlines of some ancient stupa, whilst trying to unriddle the tangle of afghan politics or taking notes of weird stories and ancient legends. nothing seems to have come amiss to his inquiring mind. archæology, numismatics, botany, geology, and history--it was all new to him, and an inexhaustible opportunity lay before him. he certainly made good use of it. he busied himself, amongst other things, with an inquiry into the origin of the siahposh kafirs, and, although his speculations regarding them have long been discounted by the results of subsequent investigation from nearer points of view, it is interesting to note how these savages were then regarded by the nearest mahomedan communities. masson admits that the history of a greek origin is supported by all natural and historical indications, but he declines to accept "so bold and welcome an inference." why he should call it "bold and welcome" and then reject it, is not explained, but it is probable that he accepted the claim to a greek origin on the part of the kafirs as indicating that they claimed to be greek and nothing but greek. when we consider the number and extent of the greek colonies which once existed beyond the hindu kush it would indeed be surprising if there were no survival of greek blood in the veins of the people who, in the last stronghold of a conquered and hunted race, represent the debris of the once powerful baktrian kingdom. incidentally he discussed the interesting episode of timur's invasion of kafiristan, a subject on which no recent investigations have thrown any further light. the story, as told by timur's historian, sharifudin, says that in a.d. 1399, when timur was at andarab, complaints were made to him of outrage and oppression by the exaction of tribute, or "karaj," against the idolaters of katawar and the siahposh. it appears that katawar was then the general name for the northern regions of kafiristan, although no reference to that name had been recorded lately. timur is said to have taken a third part of the army of the andarab against the infidels, and to have reached perjan (probably parwan), from whence he detached a part of his force to act to the north of that place, whilst he himself proceeded to kawak, which is certainly khawak at the head of the panjshir valley. if perjan is parwan (which i think most probable) this distribution of his force would indicate that he held the panjshir valley at both ends, and thus secured his flank whilst operating in kafiristan. from khawak he "made the ascent" of the mountains of "ketnev" (_i.e._ he crossed the intervening snow-covered divide between the panjshir and the head of the alishang) and descended upon the fortress of najil. this was abandoned by the siahposh kafirs, who held a high hill on the left bank of the river. after an obstinate fight the hill was carried, and the male infidels, "whose souls were blacker than their garments," were killed, and their women and children carried away. timur set up a marble pillar with an inscription recording the event, and it would be exceedingly interesting if that pillar could be identified. masson thinks that a structure which he ascertained to have been in existence in his time a little to the north of najil, known as the timur hissar (timur's fort), may be the fort which timur destroyed after it had been abandoned by the kafirs, and that the record of his victory would be found near by. the chief of najil in masson's time claimed descent from timur, and there was (and is still) so much of tartar tradition enveloping the valley of najil (or the upper alishang) as to make it fairly certain that tartar, or mongol, troops did actually invade that valley from the panjshir, and that there is consequently a practicable pass from the panjshir into the upper alishang. if we are correct in our assumption of the position of farajghan and najil in the modern maps of afghanistan, as determined from native sources of information (for no surveyor has ever laid down the course of the upper affluents of the alishang) this mongol force must have crossed from about the centre of the panjshir valley. it is a matter of interest to observe that, historically, between afghan turkistan and the kabul plain the fashionable pass over the hindu kush until quite recently was the parwan, and this, no doubt, was due to the fact that its altitude (12,300 feet) is less by quite 2000 feet than that of the kaoshan which closely adjoins it, although the kaoshan is in some other important respects the easier pass of the two. the khawak, at the head of the panjshir, is lower still (11,650 feet), but it offers a more circuitous route; whilst the chahardar, the pass selected by the amir abdurrahmon for the construction of a high-road into afghan turkistan from the kabul plain, is as high as the kaoshan. all these routes converge on the important strategical position of charikar, adjoining the junction of the ghorband and panjshir rivers; and they all lead from that ancient strategical centre of baktria, the andarab basin. undoubtedly through all time the passage over the khawak (now a well-trodden khafila route, said to be open to traffic all the year round) must have been the most attractive to the freebooters and adventurers of the north; but there appears to have been a reputation for ferocity and strength attached to the inhabitants of the panjshir valley, which was remarkable even in the days when the only recognized right was might, and half asia was peopled by barbarians. they were spoken of with the respect due to a condition of savage independence by the arab writers who detail the geography of these regions, and it is probable that they shared the historical lawlessness of their kafir neighbours (the siahposh), even if in those days they did not share a race affinity. at the beginning of the sixteenth century the emperor babar notes that the panjshir people paid tribute to their neighbours the kafirs. masson's observations on this troublous corner of asiatic geography are shrewd and interesting, and as much to the purpose to-day as they were when they were written. the explorations of mcnair and robertson over the kafiristan border from chitral, and the march of lockhart's party through the arnawai valley, added much to the geographical knowledge of the eastern fringe of kafiristan, whilst the identification of the koh-i-mor with the classic meros, and of certain sections of the eastern kafirs as representative of the ancient nysæans, clearly establishes the greek connection about which masson was so sceptical. but the kafirs of central and western kafiristan, the inhabitants of the upper basins of the alishang and alingar about the centre of the hindu kush and of the badakshan rivers to the north, are just as unknown to us as they were to him. the only certain inference that we can draw from the total absence of history about these valleys of the hindu kush is that between the khawak pass at the head of the panjshir valley on the west, and the minjan pass leading to chitral on the east, there is not, and never has been, a practicable route connecting the kabul basin with badakshan. no arab khafilas ever passed that way; no hordes of raiding robbers from central asian fields ever forced a passage southward through those kafir defiles; they are still dark and impenetrable, the home of distinct and separate valley communities, differing as widely in form of speech as in superstitious ritual, the very flotsam and jetsam of high asia, as wild as the eagles above them or the markhor on their craggy hill-sides. we will not follow masson into the mazes of afghan political history. it is all a story of the past, but a story with a moral to it. had the government of india in those days but troubled itself to obtain information from existing practical sources within its reach, instead of improvising a most imperfect political intelligence system, the subsequent war with afghanistan would have been conducted on very different lines to those which were adopted, if it ever took place at all. masson made his way steadily to kabul after meeting with adventures and vicissitudes enough for a two-volume novel, and passed on to ghazni, where the army of dost mahomed khan was then encamped, and with which he took up his quarters. here he was well received, and he interviewed the great afghan chief (who settled his quarrel with his brothers from kandahar without fighting), and thus records his opinion of a remarkable personage in history: "dost mahomed khan has distinguished himself on various occasions by acts of personal intrepidity ... has proved himself an able commander, equally well skilled in stratagem and polity, and only employs the sword when other means fail. he is remarkably plain in attire.... i should not have conjectured him a man of ability either from his conversation or his appearance"; but "a stranger must be cautious in estimating the character of a durani from his appearance," which caution he also found it necessary to exercise in the case of dost mahomed's corpulent brother, mahomed khan, the governor of ghazni. from ghazni, masson continued his journey to kandahar, still trudging the weary road on foot in the doubtful company of casual pathan wayfarers; and he accepts the savage treatment which he experienced at the hands of certain lohanis near ghazni as all in the day's work, never complaining of his want of luck so long as he got off with his life, and always ready to accept the chances of the most unsafe road rather than remain inactive. at kandahar he again set himself to acquire a store of useful political information, though with what object it is difficult to say. he certainly did not mean it for the indian government, for he regrets later on in his career that he ever gave any of it away, and as a record of almost unintelligible afghan intrigue it could hardly have interested his own. he was a wide observer, however, and must have been the possessor of a most remarkable memory. he was indeed a whole intelligence department in himself. after some weird and gruesome experiences in kandahar (where, however, he was personally made welcome) he left for shikarpur by the quetta and bolan route, and it was on this journey that he nearly lost his life. he committed the error of allowing the caravan with which he was to travel to precede him, trusting to his being able to catch it up _en route_. he fell amongst the achakzai thieves of those ugly plains, and being everywhere known and recognised as a feringhi, he passed a very rough time with them. they stripped him of his clothing after beating him and robbing him of his money, and left him "destitute, a stranger in the centre of asia, unacquainted with the language--which would have been useful to me--and from my colour exposed on all occasions to notice, inquiry, ridicule, and insult." however, "it was some consolation to find the khafila was not far off," and eventually he joined it; but he nearly died of cold and exposure, and it took him years to recover from the rheumatism set up by crouching naked over the embers of the fire at night. there are several points about this remarkable journey which might lead one to suspect that romance was not altogether a stranger to it, were it not that the route itself is described with surprising accuracy. it has only lately been possible to verify step by step the road described by masson. he could hardly have carried about volumes of notes with him under such conditions as his story depicts, and it might very well have happened that he dislocated his topography or his ethnography from lapse of memory. but he does neither; and the most amazing feature of masson's tales of travel is that in all essential features we knew little more about the country of the afghans after the last war with afghanistan than he could have told us before the first. shall (or quetta as we know it now) is described as a town of about 300 houses, surrounded by a slight crenelated wall. the "huge mound" (now the fort) is noted as supporting a ruinous citadel, the residence of the governor. fruit was plentiful then, and he adds that "shall is proverbially celebrated for the excellence of its lambs." by the desolate plain of dasht-i-bedoulat and the bolan pass, masson trod the well-known route to dadar and shikarpur. he lived a strange life in those days. no one since his time has rubbed shoulders with afghan and baluch, intimately associating himself with all their simple and savage ways; reckoning every man he met on the road as a robber till he proved a friend; absolutely penniless, yet still meeting with rough hospitality and real kindness now and then, and ever absorbing with a most marvellous power of digestion all that was useful in the way of information, whether it concerned the red-hot sand-strewn plains, or the vermin-covered thieves and outcasts that disgraced them. it was quite as often with the lowest of the gang as with the leaders that he found himself most intimately associated. in those days sind was a country as unknown to us geographically as afghanistan. the indus and its capacity for navigation was a matter of supreme interest, but the deserts of sind were eyed askance, and across those deserts came little call for exploration. the government of the country under the sind amirs was decrepit and loose, leaving district municipalities to look after themselves, and promoting no general scheme for the public good. shikarpur had been a great centre of trade under the duranis, and its financial credit extended far into central asia. but in masson's time much of that credit had disappeared with the capitalists who supported it--chiefly hindu bankers--who migrated to the cities of multan and amritsar as the sikh power in the punjab became a more and more powerful factor in frontier politics. whether masson is correct in his estimate of the mischief done by the reckless supply of funds from shikarpur to the restless nobles of afghanistan, who were thus enabled to set on foot raids and inroads into each other's territories, is, i think, doubtful. the want of money never stayed an afghan raid--on the contrary it is more apt to instigate it. from shikarpur he bent his steps towards the punjab. no modern traveller, racing down the indus valley by a north-western train, can well appreciate the amount of human interest and activity which lies hidden beyond the wide flat plains of tamarisk jungle that stretch between him and the frontier hills. this same indus valley was arabic india for centuries, and there were greek settlements centuries earlier than the arabs; none of this escaped masson. the vicissitudes of this weary walk were many. masson was put to curious expedients in order to keep himself even decently clothed. from under one hospitable roof he stole out in the evening, when the ragged retinue of his host were all in a state of stupefaction from drink, in order to be spared their too familiar adieux. it is a remarkable fact that he found himself able to pass muster as a mongol on his journey, there being a tradition in sind that some mongols were as fair as englishmen. from rohri on the indus he made his way almost exactly along the line of the present railway, through bhawalpur to uch, continually losing his way in the narrow tracks that intersected the intricate jungle, with but a rupee or two in his pocket, and nothing but the saving grace of the village masjid as a refuge for the night. his experiences with wayfarers like himself, the lies that he heard (and i am afraid also told), the hospitality which he received both from men and women, and the variety of incident generally which adorns this part of masson's tale is a refreshing contrast to the dreary monotony of the modern traveller's tale of indian travel, the bare record of a dusty railway experience, with here and there a new impression of old and worn-out themes. he was impressed with the "contented, orderly, and hospitable" character of the people of northern sind, whose condition was "very respectable" notwithstanding an oppressive government. saiads and fakirs, pirs and spiritual guides of all sorts were an abomination to him, but it is somewhat new to hear of saiads that "they may commit any crime with impunity." at fazilpur (in bhawalpur) he found an old friend, one rahmat khan, and was once again in the lap of native luxury. clean clothes, a bed to lie on, and good food, kept him idle for a month ere he started again northward for lahore. rahmat khan was almost too generous. he spent his last rupee recklessly on a nautch, and had to borrow from the hindus of his bazaar in order to find two rupees to present to his guest for the cost of his journey to lahore. of this large sum it is interesting to note that masson had still eight annas left in his pocket on his arrival at that city. alas for the good old days! what a modern tramp might achieve in india if he were allowed free play it is difficult to guess, but never again will any european travel 360 miles in india and feed himself for two months on a rupee and a half. masson notes the extraordinary extent of ancient ruins around uch, and correctly infers the importance of that city in the days of arab ascendency. he has much to say that is still interesting about multan and its surroundings. it must have been new to historians to hear that the heat of multan is due to the maledictions of the saint shams tabieri, who was flayed alive by the progenitors of the people who now venerate his shrine. multan was in the hands of the sikhs when masson was there. from multan masson ceased to follow the modern line of railway, and adopted a route north of the ravi river until near the city, when he recrossed to the southern bank. lost in admiration of the luxuriance of the cultivation of this part of the punjab, and full of the interest aroused by the fact that he was on classical ground, the ground of ancient history, he wandered into lahore. lahore and the sikh administration, the character of ranjit singh and his policy towards british and afghan neighbours, are all part of indian history, but it is interesting to recall the prominence of french and italians in the punjab 100 years ago. general allard was encountered quite accidentally by masson, who was at once recognized as a european, and found himself able to talk french fluently. this naturally led to his entertainment by the general at his own splendid establishments. the beautiful tomb of jehangir, the shahdera, was occupied as a residence by the french general, amise, who died, so they said, in expiation of his impiety in cleaning it up and making it tidy--which was probably very necessary. the tomb of anarkalli, south of the city, was used as a harem by m. ventura, the italian general, whilst the well-known avitabile lived in a house decorated after the fashion of neapolitan art in cantonments to the east of the city. the lovely gardens of shalimar had already been robbed of much of their beauty by the transfer of marble and stone from their pavilions for the building of amritsar, the new religious capital of the sikhs. lahore is "a dull city in the commercial sense," says masson, and amritsar "has become the great mart of the punjab." we need not follow masson's explorations in the punjab and sind, further than to relate that he finally left lahore during the rainy season (he was riding now, and in fairly easy circumstances) and made his way south again _via_ multan, haidarabad, and tatta, to karachi. there is a lamentable want of dates about this narrative, and it is almost impossible to fix the month, or even the year, in which masson visited any particular part of the frontier. his next exploits and explorations conducted from karachi are sufficiently remarkable in themselves to place masson quite at the head of the list of frontier explorers. he stands, indeed, in the same relation to the indian borderland as livingstone does to africa. he first made a sea trip in arab crafts up the persian gulf, visiting muskat and obtaining a passage in a cruiser of the h.e.i. company to bushire. this we know from major david wilson's report to have been in 1830. it was then that he gave up the record of his previous travels, to which we have referred, and which he subsequently thought he had reason to regret. a month or two was passed at tabriz, and a trip up the tigris to bagdad and basrah. from basrah he returned in a merchant vessel to muskat, and finally made karachi again in an arab bagala. at karachi he was not permitted to land, owing (as he suspected) to another party of englishmen who were then attempting to explore the indus. this turned out to be captain burnes' (afterwards sir alex. burnes) party. the objection was based on a somewhat ridiculous notion of the capacity of the english to carry about regiments of soldiers concealed in _boxes_, and masson subsequently learned that having no boxes with him, the opposition in his case had been withdrawn by the amirs of sind as tantamount to a breach of hospitality. however, for the time he was forced to return to urmara on the makran coast, from which place he hoped to reach kalat. in this he was disappointed, but he found his way back to sonmiani in an arab dunghi (or bagala), which, with the monsoon wind at her back, was run in gallant style straight over the shallow bar into the harbour with hardly a foot of water below her. the practice of medicine was what sustained masson at this period, but his reputation was slightly impaired by a crude prescription of sea water. a lady, too, who suffered from a disposition of her face to break out into white blotches, and who appealed for a remedy, was told that she would look much better all white. this again led to a lively controversy; but on the whole the practice of medicine was as useful to masson as it has proved through all ages to explorers in all regions of the world. the story of masson's next journey through las bela and eastern baluchistan to kalat and the neighbourhood of quetta, must have been an almost unintelligible record for half a century after it was written. it is almost useless to repeat the names of the places he visited. five-and-twenty years ago these names were absolutely unfamiliar, an empty sound signifying nothing to the dwellers on the british side of the baluch frontier. gradually they have emerged from the regions of the vague unknown into the ordered series of completed maps; and nothing testifies more surely to the general accuracy of masson's narrative than the possibility which now exists of tracing his steps from point to point through these wild and desolate regions of rocky ridge and salt-edged jungle in eastern baluchistan. it is certainly significant that in the year 1830 more should have been known of the regions that lie between karachi and quetta or kandahar, than was known fifty years later when plans were elaborated for bringing quetta into railway communication with india. had masson's information been properly digested, the most direct route to kalat, quetta, or kandahar, _via_ the purali river, would surely have been weighed in administrative councils, and the advantage of direct communication with the seaport by a cheaply constructed line would have received due consideration. but masson's work was still unproven and unchecked, and it would have been more than any englishman's life was worth to have attempted in 1880 the task which he undertook with such light-hearted energy. his observations of the country he passed through, and the complicated tribal distribution which distinguishes it are necessarily superficial, but they are shrewd. it was clearly impossible for him to attempt any form of survey, and without some map evidence of the scene of his wanderings his explorations were deprived at the time of their chief significance. from las bela to kalat he appears to have encountered no more dangerous adventure than might befall any baluch traveller in the same regions. from kalat he wandered at leisure northward till he overlooked the dasht-i-bedaulat from the heights of chahiltan. this well-known quetta peak has probably often been ascended by englishmen in late years, and the misty legend which is wreathed around it is familiar to every regimental mess in the quetta garrison. it is perhaps a little disappointing to remember that the first white man who achieved its ascent and told the story of the forty heaven-sent infants who gambol about its summit to the eternal glory of the sainted hazart ghaos (the patron saint of baluch children), was an american. masson's interesting record of chahiltan botany, however, would be more useful if he translated the native names into botanical language. from quetta he returned to kalat, and, determined to see as much of the borderland as possible, he made his return journey from kalat to sonmiani _via_ the mulla pass. the pass is still an interesting feature in baluch geography. it was once the popular route from the plains to the highlands, when trade was more frequent between kalat and hindustan, and may serve a useful purpose again. very few even of frontier officials know anything of it. masson gives a capital description of the mulla route, "easy and safe, and may be travelled at all seasons." from jhal he went south through sind to sehwan, the antiquity of which place gives him room for much speculation; but from sehwan to sonmiani his route is not so clear. he started backwards on his tracks from sehwan, then struck southward through lower sind, passing on his way many ancient sites (locally known as "gôt," _i.e._ kôt, or fort), the origin of which he was apparently unable to determine, but halting at no place with a name that is still prominent, unless the modern pokran represents his pokar. i am not aware whether the "gôts" described by masson in lower sind have as yet been scientifically examined, but his description of them tallies with that of similar ruins lately found near las bela (especially as regards the stone-built circle), which, occurring as they do in makran and the valley of the purali (the ancient arabis), are possibly relics of the building races of arabs (sab[oe]an or himyaritic) who occupied these districts in early ages before they became withered and waterless with the gradual alteration of their geographical conditions. other constructions, such as the cylindrical heaps on the hills, are more certainly buddhist. masson was unaware that he was traversing a province which figured as bodh in arab chronicles, and is full of the traces of buddhist occupation. makran, las bela, and the sind borderland still offer a mine of wealth for archæological research. the last two or three days' march was in company with a bulfut (lumri) camel-man, whose mount was shared by masson. as the lumri sowar was in the habit not only of taking opium himself but of giving it to his camel, the morning's ride was sometimes perilously lively. one would have thought that after so extensive an exploration, filled, as it was, with daily risk from the hostility of fanatics, or the more common (in those days) assaults of robbers, masson would have had enough of adventure to last him some years. it was not so. he appears to have been an irreclaimable nomadic vagabond, and his only thought, now that he had reached the west, was to be off again to afghanistan. kalat again was his first objective, and to reach that place he followed very much the same route as before. from kalat, however, to kandahar and kabul, he opened up a new line which is worth description. there is little to record as far as kalat. once again he joined a mixed afghan khafila returning from india, and followed the route which leads through las bela, wad, and khozdar. it was spring, and the country was bright with flowers, the narrow little valleys being full of the brilliance of upspringing crops. it is a mistake to regard baluchistan as a waste corner of asia, the dumping ground of the rubbish left over from the world's creation. much of it, doubtless, is inexpressibly dreary, and in certain dry and sun-baked plains scarred with leprous streaks of salt eruption, it is occasionally difficult to realize the beauty of the spring and summer time in valleys where water is still fairly abundant, and the green things of the earth seem mostly to congregate. a bed of scarlet tulips, or the yellow sheen of the flowering shrub which spreads across the plain of wad would make any landscape gay, and the long jagged lines of purple hills with chequered shadows patching their rugged spurs would be a fascinating background to any picture. "only man is vile,"--but this is not true either. the character of the mixed inhabitants of these valleys of eastern baluchistan (we have no room for ethnological disquisitions) is as rugged as their hills, and as varied with patches of brightness as their plains. masson knew them as no one knows them now, and he evidently loved them. his life was never safe from day to day, but that did not prevent much good comradeship, some genuine friendship, and a shrewd appreciation of the straight uprightness of those who, like the patriarchs and prophets of old, seemed to be the righteous few who leaven the whole lump. masson was not a missionary, he was only a well-educated and most observant vagabond, but what he has to say of baluch (or brahui) character is just what sandeman said half a century later, and what barnes or macmahon[11] would say to-day. what masson never seemed to appreciate (any more than the arab traders who trod the same roads in mediæval centuries) was the change of altitude that accrued after long travelling over apparently flat roads. the natural change in the character of vegetation with the increase of altitude appears, therefore, to surprise him. he reached kalat without much incident. here he parted with the peshin saiads and the brahuis of the caravan, and proceeded with the afghan contingent to kandahar. the direct road from kalat to kandahar runs through the mangachar valley and thence crosses the khwaja amran, or kojak range, by the kotal-i-bed into shorawak, and runs northward to kandahar through the eastern part of the registan, without touching the main road from quetta till within a march or two of kandahar itself. it is worth noting that there was no want of water on this route, and no great difficulties were experienced in passing through the hills. irrigation canals and the intricacies of natural ravines in shorawak seem to have been the chief obstacles. it is a route which was never made use of during the last afghan war, nor, so far as i can discover, during the previous one. the achakzai tribespeople (some of whom were with the khafila returning to their country from bombay) behaved with remarkable modesty and good faith, and altogether belied their natural characteristics of truculence and treachery. the journey was made on camel-back in a kajáwa, a method of travelling which ensures a good overlook of the proceedings of the khafila and the country traversed by it, but which can have few other recommendations. kandahar, however, was not masson's objective on this trip. afghanistan was in its usual state of distracted politics, and kabul was the centre of distraction. to kabul, therefore, masson felt himself impelled; like the stormy petrel he preferred a troubled horizon and plenty of incident to the calmer seas of oriental existence in the flat plains of kandahar. his journey with an afghan khafila by the well-trodden road which leads to ghazni was quite sufficiently full of incident, and the extraordinary rapacity of the ghilzai tribes, who occupy the road as far as that city, leaves one astonished that enough was left of the khafila for useful business purposes in kabul. masson was impressed with the desolation and degradation of ghazni. he can hardly believe that this waste wilderness of mounds around an insignificant town, with its two dreary sentinel minars standing out on the plain, and a dilapidated tomb where rests all that is left of the great conqueror mahmud, can be the city of such former magnificence as is described in afghan history. every traveller to ghazni has been touched with the same feeling of incredulity, but it only testifies to the remarkable power possessed by the destroying hordes of chenghiz khan and his successors of making a clean sweep of the cities which fell into their hands. a few days before masson's arrival in kabul (this is one of the rare dates which we find recorded in his story) in june 1832, three englishmen had visited the city. these were lieutenant burnes, dr. gerard, and the rev. joseph wolff. he does not appear to have actually met them. mr. wolff had been fortunate enough to distinguish himself as a prophet, and had acquired considerable reputation. an earthquake preceding certain local disturbances between the sunis and the shiahs, which he foretold, had established his position, and imitators had begun to arise amongst the people. no better account of the city of kabul, the beauty of its surroundings, its fruit and its trade, and the social customs of its people, is to be found than that of masson. what he observed of the city and suburbs in 1832 might almost have been written of the kabul of fifty years later; but the last twenty-five years have introduced many radical changes, and good roads for wheeled vehicles (not to mention motors) and a small local railway have done more even than the stucco palaces and fantastic halls of the late amir abdurrahmon to change the character of the place. the curious spirit of tolerance and liberality which still pervades kabul and distinguishes it from other afghan towns, which makes the life of an individual european far more secure there than it would be in kandahar, the absence of ghazidom and fanaticism, was even more marked then than it is now. armenian christians were treated with more than toleration, they intermarried with mahomedans; the fact that masson was known to be a feringhi never interfered with the spirit of hospitality with which he was received and treated. only on one occasion was he insulted in the streets, and that was when he wore a persian cap instead of the usual lunghi. but the jews were as much anathema as they are now, and masson tells a curious tale of one jew who was stoned to death by mahomedans for denying the divinity of jesus christ, after the christian community of armenians had declined to carry out the punishment. to this day nothing arouses afghan hatred like the cry of yahudi (jew), and it may very possibly be partly due to their firm conviction in their origin as ben-i-israel. the summer of 1832 at kabul must have been a delightful experience, but with the coming autumn the restlessness of the nomad again seized on masson and he made that journey to bamian in company with an afghan friend, one haji khan, chief of bamian, which followed the mission of burnes to kunduz, and proved the possibilities of the route to afghan turkestan by the southern passes of the hindu kush. bamian was then separated from kabul by the width of the besud territory, which was practically controlled by a semi-independent hazara chief, yezdambaksh. beyond bamian the pass of ak robat defined the northern frontier of afghanistan, beyond which again were more semi-independent chiefs, of whom by far the most powerful, south of the oxus, was mir murad beg of kunduz. amongst them all political intrigue was in a state of boiling effervescence. haji khan (a kakar soldier of fortune) from western afghanistan knew himself to be unpopular with the amir dost mahomed khan, and had shrewd suspicions that spite of a long-tried friendship, he was regarded as a dangerous factor in kabul politics. yezdambaksh, influenced doubtless by his gallant wife, who rode and fought by his side and was ever at his elbow in council, trimmed his course to patch up a temporary alliance with haji khan under the pretext of suffocating the ambition of the local chief of saighan; whilst murad beg about that time was strong enough to preserve his own position unassisted and aloof. into the seething welter of intrigue arising from the conflicting interests of these many candidates for distinction in the afghan border field masson plunged when he accepted haji khan's invitation to join him at bamian. across the lovely plain of chardeh, bright with the orange blossoms of the safflower, masson followed the well-known route to argandi and over the safed khak pass to the foot of the divide which is crossed by the unai (called honai by masson), meeting with the usual demands for "karij," or duty, from the hazaras at their border, with the usual altercations and violence on both sides. well known as is this route, it may be doubted whether any better description of it has ever been written than that of masson. instead of striking straight across the helmund at gardandiwal by the direct route to bamian, the party followed the course of the helmund, then fringed with rose bushes and willows, passing through a delightfully picturesque country till they fell in with the afghan camp, after much wandering in unknown parts on the banks of the helmund, at a point which it is difficult to identify. the story of the daily progress of the oriental military camp, and the daily discussions with haji khan, who appeared to be as frank and childlike in his disclosures of his methods as any chattering booby, is excellent. there is no doubt that masson at this time exercised very considerable influence over his afghan and hazara acquaintances, and he is probably justified in his claim to have prevented more than one serious row over the everlasting demands for karij. it is to be noted that two guns were dragged along with this expedition by forced hazara labour, eighty men being required for one, and two hundred for the other, assisted by an elephant. the calibre of the guns is not mentioned. at a place called shaitana they were still south of the helmund, and in the course of their progress through besud visited the sources of the logar. near these sources is the azdha of besud, the petrified dragon slain by hazrat ali (not to be confused with azdha of bamian), a volcanic formation stretching its white length through about 170 yards, exhaling sulphurous odours. the red rock found about its head is supposed to be tinged with blood. the azdha afterwards seen and described at bamian is of "more imposing size." another long march (apparently on the road to ghazni) brought the expedition to the frontier of besud, at a point reckoned by masson as three marches from the ghazni district. from here they retraced their steps and crossed the helmund at ghoweh kol (? pai kol), making for bamian. this closed the besud expedition, which, regarded as a geographical exploration, is still authoritative, no complete survey of that district having ever been made. from the helmund they reached bamian by the siah reg pass, thus proving the possibility of traversing that district by comparatively unknown routes which were "not on the whole difficult to cavalry, though impracticable to wheeled carriages." the guns were left in besud, to be dragged through by hazaras. it must be remembered that this was early winter, and the frozen snow rendered the passes slippery and difficult. the aspect of the koh-i-baba (? babar) mountains, and their "craggy pinnacles" (which, by reason of their similarity of outline, gave much trouble to our surveyors in 1882-83) seems to have impressed masson greatly. the descent into the bamian valley was "perfectly easy, and the road excellent throughout." masson's contributions to the asiatic society on the subject of bamian and its "idols" are well known. his observations were acute, and on the whole accurate. he rightly conjectured these wonderful relics to be buddhist, although he never grasped the full extent of buddhist influence, nor the extraordinary width of their occupation in northern afghanistan. his conjectures and impressions need not be repeated, but his somewhat crude sketches of bamian and the citadel of gulgula intensify the regret which i always feel that a thoroughly competent photographer was not attached to the long subsequent russo-afghan boundary commission. masson's wanderings in the company of the afghan chief haji khan and his redoubtable army through the valleys and over the passes of the hindu kush and its western spurs is full of interest to the military reader. the afghan force consisted largely of cavalry, as did that of the gallant hazara chief, yezdambaksh. nothing is said about infantry, but it was probably little better than a badly armed mob chiefly concerned in guarding the guns which reached the valley of bamian, but, as already stated, they could not follow the cavalry over the siah reg pass from besud. they were sent round by the "karza" pass, which is probably the one known as kafza on our maps, which indicates the most direct route from kabul to bamian. it is necessary to follow the ostensible policy of these military movements in order to render masson's account of them intelligible. haji khan was acting in concert with yezdambaksh and his hazara troops, with the presumed object of crushing first mahomed ali, the chief of saighan (north of bamian), and ultimately repeating the process on rahmatulla khan, the chief of kamard (north of saighan). in order to effect this he had to pass up the bamian valley to its northern head, marked by the ak robat pass (10,200 feet high), and thence descend into the saighan valley by the route formed by one of its southern tributaries. it was early winter (or late autumn), but still the passes seemed to have been more or less free from snow, and the ak robat pass in particular appears to have given little trouble, although the valley contracts almost to a gorge in the descent. masson noted evidences of the former existence of a considerable town near this route on the descent from ak robat. much to his astonishment, instead of smashing the saighan opposition with his superior force, haji khan proceeded to patch up an alliance with mahomed ali, which was cemented by his marrying one of the daughters of that wily chief. here, however, he experienced a cruel disappointment. instead of the lovely bride whom he had been led to expect, he received a squat and snub-nosed hazara girl, who was, indeed, of very doubtful parentage. this little swindle, however, was not permitted to interfere with his politics. the alliance ought to have aroused the suspicion of yezdambaksh, but the latter seems to have trusted to the strength of his following to meet any possible contingency. the next step was to proceed to kamard and repeat the process of occupation. here, however, an unexpected difficulty arose. the easy-going, hard-drinking tajik chief of kamard was far too wily to put himself into haji khan's power, and with some of the uzbek chiefs who owed their allegiance to that fine old border bandit murad khan of kunduz (of whom we shall hear again), positively declined to permit haji khan to come farther. meanwhile, however, a force had advanced over the divide between saighan and kamard by a pass which masson calls the nalpach (or horseshoe-breaking pass), which can hardly be the same as the well-known dandan shikan (or tooth-breaking pass), but is probably to the east of it, leading more directly to bajgah. before ascending the pass, masson noted the remains of an ancient town or fort built of immense stones, and here they halted. here also snow fell. next day a reconnaissance in force was made over the nalpach pass ("long, but not difficult"), and apparently part of the force descended into kamard and commenced hostile operations against the kamard chieftain. haji khan, however, returned to camp. he had now succeeded in breaking up the hazara force which was with him into two or three detached bodies, so the opportunity was ripe for one of the blackest acts of treachery that ever disgraced afghan history--which is saying a good deal. he entrapped and seized the fine old hazara chief, yezdambaksh, and, after dragging him about with him under circumstances of great indignity, he finally executed him. the hazara troops seem to have scattered without striking a concerted blow; their camp was looted, whilst such wretched refugees as were caught were stripped and enslaved. the savage barbarity of these proceedings, especially of the method of the execution of yezdambaksh (a rope being looped round the wretched victim's neck, the two ends of which were hauled tight by a mixed company of relatives and enemies), disgusted masson deeply, and there is a very obvious disposition evinced hereafter to part company with his treacherous host, although he makes some attempt to excuse these proceedings by pointing out that haji khan, after meeting with an unexpected rebuff from kamard (which he dare not resent so long as the redoubtable murad beg loomed in the distance as the protector of the frontier chiefs of badakshan), would have been unable to keep and feed his troops in the winter without scattering the hazara contingent and possessing himself of the resources of besud. winter had already set in, and the subsequent story is instructive in illustration of the difficulties which beset the road between kabul and bamian during the winter season. the resources of bamian were insufficient even for his diminished force (now reduced to about its original strength of eight hundred), and the ghulam khana contingent grew restive and impatient, demanding to go back to kabul. the passes, however, were not only closed by snow, but the position at karzar was held by hazaras, who, however much they were demoralised by the execution of their chief, might well be expected to make reprisals. the ghulam khana men, about two hundred and twenty strong, therefore moved in force from bamian, with the hope of being able to influence the hazaras to let them pass through besud. apparently they did not rank as true afghans. no great resistance was made at karzar, although they were not admitted to shelter. they were freely looted, and eventually allowed to pass after three days' detention, exposed to the terrific blasts of a winter shamal (north-west wind) in snow which was then breast high. many of them perished before reaching kabul, and many more were permanently disabled from frostbites. haji khan, meanwhile, settled down as the uninvited guest of the people of bamian, and ensconced himself and his wives in the fort of saidabad, a strongly built construction of burnt bricks of immense size, which masson believed to have been built by the arabs. saidabad is hard by the detached position of gulgula; it is described by masson in considerable detail. here, at an altitude of about 8500 feet, a winter in bamian is endurable, and haji khan avowed his intention of remaining. it is interesting to note that a khafila from bokhara for kabul arrived about this time, and was duly looted. even in winter the route (as a commercial route) was open. masson's efforts were now directed towards getting back to kabul. his first essay was in company of two brothers of haji khan, who vowed to get to kabul somehow, even if, as afghans, they had to fight their way through besud. the party followed up the topchi valley from bamian, and crossing by the shutar gardan pass, they reached karzar. here again masson noted extensive ruins _en route_. the road was bad and the difficulties great, "leading over precipices," but they did, nevertheless, succeed in crossing the main divide. here masson experienced a very bad time, and to his disgust found that he must retrace his steps to bamian, owing to counter orders from haji khan recalling the escort. there appeared, however, a prospect of getting out of bamian by the shibar pass (an easy pass), leading to the head of the ghorband valley; and trusting to certain arrangements made by a paghmani chief, masson made a fresh attempt, passing eastward the ancient remains of zohak, and ascending by a fairly easy open track to the valley or plain of irak. probably this pass is the one known as khashka in our maps. the wind was terrific, but the comparative freedom from snow was an unexpected advantage. passing eastwards from irak (still on the northern slopes of the hindu kush) the party made comparatively easy progress by a valley which masson calls bubulak (where he observed tobacco to be growing). they gradually ascended until once again they found themselves in snow, but instead of making direct for the shibar they inclined to a more northerly pass called bitchilik, which is separated from the shibar by a slight kotal (or divide). here they found the paghmani chief whom they expected to join, but they found also that the section of hazaras who held these passes then were determined to bar their passage. once again masson had to abandon the attempt (albeit the shibar route to kabul would have been a very devious and dangerous one), and returned to bamian. there are one or two circumstances about this exploration of the western hindu kush passes which deserve attention. for once masson is slightly inaccurate in his geography when he states that the irak stream drains into the bamian valley. it joins the bamian river after it has left the valley and turned northward. so slight an error is only a useful proof of his general accuracy. another remarkable fact was that he, a feringhi, was elected by the afghan gang with which he was temporarily associated as their khan, or chief! he was a little better dressed than most of them in european chintzes. he found himself utterly unable to restrain their looting propensities, but he made himself quite popular by his civility and his small presents to the wretched hazaras on whom they were quartered. incidentally he gives us a most valuable impression of the nature of an important group of afghan passes, and i doubt if his information has ever been much improved upon. finally, the surrender of the karzar position by the hazaras reopened the road to kabul, and masson was enabled to reach that capital by the topchi, shutar gardan, kalu, hajigak routes to gardandiwal on the helmund. the hajigak route he describes as easy of ascent, but "steep and very troublesome" in the south. the shutar gardan (called panjpilan now) was "intricate and dangerous," but the passing of it was done at night. this is, and always has been, the main khafila route between kabul, bamian, and bokhara. the journey from the helmund across the unai (which pass was itself "difficult") was not accomplished without great distress. a winter shumal caught masson on the road, and but for the timely shelter at zaimuni would have terminated his career there and then. masson describes the terrific effect of the wind with great vigour, but those who have experienced it will not accuse him of exaggeration. footnotes: [10] _selections from travels and journals preserved in the bombay secretariat_, forrest, 1908. [11] now sir hugh barnes and sir henry macmahon, one a past, and the other the present, agent for the governor-general in baluchistan. chapter xi american exploration--masson (_continued_) on masson's return to kabul he observed the first symptoms of active interest in afghan politics on the part of the indian government, in the person of an accredited native agent (saiad karamat ali) who had travelled with lieut. conolly to herat. colonel stoddart was at that time detained in bokhara, and was apparently under the impression that he was befriended by a "profligate adventurer," one samad khan, who had succeeded in establishing himself there as a pillar of the state after imposing on so astute a politician as the amir dost mahomed khan and on many of the leading afghan sirdars. masson seems to have been better aware of the character of this khan than the indian government, for he notes that "to be befriended by such a man is in itself calamitous." it is quite comprehensible that the indian government should not duly appreciate the position of an adventurer like masson and his intimate acquaintance with afghanistan and its riotous rulers; but it was unfortunate; for it is not too much to say that indian government officials at that time were but amateurs in their knowledge of afghan politics compared to masson; and much of the horrors of subsequent events might have been avoided could masson have been admitted freely and fully to their counsels. however, for a time he employed himself in collecting historical and scientific notes on afghanistan, which we still regard as standard works for reference. no one has succeeded better in giving us an impression of the leading characteristics of the afghan chiefs of his time, and probably there is not much improvement effected by a century of moral development. steeped up to the eyes in treachery towards each other, debauchees, drunkards, liars, and murderers, one cannot but admire their extraordinary virility. it was truly a case of the survival of the fittest, and the fittest were certainly remarkable men. the amir dost mahomed khan was one of the worst, and one of the best. one of the twenty-two sons of sirafraz khan, he worked his way upwards by truly afghan methods; methods which in the early days of his career were utterly detestable, but which attained some sort of reflected dignity later, when there were not wanting signs that in a different environment he might have been truly great. he was illiterate and uneducated, but appreciated the advantages of elementary schooling in others. into the strange welter of political intrigue which forms afghan history during the period of his rise to power we need not enter; but it is necessary to note the extraordinary difference with which the stranger in the land, a feringhi, was regarded throughout afghanistan, then, as compared with his reception at present. it is even possible that the life of a feringhi was then safer (_i.e._ deemed of more importance) than that of any ordinary afghan chief. it is certain that there was a strong feeling that it was well to be on good terms with the representatives of a powerful neighbouring state. this feeling was greatly weakened by the results of the first afghan war, and has never again been completely restored. although we are only dealing with masson as an explorer, it is impossible not to express sympathy with his whole-hearted admiration for the country of the afghan. his description of the beauties of the land, especially in early spring with the awakening of the season of flowers, the irresistible charm of the mountain scenery of the kohistan as the gradual burst of summer bloom crept upwards over the hills--all this finds an echo in the heart of every one who has ever seen this "god granted" land; where, after all, the seething scum of afghan politics is very much confined to a class, although it undoubtedly sinks deeper and reaches the mass of the people with more of the force of self-interest than is the case in india, where the historical pageant of kings and dynasties has passed over the great mass of india's self-absorbed people and left them profoundly unconscious of its progress. in the year 1833 masson resumed his researches in the neighbourhood of kabul, commencing in the plains about 25 miles north-east from kabul, and 8 or 10 from charikar. these researches were continued for some years, until the failure of the mission to kabul in 1838 obliged him to leave the country; and in his proposal to resume them again in 1840 he was opposed by "a miserable fraction of the calcutta clique," who had recourse to "acts as unprecedented, base, and illegal as perhaps were ever perpetrated under the sanction of authority against a subject of the british crown." so that apparently he claimed british nationality before he left afghanistan. however that may be, it is certain that no subsequent explorer has added much that is of value to the extraordinary evidences of ancient occupation collected by masson. here, he maintains, once existed the city of alexandria founded by alexander on the kabul plain; and a recent announcement from kabul that the site of an ancient city has been discovered obviously refers to the same position at begram near charikar, and is a useful commentary on the rapidity with which the fame and name of an original explorer can disappear. the masson collection of coins, which totalled between 15,000 and 20,000 in 1837, and which was presented to the east india company, proved a veritable revelation of unknown kings and dynasties, and contributed enormously to our positive knowledge of central asian history. the vast number of cufic coins found at begram show that the city must have existed for some centuries after the mahomedan invasion. chinese travellers tell of a city called hupian in this neighbourhood, but masson is inclined to place the site of hupian near charikar, where there was, in his time, a village called malek hupian. he thinks that begram had certainly ceased to exist at the time of timur's expedition to india; or that conqueror would not have found it necessary to construct a canal from the ghorband stream in order to colonize this favoured corner of the kabul plain. the canal still exists as the mahighir, and the people of the neighbourhood talked turki in masson's time. three miles east of kabul there is another ancient site known as begram. this was probably the precursor of kabul itself, and other "begrams" are known in india. the term appears to be generic and to denote a famous site. buddhist relics lie thickly round about the afghan begrams, groups of them being very abundant throughout the kabul valley. it was after his first visit to begram that masson became acquainted with m. honigberger, whom he describes as a gentleman from lahore bent on archaeological research; and at the close of the autumn dr. gerard, the companion of lieut. burnes, appeared at kabul. honigberger's researches, like those of gerard, appear to have been confined to archæology, and the results of them form an interesting story which was given to the world by eugene jacquet; but as neither of these gentlemen can be said to have contributed to the early geographical knowledge of the country, no further reference need be made to them, beyond remarking that honigberger very narrowly escaped being murdered on his subsequent journey to bokhara. masson's extraordinary capability of dealing with every class of people with whom he came in contact, and his consequent apparent immunity from the dangers which beset the ordinary unaccredited traveller, should not lead to the assumption that afghanistan was a safe country to travel in at the time of our first political negotiations, in spite of there being less fanaticism at that time; whilst the trans-oxus states were then almost unapproachable. there, at least, the gradual encroachment of russian civilization has absolutely altered the conditions of european existence, and bokhara has become quite a favourite resort for tourists. masson's story of afghan intrigue, which is the substance of afghan history at this period, is as interesting as are his archæological investigations, for it affords us a view of events which occurred behind the scenes, shut off from india by the curtain of the frontier hills; but whilst he thus occupied his busy mind with the past and the present policy of afghanistan, he did not lose sight of the opportunity for making fresh excursions into afghan territory. his visits to the kabul valley and peshawar can hardly claim to be original explorations, though he undoubtedly acquired by them a local geographical knowledge far in advance of anything then existing on the indian side of the border, and some of it ranks as authoritative even now. it must not be supposed that these visits and investigations were carried on without grave risk and constant difficulty, but by this time masson had so wide and so varied a personal acquaintance with the leading chiefs and tribespeople of the country that he usually succeeded in distinguishing friend from foe, and extricated himself from positions which would have been fatal to any one less knowledgeable than himself. during the year 1835 we learn that masson was in northern afghanistan, chiefly at kabul, gathering information; but there appears to be hardly a place which now figures in our maps with any prominence in the kabul province which he did not succeed in visiting; and as regards some of them (kunar, for instance) there was nothing added to his record for at least sixty years. he penetrated the alishang valley to within 12 miles of najil, a point which no european has succeeded in reaching since; but his sphere of observation was always too restricted to enable him to make much of his geographical opportunities. najil is now somewhat doubtfully placed on our maps from native information gathered during the surveys executed with the afghan campaign of 1878-80. it was at this period in masson's career (in 1835) that english political interest in kabul began to take an active shape. about this time masson accepted a proposal from the indian government (which reached him through captain wade, the political officer on the punjab frontier) to act as british agent and keep the government informed as to the progress of affairs in kabul. it is rather surprising that masson, who never misses an opportunity of asserting that he was not an englishman, and was by no means in sympathy with the policy of the indian government towards afghanistan, should have accepted this responsibility. however, he did so, for a time at least, though he subsequently requested that he might be relieved from the duties entailed by such an equivocal position. he negotiated the foundation of a commercial treaty between india and kabul, but with scant success. this period of seething intrigue at kabul (as also between dost mahomed khan and the sikhs) was hardly favourable to its inception. his efforts were duly acknowledged by the government, but his position as agent became untenable when he found that it led to interference with the great object of his residence in afghanistan, _i.e._ antiquarian research. we can only touch upon the political events of 1836-37 cursorily, in spite of their absorbing interest, in order to follow the sequence of masson's career. at the beginning of 1836 the sikhs under ranjit singh were consolidating their position on the western punjab frontier, whilst dost mahomed khan was working all he knew to secure men and money for military purposes. this led to a half-hearted renewal of correspondence between masson and wade. the commencement of the year 1837 was marked by active preparations on the part of dost mahomed for a campaign against the sikhs, resulting in an equivocal victory for the afghans near jamrud under akbar khan, but no essential change in the relative position as regards the peshawar frontier. various were the projects set on foot at this time for the assassination of the amir, and in the general network of bloody intrigue masson was not overlooked; but he was discreetly absent from kabul during the winter of 1836-37, having previously found it necessary to keep his house full of armed men. he returned to kabul in the spring. towards the end of september 1837 captain burnes arrived in kabul on that historical commercial mission which was to result in a disastrous misunderstanding between the indian government and the amir. if we are to believe masson, it would be difficult to conceive a more mismanaged and hopelessly bungled political function than this mission proved to be; but we must remember that in experience of the afghan character and knowledge of intrigue the indian government and council were by no means experts. it is difficult to believe that the mere fact of inadequate recognition of his services and consequent disappointment could have so affected a man of masson's independence of character, natural ability, and clear sense of justice, as to lead him to misrepresent the position absolutely. as a commercial mission he regarded it as unnecessary. burnes was instructed to proceed first to haidarabad (in sind) for the purpose of opening up the indus to commercial navigation, and thence to journey _via_ attok to peshawar (held by the sikhs), kabul, and kandahar, back again to haidarabad, all in the interest of a trade which was already flourishing between afghanistan and ports on the indus already established. "the governments of india and of england," says masson, "as well as the public at large were never amused and deceived by a greater fallacy than that of opening the indus as regards commercial objects." the keynote of masson's policy was non-interference, so long as interference either in trade or politics was not forced on the british government. at that time such views were undoubtedly sound; but even then there was a stir in the political atmosphere which betokened much nervousness in high quarters on the subject of persian and russian intrigues with afghanistan. so far, however, as masson observes, "there was little notion entertained at this time of convulsing central asia, of deposing and setting up kings, of carrying on wars, of lavishing treasure, and of the commission of a long train of crimes and follies." but with the arrival of burnes at kabul trade interests seem to have faded and those of a more active policy to have taken their place. the weak point in this change of policy appears to have been the want of definite instructions from the government of india to their agent. the appearance of a russian officer (lieut. vektavitch) at kabul from the russian camp at herat in december (he had, according to masson, no real authority to support him, and could only have been acting as a spy on burnes) was a source of much agitation; but nothing whatever appears to have eventuated from his residence in kabul, except grave risk to himself. masson never believed in the dangers arising from either persian or russian intrigue (and he was certainly in a position to judge), and he remarks about vektavitch "that such a man could have been expected to defeat a british mission is too ridiculous a notion to be entertained; nor would his mere appearance have produced such a result had not the mission itself been set forth without instructions for its guidance, and had it not been conducted recklessly, and in defiance of all common sense and decorum." this, indeed, is the attitude assumed by masson throughout towards the mission, although he was still in the service of the indian government and acting under burnes. burnes certainly seems to have behaved with great want of dignity in the presence of the amir and his sirdars; making obeisance, and addressing the amir as if he were a dependant. nor can his private arrangements and his method of living in kabul be commended as those of a dignified agent. european manners and customs were looser in those days in india than they are now, but with all latitude for the _autres temps autres m[oe]urs_ excuse for his conduct, his ideas of eastern life seem to have been almost too oriental even for the approval of the dissolute afghan. certain it is that no proposal made by him on his own responsibility to the amir (especially as regards the cession of peshawar on the death of ranjit singh) was supported by his government, and time after time he enjoyed the humiliation of being obliged to eat his own words. on these occasions it would appear that masson seldom omitted the opportunity of saying "i told you so." in the interests of geographical explorations, this mission of burnes was important. whatever else he was, there is no question that he was as keen a geographical observer as masson himself, and even if the wisdom of the despatch of his assistants (lieut. leech to kandahar, and dr. lord with lieut. wood to badakshan) may be questioned on political grounds, it led to a series of remarkable explorations, some of which even now furnish authority for afghan map-making. in may 1837, lieut. eldred pottinger arrived on leave from india (with the interest of his father sir henry pottinger to back him), and immediately made secret preparations for his adventurous journey through the hazarajat from kabul to herat, which terminated in his participation in the defence of herat against the persians. thus was the first authentic account received of the nature of that difficult mountain region which has subsequently been so thoroughly exploited. afghanistan was just beginning to be known. masson naturally disapproved of pottinger's exploit, for he found himself in hot water owing to the suspicion that he connived at it. he says: "i have always thought that however fortunate for lieut. pottinger himself, his trip to herat was an unlucky one for his country; the place would have been fought as well without him; and his presence, which would scarcely be thought accidental, although truly it was so, must not only have irritated the persian king, but have served as a pretext for the more prominent exertions of the russian staff. it is certain that when he started from kabul he had no idea that the city would be invested by a persian army." colonel stoddart was then the british agent in the persian camp. incidentally it may be useful to note the results of the occupation of seistan about this time by an afghan army under shah kamran, governor of herat and brother to dost mahomed; the one brother, in fact, whom he feared the most. kamran's army had threatened kandahar in the early spring and had spread into seistan. here the cavalry horses perished from disease, and the finest force which had marched from herat for years was placed absolutely _hors de combat_. unable to obtain the assistance of the army in the field, the frontier fortress of ghorian surrendered, and thus reduced kamran to the necessity of retirement on herat and sustaining a siege. the destructive climate of seistan has evidently not greatly changed during the last century. masson's view of the policy best adapted to the tangled situation was the surrender of peshawur to sultan mahomed khan (the amir's brother), who already enjoyed half its revenues, which would have been an acceptable proposition to the sikh chief, ranjit singh (who found the occupation of peshawar a most profitless undertaking), and would at the same time have reconciled the chiefs at kandahar. the amir dost mahomed would have reconciled himself to a situation which he could not avoid and the indian government would have enjoyed the credit of establishing order on their frontiers on a tolerably sure basis without committing themselves to any alliance, for (he writes) "my experience has brought me to the decided opinion that any strict alliance with powers so constituted would prove only productive of mischief and embarrassment, while i still thought that british influence might be usefully exerted in preserving the integrity of the several states and putting their rulers on their good behaviour." subsequent events proved the soundness of these views, but we must remember that masson wrote "after the event." that he did, however, strongly counsel burnes to make no promise in the name of his government of the cession of peshawar to the amir on the death of ranjit singh, is clear, and it is impossible to say how far the disappointment felt by the amir at the refusal of the indian government to ratify this promise may have affected his subsequent actions. masson thinks that burnes should have been recalled, but he admits the difficulty that beset him owing to want of instructions. "the folly of sending such a man as captain burnes without the fullest and clearest instructions was now shown," etc. etc. it is surprising that with his confidence in the ability of his immediate chief so absolutely destroyed, he should have continued to serve under him. finally, on april 26, burnes and masson left kabul together in a hurry and were subsequently joined by lord and wood, and "thus closed a mission, one of the most extraordinary ever sent forth by a government, whether as to the singular manner in which it was conducted, or as to the results." shortly after masson resigned an appointment under the government of india which he stigmatises as "disagreeable and dishonourable." it was a pity that he held it so long. when masson reached india he found that the government had already decided to restore the refugee shah sujah to the throne of kabul, and that a military expedition to kandahar had been arranged. what he has to say about the manner of this arrangement and the nature of the influence brought to bear on lord auckland to bring it about is not more pleasant reading than is his story of the kabul mission. this tale, indeed, does not belong to the history of exploration any further than to indicate under what conditions the first military geographical knowledge of farther afghanistan was gained by such true explorers as pottinger, lord, and wood; and what amount of actually new information was attained by burnes' mission. this was very considerable, as we shall see when we follow burnes' assistants into the field. meanwhile we have not quite done with masson. the closing incidents of the career of this remarkable man, as an explorer, call for little more comment. once again, in the year preceding the disastrous termination to our first occupation of kabul, did he make karachi and sonmiani his base of departure for a fresh venture in behalf of archæological research in afghanistan. it was his intention to proceed to kandahar and kabul, but his plans were frustrated by as remarkable a series of incidents as could well have barred the progress of any traveller. the government of india, instigated by reports which (according to masson) were the results of local intrigue and were palpably false, considered itself justified in an expedition to kalat and the deposition of its brahui chief, mehrab khan. this expedition was successfully carried out by general wiltshire, and mehrab khan was killed in the defence of his citadel. subsequently a british agent, lieut. loveday, was appointed to kalat, and masson found him there on his arrival from sonmiani. masson's description of him and of his crude political methods is not flattering, and his weak surrender of kalat to the badly armed brahui rabble who attacked the place in the interests of the late khan's son was certainly disgraceful. that surrender, which was only wiped out by nott's advance on kalat, and the final suppression of the brahui revolt, cost loveday his life, and placed masson in deadly peril. he, however, succeeded in reaching quetta, where captain bean was in political charge; but this officer not only put him into confinement but treated him with positive barbarity. it is difficult to understand the political view of masson's existence in baluchistan. if any man was capable of unriddling the network of intrigue that occupied all the baluch chiefs at this time, or could bring anything of personal influence to bear on them, it was undoubtedly masson, and something of his history was at any rate known. but he had resigned service under the indian government as "disagreeable and dishonourable," and his reappearance at a time when all baluchistan was in the ferment of seething revolt was perhaps regarded with suspicion. it is also quite conceivable that the local political officer regarded him simply as an interloping loafer, and, until he became better acquainted with masson's character and ability, would be no more likely to pay him attention than would any political officer on the frontier to-day who suddenly found himself confronted with a european in native dress with no valid explanation of his appearance under very ambiguous circumstances. the days were not long past when european loafers of any nationality whatsoever could, and did, find not only service, but distinction, in the courts and armies of native chiefs who were hostile to british interests. one can only gather from masson's strange story that there was no officer in the british political service at that time with intuition sufficient to enable him to appraise the situation correctly, or make use of other experience than his own. here, however, we must leave masson. as an explorer in afghanistan he stands alone. his work has never been equalled; but owing to the very unsatisfactory methods adopted by all explorers in those days for the recording of geographical observations it cannot be said that his contribution to exact geographical knowledge was commensurate with his extraordinary capacity as an observant traveller, or his remarkable industry. it is as a critic on the political methods of the government of india that masson's records are chiefly instructive. hostile critics of indian administrative methods usually belong to one of two classes. they are either uninformed, notoriety-seeking demagogues playing to a certain party gallery at home, or they are disappointed servants of the government, by whom they consider that their merits have been overlooked. to this latter class it must be conceded that masson belonged, in spite of his expressed contempt for government service. thus the virulence of his attacks on the ignorance and fatuity of the political officials with whom he was brought in contact must be freely discounted, because of the obvious animus which pervades them. still it is to be feared there is too much reason to believe that private interest was the recommendation which carried most weight in the appointment of unfledged officers, both civil and military, to political duty on the indian frontier. these gentlemen took the field without experience, and without that which might to a certain extent take the place of experience, viz. an education in the main principles both social and economical which govern the conditions of existence of the people with whom they had to deal. a knowledge of political economy, law, and languages is not enough to enable the young administrator to take his place on the frontier, if he knows not enough of the characteristics of the frontier tribes-people to enable him to maintain the dignity of his position. even physically there are qualifications which are not always regarded as useful, which make for strong influence and good government. a man may be physically powerful enough to use his strength in fair contest to the immense enhancement of his personal prestige, but he must not strike a blow where the blow cannot be returned; and above all he must not endeavour to conciliate by a silly display of obsequious attention, unless he is prepared to sacrifice all his personal influence and destroy the respect due to his office. setting aside masson's sentiments of disgust and horror (which he really felt) that the fate of men should have been placed at the mercy of the political officers in whom, at that time, lord auckland was pleased to repose confidence, and his assertions that "on me developed the task to obtain satisfaction for the insults some of these shallow and misguided men thought fit to practise," his own account of the extraordinary complexity of intrigue, and the unfathomable abyss of deceit and crime which distinguished the political field of native baluchistan, is quite enough to account for much of their failure to deal with the situation. at the same time, it is a strong indication of the necessity for a sounder system of political education than any which now exists. possibly a time may come when we shall cease to see systems of administration suitable to the plains applied to frontier mountaineers, or, for that matter, the foreign methods of india hammered into the nomadic pastoral peoples of other continents than asia, where they are wholly inapplicable. chapter xii english official exploration--lord and wood then followed the afghan campaign of 1839-40, a campaign which was in many ways disastrous to our credit in afghanistan both as diplomats and soldiers, but which undoubtedly opened out an opportunity for acquiring a general knowledge of the conformation of the country which was not altogether neglected. with the political methods attending the inception of the campaign (treated with such scathing scorn by masson), and the strange bungling of an overweighted and unwieldy force armed with antique weapons we have nothing to do. the question is whether, apart from the acquisition of route sketches and intelligence reports dependent on the movements of the army in the field, was there anything that could rank as original exploration in new geographical fields? lieut. north's excellent traverse and report of the route to kandahar, which still supplies data for an integral part of our maps, was distinguished for more accuracy of detail and observation than most efforts of a similar character made at that time; but it can hardly be regarded as an illustration of new and original exploration, the route itself being well enough known to british missions, although never before surveyed. it is undoubtedly one of the best map contributions of the period. the adventures of dr. lord and lieut. wood in badakshan, and the remarkable journey of broadfoot across central afghanistan, however, belong to another category. these explorations covered new ground, much of which has never since been visited by european travellers, and they are authoritative records still. there were missed opportunities in abundance. also opportunities which were not missed, but of which our records are so incomplete and obscure that the modern map-maker can extract but little useful information from them. when burnes was in kabul on his first commercial mission, dr. lord and lieut. leech of the bombay engineers were attached to his staff, and both these gentlemen, with lieut. wood of the indian navy, distinguished themselves by much original research, and have left records the value of which has been proved by subsequent observations. in the middle of october 1837 dr. lord left kabul on an expedition into the plains of the koh daman, to the north of that city, which was to be extended to the passes of the hindu kush leading into badakshan, when he was subsequently invited to attend the court of murad beg, the chief of kunduz, in his professional capacity. murad beg was one of the strongest chiefs of that time. as a bold and astute freebooter and successful warrior he had made his name great amongst the uzbeks south of the oxus, and had consolidated their scattered clans for the time being into a formidable cohesion, the strength of which made itself felt and respected at kabul. where dost mahomed's influence ceased on the north there commenced that of murad beg, and the line of division may be said to have extended from ak robat at the head of the bamian valley on the west, to the passes and foot-hills of the hindu kush above andarab on the east. it was late in the year for lord to attempt the passing of the hindu kush, and he appears to have lingered too long amongst the delightful autumn scenes of that land of enchantment, the koh daman. he selected the passes which strike off from charikar, near the junction of the ghorband with the panjshir rivers. there has always been a slight confusion in the naming of this group of passes, owing to the universal habit in afghanistan of bestowing the name of some possibly insignificant village site on rivers, passes, and roads, without attaching any distinct and definite name to these features themselves. from that break in the hills which gives passage to the ghorband from the south-west and the panjshir from the north-east there strikes off one well-known route across the backbone of the hindu kush, which is marked near the southern foot of the mountains by the ancient town of parwan--a commercial site more ancient than that of kabul--the headquarters of sabaktagin, the ghuri conqueror, when he wrested kabul from the hindu kings, and of timur the tartar in later ages. consequently, the pass which bears north from that point is often called the parwan. it was, according to lord, the chief khafila route from badakshan (although it may be doubted whether it was ever as popular as the khawak when the panjshir route was not closed by tribal hostility), notwithstanding that far less traffic passed that way than by bamian and the unai. the head of the pass was known as sar alang, so that it figures in geographical records frequently under this name also, whilst the local name acquired for it in the course of surveying in 1883 was bajgah. to the west of this is the kaoshan pass, which is also known _par excellence_ as the pass of "hindu kush"; and farther west again is the gwalian (or walian), an alternative to the kaoshan when the latter is in flood. lord selected the parwan or sar alang pass, narrow, rocky, and uneven, with a fall of about 200 feet per mile, and was fairly defeated in his attempt to cross, on october 19, by snow. this is about the closing time of the passes generally, the parwan being only 12,300 feet in altitude, although lord estimated it at 15,000. it is worth noting here that the russo-afghan boundary commission party crossed by the chahardar pass (a pass to the west again of the walian) in the same month of october without encountering any insuperable difficulty from snow, although the chahardar is more than 1000 feet higher than the parwan. the fact that lord met a khafila snow-bound near the top of the pass indicates that it was closed rather unexpectedly. valuable observations were, however, the result of this reconnaissance. it revealed the fact that snow lies lower and deeper on the northern side of the hindu kush than on the southern, a fact which is in direct opposition to the general characteristics of the himalayas. the explanation is, however, simple. in both cases the snow lies lowest on that side which reaches down to low humid plains and much precipitation of moisture. where the barrier of the mountains breaks the upward sweep of vapour-bearing currents, there snowfall is arrested, and the highlands become desiccated. lord's observation as a geologist also determined the constitution of these mountains. he noted the rugged uplift (beautiful from the admixture of pure white felspar and glossy black hornblende) of the central granite peaks through the overlying gneiss, schists, and slate, which thus revealed the extension of one of the great primeval folds of himalayan conformation. returning from his attempt to cross the pass, lord had the good fortune to be able to extend his researches for a day's march up the ghorband valley, and to explore the ancient lead mines of ferengal, which have been sunk in the ghorband conglomerates, but had long been abandoned by the afghans. these he found to have been worked on "knowledge and principle, not on blind chance,"--as might have been expected in a country which still possesses some of the best practical mining and irrigation engineers in the world; and he testifies, _inter alia_, to the extraordinary effect of the exceeding dryness of the interior, as evidenced by the preservation from decay of dead animals. similar phenomena have been observed in many parts of the world both before and since, and it would appear that a satisfactory scientific explanation is still wanting for this preservative tendency of caves and mines; the atmosphere, in some cases where well-preserved remains are found, being subject to exactly the same conditions of humidity as the outer air. it was during this interesting exploratory trip that dr. lord received a welcome invitation to visit murad beg in the uzbek capital of kunduz, where his professional advice was in urgent demand. although the northern passes of the hindu kush were closed, the route to badakshan was still open _via_ bamian and khulm, and it was by this route that for the first (and apparently the last) time the journey from kabul to kunduz was made by european officers. lord was accompanied by lieut. wood, and it is to wood's summary of the conditions of the route that we now refer. as far as bamian it was already beginning to be a well-known road (well known, that is, to european travellers); but beyond that point it was a new venture then, nor can any record be traced of subsequent investigations on it. wood summarises the route by first enumerating the seven passes which have to be negotiated before reaching kunduz (or khulm), and gives us a slight description of them all. four of these passes were in afghan territory, and three beyond. of the passes of ispahak and unai he merely remarks that a mail-coach might be driven over them. the hajigak group he regards as the "key-guide to the bamian line," the hajigak being the highest pass encountered (about 11,000 feet). a little to the north is the irak, and to the south is the pushti hajigak (kafzur in modern maps); the hajigak, or irak, being open to khafilas for ten months of the year, but for a considerably less period to the passage of troops. the next pass wood calls kalloo (panjpilan in our maps), which he regards as being lower than hajigak. then follows the descent into bamian. next is the ak robat pass (10,200 feet), between the valleys of bamian and saighan, of which wood reports that "it is open to wheeled traffic of all description." as far as this (the then frontier of afghanistan) wood refers to the fact, already recorded, that the amir's lieutenant--haji khan--was able to take field-pieces "of a size between 12and 18-pounders." we already know the conditions under which this passage of artillery was effected. it is also on record that nadir shah took guns as far as saighan. what is not so generally known is that the uzbek chief, murad beg, took an 18-pounder over the rest of the route from saighan to kunduz. the three remaining passes are (1) the dandan shikan, between saighan and kamard, of which wood reports the north face to be exceedingly difficult, and where he would never have believed that a gun could pass, had it not been actually traversed by the 18-pounder of murad beg. it may be mentioned here that it took 1100 men to drag that gun up the northern face of the pass, so that wood is quite justified in classing it as only fit for camels. then follows (2) the kara pass, leading from kamard into the valley of the tashkurghan river, about which the only remark made by wood is that it may be turned by the pass of surkh kila (which involves a considerable detour). as wood does not definitely state which is (3) the seventh pass, we may assume that it is the shamsuddin, which is merely a detour to avoid an awkward reach of the tashkurghan valley. this is probably the first clear exposition which has ever been made of the general nature of the route connecting kabul with afghan turkistan, and for it we must give lieut. wood all the credit that is fully due; for no subsequent surveys and investigations have materially altered his opinion. it must not be forgotten that in dealing with the story of afghan exploration we are touching on past records. the far-sighted policy of public works development, which distinguished the late amir abdurrahmon, led to the extension of roads for facilitating commerce between the oxus and kabul, the full effect of which we have yet to learn. to the north of kabul the roads opened to khafila traffic, _via_ the chahardar pass and the khawak, have introduced a new and important feature into the system of afghan communications; and it is more than probable that the facilities for wheeled traffic between kabul and tashkurghan have lately been largely increased.[12] it is well also to remember that it is not the physical difficulties of rough roads and narrow passes which form the chief obstacle to the movement of large bodies of troops. roads can be made, and crooked places straightened with comparative ease, but altitude, sheer altitude, still remains a formidable barrier, which no modern ingenuity has taught us to overcome. deep impassable snow-drifts, and the fierce killing blasts of the north-westers of afghanistan close these highland fields for months together; and neither roads nor railways (still less air-ships) can prevail against them. when wood and lord turned eastward from khulm, and passed on to kunduz and badakshan, they were treading ground which was absolutely new to the european explorer, and which has seldom been reached even by the ubiquitous native surveyor. lord gives us but a scanty account of kunduz and northern badakshan in his report, and we must turn to the immortal wood (the discoverer of one of the oxus' sources) for fuller and more picturesque detail. wood left kunduz for the upper oxus in the early spring of 1838, and it is somewhat remarkable that he should have effected an important exploration successfully in regions so highly elevated at the worst season of the year. before following wood to the oxus, we may add a few further details of that important march from kabul to kunduz. it was in november 1837 that wood and lord were again in kabul after their unsuccessful attempt to cross the parwan pass, and losing no time they started on the 15th for badakshan by the bamian route, crossing the unai pass and the elevated plain which separates it from the helmund without difficulty. they encountered large parties of half-starved hazaras seeking the plains on their annual pilgrimage to warm quarters for the winter. they crossed the hajigak pass on the 19th "with great ease," then passing the divide between the afghan and turkistan drainage; but they had to make a considerable detour to avoid the direct kalu pass, and entered bamian by the precipitous pimuri defile and the volcanic valley of zohak. the ak robat pass presented no difficulty. in saighan they encountered the slave-gang of wretched hazara people who were being then conducted to kunduz as yearly contribution. not much is said about the dandan shikan pass dividing saighan from kamurd, where they were welcomed by the drunken old chief rahmatulla khan, whose character for reckless hospitality seems to have been a well-known feature in badakshan. he is mentioned by every traveller who passed that way since burnes' mission in 1832. on the 28th they reached kuram, where they found another slave-gang being conducted by afghans from kabul, who had the grace to appear much ashamed of being caught red-handed in a traffic which has never commended itself to afghan public opinion. amongst uzbeks it is different, the custom of man-stealing appears to have smothered every better feeling, and the traffic in human beings extends even into their domestic arrangements. their wives are just as much "property" as their slaves. a little below kuram they struck off to the right by a direct route to kunduz, and passing over a district which had "a wavy surface," "affording excellent pasturage," which involved the crossing of the pass of archa, they finally crossed the kunduz river, and making their way through the swampy district of baglan and aliabad, reached kunduz on december 4. wood is not enthusiastic about kunduz. he calls it one of the most wretched towns in murad beg's dominions. "the appearance of kunduz accords with the habits of an uzbek; and by its manner, poverty and filth, may be estimated the moral worth of its inhabitants." he thought a good deal of murad beg all the same, and could not deny his great abilities. "but with all his high qualifications murad beg is but the head of an organised banditti, a nation of plunderers, whom, however, none of the neighbouring states can exterminate." murad beg has joined his fathers long ago, but no recent account of kunduz much alters wood's opinion of it. the wretched badakshanis whom murad beg conquered, and whom he set to live or die in the dank pestilential marshes which fill up the space between the badakshan highlands and the oxus, have since then been restored to their own country; and of badakshan we heard enough from the amir's officials connected with the pamir boundary commission to lead us to believe in it as a veritable land of promise, a land whose natural beauty and fertility may be compared to that of kashmir--but this was told of the mountain regions, not of the oxus flats. when wood got away from kunduz and travelled eastwards to faizabad and jirm he does rise to enthusiasm, and tells us of scenes of natural beauty which no european eye has seen since he passed that way. on december 11, in mid-winter, wood started from kunduz with the permission of murad beg to trace the "jihun" to its source, and the story of this historical exploration will always be most excellent reading. first crossing an open plain with a southern background of mountains, a plain of jungle grass, moist and unfavourable to human life, with stifling mists of vapour flitting uneasily before them, the party reached higher ground and the town of khanabad. behind khanabad rises the isolated peak of koh umbar, 2500 feet above the plain, which appears to be a remarkable landmark in this region. it has never yet been fixed geographically. passing through the low foot-hills surrounding this mountain, wood emerged into the plain of talikhan, and reached the ancient town of that name in a heavy downpour of winter rain. here at once he encountered reminiscences of greek occupation and claimants to the lineage of alexander the great. the trail of the greek occupation of baktria clings to badakshan as does that of nysa to the valleys of kafiristan. the impression of talikhan is summed up by wood in the statement that it is a most disagreeable place in rainy weather. he might say the same of every town in afghan turkistan. he has much to say of uzbek character and idiosyncrasies. in one respect he says that the habits of uzbek children are superior to those of young britons. they do not rob sparrows' nests! here, too, wood found himself on the track of moorcroft. striking eastward he crossed the lataband pass (since fixed at 5650 feet in height) and first encountered snow. from the pass he describes the surrounding view as glorious: "in every quarter snowclad peaks shot up into the sky," and he gives the name khoja mahomed to the range (unnamed in our maps) which crosses badakshan from north-east to south-west and forms the chief water-parting of the country. before him the kokcha "rolled its green waters through the rugged valley of duvanah." the summit of lataband is wide and level and the descent eastwards comparatively easy. through the pretty vale of mashad (where wood's party crossed the varsach river) to teshkhan the road led generally over hilly country covered with snow; but leaving teshkhan it rises over the pass of junasdara (fixed by wood at 6600 feet), crossing one of the great spurs of the khoja mahomed system, and descended to daraim, "a valley scarce a bowshot across, but watered, as all the valleys in badakshan are, by a beautiful stream of the purest water, and bordered, wherever there is soil, by a soft velvet turf." to daraim succeeded the plain of argu and the "wavy" district of reishkhan, which reached to the valley of the kokcha. so far, since leaving talikhan, they had met with "no sign of man or beast," but the latter were occasionally in close proximity, for the path was made easy by hog tracks, and wood has some grisly tales to tell about the ferocity of the wolves of the country. junasdara he describes as a difficult or steep pass, but he notes the fact that murad beg had crossed it with artillery which left evidence in wheel tracks. of faizabad, when wood was there, "scarcely a vestige was left," and jirm had become the capital of the country. but faizabad has risen to importance since, and according to the reports of subsequent native explorers, has regained a good deal of its commercial importance. "behind the site of the town the mountains are in successive ridges to a height of at least 2000 feet" (_i.e._ above the plain); "before it rolls the kokcha in a rocky trench-like bed sufficiently deep to preclude all danger of inundation. looking up the valley, the ruined and uncultivated gardens are seen to fringe the stream for a distance of two miles above the town." faizabad is about 3950 feet above sea-level. wood makes it about 500 feet lower, and his original observations were probably of more than equal value with those of subsequent native explorers. but certain recent improvements in exploring instruments, and certain refinements in computing the value of such observations, render the balance of probability in favour of the later records. wood (as a sailor) was a professional observer, and where observations alone are concerned his own are excellent. from faizabad wood went to jirm, which he regarded as a more important position than faizabad. elsewhere an opinion has been expressed that jirm was the ancient capital of the country. wood took the shortest road to jirm which leaves the kokcha valley and passes over the kasur spur, winding by a high and slippery path for some distance along the face of the hill. it was a two days' march. the fort at jirm he describes as the most important in murad beg's dominions. his stay at jirm gave him the opportunity of visiting the lapis-lazuli mines near the head of the kokcha river under the shadow of the hindu kush just bordering kafiristan. this experience was useful, for wood not only contributes a most interesting account of the working of the mines, but places on record the impracticable nature of the route which follows the kokcha river from its source above the mines to jirm. near the assumed source, and not far south of the mines, there are two passes across the hindu kush, viz. the minjan, which connects with the well-known dorah and leads to chitral, and the mandal, which unites the head of the bashgol valley of kafiristan with the minjan sources of the kokcha. the upper reaches of the kokcha river form the minjan valley. sir george robertson crossed the mandal in 1889 and fixed its height at over 15,000 feet, and he places the head of the minjan (or kokcha) much farther south than it appears in our maps. as the mandal pass connects kafiristan with the minjan valley of the kokcha (pronounced by wood to be almost impracticable above jirm), it is of no great geographical importance; nor, owing to the same impracticability, is the minjan pass itself of any great consequence, although it connects with chitral. the dorah (14,800 feet), on the other hand, links up chitral with another branch of the kokcha, passing by the populous commercial town of zebak, and is consequently a pass to be reckoned with in spite of its altitude. it is, in short, the chief pass over the hindu kush directly connecting india with badakshan; but a pass which is nearly as high as mont blanc affords no royal gateway through the mountains. wood had sufficiently indicated the nature of the kokcha valley between jirm and minjan. at the point where the mines occur it is about 200 yards wide. on both sides the mountains are "high and naked," and the river flows in a trough 70 feet below the bed of the valley. we know that it is not a practicable route. it is, however, much to be regretted that no modern explorer has touched the valley of anjuman to the west of minjan, which, whilst it is perhaps the main contributor to the waters of the kokcha, also appears to have contained a recognised route in mediæval times. "if you wish not to go to destruction, avoid the narrow valley of koran," is a native warning quoted by wood, which seems to apply to the upper kokcha. as a passable khafila route, idrisi writes that from andarab to badakshan _towards the east_ is a four days' journey. andarab (the ancient site) being fixed at the junction of the kasan stream with the andarab river, the only possible route eastwards would be to the head of the andarab at khawak, and thence over the nawak pass into the anjuman valley. nor can the nawak (which is as well known a pass as the khawak) have any _raison d'être_ unless it connects with that valley. there is, however, the possibility of a wrong inference from idrisi's vague statement. "badakshan" (which was represented by either jirm or faizabad) is actually east of andarab, but to reach it by the obvious route of the lowlands, following the kunduz river and ultimately striking eastwards, would involve starting from andarab to the west of north. but just as the mandal leading into the minjan valley opens up no useful route in spite of being a well-known pass, so may the nawak lead to nothing really practicable in anjuman. this, indeed, is probably the case, but anjuman remains to be explored. returning to jirm, wood awaited the opportunity for his historic exploration of the oxus. this occurred at the end of january 1838, when news came to jirm that the oxus was frozen above darwaz. the only route open to travellers in the snow time of that region is the bed of the frozen river, and wood determined to make the best use of the opportunity. he was anxious to visit the ruby mines of the oxus valley, but in this he did not succeed, owing to the extreme difficulties of the route following the river from its great bend northward to the district of gharan, in which these mines are situated. he met the remnants of a party returning from gharan which had lost nearly half its numbers from an avalanche when he reached zebak, and wisely determined to expend his efforts in following up the course of the river to its source, rather than tempt providence by a dangerous detour. to reach zebak from jirm it was necessary to follow the kokcha to its junction with the wardoj and then turn up that valley to zebak. this journey in winter, with the biting blasts of the glacier-bred winds of the hindu kush in their teeth, was sufficiently trying. these devastated regions seem to be never free from the plague of wind. it is bad enough in the pamirs in summer, but in winter when superadded to the effects of a cold registering 6° below zero it must have been maddening. there was no great difficulty in crossing the divide between zebak (a small but not unimportant town) and the elbow of the oxus river at ishkashm. once again since the days of wood a party of europeans, which included two well-known geographers (lockhart and woodthorpe, both of whom have since gone to their rest), reached ishkashm in 1886, and they were treated there with anything but hospitality. wood seemed to have fared better. with the authority of murad beg to back him, and his own tact and determination to carry him through, he succeeded in overcoming all obstacles, and from point to point he made his way to where the oxus forks at kila panja. from ishkashm to kila panja the valley was fairly wide and open, and here for the first time he met those interesting nomadic folk the kirghiz. wood's observations on the people he met are always acute and interesting, but he seems rather to have been influenced (as he admits that he may have been) by his badakshani guides in framing his estimate of kirghiz character. thieves and liars they may be. these characteristics are common in high asia, but even in these particulars they compare favourably with uzbeks and afghans generally. at any rate he trusted them, and it was with their assistance that he reached the source of the oxus. without them in a world of snow-covered hills and depressions, with every halting-place buried deep and not a trace of a track to be seen, he would have fared badly. at kila panja he was faced with a difficulty which gave him anxious consideration. could he have guessed what issues would thereafter hang on a decision to that momentous question--which branch of the oxus led to its real source--it would have caused him even greater anxiety. ultimately he followed the northern branch which waters the great pamir, and after almost incredible exertion in floundering through snowdrifts and scratching his way along the ice road of the river surface, on february 19, 1838, he overlooked that long narrow expanse of frozen water which is now known as victoria lake. we may discuss the question of the source, or sources, of the oxus still, and trace them to the great glaciers from which the lakes north and south of the nicolas range are fed, or to the ice caverns of the hindu kush as we please--there are many sources, and it is not in the power of mortal man to measure their relative profundity--but wood still lives in geographical history as the first explorer of the upper oxus, and will rank with speke and grant as the author of a solution to one of the great riddles of the world's hydrography. with infinite labour he dug a hole through the ice and found the depth of the lake at its centre to be only 9 feet. were he to plumb it again in these days he would find it even less, for the lake (like all central asian lakes) is growing smaller and shallower year by year. the information which he absorbed about the high regions of asia, the pamirs (the bam-i-dunya), was wonderfully correct on the whole, and is strong evidence of his ability in sifting the mass of miscellaneous matter with which the asiatic usually conceals a geographical truth. he is incorrect only in the matter of altitude, which he fixes too high by more than a thousand feet, and he makes rather a strange mistake in recording that the kunar (the chitral river) rises north of the hindu kush and breaks through that range. otherwise it would be difficult to add to or to correct his information by the light of subsequent surveys. with his return journey surrounded by all the enchantment of bursting spring in those regions we need not concern ourselves. after a three months' absence he rejoined dr. lord at kunduz. wood's return to kunduz was but the prelude to another journey of exploration into the northern regions of badakshan which, in some respects, was the most important of all his investigations, for it is to the information obtained on this journey that we are still indebted for what little knowledge we possess of the general characteristics of the oxus valley above termez. dr. lord was summoned in his medical capacity to visit a chief at hazrat imam on the oxus river, and wood seized the opportunity to explore the oxus basin from hazrat imam upwards through darwaz. kunduz itself has been described by both authorities as a miserable swamp-bound town, with pestilential low-lying flats stretching beyond it towards the oxus. this low country is, however, productive, and is probably by this time largely reclaimed from the grass and reed beds which covered it. into this poisonous swamp country the uzbek chief had imported the wretched badakshani tajiks whom he had captured during his extensive raids, for the purpose of colonizing. wood reckons that 100,000 people must have originally been dumped into this swamp land, of whom barely 6000 were left when he was at kunduz. between the swamp and the oxus was a splendid stretch of prairie or pasture land, reaching to the tangled jungle which immediately fringed the river below the darwaz mountains, and this naturally excited his admiration. "eastward" of khulm "to the rocky barriers of darwaz all the high-lying portion of the valley is at this season (march) a wild prairie of sweets, a verdant carpet enamelled with flowers"; and he describes the "low swelling" hills fringing these plains as "soft to the eye as the verdant sod which carpets them is to the foot." this is very pretty, and quite accords with the general description of country which forms part of the oxus valley much farther west. the oxus jungles, however, only occur at intervals. in wood's time (1838) they were a thick tangle of low-growing scrub, which formed the haunts of wild beasts which were a terror to the dwellers in the plains. tigers are found in those patches of oxus jungle still. hazrat imam then ranked with zebak and jirm as one of the most important towns of badakshan. east of hazrat imam were the traces of a gigantic canal system with its head about sherwan, from which point to the foot-hills of darwaz the river is (or was) fordable in almost any part. wood forded it at a point near yang kila, opposite saib in kolab, in march, and found the river running in three channels, only one of which was really difficult. in this one, however, the current was running 4 miles an hour and the width of the channel was about 200 yards. it was only by uniting the forces of the party to oppose the stream that they were able to effect the passage. thus was wood probably the first european to set his foot in kolab north of the oxus. the river-bottom in this part of its course is generally pebbly, and at the sherwan ford guns had been taken across. near the mouth of the kokcha (here a sluggish muddy stream) wood found the site of an ancient city which he calls barbarra, and which i think is probably the mabara of idrisi. wood's next excursion from kunduz was by the direct high road westward to mazar, where he and lord hoped to find relics of moorcroft (in which quest they were successful), and back again. this only confirmed what was previously known of the facility of that route, one of the most ancient in the world, and the attention which had been paid to it by the construction of covered tanks (they would be called haoz farther west) at intervals for the convenience of travellers. the final recall of these two explorers to kabul afforded them the opportunity for investigating the route which runs directly south from kunduz by the river valley of that name to the junction with the baghlan. thence, following the baghlan to its head, they crossed by the murgh pass into the valley of andarab, and diverging eastward they adopted the khawak pass to reach the panjshir valley, and so to kabul. no great difficulties were encountered on this route (which has only been partially explored since), involving only two passes between the oxus and kabul, _i.e._ the murgh (7400 feet) which is barely mentioned by wood, and the khawak (11,650 feet--wood makes it 1500 feet higher), and it undoubtedly possesses many advantages as the modern popular route between kabul and badakshan. it is not the high-road to mazar (the capital of afghan turkistan), which will always be represented by the bamian route, but it must be recognised as a fairly easy means of communication in summer between the chief fords of the oxus and the kabul valley. the greek settlements were about baghlan and andarab, and undoubtedly this was the road best known to them across the hindu kush, and probably as much used as the kaoshan or parwan passes, which were more direct. for many centuries, however, in mediæval history the panjshir valley possessed such an evil reputation as the home of the worst robbers in asia, that a wide berth was given to it by casual travellers. timur shah made good use of it for military purposes, as we have seen, and latterly it has been improved into a fair commercial high-road under afghan engineers. the panjshir inhabitants (once kafirs--now truculent mohamedans) have been reduced to reason, and it will be in the future what it has been in the ancient past--one of the great khafila routes of asia. when wood crossed it in may it was not really practicable for horses, and the party made their way across with considerable difficulty. it is the altitude, and the altitude alone, which renders it a formidable military barrier, and thus will it remain as part of that great hindu kush wall which forms the central obstruction of a buffer state. before taking leave of these two most successful (and most trustworthy) explorers of afghanistan, it may be useful to sum up their views on that little-known region, badakshan. the plains, the useful and beautiful valleys of badakshan, lie in the embrace of a kind of mountain horse-shoe, which shuts them off from the oxus on the north-east and east and winds round to the hindu kush on the south. the weak point of the semicircular barrier occurs at the junction with the hindu kush, where the pass between zebak and ishkashm is only 8700 feet high. from the slopes of the hindu kush mountain torrents drain down through the valleys of zebak (called the wardoj by wood), the minjan (or kokcha) and the anjuman into the great central river of kokcha. of these valleys, so far as we know, only the wardoj is really practicable as a northerly route to the oxus. shutting off the head of the kokcha system, a lateral range called khoja mahomed by wood (a name which ought to be preserved), in which are many magnificent peaks, sends down its contributions north-west to the kunduz. we know nothing about these valleys, and wood tells us nothing, but the geographical inference is strong that all this part of upper badakshan, including the heads of the kokcha and kunduz affluents, is but a wide inhospitable upland plateau of a conformation similar to that which lies east and west of it, cut into deep furrows and impassable gorges by the mountain streams which run thousands of feet below the plateau level. within it will almost certainly be traced in due course of time the evidences of those primeval parallel folds, or wrinkles, which form the basis of himalayan construction. probably the khoja mahomed represents one of them, and the heads of the streams which feed the kokcha and the eastern affluents of the kunduz will be found (as already indicated in the wardoj, or zebak, stream) to take their source in deep, lateral, ditch-like valleys, which, closely underlying these folds, have been reshaped and altered by ages of denudation and seismic destruction. the few inhabitants who are hidden away in remote villages and hamlets belong to the great kafir community. this is a part of unexplored kafiristan rather than badakshan, and he will be a bold man indeed who undertakes its investigation. no asiatic secret now held back from view will command so much vivid interest in its unfolding as will the ethnographical conditions of these people when we can really get at them. this mountain region occupies a large share of badakshan. the rest of the plateau land to the west we know fairly well and have sufficiently described. the wonder of the world is that the deeply recessed valleys of it, the bamian, saighan, kamard, baghlan, and andarab depressions should have figured so largely in the world's history. that a confined narrow ribbon of space such as bamian, difficult of access, placed by nature in the heart of a wilderness, should have been the centre not only of a great kingdom but the focus of a great religion, would be inexplicable if we did not remember that through it runs the connecting link between the wealth of india and the great cities of the oxus plains and central asia. the northern slopes and plains of badakshan, between the mountains and the oxus, form part of a region which once represented the wealth of civilization in asia. the whole region was dotted with towns of importance in mediæval times, and the fame of its beauty and wealth had passed down the ages from the days of assyria and greece to those of the destroying mongol hordes. from prehistoric times nations of the west had planted colonies in baktria, and here are to be gathered together the threads of so many ethnographical survivals as may be represented by the successive empires of the west. baktria is the cradle of a marvellously mixed ethnography, and to all who have seen the weird beauty of that strange land, the fascination which it has ever possessed for the explorer and pilgrims is no matter of surprise. a word or two must be added here about that previous explorer (moorcroft) in northern afghanistan whose fate was ascertained by lord. it is most unfortunate that some of the most important manuscripts of this unfortunate asiatic traveller were never recovered, but his story has been written and will be referred to in further detail. we have direct testimony to the fate which finally overtook him in dr. lord's report of his visit to mazar-i-sharif, which was made with the express purpose of recovering all the records that might be traced of moorcroft's travels in afghan turkistan. a previous story of moorcroft is highly interesting. an early tibetan explorer (the celebrated abbé huc) told a tale of a certain englishman named moorcroft, who was reported to have lived in lhasa for twelve years previous to the year 1838 and who was supposed to have been assassinated on his way back to india _via_ ladak. the story was circumstantial and attracted considerable attention. we know now from a memorandum of dr. lord written in may 1838, that in the early spring of that year when he and lieut. wood visited mazar-i-sharif they discovered that the german companion of moorcroft (trebeck) had died in that city, leaving amongst many loose records a slip of paper, with the date september 6, 1825, thereon, noting the fact that "mr. m." (moorcroft) "died on august 27th." dr. lord's investigations led him to the conclusion that moorcroft died at andkhui, a victim "not more to the baneful effects of the climate than to the web of treachery and intrigue with which he found himself surrounded and his return cut off." trebeck, who seems to have been held in great estimation by the afghans, died soon after; neither traveller leaving any substantial account of his adventures. moorcroft's books (thirty volumes) were recovered, and the list of them would surprise any modern traveller who believes in a light and handy equipment. dr. lord's inquiries, in my opinion, effectually dispose of the venerable abbé's story of moorcroft's residence at lhasa; although, of course, the record of his visit to western tibet and the manasarawar lakes earlier in the century must have been well enough known; and the tibetans may possibly have believed in a reincarnation of their one and only european visitor in their own capital. this chapter cannot be closed without a tribute of respect to those most able and enterprising geographers who (chiefly as assistants to burnes) were the means of first giving to the world a reasonable knowledge of the geography of afghanistan. the names of leech, lord, and wood will always remain great in geographical story, and although none of them individually (nor, indeed, all of them collectively) covered anything like as wide an area as the american masson, they effected a far greater change in the maps of the period--for masson was no map-maker. as regards sir alexander burnes, his initiative in all that pertained to geographical exploration was great and valuable, but he was individually more connected with the exploitation of central asian and persian geography than with that of afghanistan. previous to the year 1836, when he undertook his political mission to kabul (and when he was travelling over comparatively old ground), he had already extended his journeys across the hindu kush to the oxus, bokhara, and persia; and the book which he published in 1834 was a revelation in central asian physiography and policy. but as an explorer in afghanistan he owed his information chiefly to his assistants, and undoubtedly he was splendidly well served. the ridiculous and costly impedimenta which seemed to be recognised as a necessary accompaniment to a campaign or "an occupation" in those days--the magnificent tents, the elephants, wives and nurseries and retinue of military officers--found no place whatever in the explorers' camps. men were content to make their way from point to point and take their chance of native hospitality. they lived with the people amongst whom they moved, and they gradually became almost as much of them as with them. perhaps their views, political and social, became somewhat too warmly tinted with local colour by these methods, but undoubtedly they learned more and they saw more, and they acquired a wider, deeper sympathy with native aspirations and native character than is possible to travellers who move _en prince_ amongst a people who only interest them as races dominating a certain section of the mountains and plains of a strange world. all honour to the names of leech, lord, and wood--especially wood. footnote: [12] the latest reports indicate that there is now a road fit for motor traffic between kabul and afghan turkistan, as well as between kabul and badakshan. chapter xiii across afghanistan to bokhara--moorcroft one of the most disappointing of the early british explorers of our indian trans-frontier was moorcroft. disappointing, because he got so little geographical information out of so large an area of adventure. moorcroft was a veterinary surgeon blessed with an unusually good education and all the impulse of a nomadic wanderer. he was superintendent of the h.e.i. company's stud at calcutta, and his views on agricultural subjects generally, especially the improvement of stock, were certainly in advance of his time, although it seems extraordinary that he should have sought further inspiration in the wilds of the then unexplored trans-himalayas or in central asia. the government of india were evidently sceptical as to the value of such researches, and he received but cold comfort from their grudging spirit of support, which ended in a threat to cut off his pay altogether after a few years' sojourn in ladak whilst studying the elementary principles of tibetan farming. neither would they supply him with the ample stock of merchandise which he asked for as a means of opening up trade with those chilly countries; and when, finally, he assumed the position of a high political functionary, and became the vehicle of an offer to the government of india of the sovereignty of ladak (which certainly might have led to complications with the sikh government of the punjab) he was rather curtly told to mind his own business. on the whole, it is tolerably clear that the government represented by old john company was not much more favourable to irresponsible travelling over the border and political intermeddling than is our modern imperial institution. however, the fact remains that moorcroft showed a spirit of daring enterprise, which led to the acquirement of a vast amount of most important information about countries and peoples contiguous to india of whom the government of the time must have been in utter ignorance. when he first exploited ladak, leh was the _ultima thule_ of geographical investigation. what lay beyond it was almost blank conjecture, and a residence of two years must have ended in the amassing of a vast fund of useful information. unfortunately, much of that information was lost at his death, and the correspondence and notes which came into the hands of his biographer were of such a character--so extraordinarily discursive and frequently so little relevant to the subject of his investigation--as to leave an impression that moorcroft was certainly eccentric in his correspondence if not in more material ways. we get very little original geographical suggestion from him; but his constant and faithful companion trebeck is much more consistent and careful in such detail as we find due to his personal observation, and it is to trebeck rather than moorcroft that the thanks of the asiatic map-maker are due. with the ladak episodes of moorcroft's career we have nothing to do here, beyond noting that there is ample evidence that he never reached lhasa, and never resided there, in spite of the persistent rumours which prevailed (even in tibet) that a traveller of his name had lived in the city. it is exceedingly difficult to account for this rumour, unless indeed we credit the authors of it with a confusion of ideas between lhasa, the capital of tibet proper, and leh, the capital of little tibet. the interest of moorcroft's adventures so far as we are now concerned commences with his journey from peshawar to kabul, badakshan and bokhara in 1824, when he was undoubtedly the first in the field of british central asiatic exploration. he owed his safe conduct from peshawar (which place he reached only after some most unpleasant experiences in passing through the sikh dominions of the punjab) to a political crisis. dost mahomed khan was consolidating his power at kabul, but he had not then squared accounts with habibullah the son of the former governor, his deceased elder brother mahomed azim khan; and certain other members of his family (his brothers, yar mahomed, pir mahomed, and sultan mahomed), who were governors in the indus provinces, thought it as well to step in and effect an arrangement. it was their stately march to kabul which was moorcroft's opportunity. those were days when an englishman was yet of interest to the afghan potentate, who knew not what turn of fortune's wheel might necessitate an appeal for the intervention of the english. moorcroft did not love the afghans, and between the unauthorised robbers of the kabul road and the official despoilers of the city he paid dearly for the right of transit through afghanistan of himself and his merchandise. it was this assumed rôle of merchant (if indeed it was assumed) that hampered moorcroft from first to last in his journeys beyond the frontier of british india. there was something to be made out of him, either by fair means or foul, and the rapacious exactions to which he was subjected were probably not in the least modified by his obstinate refusals to meet what he considered unjust demands. invariably he had to pay in the end. his account of the road to kabul is interesting from the keen observation which he brought to bear on his surroundings. he has much to say about the groups of buddhist buildings which are so marked a feature at various points of the route, and his previous experiences in tibet left him little room for doubt as to the nature of them. it is strange that locally there was not a tale to be told, not even a legend about them, which even indefinitely maintained their buddhist origin. from kabul moorcroft succeeded in getting free with surprisingly little difficulty, though several members of his party declined to go farther. he gradually made his way by the unai and hajigak passes to bamian, and thence to haibak and balkh. he was not slow to recognize the connection between the obvious buddhist relics of bamian and those which he had seen on the kabul road; and at haibak he visited a tope called takht-i-rustam (a generic name for these topes in central asia) of which his description tallies more or less with that of captain talbot, r.e., who unearthed what is probably the same relic some sixty years later. to moorcroft we owe the identification of haibak with the old mediæval town of semenjan, and he states that he was told on the spot that this was its ancient name. no such name was recognised sixty years later, but the evidence of idrisi's records confirms the fact beyond dispute. we need not enter into details of this well-worn and often described route. moorcroft's best efforts were not directed to gazetteering, and we have much abler and more complete accounts of it than his. after passing the ak robat divide, moorcroft found himself beyond afghan jurisdiction and within the reach of that historic uzbek chieftain, murad beg of kunduz. although murad beg was little better than a successful freebooter, he is a personage who has left his own definite mark on the history of days when british interest was just dawning on the oxus banks. moorcroft fell into his hands, and in spite of introductions he fared exceedingly badly. indeed there can be little doubt that the cupidity excited by the possibility of so much plunder would have ended fatally for him, but for a happy inspiration which occurred to him when his affairs appeared to be _in extremis_. with great difficulty and at the peril of his life he made his way eastward to talikhan, where resided a saintly pirzada, uncle of murad beg, the one righteous man whose upright and dignified character redeemed his people from the taint of utter barbarism and treachery. he had discrimination enough to read moorcroft aright, and at once discountenanced the tales that had been assiduously set abroad of his being a british spy upon the land; and he had firmness and authority sufficient to deliver him from the rapacity of his truculent nephew, and procure him freedom to depart after months of delay in the pestilential atmosphere of kunduz. yet this grand old mahomedan saint patronised the institution of slavery, and was not above making a profit out of it, though at the same time he firmly declined to receive presents or have bribes for his good offices. as other travellers following in moorcroft's footsteps at no great distance of time fell also into the hands of murad beg, and experienced very different treatment, it is useful just to note moorcroft's description of him. he says: "i scarcely ever beheld a more forbidding countenance. his extremely high cheekbones gave the appearance to the skin of the face of its being unnaturally stretched, whilst the narrowness of the lower jaw left scarcely room for the teeth which were standing in all directions; he was extremely near-sighted." not an attractive description! the spring had well advanced, and it was not till the middle of february 1825 that moorcroft was able to resume his journey to the oxus. he travelled from kunduz to tashkurghan and mazar, and from the latter place he followed the most direct route to bokhara _via_ the khwaja salar ferry across the oxus, reaching bokhara on february 25. here his narrative ends, and we only know from dr. lord and wood that he returned from bokhara to andkhui, and died there apparently of fever contracted in kunduz. he was buried near balkh. trebeck died soon after, and was buried at mazar-i-sharif. burnes visited and described the tombs of both travellers, but they have long since disappeared. as a geographer there is much that is wanting in the methods of this most enterprising traveller, who at least pioneered the way to high asia from british india but who never made geographical exploration a primary object of his labours. he was true to the last to his trade as a student of agriculture, and it is in this particular, rather than in the regions of geography or history, that the value of his studies chiefly lies. he was the first to point out the general character of that disastrous road to kabul which has cost england so dear, and he is still, with burnes and lord and wood, our chief authority for the general characteristics of badakshan and of the oxus valley east of balkh. he did not, however, touch the oxus east of khwaja salar, and consequently did not see or appreciate the great spread of splendid pastoral country which lies between the pestilential marsh lands of kunduz and the river. one would be apt to gather a pessimistic idea of lower badakshan from the pages of moorcroft's story, which are undoubtedly tinted strongly with the gloomy and grey colouring of his own unhappy experiences. of balkh he has very little to say; he noted no antiquities about balkh, but he calls attention to the wide spaces covered with ruins which are to be found at intervals scattered over the plains between balkh and the oxus. it is a little difficult to follow his exact route across the oxus plains by the light of modern maps, but his feruckabad is probably our feruk, and i gather that his akbarabad is akcha or akchaabad. the condition of balkh, of akcha, and of the ruin-studded plains of the oxus were evidently much the same in 1824 as they were in 1884. khwaja salar (where moorcroft crossed the oxus in ferry-boats drawn by horses) has since become historical. it was accepted in the anglo-russian protocols defining the afghan boundary as an important point in the russo-afghan boundary delimitation, but it was not to be found. moorcroft gives a very good reason for its disappearance, by stating that the place was razed to the ground just the day before he arrived there. since then the ruins of the old village have been devoured by the shifting oxus, and nothing but a ziarat at some distance from the river remains as a record of the distinguished saint who gave it its name. chapter xiv burnes no traveller who ever returned to his country with tales of stirring adventure ever attracted more interest, or even astonishment, than lieut. alexander burnes. he published his story in 1835, when the oxus regions of asia were but vaguely outlined and shadowy geography. it did not matter that they had been the scene of classical history for more than 2000 years, and that the whole network of oxus roads and rivers had been written about and traversed by european hosts for centuries before our era. that story belonged to a buried past, and the british occupation of india had come about in modern history by way of the sea. england and russia were then searching forward into central asia like two blind wrestlers in the dark, feeling their ground before them ere they came to grips. a veil of mystery hung over these highlands, a geographical fog that had thickened up, with just a thinner space in it here and there, where a gleam of light had penetrated, but never dispersed it, since the days when assyrian and persian, skyth, greek, and mongul wandered through the highest of asiatic highways at their own sweet will. in the present year of grace and of red tape bindings to most books of asiatic travels, when the best of the geographical information accumulated by the few who bear with them the seal of officialdom is pigeon-holed for a use that never will be made of it, it is quite refreshing to fall back on these most entertaining records of men who (whether official or otherwise) all travelled under the same conditions of association with the natives of the country they traversed, accepting their hospitality, speaking their language, assuming their manners and dress, and passing with the crowd (and with the crowd only) as casual wayfarers. the fact of their european origin was almost always suspected, if not known, to certain of the better informed of their asiatic hosts, but they were seldom given away. it was nobody's business to quarrel with england then. a hundred years ago the military credit of england stood high, and the irrepressible advance of the red line of the british india-border impressed the mind of the asiatic of the highlands beyond the plains as evidence of an irresistible power. russia then made no such impression. she was still far off, and the ties of commerce bound the oxus khanates to india, even when russian goods were in asiatic markets. the bankers of the country were hindus--traders from the great commercial centre of shikarpur. it is strange to read of this constant contact with hindus in every part of central asia in those days, when the _hundi_ (or bill) of a shikarpur banker was as good as a letter of credit in any bazaar as far as the russian border. the power of england in india undoubtedly loomed much larger in asiatic eyes before the disasters of the first afghan war, and englishmen of the type of burnes, christie, pottinger, vigne, and broadfoot were able to carry out prolonged journeys through districts that are certainly not open to english exploration now. even were english officers to-day free under existing political conditions to travel beyond the british border at all, it is doubtful whether any disguise would serve as a protection. the day has passed for such ventures as those of burnes, and we must turn back a page or two in geographical history if we wish to appreciate the full value of british enterprise in exploring afghanistan. undoubtedly burnes ranks high as a geographer and original pioneer. the fact that there is little or nothing left of the scene of his travels in 1830-32 and 1833 which has not been reduced to scientific mapping now, does not in any way detract from the merit of his early work; although it must be confessed that the perils of disguise prevented the use of any but the very crudest methods of ascertaining position and distance, and his map results would, in these days, be regarded as disappointing. sind and the punjab being trans-border lands, there were always useful and handy opportunities for teaching the enterprising subaltern of bombay infantry how to travel intelligently; with the natural result that no corps in the world possessed a more splendid record of geographical achievement than the bombay n.i. burnes began well in the quartermaster-general's department, and was soon entrusted with political power. full early in his career he was despatched with an enterprising sailor, lieut. wood, on a voyage up the indus which was to determine the commercial possibilities of its navigation, and which did in fact lead to the formation of the indus flotilla--some fragments of which possibly exist still. it is most interesting to read the able reports compiled by these young officers; and one might speculate idly as to the feelings with which they would now learn that within half a century their flotilla had come and gone, superseded by one of the best paying of indian railways. their feelings would probably be much the same as ours could we see fifty years hence a well-established electric train service between kabul and peshawar, and a double or treble line of rails linking up russia with india _via_ herat. we shall not see it. it will be left to another generation to write of its accomplishment. searching the archives of the royal geographical society for the story of burnes the traveller (apart from the voluminous records of burnes the diplomat), i came across a book with this simple inscription on the title-page: "to the royal geographical society of london, with the best wishes for its prosperity by the author." this is vol. i. of burnes' travels. it is written in the attenuated, pointed, and ladylike style which was the style of the very early victorian era. it hardly leads to an impression of forceful and enterprising character. on january 2, 1831, burnes made his first plunge into the wilderness which lay between him and lahore, the capital of the sikh kingdom, and he entered that city on the 17th. there he was most hospitably received by the french officers in the service of ranjit singh, messieurs allard and court, and was welcomed by the maharaja ranjit singh, who treated him with "marked affability." burnes was accompanied by dr. gerard, and the two travellers were taken by ranjit singh to a hunting party in the punjab, a description of which serves as a forcible illustration of the changes which less than one century of british administration has effected in the plains of india. never will its like be seen again in the land of the five rivers. the guests' tents were made of kashmir shawls, and were about 14 feet square. one tent was red and the other white, and they were connected by tent-walls of the same material, shaded by a _shamiana_ supported on silver-mounted poles. in each tent stood a camp-bed with kashmir shawl curtains. it was, as burnes remarks, not an encampment suited to the punjab jungles; and the hunting procession headed by the maharaja, dressed in a tunic of green shawls, lined with fur, his dagger studded with the richest brilliants, and a light metal shield, the gift of the ex-king of kabul (shah sujah, who, it will be remembered, also surrendered the koh-i-nor diamond to ranjit singh about this time), as the finishing touch to his equipment, must have been quite melodramatic in its effects of colour and movement. it was, as a matter of fact, a pig-sticking expedition, but the game fell to the sword rather than to the spear; such of it, that is to say, as was not caught in traps. the party was terminated by a hog-baiting exhibition, in which dogs were used to worry the captive pigs, after the latter were tied by one leg to a stake. when the pigs were sufficiently infuriated, the entertainment concluded with letting them loose through the camp, in order, as ranjit said, "that men might praise his humanity." such episodes, however they might beguile the journey to the afghan frontier, belong to other histories than that of afghan exploration, and little more need be said of burnes' experiences before reaching the afghan city of peshawar, than that he experienced very different treatment _en route_ to that which made moorcroft's journey both perilous and disheartening. in peshawar the two brothers of dost mahomed khan (sultan mahomed and pir mahomed) seem to have rivalled each other in courtly attentions to their guests, and burnes was as much enchanted with this garden of the north-west as any traveller of to-day would be, provided that his visit were suitably timed. burnes thus sums up his impression of ranjit singh: "i never quitted the presence of a native of asia with such impressions as i left this man; without education, and without a guide, he conducts all the affairs of his kingdom with surpassing energy and vigour, and yet he wields his power with a moderation quite unprecedented in an eastern prince." on leaving lahore burnes received this salutary advice from m. court, packed in a french proverb, "si tu veux vivre en paix en voyageant, fais en sorte de hurler comme les loups avec qui tu te trouves." and he set himself to conform to this text (and to the excellent sermon which accompanied it) with a determination which undoubtedly served as the foundation of his remarkable success as a traveller. it cannot be too often insisted that the experiences of intelligent and cultivated europeans in the days of close association with the asiatic led to an appreciation of native character and to an intimacy with native methods, which is only to be found in india now amongst missionaries and police officers, if it is to be found at all. but even with all the advantages possessed by such experiences as those of burnes and of the intrepid school of asiatic travellers of his time, it required an intuitive discernment almost amounting to genius to detect the motive springs of eastern political action. it may be doubted (as masson doubted) whether to the day of his death burnes himself quite understood either the afghan or the sikh. but he vigorously conformed to native usages in all outward show: "we threw away all our european clothes and adopted without reserve the costume of the asiatic. we gave away our tents, beds, and boxes, and broke our tables and chairs--a blanket serves to cover the saddle and to sleep under.... the greater portion of my now limited wardrobe found a place in the 'kurjin.' a single mule carried the whole of the baggage." armed with letters of introduction from a holy man (fazl haq), who boasted a horde of disciples in bokhara, and with all the graceful good wishes which an afghan potentate knows how to bestow, burnes left peshawar and the two afghan sirdars, and started for kabul. it is instructive to note that he avoided the khaibar route, which had an evil reputation. it would be interesting to trace burnes' route from peshawar to bokhara, _via_ kabul and bamian, were it not that we are dealing with ground already sufficiently well discussed in these pages. moreover, burnes travelled to kabul in company which permitted him to make little or no use of his opportunities for original geographical research. after he left kabul the vicissitudes and difficulties that beset him were only such as might be experienced by any recognised official political mission, and he experienced none of the vexatious opposition and delay which was so fatal to moorcroft. _en route_ he passed through bamian, haibak, khulm, and balkh; he visited kunduz, and identified the tomb of trebeck at mazar; and by the light of a brilliant moon he stood by the grave of moorcroft, which he found under a wall outside the city, apart from the mussulman cemeteries. the three days passed at balkh were assiduously employed in local investigation and the collection of coins and relics. he found coins, or tokens, dating from early persian occupation to the mogul dynasties, and he notes the size of the bricks and their shape, which he describes as oblong approaching to square; but he mentions no inscriptions. at this time balkh was in the hands of the bokhara chief, and burnes was already in bokhara territory. the journey across the plains to the oxus was made on camels, burnes being seated in a kajawa, and balancing his servant on the other side. it was slow, but it gave him the opportunity of overlooking the broad oxus plain and noting the general accuracy of the description given of it by quintus curtius. as they approached the oxus it was found necessary to employ a turkman guard. burnes does not say from what turkman tribe his guard was taken, but from his description of them, their dress, equipment, and steeds, they were clearly men of the same ersari tribe that was found fifty years later in the same neighbourhood by the russo-afghan boundary commission. "they rode good horses and were armed with a sword and long spear. they were not encumbered with shields and powder-horns like other asiatics, and only a few had matchlocks.... they never use more than a single rein, which sets off their horses to advantage." on the banks of the river they halted near the small village of khwaja salar. this was the same place evidently that moorcroft visited, and which he described as destroyed in a raid; and it was here that burnes made use of the peculiar horse-drawn ferry which has already been described. fifty years later the ferry was at kilif, and nothing was to be found of the "village" of khwaja salar. burnes' astonishment at the quaint, but most efficient, method of utilizing the power of swimming horses to haul the great ferry-boats has been shared by every one who has seen them since; but he noted a fact which has not been observed by other travellers, viz. that _any_ horse was taken for the purpose, no matter whether trained or not; and he states that the horses were yoked to the boat by a rope fixed to the hair of the mane. if so, this method was improved on during the next half-century, for the rope is now attached to a surcingle. "one of the boats was dragged over by two of our jaded ponies; and the vessel which attempted to follow us without them was carried so far down the stream as to detain us a whole day on the banks till it could be brought up to the camp of our caravan." the river at this point is about 800 yards wide, and runs at the rate of three to four miles an hour. the crossing was effected in fifteen minutes. burnes adds: "i see nothing to prevent the general adoption of this expeditious mode of crossing a river.... i had never before seen the horse converted to such a use; and in my travels through india i had always considered that noble animal as a great encumbrance in crossing a river." and yet after two centuries of military training in the plains of india, we english have not yet arrived at this economical use of this great motive power always at our command in a campaign! after passing the oxus the chief interest of burnes' story commences. his life at bokhara and his subsequent journey through the turkman deserts to persia form a record which, combined with his own physical capability, his energy, and his unfailing tact, good humour, and modesty, stamp him as one of the greatest of english travellers. his name has its own high place in geographical annals. we shall never cease to admire the traveller, whatever we may think of the diplomat. but once over the oxus his story hardly concerns the gates of india. he was beyond them, he had passed through, and was now on the far landward side, still on a road to india; but it is a road over which it no longer concerns us to follow him. chapter xv the gates of ghazni--vigne amongst original explorers of afghanistan place must be found for g. t. vigne, who made in 1836 a venturesome, and, as it proved, a most successful exploration of the gomul route from the indus to ghazni. vigne was not a professional geographer so much as a botanist and geologist, and the value of his work lies chiefly in the results of his researches in those two branches of science, although he has left on record a map of his journey which quite sufficiently illustrates his route. he had previously visited ladak (little tibet) and kashmir, and had made passing acquaintance with the chief of the punjab, ranjit singh, in whose service foreigners found honourable employment. masson was in the field at the same time as vigne, and the success of his antiquarian researches in northern afghanistan, as well as those of honigberger and other archæologists during the time that dost mahomed ruled in kabul, and whilst the amir's brother, jabar khan, befriended europeans, indicated a very different political atmosphere from that which has subsequently clouded the afghan horizon, so far as european travellers are concerned. vigne found no difficulty whatever in passing through punjab territory to the indus valley near dera ismail khan, where he joined a lohani khafila which was making its annual journey to ghazni with a valuable stock of merchandise consisting chiefly of english goods. in the genial month of may the khafila left draband and took the world-old gomul route through the frontier hills to the central uplands of afghanistan. the heat must have been awful, and as vigne lived the life of the lohani merchants, and shared their primitive shelter from day to day, it is not surprising that we find him complaining gently of the climate. the lohanis treated him with the utmost kindness and consideration from first to last; and the story of his travels is in pleasing contrast to the tale told by masson about the same time, of his adventures on the kandahar side. this was due chiefly, no doubt, to vigne's success as a doctor. it is always the doctors who make the best way amongst uncivilized peoples, and india especially (or rather the british raj in india) owes almost as much to doctors as to politicians. there is also a fellow-feeling which binds together travellers of all sorts and conditions when bound for the same bourne, taking together the same risks, experiencing the same trials and difficulties, and enjoying unrestrained intercourse. this kind of fellowship is world wide. one can trace a genial spirit of _camaraderie_ pervading the wanderings of chinese pilgrims, the tracks of mediæval arab merchants, the ways of modern missionaries, or the ocean paths of sailors. once on the move, with the sweet influences of primitive nature pervading earth and air around, we may find, even in these days, that the afghan becomes quite a sociable companion, and that he is to be trusted so far as he gives his word. vigne seems to have had no trouble whatever except such as arose from the persistent neglect of his medical instructions in cases of severe illness. as the khafila followed the gomul river closely, it was, of course, subject to attack from the irrepressible waziris on its flank, and had to pay heavy duties to the suliman khel ghilzais as soon as it touched their country. there is little change in these respects since 1836, except that the gomul route has been made plain and easy through the first bands of frontier hills till it reaches the plateau, and the waziris are under better control. the interest of the journey lies in that section of it which connects domandi (the junction of the gomul and the kundar rivers) with ghazni. this central part of afghanistan has never yet been surveyed. from the takht-i-suliman a few peaks have been indifferently fixed on the ridges which form the divide between the gomul and the ghazni drainage, but the hilly country beyond, stretching to the ghazni plain, is absolutely unreconnoitred. we have still to appeal to broadfoot and vigne for geographical authority in these regions, although native information (but not native surveyors) has furnished details of a route which sufficiently corresponds with that of both these enterprising travellers. there is some confusion about dates in vigne's account, but it appears that the khafila reached the sarwandi pass (which he calls sir-i-koll--7200 feet) over the central divide on the 12th june, and thence descended into the kattawaz country on the ghazni side of this central water-parting. about this region we have no accurate geographical knowledge. beyond the sarwandi ridge, and intervening between it and ghazni, is a secondary pass, called gazdarra in our maps, crossing a ridge near the northern foot of which is dihsai (the nearest approach to vigne's dshara), which was reached by vigne on the 16th june. probably the two names represent the same place. vigne's description of the central sarwandi ridge corresponds generally with what we know in other parts of the nature of those long sweeping folds which traverse the central plateau from north-east to south-west, preserving more or less a direction parallel to the frontier. he writes of it as a broken and tumbled mass of sandstone, but about "dshara" he speaks of gently undulating hills exhibiting small peaks of limestone and denuded patches of shingle. between the sarwandi and the dshara ridge the plain was covered with glittering sand and was sweet with the scent of wild thyme. somewhere on the "level-topped" sarwandi ridge there was said to be the ruins of an ancient city called zohaka, with gates of burnt brick, which vigne did not see, but in his map he indicates a position for it a long way to the east of the ridge. it is quite probable that the ruins of more than one ancient city are to be found in the neighbourhood of this very ancient highway. ancient as it is, however, it formed no part of the mediæval commercial system of the arabs--a system which apparently did not include the frontier passes into india; and i have failed to identify vigne's zohaka with any previous indications. these uplands to the south of ghazni evidently partake of the general characteristics of the wardak and logar valleys beyond them, intervening between ghazni and kabul. vigne was enchanted with the prospect around him, and with the clear sweet atmosphere filled with the aroma of wild thyme, wormwood, and the scented willow. it has charmed many a weary soldier since his time. at dshara, finding that the lohani khafila was not going to ghazni but intended to follow a straighter route to kabul, whilst at the same time a very ready and profitable business was being done in the well-populated valleys around, vigne set off by himself with one kizzilbash guide for ghazni. he says many hard things of the lohanis for breaking their promise of escort to ghazni, remarks which seem scarcely to accord with his free acknowledgments of their great kindness to him elsewhere. as the opinion of so observant a traveller, sharing the trials of the road with a band of native merchants, is always interesting when it concerns the company with which he was associated, i will quote his opinion of the lohanis. "taking them altogether, i look on the lohanis as the most respectable of the mahomedans and the most worthy of the notice and assistance of our countrymen. the turkish gentleman is said to be a man of his word; he must be an enviable exception; but i otherwise solemnly believe that there is not a mahomedan--sunni or shiah--between constantinople and yarkand who would hesitate to cheat a feringi, frank or european, and who would not lie and scheme and try to deceive when the temptation was worth his doing so," etc. this, of course, includes the lohanis. at ghazni, vigne found a servant of moorcroft's, who gave him interesting information about the travels of that unfortunate explorer; and he takes some useful notes of the present military position and former condition of that city before its utter destruction by allah-u-din, ghuri. he determined to depart somewhat from the regular route to kabul, and diverged from the straight road which runs to the sher-i-dahan in order to visit the "bund-i-sultan," or reservoir, which had been constructed by mahmud on the ghazni river for the proper water-supply of the town in its palmy days. as his last day's travel took him to lungar and maidan before reaching kabul he evidently made a considerable detour westward. he inspected a copper mine (with which he was greatly disappointed) at a place called shibar _en route_. to reach shibar he made a long day's march from ser-ab (? sar-i-ab), near the head of the logar river. it is difficult to trace this part of his route by the light of the map which he borrowed from honigberger. he clearly followed up the ghazni river nearly to its source, and then struck across to the head of the logar, where he correctly places ser-ab, and where he found an agent of masson's engaged in excavating a tope. he next visited shibar, and finally marched by lungar to maidan and kabul. he must, therefore, have crossed the divide between the ghazni river and the logar, but we fail to follow him to the shibar copper mine. shibar is the name of the pass which divides the turkistan drainage from the ghorband, or kabul, system; but it would be totally impracticable to reach that point in a day's excursion from ser-ab. we must, therefore, conclude that there is another shibar somewhere, undetected by our surveyors. at kabul he received a hospitable welcome from the nawab jabar khan, brother of the amir dost mahomed, and here he fell in with masson. we need not trace his journey farther, for his subsequent footsteps only followed the well-worn tracks to the punjab. to vigne we owe a vague reference to a yet earlier english traveller in afghanistan, one hicks, who died and was buried near the peshawar gate of the old city. the inscription on his tomb in english was- hicks, son of william and elizabeth hicks, and vigne adds that "by its date he must have lived a hundred and fifty years ago." this is the earliest record we have of an english traveller reaching kabul, and it is strange that nothing is known about hicks, who certainly could not have inscribed his own epitaph! the remarkable feature about the tomb is that such a memorial of a christian burial should have remained so long unmolested in a moslem country. no vestige of the tomb was discovered during the occupation of kabul in 1879-80. chapter xvi english official exploration--broadfoot in the year 1839 and in the month of october lieut. j. s. broadfoot of the indian engineers made a memorable excursion across central afghanistan, intervening between ghazni and the indus valley, which resulted in the acquisition of much information about one of the gates of india which is too little known. no one has followed his tracks since with any means of making a better reconnaissance, nor has any one added much to the information obtained by him. it is true that vigne had been over the ground before him, but there is no comparison between the use which broadfoot made of his opportunities and the geography which vigne secured. both took their lives in their hands, but vigne passed along with his lohani khafila in days preceding the british occupation of afghanistan. there was no fanatical hostility displayed towards him. on the contrary, his medical profession was a recommendation which won him friends and good fellowship all along the line. a few years had much changed the national (if one can use such a word with regard to afghanistan) feeling towards the european. from day to day, and almost from hour to hour, broadfoot felt that his life hung on the chances of the moment. he was told by friends and enemies alike that he would most certainly be killed. yet he survived to do good service in other fields, and to maintain the reputation of that most distinguished branch of the military service, the indian engineers. broadfoot was but typical of his corps, even in the scientific ability displayed in his researches, the clearness and the soundness of the views he expresses, the determined pluck of his enterprise, and his knowledge of native life and character. durand, north, leach, and broadfoot were lieutenants of engineers at the same time, and their reports and their work are all historical records. previously to his start on the gomul reconnaissance broadfoot had the opportunity of reconnoitring much of the country to the south of ghazni bordering the kandahar-ghazni route. he had, therefore, a very fair acquaintance with the people with whom he had to deal, and a fairly well fixed point of departure for his work. his methods were the time-honoured methods of many past generations of explorers. he took his bearings with the prismatic compass, and he reckoned his distance by the mean values obtained from three men pacing. consequently, he could not pretend, in such circumstances as he was placed (being hardly able to leave his tent in spite of his disguise), to complete much in the way of topography; but his clear description of the ground he passed over, and the people he passed amongst, furnishes nearly all that is necessary to enable us to realise the practical value and the political difficulty of that important line of communication with central afghanistan. from ghazni southwards to pannah there is nothing but open plain. from near pannah to the sarwandi pass, which crosses the main divide (the kohnak range) between the helmund and the indus basins, there is much of the ridge and furrow formation which distinguishes the north-western frontier, the alignment of the ridges being from n.e. to s.w., but the gazdarra pass over the kattawaz ridge is not formidable, and the road along the plain of kattawaz is open. in kattawaz were groups of villages, denoting a settled population, and as much cultivation as might be possible amidst a lawless, crop-destroying, and raiding generation of ghilzais. "kattasang, as viewed from dand" (on the northern side) "appears a mass of undulating hills, and as bare as a desert; it is the resort in summer of some pastoral families of suliman khels." approaching the main divide of sarwandi by the sargo pass two forts are passed near sargo, which sufficiently well illustrate the characteristics of perpetual feud common to clans or families of the ghilzai fraternity. the forts are close to each other; one of them is known as ghlo kala (thieves' fort), but they are probably both equally worthy of the name. the inhabitants of these forts absolutely destroyed each other in a family feud, so that nothing now remains. their very waters have dried up. near the sargo, on the ghazni side of the sarwandi pass, is schintza, at which place vigne also halted, and from schintza commences the real ascent to the sarwandi. the ascent, and indeed the crossing altogether, are described by broadfoot as easy. vigne does not say much about this. from the foot of the sarwandi one branch of the gomul takes off, and from that point to the indus the great trade route practically follows the gomul on a gradually descending grade. it is a stony, rough, and broken hill route, now expanding into a broad track of river-bed, now contracting into a cliff-bordered gully, occasionally leaving the river and running parallel over adjoining cliffs, but more often involving the worry of perpetual crossing and re-crossing of the stream. here and there is an expansion (such as the "flower-bed," gulkatz) into a reed-covered flat, and occasionally there occurs a level open border space which the blackened stones of previous khafilas denote as a camping-ground. wild and dreary, carving its way beneath the heat-cracked and rain-seared foot-hills of waziristan, strewn with stones and boulders, and disfigured by leprous outbreaks of streaky white efflorescence, the gomul in the hot weather is not an attractive river. in flood-time it is dangerous, and it is in the hottest of the hot weather months that the route is fullest of the moving khafila crowds. in broadfoot's time the worst part of the route was between the plateau and the indus plains. this is no longer so, for a trade-developing and road-making government has made the rough places plain, and engineered a first-class high-road thus far. and there is this to be noted about that section of it which still lies beyond the ken of the frontier officer and which as yet the surveyor has not mapped. not a single camel-load in broadfoot's khafila had to be shifted on account of the roughness of the route between ghazni and the indus, and not a space of any great length occurred over which guns might not easily pass. the drawback to the route as a high-road for trade has ever been the blackmailing propensities of waziris and cognate tribes who flank the route on either side. broadfoot's khafila lost no less than 100 men in transit; but this was at a time when the country was generally disturbed. in more peaceful days previously vigne refers to constant losses both of men and property, but to nothing like so great an extent. broadfoot still stands for our authority in all that pertains to the central afghan tribes-people--chiefly the suliman khel clan of ghilzais--who occupy the highlands between waziristan and ghazni. under the iron heel of the late amir of afghanistan no doubt much of their turbulent and feud-loving propensities has been repressed, and with its repression has followed a development of agriculture, and a general improvement throughout the favoured districts of kattawaz and the ghazni plain. here the climate is exceptionally invigorating, and much of the sweet landscape beauty of the adjoining districts of wardak and logar (two of the loveliest valleys of afghanistan) is evidently repeated. several fine rivers traverse these uplands, the jilgu and the dwa gomul (both rising from the central divide near to the sources of the tochi) having much local reputation, and claiming a crude sort of reverence from the wild tribes of the plateau which is only accorded to the gifts of allah. the suliman khel are not nomads--though like all afghans they love tents--and their villages, clinging to wall-sides or clustering round a central tower, are well built and often exceedingly picturesque. the ghilzai skill at the construction of these underground irrigation channels called karez is famous throughout afghanistan. it is, however, the more westerly clans who especially excel in the development of water-supply. the suliman khel and the nasirs take more kindly to the khafila and "povindah" form of life, and this gomul route is the very backbone of their existence. it is a pity that we know so little about it. chapter xvii french exploration--ferrier amongst modern explorers of afghanistan who have earned distinction by their capacity for single-handed geographical research and ability in recording their experiences, the french officer m. ferrier is one of the most interesting and one of the most disappointing. he is interesting in all that relates to the historical and political aspects of afghanistan at a date when england was specially concerned with that country, and so far and so long as his footsteps can now be traced with certainty on our recent maps, he is clearly to be credited with powers of accurate observation and a fairly retentive memory. it is just where, as a geographer, he leaves the known for the unknown, and makes a plunge into a part of the country which no european has actually traversed before or since, that he becomes disappointing. he is the only known wanderer from the west who has traversed the uplands of the firozkohi plateau from north to south; and it is just that region of the upper murghab basin which our surveyors were unable to reach during the progress of the russo-afghan boundary mapping. the rapidity of the movements of the commission when once it got to work precluded the possibility, with only a weak staff of topographers, of detailing native assistants to map every corner of that most interesting district, and naturally the more important section of the country received the first attention. but they closed round it so nearly as to leave but little room for pure conjecture, and it is quite possible to verify by local evidence the facts stated by ferrier, if not actually to trace out his route and map it. m. ferrier's career was a sufficiently remarkable one. he served with the french army in africa, and was delegated with other officers to organise the persian army. here he was regarded by the russian ambassador as hostile to russian interests, and the result was his return to france in 1843, where he obtained no satisfaction for his grievances. deciding to take service with the punjab government under the regency which succeeded ranjit singh, he left france for bagdad and set out from that city in 1845 for a journey through persia and afghanistan to india. ferrier reached herat seven years after the siege of that place by the persians, and four years after the british evacuation of afghanistan, and his story of interviews with that wily politician, yar mahomed khan, are most entertaining. it is satisfactory to note that the english left on the whole a good reputation behind them. his attempt to reach lahore _via_ balkh and kabul was frustrated, and he was forced off the line of route connecting balkh with kabul at what was then the afghan frontier. it was at this period of his travels that his records become most interesting, as he was compelled to pass through the hazara country to the west of kabul by an unknown route not exactly recognisable, crossing the firozkohi plateau and descending through the taimani country to ghur. from ghur he was sent back to herat, and so ended a very remarkable tour through an absolutely unexplored part of afghanistan. his final effort to reach the punjab by the already well-worn roads which lead by kandahar and shikarpur was unsuccessful. considering the risks of the journey, it was a surprising attempt. it was in the course of this adventure that he came across some of the ill-starred remnants of the disasters which attended the british arms during the evacuation of afghanistan. there were apparently englishmen in captivity in other parts of afghanistan than the north, and the fate of those unfortunate victims to the extraordinary combination of political and military blundering which marked those eventful years is left to conjecture. such in brief outline was the story of afghan exploration as it concerned this gallant french officer, and from it we obtain some useful geographical and antiquarian suggestions. the province of herat he regards as coincident with the aria of the greek historians, and the aria metropolis (or artakoana) he considers might be represented either by kuhsan or by herat itself. he expends a little useless argument in refuting the common afghan tradition that any part of modern herat was built by alexander. between the twelfth century and the commencement of the seventeenth herat has been sacked and rebuilt at least seven times, and its previous history must have involved many other radical changes since the days of alexander. it is, however, probable that the city has been built time after time on the site which it now occupies, or very near it. the vast extent of mounds and other evidences of ancient occupation to the north of it, together with its very obvious strategic importance, give this position a precedence in the district which could never have been overlooked by any conqueror; but the other cities of greek geography, sousa and candace, are not so easy to place. ferrier may be right in his suggestion that tous (north-west of mashad) represents the greek sousa, but he is unable to place candace. to the west of herat are three very ancient sites, kardozan, zindajan (which ferrier rightly identified with the arab city of bouchinj), and kuhsan, and candace might have stood where any of them now stand. ferrier's description of herat and its environment fully sustains sir henry rawlinson's opinion of him as an observant traveller. for a simple soldier of fortune he displays remarkable erudition, as well as careful observation, and there is hardly a suggestion which he makes about the herat of 1845 which subsequent examination did not justify in 1885. it was the custom during the residence of the english mission under major d'arcy todd in herat for some, at least, of the leading afghan chiefs to accept invitations to dinner with the english officers, a custom which promoted a certain amount of mutual good-fellowship between afghans and english, of which the effects had not worn off when ferrier was there. when, finally, yar mahomed was convinced that ferrier had no ulterior political motive for his visit, and was persuaded to let him proceed on his journey, a final dinner was arranged, at which ferrier was the principal guest. it appears to have been a success. "at the close of the repast the guests were incapable of sitting upright, and at two in the morning i left these worthy mussulmans rolling on the carpet! the following day i prepared for my departure." in 1885 manners and methods had changed for the better. the english officers employed on the reorganisation of the defences of the city were occasionally entertained at modest tea-parties by the afghan military commandant, but no such rollicking proceedings as those recounted by ferrier would ever have been countenanced; and it must be confessed that ferrier's accounts, both here and elsewhere, of the social manners and customs of the afghan people are a little difficult to accept without reservation. we must, however, make allowances for the times and the loose quality of afghan government. he left herat by the northerly route, passing parwana, the baba pass, and the kashan valley to bala murghab and maimana. ferrier has much to say that is interesting about the tribal communities through which he passed, especially about the chahar aimak, or wandering tent-living tribes, which include the hazaras, jamshidis, taimanis, and firozkohis. he is, i think, the first to draw attention to the fact that the firozkohis are of persian origin, a people whose forefathers were driven by tamerlane into the mountains south of mazanderan, and were eventually transported into the herat district. they spring from several different persian tribes, and take the name firozkohi from "a village in the neighbourhood of which they were surrounded and captured." the origin of the name ferozkohi has always been something of a geographical puzzle, and it is doubtful whether there was ever a city originally of that name in afghanistan, although it may have been applied to the chief habitat of this agglomeration of persian refugees and colonists. ferrier's account of his progress includes no geographical data worthy of remark. politically, this part of afghan turkistan has remained much the same during the last seventy years, and geographically one can only say that his account of the route is generally correct, although it indicates that it is compiled from memory. for instance, there is a steep watershed to be crossed between torashekh and mingal, but it is not of the nature of a "rugged mountain," nor could there have ever been space enough for the extent of cultivation which he describes in the murghab valley. he is very much at fault in his description of the road from nimlik (which he calls meilik) to balkh. the hills are on the right (not left) of the road, and are much higher than those previously described as rugged mountains. no water from these hills could possibly reach the road, for there is a canal between them, the overflow of which, however, might possibly swamp the road. balkh hardly responds to his description of it. there is no mosque to the north of balkh, nor is the citadel square. the road from khulm to bamian passes through tashkurghan (which is due east of mazar--not south) and haibak, and changes very much in character before reaching haibak. from haibak to kuram the description of the road is fairly correct, but no amount of research on the part of later surveyors has revealed the position of "kartchoo" (which apparently means locally a market); nor could ferrier possibly have encountered snow in july on any part of this route, even if he saw any. we must, however, consider the conditions under which he was travelling, and make allowances for the impossibility of keeping anything of the nature of a systematic record. at kuram, a well-known point above haibak on the road to kabul, he reached the uzbek frontier. beyond this point--into afghanistan--no uzbek would venture, and it was impossible to proceed farther on the direct route to kabul. yielding to the pressure of friendly advice, he made a retrograde detour to saripul, through districts occupied by hazaras, and "kartchoo" was but a nomadic camp that he encountered during his first day out from kuram. clearly he was making for the yusuf darra route to saripul; and his next camp, dehao, marks the river. it may possibly be the point marked dehi on modern maps. at saripul he was not only well received by the uzbek governor, mahomed khan, but the extraordinary influence which this man possessed with the hazaras, firozkohis, and other aimak tribes of northern afghanistan enabled ferrier to procure food and horses at irregular stages which carried him to ghur in the taimani land. it is this part of ferrier's journey which is so tantalizing and so difficult to follow. he must have travelled both far and fast. leaving saripul on july 11, he rode "ten parasangs," over country very varied in character, to boodhi. now this country has been surveyed, and there can be no reasonable doubt about the route he took southwards. but no such place as boodhi has ever been identified, nor have the remarkable sculptures which were observed _en route_, fashioned on an "enormous block of rock," been found again, although careful inquiries were made about them. they may, of course, have been missed, and information may have been purposely withheld, for geographical surveys do not permit of lengthy halts for inquiry on any line of route. ferrier's description of them is so full of detail that it is difficult to believe that it is imaginary. he mentions that on the plain on which boodhi stood, "two parasangs to the right," there were the "ruins of a large town," which might very possibly be the ruins identified by imam sharif (a surveyor of the afghan boundary commission), and which would fix the position of "boodhi" somewhere near belchirag on the main route southward to ghur. belchirag is about 55 miles from saripul. the next day's ride must have carried him into the valley of the upper murghab on the firozkohi plateau, crossing the band-i-turkistan _en route_, and it was here that he met with such a remarkable welcome at the fortress of dev hissar. ferrier describes the valley of the upper murghab in terms of rapture which appear to be a trifle extravagant to those who know that country. no systematic survey of it, however, has ever been possible, and to this day the position of dev hissar is a matter of conjecture, and the charming manners of its inhabitants (so unlike the ordinary rough hospitality of the men and the unobtrusive character of the women of the firozkohi aimak) are experiences such as our surveyors sighed for in vain! as a mere guess, i should be inclined to place dev hissar near kila gaohar, or to identify it with that fort. at any rate, i prefer this solution of the puzzle to the suggestion that dev hissar and its delightful inhabitants, like the previous sculptures, were but an effort of imagination on the part of this volatile and fascinating frenchman. there is always an element of suspicion as to the value of ferrier's information when he deals with the feminine side of hazara human nature. for instance, he asserts that the hazara women fight in their tribal battles side by side with their husbands. this is a feature in their character for independence which the hazara men absolutely deny, and it is hardly necessary to add that no confirmation could be obtained anywhere of the remarkable familiarity with which the ladies of hissar are said by ferrier customarily to treat their guests. the next long day's ride terminated at singlak (another unknown place), which was found deserted owing to a feud between the hazaras and firozkohis. it was evidently within the murghab basin and short of the crest of the line of watershed bordering the hari rud valley on the north, for the following day ferrier crossed these hills, and the hari rud valley beneath them (avoiding daolatyar), at a point which he fixes as "six parasangs s.w. of sheherek." again it is impossible to locate the position. kila safarak is at the head of the hari rud, and kila shaharak is in another valley (that of the tagao ishlan), so that it will perhaps be safe to assume that it was nowhere near either of these places, but at a point some 10 miles west of daolatyar, which marks the regular route for ghur from the north. ferrier's description of this part of his journey is vague and unsatisfactory. no such place as kohistani, "situated on a high plain in the midst of the siah koh," is known any more than is singlak. the divide, or ridge, which he crossed in passing from the murghab valley to the narrow trough of the hari rud is lower than the hills on the south of the river. he could not possibly have crossed snow nor overlooked the landscape to saripul. it is doubtful if chalapdalan, the mountain which impressed him so mightily, is visible from any part of the broken watershed north of the hari rud. chalapdalan is only 13,600 feet high, and there would have been no snow on it in july. as we proceed farther we fail to identify ferrier's tingelab river, unless he means the ab-i-lal. the hari rud does not flow through shaharak, and no one has found a village called jaor in the hari rud valley. continuing to cross the band-i-baian (which he calls siah koh) from kohistani baba, a very long day's ride brought him to deria-dereh, also called "dereh mustapha khan," which was evidently a place of importance and the headquarters of a powerful section of either hazaras or taimanis under a chief, mustapha khan. here, in a small oblong valley entirely closed by mountains, was a little lake of azure colour and transparent clearness which lay like a vast gem embedded in surrounding verdure ... "around which were somewhat irregularly pitched a number of taimani tents, separated from each other by little patches of cultivation and gardens enclosed by stone walls breast high.... the luxuriance of the vegetation in this valley might compare with any that i had ever seen in europe. on the summits of the surrounding mountains were several ruins, etc. etc." ash and oak trees were there. fishermen were dragging the lake, women were leading flocks to the water, and young girls sat outside the tents weaving bereks (barak, or camel-hair cloth), and contentment was depicted on every face. from deria-dereh another long day's ride brought him to zirni, which he describes as the ancient capital of ghur. from the band-i-baian (or koh siah, as he calls it) to zirni is at least 100 miles by the very straightest road, and that would pass by taiwara. it is clear that he did not take that road, or he could hardly have ignored so important a position as taiwara. if he made a detour eastward he would pass through hazara country--very mountainous, very high and difficult, and the length of the two days' journey would be nearer 150 miles than 100. to the first day's journey (as far as deria-dereh) he gives ten hours on horseback, which in that country might represent 60 miles; but no such place as he describes, no lake with arcadian surroundings, has been either seen or heard of by subsequent surveyors within the recognized limits of taimani country. if it exists at all, it is to the east of the great watershed from which spring the ghur river and the farah rud, hidden within the spurs of the hazara mountains. this is just possible, for this wild and weatherbeaten country has not been so fully reconnoitred as that farther west; but it makes ferrier's journey extraordinary for the distances covered, and fully accounts for the fact that he has preserved so little detail of this eventful ride that, practically, there is nothing of geographical interest to be learnt from it. ferrier's description of the ruins which are to be found in the neighbourhood of zirni and taiwara, especially his reference to a "paved" road leading towards ghazni, is very interesting. he is fully impressed with the beauty of the surrounding country, and what he has to say about this centre of an historical afghan kingdom has been more or less confirmed by subsequent explorers. only the "ghebers" have disappeared; and the magnificent altitude of the "chalap dalan" mountain, described by him as one of the "highest in the world," has been reduced to comparatively humble proportions. its isolated position, however, undoubtedly entitles it to rank as a remarkable geographical feature. at zirni ferrier found that his further progress towards kandahar was arrested, and from that point, to his bitter disgust, he was compelled to return to herat. from zirni to herat was, in his day, an unmapped region, and he is the first european to give us even a glimpse of that once well-trodden highway. his conjectures about the origin of the aimak tribes which people central afghanistan are worthy of study, as they are based on original inquiry from the people themselves; but it is very clear that either time has modified the manners of these people, or that popular sources of information are not always to be trusted. he repeats the story of the fighting propensities of hazara women when dealing with the taimanis, and adds, as regards the latter, that "a girl does not marry until she has performed some feat of arms." it may be that "feats of arms" are not so easy of achievement in these days, but it is certain that such an inducement to marry would fail to be effective now. it might even prove detrimental to a girl's chances. once again we can only regard with astonishment ferrier's record of a ride from "tarsi" (parsi) to herat, at least 90 miles, in one night. a district chief told captain (now colonel) the hon. m. g. talbot, who conducted the surveys of the country in 1883, that "a good taimani on a good horse" might accomplish the feat, but that nobody else could. ferrier, with his considerable escort, seemed to have found no difficulty, but undoubtedly he was in excellent training. his general description of the country that he passed through accords with the pace at which he swept through it, and nothing is to be gained by criticising his hasty observations. at herat he was fortunate in securing the consent of yar mahomed khan to his project for reaching the punjab _via_ kandahar and kabul; and with letters from that wily potentate to the amir dost mahomed khan and his son-in-law mahomed akbar khan this "lord of the kingdom of france, general ferrier" set out on another attempt to reach india. in this he was unsuccessful, and his path was a thorny one. he travelled by the road which had been adopted as the post-road between herat and kandahar, during the residence of the english mission at herat--a route which, leaving farah to the west, approaches kandahar by washir and girishk, and which is still undoubtedly the most direct road between the two capitals. but the particularly truculent character of the durani afghan tribes of western afghanistan rendered this journey most dangerous for a single european moving without an armed escort, and he was robbed and maltreated with fiendish persistency. it was a well-known and much-trodden old road, but it has always been, and it is still, about the worst road in all afghanistan for the fanatical unpleasantness of its achakzai and nurzai environment. after leaving washir ferrier was imprisoned at mahmudabad, and again when he reached girishk, and the story of the treatment he received at both places says much for the natural soundness of his constitution. luckily he fell in with a friendly munshi who had been in english service, who, whilst warning ferrier that he might consider the position of his head on his shoulders as "wonderfully shaky," did a good deal to dissipate the notion that he was an english spy, and helped him through what was indeed a very tight place. it was at this point of his journey that ferrier heard of an english prisoner in zamindawar,--a traveller with "green eyes and red hair,"--and the fact that he actually received a note from this man (which he could not read as it was written in english) seems to confirm that fact. he could do nothing to help him, and no one knows what may have been the ultimate fate of this unfortunate captive. ferrier is naturally indignant with sir alexander burnes for describing the afghans as "a sober, simple steady people" (burnes' _travels in bokhara_, vol. i. pp. 143, 144). how burnes could ever have arrived at such an extraordinary estimate of afghan character is hard to imagine, and it says little for those perceptive faculties for which masson has such contempt. but it not inaptly points the great contrast that does really exist between the kabuli and the kandahari to this day. when the english officers of the afghan boundary commission in 1883 were occupied in putting herat into a state of defence, their personal escort was carefully chosen from soldiers of the northern province, who, by no means either "sober or simple," were at any rate far less fanatical and truculent than the men of the west, and they were, on the whole, a pleasant and friendly contingent to deal with. at girishk, and subsequently, ferrier has certain geographical facts of interest to record. some of them still want verification, but they are valuable indications. he notes the immense ruins and mounds on both sides the helmund at girishk. he was in confinement at girishk for eight days, where he suffered much from "the vermin which i could not prevent from getting into my clothes, and the rattling of my inside from the scantiness of my daily ration." however, his trials came to an end at last, and he left girishk "with a heart full of hatred for its inhabitants and a lively joy at his departure," fording the helmund at some little distance from the town. he remarks on the vast ruins at kushk-i-nakhud, where there is a huge artificial mound. a similar one exists at sangusar, about 3 miles south-east of kushk-i-nakhud. at kandahar the final result of a short residence that was certainly full of lively incident, and an interview with the governor kohendil khan (brother of the amir dost mahomed), was a return to girishk. this must have been sickening; but it resulted in a series of excursions into baluch territory which are not uninstructive. the ill-treatment (amounting to the actual infliction of torture) which ferrier endured at the hands of the girishk governor (sadik khan, a son of kohendil khan) on this second visit to girishk, was even worse than the first, and it was only by signing away his veracity and giving a false certificate of friendship with the brute that he finally got free again. he was to follow the helmund to lash jowain in seistan, but the attempt was frustrated by a local disturbance at binadur, on the helmund. so far, however, this abortive excursion was of certain geographical interest as covering new ground. the places mentioned by ferrier _en route_ are all still in existence, but he gives no detailed account of them. once more a start was made from girishk, and this time our explorer succeeded in reaching farah by the direct route through washir. it was in the month of october, and the fiery heat of the bakwa plain was sufficiently trying even to this case-hardened frenchman. about farah he has much to say that still requires confirmation. of the exceeding antiquity of this place there is ample evidence; but no one since ferrier has identified the site of the second and later town of farah "an hour" farther north or "half an hour" from the farah rud (river), where bricks were seen "three feet long and four inches thick," with inscriptions on them in cuneiform character, amidst the ruins. this town was abandoned in favour of the older (and present) site when shah abbas the great besieged and destroyed it, but there can be no doubt that the bricks seen by ferrier must have possessed an origin long anterior to the town, which only dates from the time of chenghiz khan. the existence of such evidence of the ancient and long-continued connection between assyria and western afghanistan would be exceedingly interesting were it confirmed by modern observation. farah is by all accounts a most remarkable town, and it undoubtedly contains secrets of the past which for interest could only be surpassed by those of balkh. at farah ferrier was lodged in a "hole over the north gate of the town, open to the violent winds of seistan, which rushed in at eight enormous holes, through which also came the rays of the sun." here wasps, scorpions, and mice were his companions, and it must be admitted that ferrier's account of the horrors of farah residence have been more or less confirmed by all subsequent travellers to seistan. but he finally succeeded in obtaining, through the not inhospitable governor, the necessary permission from yar mahomed khan of herat (whose policy in his dealings with ferrier it is quite impossible to decipher) to pass on to shikarpur and sind; and the permission is couched in such pious and affectionate terms, that the "very noble, very exalted, the companion of honour, of fortune, and of happiness, my kind friend, general ferrier," really thought there was a chance of escaping from his clutches. he was, by the way, invited back again to herat, but he was told that he might please himself. here follows a most interesting exploration into a stretch of territory then utterly unreconnoitred and unknown, and it is unfortunate that this most trying route through the flats and wastes which stretch away eastwards of the helmund lagoons should still be but sketchily indicated in our maps. it is, however, from farah to khash (where the khash rud is crossed), and from khash to the helmund, but a track through a straight region of desolation and heat, relieved, however (like the desert region to the south of the helmund), by strips of occasional tamarisk vegetation, where grass is to be found in the spring and nomads collect with their flocks. watering-places might be developed here by digging wells, and the route rendered practicable across the dasht-i-margo as it has been between nushki and seistan, but when ferrier crossed it it was a dangerous route to attempt on tired and ill-fed horses. the existence of troops of wild asses was sufficient evidence of its life-supporting capabilities if properly developed. ferrier struck the helmund about khan nashin. here a most ill-timed and ill-advised fight with a baluch clan ended in a disastrous flight of the whole party down the helmund to rudbar, and it would perhaps be unkind to criticise too closely the heroics of this part of ferrier's story. at rudbar ferrier again noticed bricks a yard square in an old dyke, whilst hiding. rudbar was well known to the arab geographers, but this record of ferrier's carries it back (and with it the course of the helmund) to very ancient times indeed. continuing to follow the river, they passed kala-i-fath and reached "poolka"--a place which no longer exists under that name. this is all surveyed country; but no investigator since ferrier has observed the same ancient bricks at kala-i-fath which ferrier noted there as at farah and rudbar. there is every probability, however, of their existence. all this part of the helmund valley abounds in antiquities which are as old as asiatic civilization, but nothing short of systematic antiquarian exploration will lead to further discoveries of any value. ferrier was now in seistan, and we may pass over his record of interesting observations on the wealth of antiquarian remains which surrounded him. it is enough to point out that he was one of the first to call public attention to them from the point of view of actual contact. it must be accepted as much to the credit of ferrier's narrative that the latest surveys of seistan (_i.e._ those completed during the work of the commission under sir h. macmahon in 1903-5) entirely support the account given in his _caravan journeys_ as he wandered through that historic land. by the light of the older maps, completed during the afghan boundary commission some twenty years previously, it would have been difficult to have traced his steps. we know now that the lake of seistan should, with all due regard to its extraordinary capacity for expansion and contraction, be represented as in macmahon's map, extending southwards to a level with the great bend of the helmund. ferrier's narrative very conclusively illustrates this position of it, and proves that such an expansion must be regarded as normal. we can no longer accurately locate the positions of pulaki and galjin, but from his own statements it seems more than probable that the first place is already sand-buried. they were not far north of kala-i-fath. from there he went northward to jahanabad, and north-west (not south-west) to jalalabad. it was at jahanabad that he nearly fell into the hands of ali khan, the chief of chakhansur (sheikh nassoor of ferrier), the scoundrel who had previously murdered dr. forbes and hung his body up to be carefully watered and watched till it fell to pieces in gold ducats. there was an unfortunate superstition current in baluchistan to the effect that this was the normal end of european existence! luckily it has passed away. escaping such a calamity, he turned the lake at its southern extremity, passing through sekoha, and travelled up its western banks till, after crossing the harat rud, he reached lash jowain. from here to farah and from farah once again to herat, his road was made straight for him, and we need only note what he has to say about the extent of the ruins near sabzawar to be convinced that here was the mediæval provincial capital of parwana. at herat he was enabled to do what would have saved him a most adventurous journey (and lost us the pleasure of recording his work as that of a notable explorer of afghanistan), _i.e._ take the straight road back to teheran from whence he came. with this we may bid adieu to ferrier, but it is only fair to do tardy justice to his remarkable work. i confess that after the regions of central afghanistan had been fairly well reconnoitred by the surveyors of the russo-afghan boundary commission, considerable doubt remained in my mind as to the veracity of ferrier's statements. i still think he was imposed upon now and then by what he _heard_, but i have little doubt that he adhered on the whole (and the conditions under which he travelled must be remembered) to a truthful description of what he _saw_. it is true that there still remains wanting an explanation of his experiences at that restful island in the sea of difficulty and danger which surrounded him--dev hissar--but i have already pointed out that it may exist beyond the limits of actual subsequent observation; and as regards the stupendous bricks with cuneiform inscription, it can only be said that their existence in the localities which he mentions has been rendered so probable by recent investigation, that nothing short of serious and systematic excavation, conducted in the spirit which animated the discovery of nineveh, will finally disprove this most interesting evidence of the extreme antiquity of the cities of afghanistan, and their relation to the cities of mesopotamia. chapter xviii summary the close of the afghan war of 1839-40 left a great deal to be desired in the matter of practical geography. it was not the men but the methods that were wanting. the commencement of the second and last afghan war in 1878 saw the initiation of a system of field survey of a practical geographical nature, which combined the accuracy of mathematical deduction with the rapidity of plane table topography. it was the perfecting of the smaller class of triangulating instruments that made this system possible, quite as much as the unique opportunity afforded to a survey department in such a country as india for training topographers. it worked well from the very first, and wherever a force could march or a political mission be launched into such a region of open hill and valley as the indian trans-frontier, there could the surveyors hold their own (no matter what the nature of the movement might be) and make a "square" survey in fairly accurate detail, with the certainty that it would take its final place without squeezing or distortion in the general map of asia. this was of course very different from the plodding traverse work of former days, and it rapidly placed quite a new complexion on our trans-frontier maps. since then regular systematic surveys in extension of those of india have been carried far afield, and it may safely be said now that no country in the world is better provided with military maps of its frontiers than india. in baluchistan, indeed, there is little left to the imagination. a country which forty years ago was an ugly blank in our maps, with a doubtful locality indicated here and there, is now almost as well surveyed as scotland. afghanistan, however, is beyond our line, "out of bounds," and the result is that there are serious gaps in our map knowledge of the country of the amir, gaps which there seems little probability of investigating under the present closure of the frontier to explorers. [illustration: sketch map of hindu kush passes] by far the most important of these gaps are the uplands of badakshan, stretching from the oxus plains to the hindu kush. the plains of balkh, as far east as khulm and tashkurghan, from whence the high-road leads to haibak, bamian, and the hindu kush passes, are fairly well mapped. the oxus, to the north of balkh, is well known, and the fords and passages of that river have been reckoned up with fair accuracy. from time immemorial every horde of skythic origin, nagas, sakas, or jatas, must have passed these fords from the hills and valleys of the central asian divide on their way to india. the oxus fords have seen men in millions making south for the valleys of badakshan and the golden gates of central asiatic ideal which lay yet farther south beyond the grim line of hindu kush. balkh (the city) must have stood like a rock in the human tide which flowed from north to south. from the west, too, from asia minor and the persian provinces, as well as from the caspian steppes to the north-west, must have come many a weary band of tear-stained captives, transported across half a continent by their conquerors to colonize, build cities, and gradually amalgamate with the indigenous people, and so to disappear from history. from the west came parthians, medes, assyrians, and greeks, who did not altogether disappear. but no such human tide ever flowed into badakshan from the east nor yet from the south. to the east are the barrier heights of the pamirs. no crowd of fugitives or captives ever faced those bleak, inhospitable, wind-torn valleys that we know of. nor can we find any trace of emigration from india. yet routes were known across the pamirs, and in due time, as we have seen, small parties of pilgrims from china made use of these routes, seeking for religious truth in balkh when, as a buddhist centre, balkh was in direct connection with the buddhist cities of eastern turkistan. and buddhism itself, when it left india, went northward and flourished exceedingly in those same cities of the sandy plain, where the people talked and wrote a language of india for centuries after the birth of christ. balkh, however, never stayed the tide which overlapped it and, passing on, lost itself in the valleys under the hindu kush, or else, surmounting that range, streamed over into the kabul basin. whether the tide set in from north or west, the overflow was forced by purely geographical conditions into precisely the same channels, and in many cases it drifted into the hills and stayed there. what we should expect to find in balkh, then (whenever dr. stein can get there), are records in brick, records in writing, and records in coin, of nearly every great asiatic movement which has influenced the destinies of india from the days of assyria to those of mohamed. what a history to unfold! of the badakshan uplands south and south-east of balkh, we have but most unsatisfying geographical record. in the days preceding the first afghan war when burnes, moorcroft, lord, and wood were in the field, we certainly acquired much useful information which is still all that we have for scientific reference. moorcroft, as we have seen, made several hurried journeys between balkh and kunduz under most perilous conditions, when endeavouring to escape from the clutches of the border chief, murad beg. but moorcroft's opportunities of scientific observation were small, and his means of ascertaining his geographical position were crude, and we gain little or nothing from his thrilling story of adventure, beyond a general description of a desolate region of swamp and upland which forms the main features of northern badakshan. lord and wood, who followed moorcroft at no great interval, and who were also in direct personal touch with murad beg under much the same political circumstances, have furnished much more useful information of the routes and passes between haibak and kunduz, and given us a very fair idea of the physical configuration of that desolate district. lord's memoir on the _uzbek state of kundooz_ (published at simla in july 1838) is indeed the best, if not the only, authoritative document concerning the history and policy of badakshan, giving us a fair idea of the conditions under which murad beg established and consolidated his position as the paramount chief of that country, and the guardian of the great commercial route between kabul and bokhara; but there is little geographical information in the memoir. the four fortified towns of the kunduz state, kunduz, rustak, talikhan, and hazrat imam, are described rather as depositories for plunder than as positions of any great importance, and the real strength of murad beg's military force lay in the quality of his hordes of irregular uzbek horsemen and the extraordinary hardiness and endurance of the kataghani horses. so highly esteemed is this particular breed that the late amir of afghanistan would permit of no export of horses from kataghan, reserving them especially for the purpose of mounting his own cavalry. we learn incidentally of the waste and desolation caused by the poisonous climate of the fens and marshes between hazrat imam and kunduin, to which murad beg had transported 20,000 badakshani families for purposes of colonization, and where dr. lord was told that barely 1000 individuals had survived; but wood tells us much more than this in his charming book on the oxus. from the point where he left the main road from kabul to bokhara (a little below kuram north of the saighan valley) till he reached kunduz, he was passing over country and by-ways which have never been revisited by any european geographer. he tells us that "the plain between the streams that water kunduz and kuram has a wavy surface, and though unsuited to agriculture has an excellent pasturage. the only village on the road is hazrat baba kamur. on the eastern side the plain is supported by a ridge of hills sloping down from the mountains to the south. we crossed it by the pass of archa (so called from the fir trees which cover its crest), from the top of which we had a noble view of the snowy mountains to the east, the outliers of hindu kush. next day we forded the river of kunduz, and continuing to journey along its right bank, through the swampy district of baghlan and aliabad, reached the capital of murad beg on monday the 4th dec. (1837)." the story of wood's travels in badakshan has already been told; the moon-lit march from kunduz through the dense jungle grass and swamp, often knee-deep in water; the gradual rise to higher ground above; the floating vapour screen that hovered over the fens; khanabad and its quaint array of colleges and students, and the koh umber mountain, isolated and conspicuous, dividing the plains of kunduz and talikhan--all these are features which will indicate the general character of that part of badakshan but leave us no fixed and determined position. the koh umber in particular must be a remarkable topographical landmark, as it towers 2500 feet above the surrounding plain with a snow-covered summit. wood says of it that it is central to the districts of talikhan, kunduz, and hazrat imam, and its pasturage is common to the flocks of all three plains. but it is an undetermined geographical feature, and still remains in its solitary grandeur, a position to be won by future explorers. from khanabad to talikhan, faizabad, and jirm (which, it will be recollected, was once the capital of badakshan--probably the "badakshan" of arab geography), we have the description of a mountainous country supporting the conjectural topography of our maps, which indicate that this route borders and occasionally crosses a series of gigantic spurs or offshoots of a central range (which wood calls the khoja) which must itself be a north-easterly arm of the hindu kush, taking off from the latter range somewhere near the khawak pass. here, then, is one of the most important blanks in the map of our frontier. inconceivably rugged and difficult of access, it seems probable that it is more accessible from badakshan than from the south. we know from wood's account of the extraordinary difficulty that beset his efforts to reach the lapis-lazuli mines above jirm in the kokcha river something of the general nature of these northern valleys and defiles of kafiristan reaching down to lower badakshan. it would, indeed, be a splendid geographical feat to fix the position and illustrate the topography of this roughest section of asia. between the khawak pass of the hindu kush which leads to andarab, and the mandal, or minjan, passes, some 70 miles to the east, we have never solved the problem of the hindu kush divide. what lies behind wood's khoja range, between it and the main divide? we have the valley called anjuman, which is believed to lead as directly to jirm from the khawak pass as andarab does to kunduz. it is an important feature in hindu kush topography, but we know nothing of it. we may, however, safely conjecture that the minjan river, reached by sir george robertson in one of his gallant attempts to explore kafiristan, is the upper kokcha flowing past the lapis-lazuli mines to jirm. but where does it rise? and where on the southern slopes of the hindu kush do the small affluents of the alingar and alishang have their beginning? these are the hidden secrets of kafiristan. it is here that those turbulent people (who, by the way, seem to exhibit the same characteristics from whatever valley of kafiristan they come, and to be much more homogeneous than is usually supposed) hide themselves in their upland villages, amidst their magnificent woods and forests, untroubled by either afghan or european visitors. here they live their primitive lives, enlivened with quaint ceremonies and a heathenism equally reminiscent of the mythology of greece, the ritual of zoroaster, and the beliefs of the hindu. who will unravel the secrets of this inhabited outland, which appears at present to be more impracticable to the explorer than either of the poles? yule, in his preface to the last edition of wood's _oxus_, remarks that colonel walker, the late surveyor-general of india (and one of the greatest of asiatic geographers) repeatedly expressed his opinion that there is no well-defined range where the hindu kush is represented in our maps, and he adds that such an expression of opinion can only apply to that part of the hindu kush which lies east of the khawak pass. sir henry yule refers to wood's incidental notices of the mountains which he saw towering to the south of him, "rising to a vast height and bearing far below their summits the snow of ages," in refutation of such an opinion; and he further quotes the "havildar's" (native surveyor) report of the nuksan and dorah passes in confirmation of wood. since yule wrote, woodthorpe's surveys of the nuksan and dorah passes during the lockhart mission leave little doubt as to the nature of the hindu kush as far west as those passes, but it is precisely between those passes and the khawak, along the backbone of kafiristan, that we have yet to learn the actual facts of mountain conformation. and here possibly there may be something in walker's suggestion. the mountains to which wood looked up from talikhan or kishm, towering to the south of him and covered with perpetual snow, certainly formed no part of the main hindu kush divide. between them and the hindu kush is either the deep valley of anjuman, or more probably the upper drainage of the minjan, which, rising not far east of khawak, repeats the almost universal himalayan feature of a long, lateral, ditch-like valley in continuation of the andarab depression, marking the base of the connecting link in the primeval fold formed by the hindu kush east and west of it. we should expect to find the kafiristan mountain conformation to be an integral part of the now recognised himalayan system of parallel mountain folds, with deep lateral valleys fed by a transverse drainage. the long valley of the alingar will prove to be another such parallel depression, and we shall find when the map is finished that the dominating structural feature of all this wild hinterland of mountains is the north-east to south-west trend of mountain and valley which marks the kunar (or chitral) valley on the one side and the panjshir on the other. the reason why it is more probable that the minjan river takes the direct drainage of the northern slopes of this kafiristan backbone into a lateral trough than that the anjuman spreads its head into a fan, is that sir george robertson found the minjan, below the pass of mandal, to be a far more considerable river than its assumed origin in the official maps would make it. he accordingly makes a deep indentation in the hindu kush divide (on the map which illustrates his captivating book, _the kafirs of the hindu kush_), bringing it down southward nearly half a degree to an acute angle, so as to afford room for the minjan to rise and follow a course in direct line with its northerly run (as the kokcha) in badakshan. this is a serious disturbance of the laws which govern the structure of asiatic mountain systems, as now recognized, and it is indeed far more likely that the minjan (kokcha) follows those laws which have placed the andarab and the panjshir (or for that matter the indus and the brahmaputra) in their parallel mountain troughs, than that the primeval fold of the hindu kush has become disjointed and indented by some agency which it would be impossible to explain. who is going to complete the map and solve the question? we are still very far from possessing a satisfactory geographical knowledge of even the more accessible districts of badakshan. we still depend on wood for the best that we know of the route between faizabad and zebak; and of those eastern mountains which border the oxus as it bends northward to kila khum we know positively nothing at all. but beyond all contention the hidden jewels to be acquired by scientific research in badakshan are archæological and antiquarian rather than geographical. now that nineveh and babylon have yielded up their secrets, there is no such field out of egypt for the antiquarian and his spade as the plains of balkh. but enough has been said of what may be hidden beneath the unsightly bazaars and crumbling ruins of modern balkh. whilst badakshan literally teems with opportunities for investigation, certain features of ancient baktria appear to be especially associated with certain sites; such, for instance, as the sites of semenjan (haibak), baghlan, andarab, and particularly the junction of the rivers at kasan. that andarab (ariaspa) held the capital of the greek colonies there can be as little doubt as that haibak and its neighbourhood formed the great buddhist centre between balkh and kabul. again, who is going to make friends with the amir of afghanistan and try his luck? it must be a foreigner, for no englishman would be permitted by his own government to pass that way at present. the wild and savage altitudes of badakshan and kafiristan by no means exhaust the unexplored tracts of afghanistan. we have the curious feature of a well-surveyed route connecting ghazni with kandahar, one of the straightest and best of military routes trodden by armies uncountable from the days of alexander to those of roberts, a narrow ribbon of well-ascertained topography, dividing the two most important of the unexplored regions of afghanistan. north-west of this road lies the great basin of the central helmund. south-east is a broken land of plain, ribbed and streaked with sharp ridges of frontier formation, about which we ought to know a great deal more than we do. up the frontier staircases and on to this plain run many important routes from india. the kuram route strikes it at its northern extremity and leaves it to the southward. the tochi valley route, and the great mercantile gomal highway strike into the middle of it, and yet no one of our modern frontier explorers has ever reached it from one side or the other. we still depend on broadfoot's and vigne's account of what they saw there, although it is only just on the far side of the rocky band of hills which face the indus. about midway between ghazni and bannu is the water-parting which separates the indus drainage from that of the helmund, and at this point there are some formidable peaks, well over 12,000 feet in height, to distinguish it. the tochi passage is easy enough as far as the sheranni group of villages near the head of its long cultivated ramp, but beyond that point the traveller becomes involved in the narrow lateral valleys which follow the trend of the ridges which traverse his path, where streams curl up from the birmal hills to the south and from the high altitudes which shelter the kharotis on the north. it is a perpetual wriggle through steep-sided rocky waterways, until one emerges into more open country after crossing the main divide by the kotanni pass. the hills here are called jadran, and it is probable that the jadran divide and that of the kohnak farther south are one and the same. beyond the kotanni pass to ghazni the way is fairly open, but we know very little about it beyond the historical fact that the arch-raider, mahmud of ghazni, used to follow this route for his cavalry descents on the indian frontier with most remarkable success. the remains of old encampments are to be seen in the plain at the foot of the tochi, and disjointed indications of an ancient high-road were found on the hill slopes to the north of the stream by our surveyors. of the actual physical facts of the gomul route we have only the details gathered by broadfoot under great difficulties, and a traveller's account by vigne. what they found has already been described, and the frontier expedition to the takht-i-suliman in 1882 sufficiently well determined the position of the kohnak water-parting to give a fixed geographical value to their narratives. but we have no topography beyond domandi and wana. we know that the ever-present repellent band of rocky ridge and furrow, the hill and valley distribution which is distinctive, has to be encountered and passed; but the route does not bristle with the difficulties of narrow ways and stony footpaths as does the tochi, and there is no doubt that it could soon be reduced to a very practicable artillery road. the important point is that we do not know here (any more than as regards the upper tochi) a great deal that it concerns us very much to know. we have no mapping of the country which lies between the baluch frontier and lake abistada, the land of the stalwart suliman khel tribes-people, and it is a country of which the possible resources might be of great value to us if ever we are driven again to take military stock of afghanistan. but the importance of good mapping in this part of afghanistan is due solely to its position in geographical relation to the indian frontier. it is different when we turn to the stupendous altitudes of the high hazara plateau land to the north of the ghazni-kandahar route. with this we are not likely to have any future concern, except that which may be called academic. in spite of the reputation for sterile wind-scoured desolation which the uplands hiding the upper helmund valleys have always enjoyed, it is not to be forgotten that there are summer ways about them, and strong indications that some of these ways are distinctly useful. our knowledge of the helmund river (such knowledge, that is to say, as justifies us in mapping the course of the river with a firm line) from its sources ends almost exactly at the intersection of the parallel of 34° of north latitude with the meridian of 67° east longitude. for the next 120 miles we really know nothing about its course, except that it is said to run nearly straight through the heart of the hazara highlands. two very considerable, but nameless, rivers run more or less parallel to the helmund to the south of it, draining the valleys of ujaristan and urusgan, the upper part of the latter being called malistan. what these valleys are like, or what may be the nature of the dividing water-parting, we do not know, nor have we any authentic description of the valley of nawar, which lies under the gulkoh mountain at the head of the arghandab, but apparently unconnected with it. native information on the subject of these highly elevated valleys is excessively meagre, nor are they of any special interest from either the strategic or economic point of view. far more interesting would it be to secure a geographical map of those northern branches of the helmund, the khud rud, and the kokhar ab, which drain the mountain districts to the east of taiwara above the undetermined position of ghizao on the helmund. these mountain streams must rush their waters through magnificent gorges, for the peaks which soar above them rise to 13,000 feet in altitude, and the country is described as inconceivably rugged and wild. this is the real centre and home of the hazara communities, and, in spite of the fact that there are certain well-ascertained tracks traversing the country and connecting the helmund with the valley of the hari rud, we know that for the greater part of the year they must be closed to all traffic. they are of no importance outside purely local interests. the comparatively small area yet unexplored which lies to the north of the hazara mountains, shut off from them by the straight trough of the hari rud and embracing the head of the murghab river of turkistan, is almost equally unimportant, although it would be a matter of great interest to investigate a little more closely the remarkable statements of ferrier which bear on this region. when we have finally struck a balance between our knowledge and our ignorance of that which concerns the landward gates of india, we shall recognize the fact that we know all that it is really essential that we should know of these uplifted approaches. they are inconceivably old--as old as the very mountains which they traverse. what use may be made of them has been made long ago. we have but to turn back the pages of history and we find abundant indications which may enable us to gauge their real value as highways from central asia to india. history says that none of the tracks which lead from china and tibet have ever been utilized for the passage of large bodies of people either as emigrants, troops, commercial travellers, or pilgrims into india, although there exists a direct connection between china and the brahmaputra in assam, and although we know that the difficulties of the road between lhasa and india are by no means insuperable. nor by the kashmir passes from turkistan or the pamirs is it possible to find any record of a formidable passing of large bodies of people, although the karakoram has been a trade route through all time, and although the chinese have left their mark below chitral. yet we have had explorers over the passes connecting the upper oxus affluents with gilgit and chitral who have not failed, some of them, to sound a solemn note of warning. before the settlement of the oxus extension of the northern boundary of afghanistan, something of a scare was started by a demonstration of the fact that it is occasionally quite easy to cross the kilik pass from the taghdumbash pamir into the gilgit basin, or to climb over the comparatively easy slopes of the flat-backed hindu kush by the baroghel pass and slip down into the valley of the chitral. there was, however, always a certain amount of geographical controversy as to the value of the chitral or of the kilik approach after the crossing of the hindu kush had been effected. much of the difference of opinion expressed by exploring experts was due to the different conditions under which those undesirable, troublesome approaches to india were viewed. where one explorer might find a protruding glacier blocking his path and terminating his excursions, another would speak of an open roadway. from season to season in these high altitudes local conditions vary to an extent which makes it impossible to forecast the difficulties which may obtrude themselves during any one month or even for any one summer. in winter, _i.e._ for at least eight months of the year, all are equally ice-bound and impracticable, and although the general spirit of desiccation, which reigns over high asia and is tending to reduce the glaciers and diminish the snowfall, may eventually change the conditions of mountain passages to an appreciable extent (and for a period), it would be idle to speculate on any really important modification of these difficulties from such natural climatic causes. we must take these mountain passes as we find them now, and as the chinese pilgrim of old found them, placed by nature in positions demanding a stout heart and an earnest purpose, determined to wrest from inhospitable nature the merit of a victorious encounter with her worst and most detestable moods, ere we surmount them. to the pilgrim they represented the "strait gate" and "narrow way" which ever leads to salvation, and he accepted the horrors as a part of the sacrifice. to us they represent troublesome breaks in the stern continuity of our natural defences which can be made to serve no useful purpose, but which may nevertheless afford the opportunity to an aggressive and enterprising enemy to spy out the land and raise trouble on the border. we cannot altogether leave them alone. they have to be watched by the official guardians of our frontier, and all the gathered threads of them converging on leh or gilgit must be held by hands that are alert and strong. it is just as dangerous an error to regard such approaches to india as negligible quantities in the military and political field of indian defence, as to take a serious view of their practicability for purposes of invasion. beyond this scattered series of rugged and elevated by-ways of the mountains crossing the great asiatic divide from regions of tibet and the pamirs, to the west of them, we find on the edge of the unsurveyed regions of kafiristan that group of passages, the mandal and minjan, the nuksan and the dorah which converge on chitral as they pass southward over the hindu kush from the rugged uplands of badakshan. none of these appear to have been pilgrim routes, nor does history help us in estimating their value as gateways in the mountains. they are practicable at certain seasons, and one of them, the dorah, is a much-trodden route, connecting what is probably the best road traversing upper badakshan from faizabad to the hindu kush with the chitral valley, and it enjoys the comparatively moderate altitude of about 14,500 feet above sea-level. a pass of this altitude is a pass to be reckoned with, and nothing but its remote geographical position, and the extreme difficulty of its approaches on either side (from badakshan or chitral), can justify the curious absence of any historical evidence proving it to have witnessed the crossing of troops or the incursions of emigrants. for the latter purpose, indeed, it may have served, but we know too little about the ethnography or derivation of the chitral valley tribes to be able to indulge in speculation on the subject. what we know of the dorah is that it is the connecting commercial link between badakshan and the kunar valley during the summer months (july to september), when mules and donkeys carry over wood and cloth goods to be exchanged for firearms and cutlery with other produce of a more local nature, including (so it is said) badakshi slaves. it has been crossed in early november in face of a bitter blizzard and piercing cold, but it is not normally open then. the nuksan pass, which is not far removed from it, is much higher (16,100 feet) and is frequently blocked by glacial ice; but the dorah, which steals its way through rugged defiles from the chitral valley over the dip in the hindu kush down past the little blue lake of dufferin into the depths of the gorges which enclose the upper reaches of the zebak affluent of the great kokcha river of badakshan, (about which we have heard from wood), is the one gateway which is normally open from year to year, and its existence renders necessary an advanced watch-tower at chitral. like the baroghel and other passes to the east of it, it is not the dorah itself but the extreme difficulty of the narrow ways which lead to it, the wildness and sterility of the remote regions which encompass it on either side, which lock this door to anything in the shape of serious military enterprise. beyond the dorah to the westward, following the kafiristan divide of the hindu kush, we may well leave unassisted nature to maintain her own work of perfect defence, for there is not a track that we can discover to exist, nor a by-way that we can hear of which passes through that inconceivably grand and savage wilderness of untamed mountains. undoubtedly such tracks exist, but judging from the remarkable physical constitution of the kafir, they are such as to demand an exceptional type of mountaineer to deal with them. it is only when we work our way farther westward to those passes which lead into the valleys of the upper kabul river affluents, from the khawak pass at the head of the panjshir valley to the unai which points the way from kabul to bamian, that we find material for sober reflection derived from the records of the past. the general characteristics of these passes have been described already--and something of their history. we have seen that they have been more or less open doors to india through the ages. men literally "in nations" have passed through them; the dynasties of india have been changed and her destinies reshaped time after time by the facilities of approach which they have afforded; and if the modern conditions of things military were now what they were in the days of alexander or of baber, there would be no reason why her destinies should not once again be changed through use of them. we must remember that they are not what they have been. how far they have been opened up by artificial means, or which of them, besides the nuksan and the chahardar, have been so improved, we have no means of knowing, but we may take it for granted that the public works department of afghanistan has not been idle; for we know that that department was very closely directed by the late amir, and that his staff of engineers is most eminent and most practical.[13] the base of all this group of passes lies in badakshan, so that the chief characteristics as gates of india are common to all. it has been too often pointed out to require repetition that the plains of balkh--all afghan turkistan in short--lie at the mercy of any well-organized force which crosses the oxus southwards; but once that force enters the gorges and surmounts the passes of the badakshan ramparts a totally new set of military problems would be presented. the narrowness and the isolation of its cultivated valleys; the vast spaces of dreary, rugged desolation which part them; the roughness and the altitude of the intervening ranges--in short, the passive hostility of the uplands and their blank sterility would create the necessity for some artificial means of importing supplies from the plains before any formidable force could be kept alive at the front. modern methods point to military railways, for the ancient methods which included the occupation of the country by well-planted military colonies are no longer available. all military engineers nowadays believe in a line, more or less perfect, of railway connection between the front of a field force and its base of supply. but it would be a long and weary, if not absolutely hopeless, task to bring a railway across the highlands of badakshan to the foot of the hindu kush from the oxus plains. we have read what wood has to say of the routes from kunduz southward to bamian and kabul. this is the recognized trade route; the great highway to afghan turkistan. seven passes to be negotiated over as many rough mountain divides, plunges innumerable into the deep-rifted valleys by ways that are short and sharp, a series of physical obstacles to be encountered, to surmount any one of which would be a triumph of engineering enterprise. amongst the scientific devices which altitude renders absolutely necessary, would be a repeated process of tunnelling. no railway yet has been carried over a sharp divide of 10,000 or 11,000 feet altitude, subject to sudden and severe climatic conditions, without the protection of a tunnel. as a work of peaceful enterprise alone, this would be a line probably without a parallel for the proportion of difficulty compared to its length in the whole wide world. as a military enterprise, a rapid construction for the support of a field army, it is but a childish chimera. yet we are writing of badakshan's best road! it is true that by the haibak route to ghori and that ancient military base of the greeks, andarab, the difficulty of the sheer physical altitude of great passes is not encountered, and there are spaces which might be pointed out where a light line could be engineered with comparative facility. even to reach thus far from the oxus plains would be a great advantage to a force that could spend a year or two, like a chinese army, in devising its route, but this comparative facility terminates at the base of the hindu kush foot-hills; and it matters not beyond that point whether the way be rough or plain, for the wall of the mountains never drops to less than 12,500 feet, and no railway has ever been carried in the open over such altitudes. tunnelling here would be found impossible, owing to the flat-backed nature of the wide divide. with what may happen in future military developments; whether a fleet of air-ships should in the farther future sail over the snow-crested mountain tops and settle, replete with all military devices in gunnery and stores, on the plains of the kohistan of kabul we need hardly concern ourselves. it is at least an eventuality of which the risk seems remote at present, and we may rest content with the hindu kush barrier as a defensive line which cannot be violated in the future as it has been in the past by any formidable force cutting through badakshan, without years of preparation and forewarning. for any serious menace to the line of india's north-western defence we must look farther west--much farther west--for enough has been said of the great swelling highlands of the firozkohi plateau, and of the hazara regions south of the hari rud sources, to indicate their impracticable nature as the scene of military movement. it is, after all, the highways of herat and seistan that form the only avenues for military approach to the indian frontier that are not barred by difficulties of nature's own providing, or commanded from the sea. once on these western fields we are touching on matter which has been so worn threadbare by controversy that it might seem almost useless to add further opinions. historically it seems strange at first sight that, compared with the northern approaches to which kabul gives the command, so very little use has been made of this open way. it was not till the eighteenth century saw the foundation laid for the afghan kingdom that the more direct routes between eastern persia and the indus became alive with marching troops. the reason is, obviously, geographical. neither trade, nor the flag which preceded it from the west, cared to face the dreary wastes of sand to the south of the helmund, backed, as they are, by the terrible band of the sind frontier hills full of untamed and untameable tribes, merely for the purpose of dropping into the narrow riverain of the lower indus, beyond which, again, the deserts of rajputana parted them from the rich plains of central india. when the indus delta and sind were the objective of a military expedition, the conquerors came by way of the sea, or by approaches within command of the sea--never from herat. herat was but the gateway to kandahar, and to kabul in the days when kabul was "india." it was not, so far as we can tell, till nadir shah, after ravaging seistan and the rich towns of the helmund valley, found a narrow passage across the sind frontier hills that any practical use was ever made of the gates of baluchistan. although there are ethnological evidences that a remnant of the mongol hordes of chenghis khan settled in those same sind hills, there is no evidence that they crossed them by any of the baluch passes. it seems certain that in prehistoric times, when the geographical conditions of western india were different from what they are now, turanian peoples in tribal crowds must have made their way into india southwards from western asia, but they drifted by routes that hugged the coast-line. we have now, however, replaced the old natural geographical conditions by an artificial system which totally alters the strategic properties of this part of the frontier. we have revolutionised the savage wilderness of baluchistan, and made highways not only from the indus to the helmund, but from central india to the indus. the old barriers have been broken down and new gateways thrown open. we could not help breaking them down, if we were to have peace on our borders; but the process has been attended with the disadvantage that it obliges us to take anxious note of the roads through eastern persia and western afghanistan which lead to them. for just about one century since the first scare arose concerning an indian invasion by napoleon bonaparte, have we been alternating between periods of intense apprehension and of equally foolish apathy concerning these western indian gateways. the rise and fall of public apprehension might be expressed by a series of curves of curious regularity. at present we are at the bottom of a curve, for reasons which it is hardly necessary to enter into; but it is not an inapt position for a calm review of the subject. there is, then, one great highway after passing through herat (which city is about 60 miles from the nearest russian military post), a highway which has been quite sufficiently well described already, of about 360 miles in length between herat and kandahar; kandahar, again, being about 80 miles from our frontier--say 500 miles in all; and the distinguishing feature of this highway between russia and india is the comparative ease with which that great asiatic divide which extends all the way from the hindu kush to the persian frontier (or beyond) can be crossed on the north of herat. there, this great central water-parting, so formidable in its altitudes for many hundreds of miles, sinks to insignificant levels and the comparatively gentle gradients of a debased and disintegrated range. this divide is parted and split by the passage of the hari rud river; but the passage of the river is hill-enclosed and narrow, with many a rock-bound gorge which would not readily lend itself to railway-making (although by no means precluding it), so that the ridges of the divide could be better passed elsewhere. we must concede that, taking it for all in all, that 500 miles of railway gap which still yawns between the indian and russian systems is an easy gap to fill up, and that it affords a road for advance which (apart from the question of supplies) can only be regarded as an open highway. then there is also that other parallel road to seistan from the russian transcaspian line across the elburz mountains (which here represents the great divide) via mashad--a route infinitely more difficult, but still practicable--which leads by a longer way to the helmund and kandahar. were it not for the political considerations arising from the respective geographical positions of these two routes, one lying within persian territory and the other being afghan, they might be regarded as practically one and the same. neither of them could be used (in the aggressive sense) without the occupation of herat, and most assuredly should circumstances arise in which either of the two should be used (in the same aggressive sense) the other would be utilized at the same time. this is, then, the chief problem of indian defence so far as the shutting of the gate is concerned, and there are no two ways of dealing with it. we must have men and material sufficient in both quantity and quality to guard these gates when open, or to close them if we wish them shut. the question whether these western gates should remain as they are, easily traversable, or should yield (as they must do sooner or later) to commercial interests and admit of an iron way to link up the russian and indian railway systems is really immaterial. in the latter case they might be the more readily closed, for such a connection would serve the purposes of a defence better than those for offence; but in any case in order to be secure we must be strong. footnote: [13] afghan turkistan and badakshan are now said to be connected with kabul by good motor roads. index abbas the great, shah, 494 abbot, general sir james, cited, 107-109, 119 abdurrahmon, amir, 357, 377, 419 ab-i-lal river, 486 abistada, lake, 514 abkhana route, 351 abu abdulla mohammed (al idrisi). _see_ idrisi accadian tradition cited, 34, 73 achakzai (duranis), 212, 361, 375, 491 adraskand, 229 _and n._; river, 216 aegospotami, xiii, 160, 163 afghan, armenian identification of word, 50 afghan boundary commission. _see_ russo-afghan afghan turkistan: agricultural possibilities of, 251 ferrier in, 481 greek settlements in, 31 kabul, route to: modern improvements in, 419 _and n._, 522 _n._ wood's account of, 418-19 richness of, known to tiglath pilesur, 49 route to, by southern passes of hindu kush, 378 routes to, from herat, 248 slavery in, 253 snakes in, 253 valley formations in, 253-4 afghanistan: arab exploration of, 192 assyrian colonies in highlands of, 61 barbarity in, 78-9 boundary commission. _see_ russo-afghan british attitude towards, in early 19th century, 349; afghan attitude towards british, 337-8 british war with (1839-40): conduct of, 359, 411 effects of, 346, 353, 392 geographical information acquired during, 411-12 remnants of british disasters in, 478 british war with (1878-80), surveys in connection with, 397, 500 christie's and pottinger's exploration of, 329 _et seq._ durani corner of, character of, 212 _ethnography of afghanistan_ (bellew) cited, 20, 91 foreign policy of, 353 greek names in, 21 helmund boundary of, 80 hinterland of india, viewed as, 5 indian land gates always held by, 22 language of, persian in origin, 21 natural beauty of, 392 persia: colonies of, in, 61 intrigues of, british nervousness as to, 399-400 war with (1837), 402 persian empire including, in antiquity, 21 rain-storms in, 233-4 russian intrigues regarding, british nervousness as to, 399-400 russo-afghan boundary commission. _see that title_ rulers of (ben-i-israel), traditions of, 49-50 social conditions in, past and present, 337-8, 395 surveying of, gaps in, 501; important unexplored regions, 514 afghanistan, central: aimak tribes of, 488-9 broadfoot's exploration of, 412, 470 _et seq._ conformation of, 215 hazara highlands, 84-6 records of, scanty, 213-14 routes through, 220, 222-3 survey of (1882-3), 212, 214 afghanistan, north (baktria): alexander in, 88 altitudes of peaks and passes in, 262-3 assyrian estimate of, 6 irrigation works in, 75-6 kafir inhabitants of, 50 kyreneans in, 91 milesian greeks (brankhidai) transported to, 16, 19, 20, 31, 45, 87, 91; survival of greek strain in, 354-5, 358 murghab river's economic value in, 246-7 plateau of, 258 route to, from mesopotamia, 47-8, 54, 67-8, 70 winter climate of, 240 afghanistan, south: christie's and pottinger's exploration of, 329 _et seq._ firearms imported into, 55 historic monuments scarce in, 211 afghans: burnes' estimate of, 491 durani. _see that title_ european travellers' intercourse with (unofficial), 452, 457-8 foreigners, attitude towards, 337-8, 353, 392 masson's intimacy with, 346-7, 350, 352, 362-3; his influence with, 380 slavery, attitude towards, 421 afridi (aprytae), 28, 31 aimak tribes of central afghanistan, 488-9 ak robat, 446 ak robat pass, 378, 382, 421; wood's account of, 417 ak tepe (khuzan), 245-6 ak zarat pass, 262 akbar khan (afghan general), 398 akcha (akbarabad), 449 akulphis, 125 al kharij, 313 alakah ridge, 257 alauddin (allah-u-din), 218, 467 alexander the great: alexandreia (? herat) founded by, 77 alexander the great: bakhi obliterated by, 31-2 brankhidai of milesia exterminated by, 20 expedition of, to india: aornos episode, 106-107, 109-21 army, constituents of, 64-5 course and incidents of, 66-8, 70, 76-9, 83, 86-8, 90, 92-4, 96, 98-100, 103-107, 111-22, 125 darius' flight from, 47-8, 67-8 geographical information possessed by, 10, 26, 29, 38, 61, 79, 86, 147 greek influence of, in indus valley less than supposed, 22 greeks in afghanistan welcoming, 16, 63 knowledge acquired by, 60 mutiny beyond indus, 46 nature of, 60, 65 recruitment from greece during, 92 retreat, route of, 38, 51, 86, 145-54, 156, 161-6, 291 skythic tribes encountered by, 93 marriage of alexander with roxana, 92 philotas tortured to death by, 78 reverential attitude towards, still felt in india, 58-9 alexandreia (bagram, herat), 77, 87, 93, 96, 393 ali khan, 497 ali masjid, 351 aliabad, 421, 505 alingar (kao) river, 96, 99-100, 327, 358, 507, 509 alishang river, 99, 356-8, 507 alishang valley, masson in, 396 allard, general, 366, 455 almar, 249 altitude: abstract, mediæval ignorance of, 279 as a factor in defence, 419 amb (embolina), 107-108, 114-15, 121 ambela pass, 121 amise, general, 366 amritsar, 363, 367 anardara, 335, 336 anbar, 250-51 andarab (adraspa, ariaspa, zariaspa): alingar river, communication with, 327 capital of greek colonies situated in, 511 fertility of, 90 greek settlements about, 435 haibak route to, 524 site of, 272, 427-8 strategic importance of, 92, 275, 277, 357 timur at, 355 otherwise mentioned, 243, 272-4, 276 andarab river, 268, 272, 428; strategic importance of, 261 andarab valley, 88, 90, 438, 509 andkhui, 248, 439, 448 anjuman, 270 anjuman valley, 274, 436, 507, 509; importance of route, 275; unexplored, 427-8 aornos, 92, 106-107, 109-21 aprytae (afridi), 28, 31 arabian sea: command of, necessary for safety of southern baluchistan passes, 140-41 islands in, disappearance of, 286, 288 phenomena of, 286-7 arabic, derivatives from, 192 arabii, 146, 305 arabius river. _see_ purali arabs: ascendency of, in seventh century, 191-2 himyaritic, 372 indian invasion by, 293-4 indian route used by, _via_ girishk, 209 makran under ascendency of, 292-5 methods of, mediæval and modern, 227 records of travel by, untrustworthiness of, 213 saboean, 372 sind under, 293, 311, 366 arbela, arbil. _see_ erbil arbela, battle of, 47, 67 archa pass, 421, 505 ardewan pass, 234 argandi, 379 arghandab river, 83, 86, 208, 224, 515 arghastan river, 224 argu plain, 424 aria, 32, 479. _see also_ herat ariaspa. _see_ andarab arigaion, 103 arimaspians, 14 aristobulus cited, 151-2 armail (armabel, karabel, las bela), 150, 304-307, 320; distances to, 303-304 armenia, israelites deported to, 39, 49 arnawai valley, 358 arrian cited, 19-20, 51, 54, 62-3, 87, 89, 91, 103, 104, 107, 114, 118, 119, 124, 126, 147, 148, 150, 152-3, 155, 156, 160, 165-6, 316 artakoana, 32, 77, 479. _see also_ herat artobaizanes, 68 asfaka, 312, 314 asfaran (? subzawar), 229-30 asmar boundary commission (1894), 123 asoka, 129 aspardeh, 250 aspasians, 96, 100, 103, 104 aspurkan (? sar-i-pul), 250, 252 assagetes, 114 assakenians, 96, 104 assakenoi, 121, 126, 129 asshur (assyrian god), 53 assur-bani-pal (sardanapalus), 52, 162-3 assyria: afghan colonies of, 61 buildings in, nature of, 40-43 israelite serfs in, 39 assyrian empire, second: afghanistan as viewed by, 6 art of, 7, 52-4 babylonian overthrow of, 52 golden age of, 51-3 influence of, in india, 70 israelites deported by, 16, 39, 44, 49, 61 naval fight of, first, 52 satrapies, institution of, 44 astarab stream and route to bamian, 252-4; valley, 266 astarabad, 225 astola i. (haftala), 160 attok, carpatyra probably near, 29 auca (obeh), 225 auckland, lord, 405, 409 avitabile, 367 azdha of bamian, 380 azdha of besud, 380 babar (baba) pass, 234, 236, 481 baber, emperor, cited, 133, 358; estimate of, 326-7 babylon: antiquities of, 73 assyria overthrown by, 52 barrenness of country round, 41 badakshan: alexander in, 93 antiquarian treasures in, 511 balkh-pamirs route across, 177-8 british knowledge of, only recent, 345 climate of, 422 dorah route from, to kunar valley, 520 exploration of, by indian surveyors, 268-9 geographical knowledge of uplands of, defective, 501, 503, 510 greek settlements and remains in, 20, 31, 423 kabul, modern all-the-year-round route to, 275-6, 419 _n._, 522 _n._ kafirs anciently in, 132 lord's and wood's mission to, 402 moorcroft's journey to, 444 railway across uplands to, impracticability of, 523 routes to, compared, 414 wood's views on, 436-7 badakshan (town) (? jirm), 273-5 badakshani transported by murad beg, 432, 505 badghis, 235, 236, 237 bado river, 338-9 baghdad: masson at, 368 railway from, _via_ hamadan and kum, question as to, 322 baghlan, 90, 261, 421, 505, 511; greek settlements about, 435 baghlan river, 434; valley, 437 baghnein, 206-208 bagisara (? damizar), 158 bagnarghar, 282-3 bagram (alexandreia), 77, 87, 93, 96, 393 bahawalpur, 349, 364 bahrein is., 56 bahu kalat (fahalfahra), 312-14 bahu valley, 165 baio peak, 120-21 bajaor, 103 bajaur, 128 bajgah, 261, 384 bajgah (parwan, sar alang) pass, 414 bajitan (najitan), 225 bakhi, 31-32 bakhtyari, 32 bakkak pass, 256, 262 baktra. _see_ balkh baktria. _see_ badakshan bakwa plain, 493 bala murghab, 237, 240, 247, 481 balangur (bala angur), 251 balkh: antiquity of, 7, 71, 73 approach to, by akcha road, 72, 73 buddhism at, 263, 502-503 coins and relics at, 459 ferrier's account of, 482 importance of, in antiquity, 88 khotan, distance from, 177 modern, 71-4 moorcroft at, 446, 449 persian satrapy including, 31 routes to, from: bamian, 267-8 bokhara, 278 herat, 239-40, 247-8 kabul, 272-3 khotan, 277, 278-9 merv, 249-50 punjab, 177 southward, 257 balkh ab river, 215 balkh ab valley, 252, 255, 257; route to kabul, 259-60 balkh plains: antiquarian interest of, 88, 511 extent and character of, 74 mapping of, 501 rivers of, 75 waterway ruins of, 76 balkh (band-i-amir) river: course of, 257-8 lakes and aqueducts of, 256 sarikoh, junction with, 267 scenery of, 262-3 source of, 84 baluch confederation: kaiani maliks at head of, 37 lawlessness of, 334 baluchistan: arab exploration of, 192 desert of, 82 exploration of, modern, 194; by christie and pottinger, 329 _et seq._ firearms imported into, 55 frontier of, the gomul, 137 hinterland of india, viewed as, 5 hot winds of, 341 language of, persian in origin, 21 lasonoi emigration to, 30 makran. _see that title_ mediæval geography regarding, 200 mongol invasion of india through, 526 natural features and conditions of, 32-3, 47, 373 persian empire including, 21 political intrigue in, 409 southern passes from, into india commanded from the sea, 140-41 surveying of, 501 baluchistan, east: inhabitants of, character of, 373-4 masson's travels in, 369 baluchistan, south: brahui of, 34 configuration of, 48 baluchs, masson's intimacy with, 374 bam, 323 bamain, 213-14 bam-i-dunya. _see_ pamirs bamian: buddhist relics at, 177, 263, 265-6, 381, 446 founding of kingdom of, 218 importance of, in middle ages, 205, 261-2, 267 masson in, 378-86 route through, importance of, 438 routes to, from: balkh, 267-8 ghur, 224 kabul (open in winter), 385-6 oxus plains, 257 sar-i-pul, 252 bamian (unai) pass, 87, 221 bamian river, 260, 388 bamian valley: description of, 263, 265-6 importance of, 437-8 bampur: alexander at, 165, 166, 316 mountain conformation of, 323 pottinger at, 342 bampusht koh mountains, 313 band (binth), 311-12, 314 band-i-amir mountains, 257 band-i-amir river. _see_ balkh river band-i-baian (siah koh, sufed koh) mountains, 84, 215, 486, 487 band-i-nadir, 245 band-i-turkistan, 239, 249, 250, 484 banj mountain, 184, 185 banjohir (panjshir), 276-7 bannu, 512 baraki, 91 barbarra (? mabara), 434 barna, badara (gwadur), 159 barnes, sir hugh, 374 _and n._ baroghel pass, 517, 521 barohi, meaning of term, 34, 163. _see also_ brahuis bashgol valley, 426 bashkird mountains, 200 basrah, 368 _bassarika_ cited, 62 bast, 236 bazar (ancient) (rustam, bazira, bazireh), 106, 113, 114 bazar (modern) (? ora), 106 bean, captain, 406-407 begram, site of ancient city at, 393; cufic coins at, 394 behistan inscriptions cited, 30 behvana (jirena), 245 bela (in baluchistan), 331 bela. _see_ las bela belchirag, 251, 255, 484 bellew cited, 32, 35, 163-4; his _ethnography of afghanistan_ cited, 20, 91; his _inquiry_ cited, 21 belous (bolous), 200 ben-i-israel, traditions of, 49-50, 378 benjawai, 207, 208, 210 bentinck, lord wm., 344 berwan lake, 282 bessos (later artaxerxes), 47, 68, 76, 88, 90 besud route to the helmund, 262 besud territory, 378, 380-81 bih (geh), 311-12, 314 binadur, 493 binth (band), 311-12, 314 birdwood, sir geo., cited, 53 birmal hills, 513 birs nimrud, 41, 43, 71 bist (kala bist), 204, 207, 208 bitchilik pass, 387 blood, sir bindon, cited, 120 bodh, 372 bokhara (sogdiæ): alexander's success in, 92 balkh under chief of, 459 kabul and bamian, main route from, 389 khulm and balkh route from, 278 modern popularity of, 395 moorcroft's journey to, 444 bolan (mashkaf) pass, 139, 362 bolar, kingdom of, 327 boledi, 36-7 bolor, kafiristan part of, 269 bolous (belous), 200 bombay n.i., geographical record of, 454 boodhi, 483-4 botm, 282 _and n._ bouchinj (zindajan), 479 bousik (boushinj, pousheng), 231, 234, 237 brahmi script cited, 171 brahuis (barohis): baluchistan, in, 331 masson's estimate of, 374 mingals, 142, 306 revolt of, at kalat, 406 sakæ, 163-4 stock of, 34 traditions of, 142 brankhidai of milesia, 20, 91 brick buildings of antiquity, 42-3 broadfoot, lieut. j. s., 513; travels of, in central afghanistan, 412, 470 _et seq._; estimate of, 471 bubulak, 387 buddhism: balkh, at, in antiquity, 72, 263, 502-503 bamian, relics in, 263-6, 381, 446 building age of, a later development, 170 haibak, at, 264-5, 511 jalalabad, relics at, 352 kashmir, in, 179-80 nava sanghârâma, 178 ritual of, 174-6, 181-2 sind, ruins in, 372 swat, in, 129 takla makan, in the, 283 _buddhist records of the western world_, quoted, 175-6 buddhiya kingdom, 305-306 budu river, 341 bunbury cited, 31 buner river, 108, 120-21 buner valley, blood's expedition to, 120 bushire, 348 burhan, lake, 283 burnes, sir alexander, indus navigation by, 368, 454; at court of ranjit singh, 455-7; mission of, to kabul (1832), 344, 376; to kunduz, 378; _travels in bokhara_ quoted, 455, 491; date of publication, 344, 351; commercial mission of, to kabul (1837), 398-401, 404-405; work of, 440-41; estimate of, 453, 461 burzil pass, 182 candace, 479 canouj, 273 cariat (kariut), 210 carpatyra, 28-9 cavalry on frontier expeditions, 117 celadon ware, 82-3, 197, 300 chach of sind, 303, 306 chachnama of sind cited, 305 chagai, 335 chagan sarai, 130 chahar aimak, 212, 214, 481 chaharburjak, 81 chahardar (chapdara) pass, 261, 415, 419, 522 height of, 357 military road over, 277 chaharshamba river and route to balkh from herat, 242, 248 chahil abdal (chalapdalan) mountain, 223, 486, 488 chahilburj, 257, 267 chahiltan heights, 370-71 chakesar ford, 121 chakhansur, 497 chalapdalan (chahil abdal) mountain, 223, 486, 488 chandragupta (sandrakottos), 129 chapdara pass. _see_ chahardar charbar, 299 chardeh plain, 379 charikar: military road from, over chapdara pass, 277 strategical position of, 357 charsadda, 114 chashma sabz pass, 234, 235 chenghiz khan, 72, 85, 142, 193, 194, 218, 267, 376, 526 cherchen, 174 china, buddhist pilgrimage routes from, 169 _et seq._, 502, 518 chinese turkistan: buddhist occupation of, 280 conditions of life in, in antiquity, 171, 172 tibet, included in, 283 chiras, 252 chitral, passes converging on, 426-7, 519 chitral river. _see_ kunar river chitral valley: accessibility of, 517 dorah route to, 519-20 choaspes. _see_ kunar chol country, 236, 238, 246, 247, 258 christians: armenian, in kabul, 377 merv, at, 241 sakah, at, 229 christie, captain, 329 _et seq._ chumla river, 108; valley, 121 climate as affecting race distribution, 8, 46 conolly, lieut., 390 cophæus, 114 court, m., 455, 457 crockery debris, 82, 197 cufic coins, 394 cunningham, general, cited, 106, 148 curtius, quintus, cited, 107, 122, 148-9, 221, 459 cyrus, king of persia, 79, 147 dadar, 362 dahuk (? dashtak), 304 dames, longworth, cited, 201 damizar (? bagisara), 158 dand, 472 dandan shikan pass, 260, 384, 421; wood's account of, 418 daolatabad, 249 daolatyar, 221, 223-4, 256, 486 daraim valley, 424 darak (dizak), 311-14 darak yamuna (yakmina), 317 dards, 31 darel (to-li), 179, 182-3 darel stream, 183-4 darius, flight of, from alexander, 47, 67; death of, 70 darius hystaspes, transportation of greeks by, 16, 19, 20, 31, 45, 87, 91 darra yusuf river, 257, 200 darwaz mountains, 432-3 darya-i-zarah (gaod-i-zireh), 204 dasht river, 165 dasht-i-bedoulat plain, 362, 370 dasht-i-lut, 323 dasht-i-margo desert, 81, 495 dawar (zamindawar), 83, 205-206, 223, 491 deane, major sir h., cited, 129 debal, 293, 301, 303, 307, 308, 310 deh dadi, 257 dehao (? dehi), 483 dehertan (? dahertan), 236, 237 dehgans, 269 dehi (? dehao), 483 _delight of those who seek to wander through the regions of the world, the_ (idrisi), cited, 199 _et seq._ dendalkan, 245, 246 dera ismail khan, 463 derah, 245 derak (dizek), 244 dereh mustapha khan (deria-dereh), 487 derenbrosa, i., 159 derthel, 206-208, 210 deserts as barriers, 7-9 dev hissar fortress, 484-5 dev kala, 89, 92 dihsai (dshara), 465-6 diodoros cited, 107 _dionysiaka_ cited, 62 dir valley, 129 dizak (darak), 311-14 dizek (derak), 244 djil, 273 doctors as travellers, 463 domai (manora), i., 154 domandi, 464, 513 dorah pass, 508-509; nature and importance of, 426-7, 519-21 dorak (? dizek), 245 dosh, 261 doshak. _see_ jalalabad doshak range, 233 dost mahomed khan, 344, 353, 359, 390, 403, 444, 462, 490; operations by, against sikhs, 397-8; methods and estimate of, 360 drangia. _see_ seistan dravidian brahuis, 306 dravidian races entering india, 142-4 dshara (dihsai), 465-6 dufferin lake, 520 durand, 471 durani afghans: districts inhabited by, 212 herat under occupation of, 348 shikarpur, at, 363 truculence of, 212, 490 zarangai alleged to be recognisable as, 33-4 duvanah valley, 424 dwa gomul river, 475 eastward migrations, 6, 7, 9, 45, 49 ecbatana: darius' flight to, 47-8, 67 route, direct, to india from, 51 egypt, buildings in, 40 elam, 163 elburz mountains: alexander's passage of, 74, 76, 258 rivers of, 75 road across, 528 mentioned, 74, 257 elliott, sir h., cited, 302, 304, 305; quoted, 313 embolina (amb), 107-108, 114-15, 121 erbil (arbil): battle of arbela at, 47 route from, to hamadan, 48 ersari turkmans, 251, 459-60 esar haddon, king of assyria, 52 ethiopians, asiatic, problem regarding, 34-6, 163 euxine (black sea): milesian colonies s. and w. of, 18 skythic nomads n. of, 14, 19 explorations of indian trans-frontier, recentness of, 1, 17, 32, 60, 345 fa hian, 170, 172, 178, 180, 181, 184-5; quoted, 174-6, 179, 183 fahalfahra (bahu kalat), 312-14 fahraj (pahrag, pahra, pahura), 315, 317; two places so named, 316 faizabad: dorah route from, 519 situation of, 273-4, 425 wood's account and estimate of, 422, 425 zebak, route from, 511 mentioned, 279, 506 farah (prophthasia): alexander the great at, 78 antiquity of, 7 ferrier at, 493-4 herat, route from, 230-34 situation of, 7 farah rud river, 204, 216, 221, 336, 488, 494 farajghan, 356 fardan (? bampur or pahra), 315-17 farsi, 223 fazilpur, 365 fazl hag, 458 ferengal, lead mines at, 416 ferghana, 282 ferrier, m., career of, 477; at herat, 477-8; journey across firozkohi plateau, 476, 478, 484; route to ghur, 485-7; imprisonments of, 491-3; at farah, 493-4; in seistan, 496-7; back to herat, 498; methods of, 346; estimate of, 476, 480, 498; cited, 214, 231, 335, 516; _caravan journeys_ cited, 497 ferrying by ponies, 89-90, 449, 460-61 feruk (feruckabad), 449 firabuz (kanazbun), 302-303; distances from, 304, 313, 317 firozand, 207 firozkohi (mediæval capital of ghur), 219 firozkohi plateau: ferrier's journey across, 476, 478, 484; route to ghur, 485-7 impracticability of, for military operations, 525 outlook from, 266 mentioned, 247, 258 firozkohis: district of, 84, 214, 217, 219, 253 origin of, 481 foosheng, 231 forbes, dr., murder of, 497 forrest's _selections from travels and journals preserved in the bombay secretariat_ quoted, 348, _and n._ gadrosia. _see_ makran gadrosii, 146, 151 gaduns, 111 gadurs, 35 galjin, 497 gandhara (upper punjab), 99, 179, 185 gandava (sind), 305 gaod-i-zireh (darya-i-zarah), 204 gardandiwal, 260, 379, 388 gauraians, 96 gauraios river. _see_ panjkora gawargar, 267 gazban (karbis), 159 gazdarra pass, 465, 472 geh (bih), 311-12, 314 geography: ancient records of, absence of, 14-16, 18, 29 distances, difficulties of estimating, by "a day's journey," 298 influence of, on migratory movements, 9, 45-6; on history, 214 makran, of, 295 _et seq._ official _v._ unofficial, 332, 345 persian, extent and accuracy of, 17, 25-6, 29, 31 recent advances in, 1, 17, 32, 60 gerard, dr., 376, 395 germany, firearms from, imported to persia, seistan, etc., 55 gharan, 429 gharo river, 153 ghazni (region): raids from, 136 vigne's exploration of, 462, 465 ghazni river, 468 ghazni (town): alauddin's sack of, 218 desolation of, 210-11, 376 kandahar, route to, 512 masson at, 359-60 vigne at, 467 ghaznigak, 261 ghilzais (khilkhis): districts of, 375-6 importance of, 206, 212 suliman khel. _see that title_ ghizao, 515 ghorband drainage system, 468 ghorband river, 413 ghorband valley: beauty of, 97 easy pass to, 260, 261, 387 lead mines in, 416 military road up, 277 ghori, 524 ghoweh kol (? pai kol), 380 ghulam khana, 385 ghur: ferrier at, 478 ghazni to, no direct route from, 220 ghur, kingdom of: description and history of, in mediæval times, 205, 211-13, 217-19 routes through, in mediæval times, 220-24 ghur river, 204, 221, 488 ghur valley, 221-2 ghurian (koure), 231-2 giaban headland, 159 gichki, 37 gilgit basin, 517; river, 182 girishk: ferrier's imprisonment at, 491-3 ford at, 204, 206-10 kandahar route by, 490 ruins at, 492 gish (war god), 131 glass, arabic, 300 gobi desert, 171 goës, benedict, 327-8 goldsmid, general sir f., 299 gomul river, 136, 464, 473-4 gomul route from the indus to ghazni, vigne's exploration of, 462, 512, 513 gondakahar (gandakahar, gondekehar) caves, 305, 306, 320 gondrani caves, 305, 306 granikos river, 66 great britain: afghan attitude towards, 337-8; british attitude towards afghanistan in early nineteenth century, 349 afghan war (1839-40). _see_ afghanistan, british war with afghan war (1878-80), surveys in connection with, 397, 500 sixteenth century, condition of england in, 2 greeks: baghlan and andarab, settlements about, 435 baktria, deportation to, 87, 91; survival of strain in, 354-5, 358, 423 dionysian, migration of, to indian frontier, 16, 19, 62-3, 124-5, 358, 423 indian art, influence on, 59-60 kyrenean, in baktria, 91 milesian. _see that title_ persian empire, relations with, 20-21, 36, 61 women of, as influencing language in indus valley, 22 grierson, dr., cited, 132 gulgula citadel, 381, 386 gulkatz, 473 gulkoh mountain, 515 gulran (? kilrin), 235 gurkhas in nepal, 188 guzwan (? gurkan, juzjan, jurkan, jirghan), 250, 251, 255 gwadur (barna, badara), 159, 299 gwalian (walian) pass, 414 habibullah, 444 haftala (astola, hashtala, nuhsala, nosala) island, 161, 286 haibak (semenjan): andarab, distance from, 272; route to, 524 buddhist remains at, 177, 264-5, 511 description of, 271 moorcroft at, 446 mentioned, 261, 482 haidar, cited, 186, 327 haidarabad, 399 haig, general, 27; cited, 309-10; _indus delta country_ by, cited, 145, 153 haji khan, 378-87, 417 hajigak pass, 260, 420, 446; masson's account of, 388; wood's account of, 417 hajjaj, 292 hala pass, 150 hamadan, 322; telegraph route from, to teheran, 48 harat rud, 498 hari rud river: course of, 528 herat-kabul route by, 248, 256, 262 pul-i-malun across, 229 _n._, 230 source of, 84, 256 hari rud valley, 215, 485-6, 528 hariana, 276-7 harnai pass, 139 hazaras: characteristics of, 216, 481 country of, nature of, 84-6, 214, 221, 516; british interest in, merely academic, 514 forced labour of, 380-81 haji khan's treachery against, 384 kidnapping of, by taimanis, 253 masson's relations with, 387-8 slave-gangs of, 421 trading of, 252 women of, ferrier's account of, 485 yezdambaksh, under, 378-9 hazart ghaos, 371 hazrat baba kamur, 505 hazrat imam, 432-3, 504, 505, 506 hedin, sven, 170 helawerd, 274 helmund basin, 201; central unexplored, 512 helmund river (etymander): course of: description of, 81-2, 83-4, 379 variations in, 79-80, 202 crossing-places on, 204-10, 380 detritus borne by, 81 indus, route to, 527 northern branches of, unexplored, 515 ruins bordering, 492 unexplored portion of, 512, 515 helmund valley: antiquarian treasures in, 496 description of, 79 _et seq._ nadir shah in, 526 pottery débris in, 197 survey of, thoroughness of, 207 hephæstion, 94, 95, 99, 150, 151 herat (aria): ancient cities on or near site of, 77 balkh, routes to, 239-40, 247-8 capital of ghur in mediæval times, 219 christie at, 336-7 commerce of, during arab supremacy, 225 defence of, against the persians (1837), 402 description of, by idrisi, 228 durani occupation of, 348 farah, route to, 230-34 ferrier at, 477; his views as to, 479 india, military route to, 525-6 kabul, route to, by hari rud, 248, 256, 262; other routes, 257 kandahar, direct route to, 490, 525-8 mosalla, 228 panjdeh and merv, route to, 236 persian satrapy including, 32 persian siege of, 477 tributary to ghur in mediæval times, 218 herat valley, 202, 205, 211-12, 217; route from, to india, 209; trees in, 237 herodotus cited, 17, 25, 26, 30, 31, 33-4, 56, 163 hicks, 469 hindu koh range, 182 hindu kush mountains: direction of, 4 geographical knowledge of, defective, 508-9 passes over, 274, 327, 328, 357, 378, 381-2, 387, 413-15, 426-7, 434-5, 507, 517, 519-25 andarab in relation to, 275, 277 command of, 261 masson's account of, 388 mediæval use of, 277 wood's account of, 417-18 snow line of, on north and south sides, 415 hinglaz mountain and shrine, 162-3 hingol river, 291; alexander at, on the retreat, 151, 157, 161-3, 166 history, unimportance of, to the ancients, 11, 25 hiuen tsiang cited, 178 honigberger, m., 394-5, 462, 468 hormuz, 200 housab, 225 huc, abbé, cited, 439, 440 huec sheng, 184 huen tsang cited, 262, 279 huntington, ellsworthy, cited, 8, 278 hunza (kunjut), 180-81 hupian, 394 hyperboreans, 14, 19 ibn batuta cited, 210 ibn haukel of baghdad cited, 203, 217, 228-31, 236, 237, 243, 251, 255, 295, 303; _ashkalu l' bilad_ of, quoted, 304, 308-309; map of makran by, cited, 297-8, 307, 312, 313 ichthyophagi, 160, 318 idrisi (abu abdulla mohammed) cited,199 _et seq._, 301-304, 307-309, 312, 313, 315-17, 427-8, 434, 446; quoted, 303, 314, 316-17 ilchi (khotan), 172 _iliad_ cited, 12 imám sharif, 222 india (_for particular districts, rivers, etc., see their names_): aboriginal inhabitants of, 157 afghanistan: commercial treaty with, attempted, 397; burnes' mission, 398-401, 404-5 land gates of india always in possession of, 22 arab invasion of, by land and sea, 287 art of: assyrian influence on, 7, 52-4 greek influence on, 6, 22, 59-60, 129 syrian and armenian influence on, 6 aryan influx to, 61 assyrian influence in, 70; on art, 7, 52-4 bombay n.i., record of, 454 defences of, natural: north and north-east frontier, on, 3 south frontier, on--ridge and valley formation, 140; indus to punjab desert, 7, 143-4, 226, 526 dravidian races entering, 142-4, 158 gold-fields of, 51 government of: characteristics of, 408-10 masson's criticisms of, 408, 409 greek impression left on, slightness of, 59 history of, ancient, non-existent, 11 makran route to. _see under subheading_ routes n.w. barrier of, true situation of, 5 population of, not indigenous, 49 railway systems of, 324 rajput families of, 7 routes to: makran route: arab supremacy, under, 226, 294, 311 importance of, in antiquity, 167-8 modern ignorance regarding, 141; modern possibilities as to, 319-24 northern, from mongolia, 169 _et seq._, 186 _et seq._ persian, 311, 319, 321-4 sea-routes to n.w. in antiquity, 55 russian designs as to, question of, 319-20 trade of: persian, 21 syrian and phoenician, 13, 45 wealth of, 295 turanian races in, 157-8 indian survey, 183 indus river (sintu ho): boundary of early exploration, 7 burnes' flotilla on, 454 course of, variations in, 26-7, 296 delta of, area of, 27 desert flanking, 143-4, 226, 526 gharo, creek of, 153 gorge of, below the darel, 183-4 haig's _indus delta country_ cited, 145, 153 navigability of, near baio, 121 opening of, to commercial navigation, burnes' mission regarding (1837), 399 rann of katch, estuary of, in antiquity, 144 routes from, to helmund river and central india, 527 voyage down, by scylax, 26-8 indus valley: climate of, 46; fog, 85-6 greek and arabic remains in, 364; greek language and its disappearance, 21, 59 inscriptions, undecipherable, found in, 129-30 mahomedan supremacy in, 293 pathans in, ancient settlement of, 28 persian satrapy including large part of, 31 routes to, through makran, 141. _see also under_ india--routes vegetation in, in antiquity, 121-2 inscriptions on stone slabs, 129-30; on bricks, 494, 496, 499 irak, 292; valley, 387; stream, 388; pass, 417 irrigation in afghanistan, 75-6, 475 ishak khan, 261 ishkashm, 429 islam. _see_ mahomedanism ispahan: railway from, question as to, 319, 321-2 telegraph route from, to panjgur, 322 ispahak pass, wood's description of, 417 israelites: assyrian deportation of, 16, 39, 44, 49, 61 disappearance of, as a nation, 40 issyk kul lake, 173 istakhri of persepolis cited, 295, 302, 303, 307, 308, 312 jabar khan, 462, 469 jacobabad, 139 jacquet, eugene, 395 jadran hills, 513 jadwa, 236 jagdallak defile, 95 jahanabad, 497 jhal, 371 jalalabad (doshak), 335, 497; buddhist relics near, 177, 352 jalawan brahuis, 164 jalk, 335 jam kala, 222 jamrud, 398 jamshidis, 214, 216, 481 jaor, 486 jats, jatas, 293, 501 jawani, 336 jebel al ghur, 217 jerkere, 231 jews (yahudi): afghan hatred of, 50, 377 balkh, at, 71 sar-i-pul, at, 252 transportations of, 44 yahudia, at 251, 255 jihun. _see_ oxus. jil district, 278 jilgu river, 475 jirena (behvana), 245 jirghan (? jurkan, gurkan, juzjan, guzwan), 250, 251, 255; range, 249 jirift, 201 jirm (? badakshan), 270, 506 position and importance of, 270, 274-5 wood's estimate of, 422, 425-6 joubert's translation of idrisi cited. _see_ idrisi _journal of the royal society of arts_ cited, 146 junasdara pass, 424-5 jurkan (gurkan, juzjan, ?guzwan or jirghan), 250, 251, 255; range, 249 jutes, 61 kabadian, 278 kabul: arab expedition against, 292 burnes' mission to (1832), 344, 376; his commercial mission to (1837-8), 392, 398-401, 404-405 hicks' tomb at, 469 masson british agent in, 397; his account of, 376-7 mediæval estimate of, as "indian" town, 211, 219, 226, 262; mediæval description quoted, 211 modern conditions in, social and material, 377 moorcroft's journey to, 444 routes to and from: afghan turkistan, wood's account of route to, 418-19; modern improvements in, 419 _and n._, 522 _n._ andarab, khafila road to, 88 badakshan, all-the-year-round route to, 275-6, 419 _n._ balkh, frontier commission's route from, 272-3 bamian, route to, open in winter, 385-6 bokhara and bamian, main route to, 389 herat, route from, by hari rud, 248, 256, 262; other routes, 257 kunduz, 416, 523 mazar and band-i-amir, by, 259-261 peshawar _via_ kuram valley and peiwar pass, 135 punjab, route from: buddhist character of, 177 kunar, laghman and lundai valleys, by, 101 sar-i-pul, from, 252 vigne at, 468-9 kabul province, india in middle ages, 277 kabul (kophen, nahrwara) river: alexander's probable course along, 100 source of, 84 mentioned, 96, 276 kabul river basin (ki-pin), 96, 176, 215 kabulis, 492 kach (kaj), meaning of term, 35 kach gandava, 305-306 kafir wine, 133-4 kafiristan: homogeneity of natives of, 508 inhabitants of, 96, 269 ivy and vine in, 124 timur's invasion of, 327, 355-6 unexplored wildness of, 269-70 kafirs in afghanistan: badakshan, in, 437 ignorance regarding, 269-70 kunar valley, in, 102-103; two kafirs of kamdesh, 131-2 siahposh. _see that title_ _kafirs of the hindu kush, the_ (robertson), cited, 510 kafzur (hajigak) pass, 417 kah, 267, 268 kaiani of seistan, 34 kaiani kingdom, ruins of, 82 kaiani maliks, 37, 208 kaibar river, 232 kaisan (kasan) river, 272 kaisar drainage, 248-9 kala bist, 204, 207, 208 kala sarkari, 260 kala sarwan, 206-208 kala shahar, 251, 255 kala-i-fath, 355, 496, 497 kalagan, 342 kalah, ruins of, 42 kalama (khor khalmat), 158 kalapani river, 106 kalat, 323 british expedition to, 406 christie and pottinger at, 332 masson at, 370-71 strategic position of, 138-9 kalat-i-ghilzai (khilkh), 206, 210 kalatak, 301 kalawun, 236, 238 kalloo (panjpilan) pass, 417 kalu, 388 kalwan (? kolwah), 304 kaman-i-bihist, 232, 236 kamard, tajik chief of, 383, 384, 421 kamard valley, 260, 261, 437 kambali (? khairokot), 150, 307-308 kamdesh, 131 kamran, shah, 403 kanazbun (firabuz), 302-303; distances from, 304, 313, 317 kandabel, 305 kandahar: flank march on, possibility of, 204-5 indian frontier, distance from, 528 kabul compared with, in matter of tolerance, 377 leech's mission to, 401-402 masson at, 360-61 mediæval insignificance of, 210 routes from, to: ghazni, 512 herat, 490; herat as gateway to, 525-8 kabul, alexander's, 86-7 kalat, _via_ mangachar valley, 374-5 sonmiani, 331 kandahar (in kach gandava), 305-306 kandaharis, 492 kanowar, 238 kao river. _see_ alingar kaoshan pass, 435: alexander's passage of, tradition as to, 87 greek control of, before alexander's expedition, 20, 91; greek use of, 277 height of, 88, 357 "hindu kush," known as the pass of, 414 kara pass, 260, 418 karabel (armail, armabel, las bela), 304-307, 320 karabel plateau: description of, 248 route across, from near panjdeh to balkh, 250 karabia i., 159 karabine, 158 karachi: approaches to, 140-41 configuration of, changes in, 153 makran route to, modern possibilities as to, 319-24 malir waterworks, 310 masson refused landing at, 368 voyage from, to persian gulf (by nearkhos), 146, 152-61 karakoram pass, 180 karakoram trade route, 181, 517; description of, 3-4 karaks, 286, 292 karamat ali, saiad, 390 karapa route, 351 karat, 231 karbat, 250 karbis (gazban), 159 kardos, 327 kardozan, 479 karez ilias route to sarakhs, 234 karia pir, 307 kariut (cariat), 210 karmania, 32, 165 karmatians, 293, 311 karomurs, 71 karosthi language, 280; script cited, 171 kartchoo, 482 karuj (korokh), 236, 237 karwan (? parwan), 276-7 karza (? kafza) pass, 382, 385 kasan, 511; stream, 428 kashan, 322; river, 236, 237, 240; valley, 481 kashmir (kie-sha): buddhism in, 179-80 fa hian in, 178-9, 182 persian knowledge of, 31 kashmir passes, no records of military use of, 517 kashmund mountains, 100, 101 kashran (? khasrin), 317 kaspioi, 31 kaspira (kasmira), 31 kasr akhif (ahnef), 245 kasrkand, 311-12, 314 kasur spur, 426 kataghani horses, 504-505 katan chirak, 132 katawar, 355 kattasang, 472 kattawaz plain, 465, 472, 475 kawak (khawak), 355 kawakir, 235 kej (kiz, kirusi, ?labi), 301-302 kej valley, 297 kenef, 238 kunjut (hunza), 180-181 kerman desert, 201; valley, 262 kermanshah, 322 ketnev, 356 khaibar route to india: evil reputation of, 458 hyphæstion's march by, 95 masson's journey by, 351-2 khair, 310 khair kot (? kambali), 150, 307-308 khalmat tombs, 196, 310-11 khan nashin, 495 khana yahudi, 257 khanabad, 423, 506 kharachanabad (khardozan), 230 kharan, 331, 335, 339 kharan desert, 339-41 khardozan (kharachanabad), 230 khariab river, 278 khariab (kokcha) river, 270, 273, 274 kharkerde, 231 kharotis, 513 khash, 495 khash rud valley, 204 khashka pass, 387 khasrin (? kashran), 317 khawak pass: height of, 357, 435 importance of, 521 popularity of, 414 timur at, 327, 355, 435 otherwise mentioned, 261, 275, 277, 419, 428, 434, 507 khawak river, 274 khazar, 388 khilkh (kalat-i-ghilzai), 206 khilkhis. _see_ ghilzais khiva (khwarezm), 218, 244 khizilji turks, 281-2 khoes river, 99-100 khoja mahomed range, 424, 436, 437, 506, 507 khojak range, 139 khor khalmat (kalama), 158 khorasan, 348 khorienes, 93 khotan (ilchi): balkh, distance from, 177; route to, 277, 278-9 buddhist centre, as, 172, 174 khozdar: christie and pottinger at, 331 masson at, 373 turan, capital of, 315 khulm, 88, 270-72, 416; river, 84 khur, 308, 310 khurd kabul defile, 95 khud rud, 515 khuzan (ak tepe), 245-6 khwaja amran (kojak) range, 374 khwaja chist, 217, 223 khwaja salar, 448, 449, 460 khwarezm (khiva), 218, 244 ki-pin (kabul river basin), 176 kie-sha. _see_ kashmir. kila adraskand, 229 _n._ kila gaohar, 485 kila khum, 511 kila maur, 237, 245 kila panja, 430 kila shaharak, 486 kila sofarak, 256 kila wali, 243, 248 kilif, 279; pony ferry at, 89-90, 460 kilik pass, 180, 517 kilrin (? gulran), 235 kir (kiz) kaian, 313-17 kirghiz (? kirkhirs): idrisi's account of, 282-3 wood's estimate of, 430 kirman, 311, 313-15, 322-3; telegraph _via_, to india, 69 kirman desert, 147 kirthar range, 140 kishm, 509 kiz (kirusi, kej, ?labi), 301-302 kiz (kir) kaian, 313-17 kizzilbash, 467 knidza (kyiza), 160 koh daman: alexander at, 94 description of, 96-7 lord's expedition to, 412-13 koh-i-babar (baba) mountains: altitude of, 263 nature and direction of, 84, 381 rivers starting from, 215 koh-i-basman, 323 koh-i-malik siah, 209 koh-i-mor (meros) mountains, 105, 123-4, 358 koh umber mountain, 423, 506 kohendil khan, 493 kohistan: inhabitants of, 96 mountain scenery of, 392 kohistan plains, 87 kohistani, 486 kohistani babas, 487 kohnak divide, 513 kojak (khwaja amran) range, 374 kokcha (khariab, minjan) river: course of, nature of, at faizabad, 424, 425 mouth of, 434 robertson's view regarding, 510 route by headwaters of, nature of, 426, 427, 436 mentioned, 270, 273, 274, 507, 520 kokcha valley, 424, 425, 427 kokhar ab river, 515 kolab, 433-4 kolar gold-fields, 51 kolwah (? kalwan), 304 konche river, 174 kophen river. _see_ kabul river korokh (karuj), 236, 237, 239, 240 kotal-i-bed, 374 kotal murgh pass, 90 kotanni pass, 513 koure (ghurian), 231-2 koyunjik mound, 43 krateros, 103, 147 krokala, 148, 153, 156 kua (kau), 235, 236 kudabandan, 303 kuen lun mountains, 171, 172, 173 kufs, 200 kughanabad, 236 kuhsan, kusan (? kuseri, kouseri), 232-3, 239, 479 kum, 322 kunar (choaspes, chitral) river, 122, 431; importance of, 100 kunar (choaspes, chitral) valley: description of, 100-103 direction of, 509-10 dorah route from, 520 ivy and vine in, 133 kafirs in, 102-103; of kamdesh, 131-2 masson's investigations as to, 396 survey of (1894), 123 kundar river, 464 kunduz (town): burnes' mission to, 378 description of, 504 lord's invitation to, 413, 416, 420-422 southward routes from, to bamian and kabul, 523 warwalin near, 272 wood's estimate of, 422 kunduz district: fortified towns of, 504 pestilential climate of, 432, 447-9, 505 kunduz river, 261, 421, 428, 436, 505; scenery of, 257, 259-260 kunduz valley route to kabul, 434 kunjut, 186 kupruk, 257 kuram, 482-3, 505 kuram valley route, 135, 512 kurchi, 251 kurdistan hills, 322 kurt (tajik) dynasty in ghur, 218 kuseri, kouseri (? kuhsan, kusan), 231-3 kushan (tokhari), 241 kushk, 324 kushk river, 236, 237, 240; description of, 246 kushk-i-nakhud, 210, 492 kyiza (knidza), 160 labi (? kiz, kirusi, kej), 304 ladakh ("little tibet"): idrisi's description of the town of, 281 mongol invasion _via_, 186 moorcroft in, 443-4 vigne in, 462 laghman valley, 96, 99-101; inhabitants of, 100, 133 lahore: burnes at, 455 masson at, 366-7 lakshur (? langar), 238-9 lalposh, 270 lamghan. _see_ laghman language, women's preservation of, 22, 143, 295 lapis-lazuli mines above jirm, 426, 507 las (lumri) tribe of rajputs, 305 las bela (armail, armabel, karabel): distances to, 303-304 gadurs of, 35 historic interest of, 304-307, 320 masson at, 369 ruins near, 372 strategic position of, 138-9 lash jowain, 493, 498 lasonoi, 30 lataband pass, 424 leach, lieut., 471 lead mines of ferengal in ghorband valley, 416 leech, lieut., on burnes' staff, 401-402, 412; work and methods of, 440-41 leh, 180, 443, 444, 519 leonatus, 151, 156, 161 lhasa: buddhist centre, as, 172-3 moorcroft's residence at, question as to, 439-40, 444 pilgrimages to, 181, 187 route from, to india, 517 liari, 308 lockhart mission, 358, 429, 509 logar river, 380, 468; valley, 466, 475 lohanis, 360, 463, 467 lob, 283 lop basin, 172, 173 lop nor, 171, 174, 280 lord, dr., mission of, to badakshan, 402; expedition of, to koh daman and hindu kush passes, 412-15; in ghorband valley, 416; at kunduz, 413, 416, 420-21; visit of, to hazrat imam, 432; investigations by, regarding moorcroft, 439; _uzbek state of kundooz_ by, 504; cited, 420, 505 loveday, lieut., 406 ludhiana, 344 ludi (lydoi), 30 lulan, 174 lumri (las) tribe of rajputs, 35, 305 lundai valley, 101 lungar, 468 lydoi (ludi), 30 mabara (? barbarra), 434 mackenzie, captain, 148 m'crindle cited, 159 macmahon, sir henry, 374 _and n._, 497 macnab, dr., 131 mcnair, 358 mada khel hills, 108 mahaban (shah kot), 108, 110-11, 113, 117-21 _mahabharata_ cited, 12, 63 mahighir canal, 394 mahmud of ghazni, multan conquered by (1005), 192-3, 293; raids by, 200, 210, 218, 513; tomb of, 376; mentioned, 219, 468 mahmudabad, 491 mahomed akbar khan, 490 mahomed ali, chief of saighan, 378-9, 382-3 mahomed azim khan, 444 mahomed kasim, 293-4, 307 mahomed khan, sultan, 360, 403, 483 mahomedanism, rise of, 187 mahomedans: balkh, at, 72, 74 kafir attitude towards, 131 vigne's estimate of, 467 maidan, 260, 468 maimana, 239, 248-50, 258, 481 makran (gadrosia). _for particular districts, etc., see their names_ alexander's retreat through, 38, 51, 86, 145-54, 161-6 ancient relics in, 56 arabian interest in, prior to a.d. 712, 292; arab governors of, 193, 292, 293 baluch traditions as to, 291 bampur the ancient capital of, 165 boledi long the ruling tribe in, 36-7 coasting trade of, in antiquity, 57 configuration, orography, and geological features of, 32-3, 48, 285, 288-91, 296 decline of, in eleventh century, 295 desiccation of, 288-9 greek knowledge of, in ancient time scanty, 37 hots of (? uxoi), 34 islands off, disappearance of, 286, 288 kaiani maliks' supremacy in, 37 kushite race in, question as to, 34-5 negroes in, 36 persian satrapies including, 32, 200 physical features of. _see subheading_ configuration ports of, for importation of firearms, 55 route through, to india under arab supremacy, 209, 226, 294, 311 ignorance as to, 141 importance of, in antiquity, 167-8 modern possibilities as to, 319-24 stone-built circles in, 372 tombs in (khalmati), 310-11 turanian relics in, 158 view of, from arabian sea, 284-5 malan headland, 158, 285, 291; range, 161-2, 164 malek hupian, 394 malistan valley, 515 malli (? meds), 155, 160-61 malun herat, 229 _n_. manabari, 308-309 manasarawar lakes, 440 manbatara, 308 mandal pass, 426, 507, 519 manga (manja, mugger) pir, 309 mangachar valley, 374 manglaor, 121 manhabari (? minagar, binagar), 304, 309-10 manjabari, 309 manora (domai) island, 154 mansura, 309 mansuria, 315-16 mashad: russian telegraph _via_, 69 seistan, route to, 528 teheran, objections regarding railway to, 319 mashad valley, 424 mashkaf (bolan) pass, 139 mashkel (? maskan), 313-14; swamp, 323, 339, 341 massaga: alexander's capture of, 105, 122; route from, 113 nysæans at, question as to, 128-9 marabad, 225 marakanda (samarkand), 88 mardians, 68, 76 maruchak. _see_ merv-el-rud marwa, 225 masson, arrival of, at bushire, 348, 368; in peshawar, 350; journey to kabul _via_ khaibar route, 351-4, 359; to ghazni and kandahar, 359-60; to quetta and shikapur, 361-3; in the punjab, 364-5; at lahore, 365-367; to karachi, 377; trips by water, 367-8; in e. baluchistan, 369; at chahiltan, 370-71; through sind, 371-2; again to kalat, kandahar, and kabul, 372-7; besud expedition, 378, 380; to bamian (1832), 378-86; to kabul, 386, 388; researches near kabul, 393; accepts post as british agent in kabul, 397; relations with burnes, 399-401, 404; resigns office under indian government, 405, 407; experiences at quetta, 406-7; meeting with vigne, 469; intimacy with afghans, 346-7, 350, 352, 362-363; influence with them, 380; intimacy with baluchs, 374; coins collected by, 393; criticisms of indian government by, 408, 409; value of work of, 345, 347-8, 367, 388, 391, 396, 407; methods of, 346; estimate of, 361, 370, 372, 395-6, 408; _travels in afghanistan_, _etc._, see that title; otherwise mentioned, 458, 462, 463, 468, 491 masurjan, 317 matakanai, 105, 128 matiban, 200 mazanderan, 481 mazar, 434, 435, 448, 459 mazar-i-sharif, 257, 439 meder, 267, 268 meds (? malli), 155, 160-61, 292-3 megasthenes, 129; his _india_ cited, 126-7 mehrab khan, 406 meilik (nimlik), 482 menk, 274 mesiha, 245 mesopotamia: earliest immigrants into, question as to origin of, 34-5 irrigation works necessary in, 40-41 israelite deportations to, 39 nana-worship in, 163 teheran-mashad route from, to baktria, 47-8, 54, 70 merv-el-rud: confused with russian merv by idrisi, 244-5 date and destruction of, 241-2 otherwise mentioned, 236, 239, 240-41 merv of the oasis (russian): balkh, routes to, 249-50 confused with merv-el-rud by idrisi, 244 herat route from, 236 historic importance of, 241 milesian greeks: brankhidai, 20 colonies of: n. of euxine, 14 s. and w. of euxine, 18 transportation of, to baktria region, 16, 19, 20, 31, 45 miletus: alexander's reduction of (334 b.c.), 66 carpet-making industry of, 18 destruction of, date of, 16 minab river, 166 minagar, binagar (? manhabari), 304, 309-10 mingal, 482 mingals, 142, 306 minjan pass, 507, 519; chitral route through, 359, 426 minjan river. _see_ kokcha minjan valley, 132, 426, 436 miri fort of quetta, 138, 148 mockler, col., cited, 159-60 mongols: afghanistan, in central plateau of, 85 asiatic civilization overrun by, 200 army of, destroyed on the karakoram route, 4 chenghiz khan, under, 73 ghur dynasty, subject to, 218 india: central southern, problem of arrival in, 142-4 invasion of, by, 326 military expeditions to, attempted, 186 pilgrimages to, 169 _et seq._ monze, cape, 154 moorcroft, explorations by, 440; question as to residence at lhasa, 444; journey from to kabul, badakshan, and bokhara, 444-8; official attitude towards, 442-3; records of, 443; fate of, 438-9; grave of, 259; estimate of, 443-4, 448, 503-504; otherwise mentioned, 423, 434, 467 morontobara, 154-5 mosarna, 161 mugger (manga, manja) pir, 309 mugheir (ur), 42 mula (mulla) pass, 139, 140, 147, 371 multan: hindu bankers in, 363 mahmud's conquest of (1005), 193, 293 masson's account of, 366 tubaran, distance from, 315 murad beg, mir of kunduz, position of, 378-9, 504; badakshani families transported by, 432, 505; lord's invitation by, 413, 416; estimate of, 413; wood's estimate of, 422; moorcroft's experience and estimate of, 446-8; otherwise mentioned, 385, 418, 425, 429, 503 murad khan of kunduz, 383 murgh pass, 434-5 murghab basin, upper, unmapped, 477 murghab river: economic value of, 246-7 head of, unexplored, 516 head valleys of, 258 ruins on, 243-4 upper, climate of, 220 otherwise mentioned, 215, 236, 239-41 murghab valley, 242, 282, 284 muskat, 55 mustapha khan, 487 muttra, 210 nachan, 225 nadir shah, 267, 418, 526 nagas, 501 nahrwara river. _see_ kabul river naisan, 225 najil, 327, 356, 396-7 najirman (? nakirman), 200 najitan (bajitan), 225 nalpach pass, 383-4 nan shan mountain system, 173 nana (chaldean goddess), 162-3 naoshirwan, 339 napoleon buonaparte, emperor, 328-329 naratu, 236, 237, 239, 248 narmashir, 323 nasirs, 475 nasratabad, 203 nassoor, sheikh, 497 nava sanghârâma, 178 navigation, ancient, character of, 13, 56-7 nawagai, 103 nawak pass, 274, 428 nawar valley, 515 nearkhos, 26, 27; voyage of, from karachi to persian gulf, 145, 152-61, 286; meeting of, with alexander, 166-7; cited, 286 negroes, asiatic, 36 new chaman, 324 nicolas range, 431 nikaia (modern kabul), alexander at, 98. _see also_ kabul nili, 222 nimchas, 269 nimlik (meilik), 482 nimrud, 71 nineveh: ruins of, 42, 43 zenith of, 52 nishapur, 231 nomadic life, conditions of, 23-5 nonnus of panopolis cited, 62-3, 98 north, lieut., value of geographical work by, 411-12, 471 nott, 406 nuhsala (nosala, haftala, hashtala) island, 161, 286 nuksan pass, 508-509, 519, 520, 522 nurzai, 212, 491 nusa. _see_ nysa nushki: christie and pottinger at, 38 route _via_, 209, 323 telegraph to, 323 nysa, nyssa (nusa, nuson): tradition regarding, 62, 122-6 war-hymn connected with, 131-2 nysæan inscriptions, question as to, 129-30 nysaioi, 126-7 obeh (auca), 217, 225, 256 _odyssey_ cited, 12 olbia, 19 omar i., kalif of baghdad, 307 ora (? modern bazar), 106 oritæ, 146, 150, 151, 156, 161 orodis, 241 oxus district, mediæval geography of, 277 _et seq._ oxus jungles, 433 oxus (jihun, khariab) river: channel of, variations in, 89 fords of, accurate knowledge of, 501-502 irrigation works connected with, 75 khariab a name for, 273, 278 pony ferry over, at kilif, 89-90, 460; at khwaja salar, 449, 460-61 wood's explorations of, 420, 423, 428-35 oxydrakai, 127 pactyans. _see_ pathans padizar bay, 158, 159 paghman offshoot of hindu kush, 97 paghman, 387 pahrag (pahra, pahura, fahraj), 315, 317, 342; two places so named, 316 pamirs: climate of, 429 mediæval geography of, 277 _et seq._ routes across, 502 taghdumbash, 517 panja (wakhab) river, 279 panjdeh: buddhist caves at, 244 herat, routes from, 236 karabel plateau route from near, to balkh, 250 panjgur: dates of, 290 description of, 302-303 mountain conformation of, 323 railway from, to karachi, question as to, 324 telegraph route to, from ispahan, 322 panjkora river, 104, 122 panjkora valley, 96 panjpilan (kalloo, shutar gardan) pass, 386, 388, 417 panjshir (banjohir), 276-7 panjshir pass, 87-8 panjshir route between kabul and andarab, 87-8, 414 panjshir valley: mediæval reputation of, 435 timur in, 355-6 otherwise mentioned, 261, 275, 356-7, 434, 510, 521 pannah, 472 parah, 230 parana (parwana), 229, 481, 498 parikanoi, 163-4 parjuman, 223 park mountains, 221 parkan stream, 164 paropamisos (hindu kush), 79, 234, 247. (_see also_ hindu kush.) parsi (tarsi), 489 parwan (? karwan), 276-7 parwan (sar alang, bajgah) pass, 328, 435; altitude of, 357; description of, 414 parwana (parana), 229, 481, 498 pashai, 133 pashat, 133 pasiris, 158 pasni, bay of, 159, 164 patala, 146, 148 pathans: ancient settlement of, in present situation, 28 greek names among, 21 inscriptions used by, for decoration, 129-30 persian origin of language of, 21 peiwar pass, 135 periplus cited, 310 perjan (? parwan), 355 persepolis: alexander the great at, 68 inscriptions at, cited, 30 persia: afghanistan: colonies in, 61 intrigues regarding, british nervousness as to, 399-400 war with (1837), 402 army of, french officers' organisation of, 477 charbar point fort built by, 299 configuration of western, 48 desert regions of, 69; "great desert," 201 firearms imported into, 155 helmund boundary of, 80 routes through, to the east, two, 69; routes to india, 311, 319, 321-4 russia: sphere of influence of, 322 french organisation of persian army resented by, 477 war with (1826), 348 persian empire: extent of, 21, 26-7 geographical information possessed by, extent and accuracy of, 17, 25-6, 29, 31 greek permeation of, 20-21; greek attitude towards, 36 indian hinterland under control of, in alexander's time, 61 indian trade of, 21 nations subject to, lists of, 29-30 satrapies of, identification of, 30-32 persian gulf: command of, necessary for safety of southern baluchistan passes, 141 masson's trip up, 367 voyage to, from karachi (by nearkhos), 146, 152-61 persians, pottinger's estimate of, 333-4 peshawar: cession of, to afghanistan mooted by burnes, 401, 404 moorcroft's journey from, to kabul and bokhara, 444 route to, from kabul _via_ kuram valley and peiwar pass, 135 sikh occupation of, 350 peshawaran, 336 peukelaotis, 99, 114 philotas, 78 phur river, 151 physical geography, influence of, on migratory movements, 9, 45-6; on history, 214 pimuri defile, 421 pir mahomed, 445, 456 pisacas, 133 place-names, value of, in identifications, 115 pokran (? pokar), 371 pola island, 159 polo, marco, 281, 327 polyænus quoted, 127-8 pony-ferries on the oxus--at kilif, 89-90, 460; at khwaja salar, 449, 460-61 poolka, 496 poolki (pulaki), 335-6, 497 pottinger, lieut., explorations by, 329 _et seq._; at herat, 402; quoted--on persian character, 333-4; on the kharan desert, 339-40 pousheng (boushinj, bousik), 231, 234, 237 ptolemy (son of lagos), with alexander's expedition, 103, 104, 116; cited, 37, 104, 310 pul-i-malun bridge, 229 _n._, 230 pulaki (poolki), 335-6, 497 punjab: alexander's march on, 94 fa hian in, 179, 185 french and italians in, 366 greek architecture and sculpture in, 59 ranjit singh's hunting party in, 455-6 sikh government, under, 345-6, 363 pura, 165 purali (arabius) river, 146, 148, 149, 156, 292, 305, 320, 370 pushti hajigak (kafzur) pass, 417 pushto, 350, 352 quetta (shall): british ignorance regarding, in 1880, 369 masson and bean at, 406; masson's account of, 362 strategic importance of, 137-9 telegraph to, from seistan, 323 quintus curtius. _see_ curtius ragozin's _chaldea_ quoted, 43 rahmat khan, 365 rahmatulla khan, 382, 421 rahun, 304 rajput tribes, 35 rajputana desert, 27 ramayana cited, 12, 63 rambakia, 150 ranjit singh, bentinck's interview with (1832), 344; position of, 350, 398; burnes' entertainment by, 455-6; burnes' estimate of, 457; vigne's acquaintance with, 462; mentioned, 401, 404 ras kachari, 156 rasak (? sarbaz), 312-14 ravi river, 366 rawlinson, sir henry, cited, 241, 242, 245, 479; his _five monarchies_ quoted, 43 regan, 316, 317, 323 registan, 375 reishkhan district, 424 robat-i-kashan, 237 roberts, lord, 87 robertson, sir george, 358, 426, 507, 510 rohri, 364 rokh, shah, 242 rookes cited, 118 roxana, 92 _r.g.s. journal_ cited, 123; _proceedings_ cited, 241 rozabagh, 229 _n._ rozanak, 233 ruby mines of oxus valley, 428 rudbar (? rudhan), 207, 496 rue khaf (? rudan), 231 russia: afghan intrigues of, british nervousness regarding, 399-400 india: designs on, question as to, 319-20 route to, nature of, 527-8 persia: army organisation of, resented by, 477 sphere of influence in, 322 war with (1826), 348 transcaspian railway terminus, 324 russo-afghan boundary commission: camps of, 233, 235, 240 escort of english officers of, 492 geographical surveys in reports of, 194, 264 kwaja salar, disappearance of, 450 rapidity of movements of, 477 routes of, 78, 248, 261, 272-3, 335, 415 otherwise mentioned, 71, 83, 231 rustak, 504 rustam (bazira), 106, 113, 114 sabaktagin, 414 sacnia, 281 sadik khan, 493 sadmurda, 260 safed khak pass, 379 safed koh, 95 sagittæ, 163 st. john cited, 148, 316 saiad ahmad shah, 350 saib, 433 saidabad fort, 386 saighan valley, 260, 379, 382, 421, 437, 505 sajidi, 164 sakæ, 163, 164 sakah, 229 sakas, 501 samad khan, 390 samaria, date of fall of, 39 sarmakan, 245 samarkand (marakanda), 88, 292 sandeman, sir robert, 137, 320; cited, 374 sandrakottos (chandragupta), 129 sangadip island, 161 sangcharak, 258; mountains, 255 sangiduktar, 231 sangusar, 492 sar alang (parwan, bajgah) pass, 414 saraswati river, 27, 144 sarakhs, 230, 233, 234 sarbaz (? rasak), 312, 314; river, 312 sardanapalus (assur-bani-pal), 52, 162-3 sargo pass, 472 sargon, 39, 45 sar-i-jangal stream, 256 sarikoh stream, 267 sar-i-pul (? aspurkan), 250-52, 483 sarwan (kala sarwan), 206-208 sarwandi (sir-i-koll) pass, 465, 472; ridge, 465-6 satibarzanes, 77 schintza, 473 schwanbeck, dr., 126 scylax of caryanda, 26-9 sehwan, 371 seistan (sejistan, drangia, drangiana): afghan army's experience in, 403 climate and natural conditions in, 80, 85, 201-203, 403, 494 extent of, less than of ancient drangiana, 78; extent in mediæval times, 205 firearms imported into, 55 goldsmid's mission to, 299 inhabitants of, mentioned by herodotus, 33 lake of, 497 route to mashad, 528 persian satrapy, 32, 200 ruins in, abundance of, 336 reputation of, 201-202 surveys of, 496-7 telegraph to, from narmashir, 323 tributary to ghur in mediæval times, 218 sekhwan, 338 sekoha, 498 sejistan. _see_ seistan semenjan. _see_ haibak semiramis, 147 senacherib, king of assyria, 52 senart, m., cited, 130 seneca, cited, 21 ser-ab (? sar-i-ab), 468 shah, 251, 255 shah kot (mahaban), 108, 110-11, 113, 117-21 shaharak, 486 shahar-i-babar, 257, 267 shahar-i-wairan (? shahar, shah), 254-5 shaitana, 380 shakiban, 338 shams tabieri, saint, 366 shamshirs, 233-4, 240 shamsuddin pass, 418 shansabi, 218 sharif, imam, 484 sharifudin cited, 355 sheherek, 486 sheranni, 512 sher-i-dahan, 468 sherwan, 433-4 shibar, 468 shibar pass, 260, 277, 387 shibarghan, 251-2 shikapur, financial credit of, 331-2, 363, 452-3 shorawak, 374-5 shutar gardan (kalloo, panjpilan) pass, 386, 388, 417 siah koh (band-i-baian), 486, 487 siah reg pass, 381 siahposh kafirs, 270, 354-6, 358 siam, celadon furnaces in, 83 sidonians, deportation of, by assyria, 52 sikhs, dost mahomed's operations against, 397-8 simkoh, 234 sind: arab ascendency in, 192, 293, 311, 366; their geography of, 296; buried arab city in, 196 assyrian art in pottery of, 54 buddhist ruins in, 372 frontier passes of, 209 hot winds in, 341 independent government, under, 329, 331, 345-6, 363 masson in, 349; his account of, 365 mongols settled in, 526 mountain barrier of, 140 singlak, 485 sin-ho-to. _see_ swat sintu-ho river. _see_ indus sirafraz khan, 391 sir-i-koll (sarwandi) pass, 465 sirondha lake, 155 skytho-aryans, 241 skyths: caspian, at north and west of, 19 central asia, of, 50; alexander's encounter with, 92-3 euxine, at north of, 14 westward migration of, 61 slavery in badakshan, 520 sofarak, 262 sogdia (bokhara), 32, 92 sohrab, 332 somnath, 210 song yun cited, 184 sonmiani, 308, 368; route from, to interior, 330-31 sousa, 479 spinasuka pass, 103 stein, dr. m. a., 237, 503; buddhist sanctuary discovered by, 184; methods of, 109-11; cited, 111, 113, 117-18, 120-21, 170 stoddart, colonel, 390, 402 stone-built circles, 372 strabo cited, 107, 122; quoted, 127 stewart, general, 95 subzawar, 230, 498 sufed koh mountains, 135, 215 su-ho-to (lower swat), 185 sujah, shah, 344, 353, 405, 456 suliman, kalif, 294 suliman hills, torrents and passes of, 36-7 suliman khel ghilzais: broadfoot the authority on, 474-5 duties levied by, 464, 474-5 kattasang, in, 472 land of, unexplored, 514 sultan mahomed, 445, 446 sura (? suza), 317 surkh kila pass, 418 survey methods, perfecting of, 500 suza (? sura), 317 swat (sin-ho-to, su-ho-to): buddhism in, 129 fa hian in, 179, 185 geographical surveys of, 123 uplands of, 128 tabriz, 368 taft, 322 tagao ghur river, 221 tagao ishlan river, 215-16, 223; valley, 486 tagdumbash pamir, 180, 279, 517 taimanis: country of, 84, 214, 217, 220, 222-223, 478, 488 kidnapping by, in afghan turkistan, 253 traditions of, 212 women of, ferrier's account of, 489 mentioned, 481, 489 taiwara (ghur): herat, route from, 223 importance of, 487 ruins at, 222, 488 mentioned, 220, 515 tajik (kurt), dynasty in ghur, 218 tajiks, badakshani, 432 takla makan, 283 takht-i-rustam (tope at haibak), 446 takht-i-suliman mountain: expedition to (1882), 112, 119, 513 river gorges of, 137 mentioned, 137, 464 takzar (zakar), 251, 252 talara, 300-301 talbot, colonel the hon. m. g., r.e., 264 _and n._, 446; cited, 489-90 talekan, 271-4 talikan, 241, 243, 504; mahomedan saint at, 447 talikan (talikhan), 243 _and n._, 249 talikan plains, 506, 509 talikhan plain, 423 taloi range, 164 tamerlane. _see_ timur _tarikh-i-rashidi_ cited, 186 tarim river, 173, 174, 283 tarnak river, 224 tashkurghan: fort of, 279, 281 kabul, routes to, 260, 419 moorcroft at, 448 otherwise mentioned, 88, 482 tashkurghan river, 261, 279 tarsi (parsi), 489 tate, mr. g. p., cited, 336 taxila, 29, 94, 99 taxiles, 99 teheran: hamadan telegraph route to, 48 kashan, question as to railway _via_, 322 mashad route from, 54, 77; question as to railway by, 319 termez, 278, 279 teshkhan, 424 thakot, 121 tibet: chinese turkistan formerly included in, 283 gold-fields of, 51 gold-digging legends concerning, 31 idrisi's description of, 281-3 invasion of india from, possibility as to, 188 mongol invasion of, 186-7 moorcroft in, 439-40 tibetans, modern, 283 tiglath pilesur, king of assyria, 6, 44, 46, 49, 51, 52, 57 tigris river, 368 til pass, 275 timur hissar, 356 timur shah (tamerlane): herat and ghur broken up by, 219 kafiristan invaded by, 327, 355-6, 435 merv-el-rud destroyed by, 242 otherwise mentioned, 193, 394, 414, 481 tingelab river, 486 tippak, 283 tir, 238-9 tir band-i-turkistan mountains, 239, 240, 247, 258 tirah expedition, 105 tiz (talara), 299-301 tochi river, 475 tochi valley, 136; route by, 512-14 todd, major d'arcy, 480 tokhari (kushan), 241 tokharistan (oxus region), 241; capital of, 243 to-li (darel), 179, 182-3 tomeros river, 157 tous, 479 topchi valley, 386, 388 torashekh, 237, 482 transportation of whole populations, 40, 44 travel, _camaraderie_ of, 463-4 _travels in afghanistan, baluchistan, the punjab, and kalat_ (masson) cited, 349 _et seq._ trebeck, 439-40, 444, 448, 459 tsungling, 177, 178 tubaran, 315-17 turan, 315-16 turfan, 172 turki language, 394 turkistan, afghan. _see_ afghan turkistan turkman women, 283 turkmans, ersari, 459-60 turks, khizilji, 281-2 turks tibetans, 282 uch, 364, 366 udyana (wuchung), 179, 184 ujaristan valley, 515 unai (honai, bamian) pass, 87, 260, 262, 379, 389, 414, 420, 446; importance of, 521; wood's description of, 417 ur (mugheir), 42 urmara, 368 urukh (warka), 163 urusgan valley, 515 uthal, 307 uzbeks: agricultural pursuits of, 251 dwellings of, 249 kirghiz compared with, 430 man-stealing propensities of, 421 murad khan acknowledged liege by, 383, 413 snake-handling by, 253 wood's estimate of, 423 vaisravana, 178 varsach river, 424 vektavitch, lieut., 400 ventura, general, 367 victoria lake, 430-31 wad, 373 wade, captain, 397, 398 wainwright, e. a., cited, 313 wakhab (panja) river, 279 wakhan, 273, 281, 327 wakhjir pass, 279 waksh, 273, 278 wakshab river, 273, 278 walian (gwalian) pass, 414 walid i., kalif, 292, 307 walker, general, cited, 123, 508 wana, 513 wardak valley, 466, 475 wardoj river, 429, 437 wardoj (zebak) valley, 436 warka (urukh), 163 warwalin, 271-2 washir, 490 wazirabad lake, 98 waziris, 464, 474 waziristan, 473 weather, effects of, on natural features, 117-18 westward migrations, 45, 61 wilson, major david, cited, 368 wiltshire, general, 406 wine made by kafirs, 133-4 wood, lieut., mission of, to badakshan, 402; with lord, 412, 416-18, 420, 422, 432, 439; explorations of the oxus by, 420, 423, 428-35; indus navigation by, 454; cited, 505-507, 523; estimate of, 431; value of work of, 418 wolff, rev. joseph, 376 woodthorpe, 429, 509 wuchung (udyana), 179, 184 wynaad gold-fields, 51 xenophon, retreat of, from persia, 18, 42; appreciation of, 66; cited, 42 xerxes, 20, 31, 91 yahudi. _see_ jews yahudia, 251, 255 yakmina (darak yamuna), 317 yakulang, 262; valley, 256 yaman, 220, 222 yang kila, 433 yar mahomed khan, 445, 477, 480, 490, 494 yarkand, 279, 328 yezd, 322 yezdambaksh, 378, 382-4 yule, sir henry, cited, 219, 508 yusli, 307-308 yusuf darra route to sar-i-pul, 483 yusufzai rising, 350 zaimuni, 389 zakar (takzar), 251, 252 zal valley, 262 zamindawar (dawar), 83, 205-206, 223, 491 zarah swamp, 204 zarangai, 33-4 zardaspan, 90 zari stream, 257 zariaspa. _see_ andarab zarinje, 203, 204 zarni, 222 zebak: faizabad, route from, 511 zebak: importance of, 427, 429, 433 mentioned, 279 zebak river, 437, 520 zebak (wardoj) valley, 436 zhob valley, 137 zindajan (bouchinj), 231, 232, 479 zirmast pass, 236, 239, 240 zirni, 487, 488 zohak, 267, 387; valley, 421 zohaka, 466 zoji-la, 180 the end _printed by_ r. & r. clark, limited, _edinburgh_. burma, bhootan, afghanistan and the neighbouring countries*** this ebook was produced by les bowler from the 1847 edition. journals of travels in assam, burma, bhootan, afghanistan and the neighbouring countries by william griffith. arranged by john m'clelland. [sketch of william griffith: pf.jpg] contents. notice of the author from the proceedings of the linnaean society, and extracts from correspondence. chapter i proceeding with the assam deputation for the examination of the tea plant. ii journal of an excursion in the mishmee mountains. iii tea localities in the muttock districts, upper assam. iv journey from upper assam towards hookum. v journey from hookum to ava. vi botanical notes written in pencil, connected with the foregoing chapter. vii general report on the foregoing. viii notes on descending the irrawaddi from ava to rangoon, written in pencil. ix journey towards assam. x continuation of the same, with notes on the distribution of plants. xi journey from assam into bootan, with notes on the distribution of plants. xii continuation of the journey in bootan. xiii return of the mission from bootan, with meteorological observations, etc. xiv journey with the army of the indus, from loodianah to candahar. xv journey from candahar to cabul. xvi journey from cabul to bamean--the helmund and oxus rivers. xvii journey from cabul to jallalabad and peshawur. xviii journey from peshawur to pushut. xix on the reproductive organs of acotyledonous plants. xx journey from pushut to kuttoor and barowl in kaffiristan, and return to pushut and cabul. xxi journey from cabul to kohi-baba. xxii journey from peshawur to lahore. xxiii journey from lahore to simla. xxiv barometrical heights and latitudes of places visited throughout affghanistan. list of plates. i view from nunklow ii the village of nunklow iii captain mathie's cutcherry, the bootan hills, and himalaya iv the himalaya from rangagurrah v bramakhoond and faqueer's rock vi the mori-panee as it enters the khoond vii the deo-panee as it enters the khoond viii the valley of hookum ix meinkhoom x view from beesa xi view on the jheels xii the ok-klong rock xiii kullong bridge xiv tassgoung from upper kulong xv chindupjee xvi ghuznee xvii bamean idols xviii map of the khyber pass notice of william griffith, from the proceedings of the linnaean society, with a few extracts from his private correspondence. "william griffith, esq., the youngest son of the late thomas griffith, was born on the 4th of march 1810, at his father's residence at ham common, near kingston-upon-thames, in the county of surrey. "he was educated for the medical profession, and completed his studies at the london university, where he became a pupil of prof. lindley, under whose able instructions, assisted by the zealous friendship of mr. r. h. solly, and in conjunction with two fellow pupils of great scientific promise, mr. slack and mr. valentine, he made rapid progress in the acquisition of botanical knowledge. the first public proofs that he gave of his abilities are contained in a microscopic delineation of the structure of the wood and an analysis of the flower of _phytocrene_ _gigantea_, in the third volume of dr. wallich's 'plantae asiaticae rariores'; and in a note on the development and structure of _targionia_ _hypophylla_, appended to m. de mirbel's dissertation on _marchantia_ _polymorpha_, both published in 1832. so highly were his talents as an observer appreciated at this early period, that dr. wallich speaks of him as one "whose extraordinary talents and knowledge as a botanist, entitle him to the respect of all lovers of the science;" and m. de mirbel characterizes him as "jeune anglois, tres instruit, tres zele et fort bon observateur." "his note on _targionia_ is dated paris, april 2nd, 1832, and in the month of may of the same year, having finished his studies at the london university with great distinction, he sailed from england for india, which was destined to be the scene of his future labours. he arrived at madras on the 24th of september, and immediately received his appointment as assistant-surgeon in the service of the east india company. "his first appointment in india was to the coast of tenasserim; but in the year 1835 he was attached to the bengal presidency, and was selected to form one of a deputation, consisting of dr. wallich and himself as botanists, and mr. macclelland as geologist, to visit and inspect the teaforests (as they were called) of assam, and to make researches in the natural history of that almost unexplored district. "this mission was for mr. griffith the commencement of a series of journeys in pursuit of botanical knowledge, embracing nearly the whole extent of the east india company's extra-peninsular possessions, and adding large collections, in every branch of natural history, but especially botany, to those which, under the auspices of the indian government, had previously been formed. he next, under the directions of capt. jenkins, the commissioner, pushed his investigations to the utmost eastern limit of the company's territory, traversing the hitherto unexplored tracts in the neighbourhood of the mishmee mountains which lie between suddiya and ava. of the splendid collection of insects formed during this part of his tour some account has been given by mr. hope in the transactions of the entomological society and in the eighteenth volume of our own transactions. "his collection of plants was also largely increased on this remarkable journey, which was followed by a still more perilous expedition, commenced in february of the following year, from assam through the burmese dominions to ava, and down the irrawadi to rangoon, in the course of which he was reported to have been assassinated. the hardships through which he passed during the journey and his excessive application produced, soon after his arrival in calcutta, a severe attack of fever: on his recovery from which he was appointed surgeon to the embassy to bootan, then about to depart under the charge of the late major pemberton. he took this opportunity of revisiting the khasiya hills, among which he formed a most extensive collection; and having joined major pemberton at goalpara, traversed with him above 400 miles of the bootan country, from which he returned to calcutta about the end of june 1839. in november of the same year he joined the army of the indus in a scientific capacity, and penetrated, after the subjugation of cabool, beyond the hindoo khoosh into khorassan, from whence, as well as from affghanistan, he brought collections of great value and extent. during these arduous journeys his health had several times suffered most severely, and he was more than once reduced by fever to a state of extreme exhaustion; but up to this time the strength of his constitution enabled him to triumph over the attacks of disease, and the energy of his mind was so great, that the first days of convalescence found him again as actively employed as ever. "on his return to calcutta in august 1841, after visiting simla and the nerbudda, he was appointed to the medical duties at malacca: but dr. wallich having proceeded to the cape for the re-establishment of his health, mr. griffith was recalled in august 1842 to take, during his absence, the superintendence of the botanic garden near calcutta, in conjunction with which he also discharged the duties of botanical professor in the medical college to the great advantage of the students. towards the end of 1844 dr. wallich resumed his functions at the botanic garden. in september mr. griffith married miss henderson, the sister of the wife of his brother, captain griffith, and on the 11th of december he quitted calcutta to return to malacca, where he arrived on the 9th of january in the present year. on the 31st of the same month he was attacked by hepatitis, and notwithstanding every attention on the part of the medical officer who had officiated during his absence, and who fortunately still remained, he gradually sunk under the attack, which terminated fatally on the 9th of february. "his constitution," says his attached friend, mr. macclelland, in a letter to dr. horsfield, "seemed for the last two or three years greatly shattered, his energies alone remaining unchanged. exposure during his former journeys and travels laid the seeds of his fatal malady in his constitution, while his anxiety about his pursuits and his zeal increased. he became care-worn and haggard in his looks, often complaining of anomalous symptoms, marked by an extreme rapidity of pulse, in consequence of which he had left off wine for some years past, and was obliged to observe great care and attention in his diet. in affghanistan he was very nearly carried off by fever, to which he had been subject in his former travels in assam. no government ever had a more devoted or zealous servant, and i impute much of the evil consequences to his health to his attempting more than the means at his disposal enabled him to accomplish with justice to himself." "the most important of mr. griffith's published memoirs are contained in the transactions of the linnaean society. previous to starting on his mission to assam, he communicated to the society the first two of a series of valuable papers on the development of the vegetable ovulum in _santalum_, _loranthus_, _viscum_, and some other plants, the anomalous structure of which appeared calculated to throw light on this still obscure and difficult subject. these papers are entitled as follows:-1. on the ovulum of _santalum album_. linn. trans. xviii. p. 57. 2. notes on the development of the ovulum of _loranthus_ and _viscum_; and on the mode of parasitism of these two genera. linn. trans. xviii. p. 71. 3. on the ovulum of _santalum_, _osyris_, _loranthus_ and _viscum_. linn. trans. xix. p. 171. "another memoir, or rather series of memoirs, "on the root-parasites, referred by authors to _rhizantheae_, and on various plants related to them," occupies the first place in the part of our transactions which is now in the press, with the exception of the portion relating to _balanophoreae_, unavoidably deferred to the next following part. in this memoir, as in those which preceded it, mr. griffith deals with some of the most obscure and difficult questions of vegetable physiology, on which his minute and elaborate researches into the singularly anomalous structure of the curious plants referred to will be found to have thrown much new and valuable light. "in india, on his return from his assamese journey, he published in the 'transactions of the agricultural society of calcutta,' a 'report on the tea-plant of upper assam,' which, although for reasons stated avowedly incomplete, contains a large amount of useful information on a subject which was then considered of great practical importance. he also published in the 'asiatic researches,' in the 'journal of the asiatic society of bengal,' and in the 'transactions of the medical and physical society of calcutta,' numerous valuable botanical papers; but the most important of his indian publications are contained in the 'calcutta journal of natural history,' edited jointly by mr. macclelland and himself. of these it may be sufficient at present to refer to his memoir "on _azolla_ and _salvinia_," two very remarkable plants which he has most elaborately illustrated, and in relation to which he has entered into some very curious speculations; and his still unfinished monograph of "the palms of british india," which promises to be a highly important contribution to our knowledge of a group hitherto almost a sealed book to european botanists. "but the great object of his life, that for which all his other labours were but a preparation, was the publication of a general scientific flora of india, a task of immense extent, labour and importance. to the acquisition of materials for this task, in the shape of collections, dissections, drawings and descriptions, made under the most favourable circumstances, he had devoted twelve years of unremitted exertion. his own collections, (not including those formed in cabool and the neighbouring countries) he estimated at 2500 species from the khasiya hills, 2000 from the tenasserim provinces, 1000 from the province of assam, 1200 from the himalaya range in the mishmee country, 1700 from the same great range in the country of bootan, 1000 from the neighbourhood of calcutta, and 1200 from the naga hills at the extreme east of upper assam, from the valley of hookhoong, the district of mogam, and from the tract of the irrawadi between mogam and ava. even after making large deductions from the sum-total of these numbers on account of the forms common to two or more of the collections, the amount of materials thus brought together by one man must be regarded as enormous. the time was approaching when he believed that he could render these vast collections subservient to the great end which he had in view. he had some time since issued an invitation to many eminent botanists in europe to co-operate with him in the elaboration of particular families; and he purposed after a few years' additional residence in india to return to england with all his materials, and to occupy himself in giving to the world the results of his unwearied labours. but this purpose was not destined to be fulfilled, his collections have passed by his directions into the hands of the east india company, and there can be no doubt, from the well-known liberality of the directors, which this society in particular has so often experienced, that they will be so disposed of by that enlightened body as to fulfil at once the demands of science and the last wishes of the faithful and devoted servant by whom they were formed. it is hoped too, that the most important of his unpublished materials, both in drawings and manuscripts, will be given to the world in a manner worthy of the author and of the rank in science which he filled."--_proceedings of the linnaean society_, no. xxv, 1845. to the foregoing brief sketch which was read before the linnaean society at the anniversary meeting 24th may 1845, it is scarcely necessary to make any addition. it is worthy of remark however, as showing how talents sometimes run in families, that mr. griffith was great grandson of jeremiah meyer, historical painter to george the second, and one of the founders of the royal academy. it is also but fair to state on the present occasion, that he was not himself the only member of the family who would appear to have inherited something of his grandfather's peculiar art, as we owe the transfer of the landscapes to stone, which add so much to the appearance of the following volume, to the talent and kindness of his sister. it may perhaps be acceptable in this place to afford a few extracts from the private letters of mr. griffith, especially those in which he adverts with a liberality of feeling to his contemporaries, no less honourable to himself than to the persons mentioned. the following notes addressed to his uncle, at various periods, exhibit the sentiments with which he regarded the late mr. bauer not merely as an artist, but original observer. * * * * * _from letters of mr. griffith, to mr. meyer_. _mergui_: _january 17th_, 1835. "my last accounts of mr. bauer state him to have been in excellent health: he had just completed some more of his unrivalled drawings." * * * * * _suddya_: _december 30th_, 1836. "pray give the compliments of the season to mr. bauer, to whom i look up with the greatest admiration: what a pity it is for science that such a life as his is not renewable _ad libitum_. tell him that i have a beautiful new genus allied to rafflesia, the flowers of which are about a span across, it is dioecious and icosandrous, and has an abominable smell. how i look back occasionally on my frequent and delightful visits to kew." * * * * * to mrs. h---. _serampore_, _calcutta_: _july 22nd_, 1841. "i was aware of the departure of mr. bauer through the _athenaeum_, in which an excellent notice of him appeared. he certainly was a man to whom i looked up with constant admiration: he was incomparable in several respects, and i am happy to find, that his death was so characteristic of his most inoffensive and meritorious life. it is also very pleasing to me to find that he continued to think well of me. how i should have been able to delight him had he lived a few years longer." * * * * * _calcutta_: _june_, 1843. "poor mr. bauer, we never shall see his like again, i have seen but few notices of his life, which assuredly is worthy of study. there is not a place i shall visit with better feelings than kew, it has so many pleasant associations even from my school-days." * * * * * _calcutta_: _december 31st_, 1843. "mr. bauer is not half appreciated yet; he is considered a very great artist, but what is that to what he was? but he did not fight for his own hand, though he worked hard enough in all conscience. mr. bauer in fact preceded all in the train of discovery: he saw in 1797, what others did not see till 30 years after. for instance, the elongation of the pollens' inner membrane into a tube, the first step towards the _complete_ knowledge we now have of vegetable embryogeny. unfortunately, mr. bauer drew, but did not write, and when i recall to mind a remark of mr. brown, that it was a disadvantage to be able to draw, i always fancy he had bauer in his mind's eye; for had he been a writer and not a drawer, before 1800, in great probability we should have known nearly as much of embryogeny as we do now. but he shut his portfolio, and folks went on believing the old fovivillose doctrine and bursting of the pollen, which, his observations of the pollens' inner membrane, would have destroyed at once. then with regard to orchideae and asclepiadeae, he was equally in advance: it would be a rich treat if some one would come forward and publish a selection from his drawings, without a word of letterpress." * * * * * _calcutta_: _february 11th_, 1844. "mr. bauer's light is not yet set on the hill. really when i look back at his works i am lost in admiration, and always regret that he worked more for others than for himself, and that he did not use his pen as freely as he did his brush. when, in the name of all that is generous, will great men think that true greatness consist in endeavouring to make others more prominent than themselves?" for some years before his death, mr. griffith would appear to have had a presentiment that he would not be spared to complete the description of all his collections. on one occasion, when enumerating those who might contribute most efficiently to this object, in the event of its not being permitted to himself, he writes:-"i cannot however refrain from paying my tribute of respect to mr. george bentham, the most industrious, perspicuous, and philosophical botanist who has systematically contributed to lessen the difficulties under which indian botanists have generally suffered. "there are a few others from whom the sincerity of friendship fully warrants me in expecting every possible assistance: of these dr. wight is already well known, and others are rising rapidly to fill, i hope, the highest botanical stations when these shall have been vacated by the leviathans who now occupy them. let not the cynic accuse me of partiality when i mention the names of william valentine, of decaisne, and c. m. lemann." he also delighted to speak and write in terms of the warmest regard of those to whom he was indebted for facilities in his pursuits. to lord auckland he invariably alluded in terms of the deepest gratitude--"under his lordship's patronage" he remarks on one occasion, "i have received such advantages as make me ashamed of the little i have done, and which are constantly holding up before me my deficiencies in many branches of enquiry connected with the physiology and distribution of plants." * * * * * the following letters are quoted chiefly for the additional information they afford on the subject of his travels and pursuits. his letters to botanists would of course be more important and interesting. * * * * * _suddyah_: _16th september_, 1836. "i am anxiously awaiting the arrival of the cold weather, as on the 1st of november i hope to accompany ----to ava, but in the meantime, i intend proceeding in search of the tea plant to the mishmee hills, especially about bramakoond, where it is reported to grow. if i find it there, i will endeavour to trace it up into the mountains, which form due east of this an amphitheatre of high rugged peaks." * * * * * _november 1st_, 1836. "i here write from the foot of the 'dreaded' mishmee hills. i left suddyah on the 15th october, and have already been to bramakoond, where i spent three days. i miss you much; you would have been delighted with the place, which is nothing but rocks and hills. i am recruiting my resources for a movement into the interior of the hills, in which i shall follow wilcox's route, taking with me 15 coolies, for whom i am collecting grain. i have already made considerable collections, chiefly however in botany, with a few stones and birds. i hope before my return to have seen coptis teeta in flower, and to have proved that the beese is different from that of nepal. i have already seen numbers of the mishmees who are civil people. i have however had great difficulties with the chief of the khond, who though apparently friendly, will, i fear, do all he can to hinder me from getting to ghaloom, with the gham of which place i wish to have a conference." * * * * * _noa dihing mookh_: _january 20th_, 1837. "i have just returned from the trip to the lohit much sooner than i expected. i saw nothing of any consequence except rapids which are horrid things, and make one quite nervous. i made a beautiful collection on the mishmee mountains, of which more anon. many of the plants are very interesting. i was however worked very hard, all my people being sick: i had even to wash my own clothes, but i fear you will think i am grumbling: so good-bye." * * * * * _loodianah_: _11th december_, 1838. "i arrived here in 14.5 days, notwithstanding some delays on the road, and have put up with cornet robinson, acting political agent. i am not pleased with the up-country, and would rather live in bengal, for i cannot abide sandy plains and a deficiency of vegetation. loodianah is a curious place, very striking to a stranger, the town is large, built under official direction, and consequently well arranged in comparison with native towns: there is much trade carried on in it, and it has the usual bustle of a large town. "capt. wade's house is well situated on a rising ground, and the demesne is a pretty one. otherwise the country is ugly enough, and very bare, yet it is here well wooded, in comparison with what i hear of ferozepore. along the face of the hill near the town, a nullah flows, abounding in fish, of which more anon. the rock pigeons, or grouse, are very abundant, and there are two species, one remarkable for the elongated side-feathers of the tail. both are beautiful birds, but very difficult of access. crows, kites, vultures, adjutants, herons, drongoles, sparrows, parrots, etc. remain as before, but most of the less common birds are different from those to the south; the most european are genuine starlings; and, to my memory of eight years back, identical with those of europe. i have already got thirty to forty species of fish. cyprinidae, are by far the most common; one loach, and one of macrognathus. "but as they are all from one water, viz. the neighbouring nullah, and the sutledge being five miles off, i shall put them all into bottles, and send them off before i leave this. the most edible fish, and one of the most common is the roh, but it is not the roh of bengal, and might well be called cyprinus ruber. burnes has given i think a drawing of it, which is faithful as to colour. all the forms will be familiar to you, but i hope there will be some new species. "i have made further arrangements, and such as will give you a good insight into the fish of the sutledge, as to the number of duplicates!--it is the safest plan for an ignoramus not to discriminate too nicely. i am to-day to get large specimens of the kalabans, rohi, etc. what a splendid fish the rohi is, both to look at and to eat. there are two or three species of the transparent _chandas_, and three or four perilamps, six or eight siluridae, besides the gwali, which is too large; of ophiocephalus two or three, exclusive of the sowli, but all ought to be examined, as there is no relying on native discrimination. there is a curious animal here burrowing like a mole, but more like a rat: of this i have not yet got a specimen, although they are very common. "i commence with a list of the fish of this place. i have only to mention that several species are confounded under the name bhoor, all the chandras under chunda begla, loaches under pote, all the perilamps except the chulwa, which may be from its flavour a _clupeia_, etc. the fact is, that the fishermen are aware of genera, but not of species, excepting when the distinctive marks are very strong. the fisherman enumerates forty species, but i have only twenty-six, i have promised him one rupee when he completes the list: native name. family. general size. 1. khaila, ) ( 6. 2. bhoor, ) ( mature. 3. rewa, ) cyprins, ( mature. 4. bangun, ) ( 18 inches, called also kala bhans. 5. chund bigla, mature. 6. ditto ditto, ditto. 7. ditto ditto, ditto. 8. pote, loach, ditto. 9. mailoa, perilamps, ditto. 10. khurda, ditto trichopterus? 11. puttra, salurida, 20 seers. 12. kuttoa, ditto, 6 inches. 13. ghichila,) macrognathus( 7 ditto. 14. bham, ) ( 3 feet. 15. nunghree,) ( 6 inches. 16. nowhan, ) cyprins, ( ditto. 17. pootea, ) ( 12 inches. 18. seengh, silurida, 8 inches. 19. bugarlea, ditto. 20. mootunna, nearly mature. 21. bardul, 6 inches. 22. chilwa, perilamp,? mature. 23. nuwha, esox, ditto. 24. gwalee, ) silurus, ( 2 maunds, 25. ruttgull,) ( nearly mature. 26. chundee clupeia, ditto ditto. * * * * * _candahar_: _may the 2nd_, 1839. "we have seen three changes in the geological structure of the country. "the khojah omrah was chiefly clay slate, and we are now in another formation, which no one seems to know; but it must be different as the outlines of the hills are completely changed. we are now 3,500 feet above the sea. the climate is good, and would be delightful in a good house, but in tents the thermometer varies from 60 to 98 degrees and even 105 degrees. "i have got a decent collection of plants, only amounting however to 650 species. the flora continues quite european. i have some of singular interest. compositae, cruciferae, and gramineae form the bulk of the vegetation. all fish are very different from those below the ghats. i have five or six species of cyprinidae. one very inimitable fuscous loach. there are few birds, and fewer quadrupeds; in fact the country is at a minimum in both these respects." * * * * * _ghuzni_: _july 25th_, 1839. "we have been gradually ascending since leaving candahar, and are here at an elevation of 7,600 feet. the same features continue. i have as yet not more than 850 species. the mountains on every side, and indeed the whole face of the country, is still bare. mookloor, a district through which we passed, about seventy miles from this, is well cultivated and inhabited. there are few birds to be seen, and scarcely any insects, but there are numerous lizards. the thermometer varies in tents from 60 to 90 degrees." * * * * * _cabul_: _august 11th_, 1839. "i am encamped close to baber's tomb, lulled by the sound of falling water, and cooled with the shade of poplar and sycamore trees, with abundance of delicious fruit, and altogether quite happy for the nonce. i have not yet seen the town which is a strange place, buried in gardens: but nothing can exceed the rich cultivation of the valley in which we are encamped. beautiful fields on every side, with streamlets, rich verdure, poplars, willows, and bold mountain scenery, which contrasts most favourably with the dreary barren tracts to which we have been accustomed. i go with the engineers to bamean in the course of a few days, when we shall cross ridges of 12,000 to 13,000 feet high. "i can only find three kinds of fish in this neighbourhood. i have been making some drawings, and collecting a few plants which continue to be entirely european." * * * * * _peshawur_: _november 17th_, 1839. "i hope some day or other to turn out a real traveller. i am now in hopes of becoming a decent surveyor, and before many years have passed a decent meteorologist. i leave the army here, and shall part with it, particularly thomson and durand of the engineers, with regret. i start in a short time to travel up the indus with little before me but difficulties, however _a la renommee_. if i can do something unparalleled in the travelling way i shall be content for a year or two at least. "i have obtained some few specimens of fossil shells from the shingly beds of the khyber pass. they seem to be a spirifer with a very square base, quite different from the common species of the bolan pass, which is like a large cockle, and of which i have one beautiful specimen. how i regret not seeing bukkur, for with a few days' leisure, a number of fossils might be obtained. the older i grow the less content am i scientifically: would that i had received a mathematical education. i was much interested with some quotations from lyell's elements in a late _calcutta courier_, especially about the marine saurian from the gallepagos. what further proof can be wanted of the maritime and insular nature of the world during the reigns of the saurian reptiles? what more conclusive can be expected about the appearance of new species? this point would at once be settled if the formation of these islands can be proved not to have been contemporaneous with the continents. then the animal nature of chalk! "i am doing nothing in botany, but learning persian, and the use of the theodolite, with nothing but difficulties to look at all around. i begin to feel of such importance, (do not think me conceited in relation to my collections and information on geographical botany,) that i am not overpleased with the idea of facing dangers alone: however i suppose every thing is as usual exaggerated." * * * * * _bamean_: _august 3rd_, 1840. "yesterday i crossed the hindoo-koosh by my former route, and this morning while out, i.e. trout fishing, was most agreeably interrupted by the post. the fishing was ended forthwith. indeed the sun in this country even at elevations of 12,000 feet is very hot, and has excoriated my hands, beautifully white as they were after my sickness, but not before i had caught 3 barbels, evidently different from those of the other side of the range. i caught some trout yesterday evening, it is a most beautiful fish, i was particularly struck with the size of the eye, its prominence, and expressive pupil, in opposition to the sluggishness of the eyes of carps. "it is strange that botany has always been the most favoured of the natural sciences, it is strange that in spite of what all do say it is the least advanced of any. how can i reconcile my own splendid opportunities with those of more deserving naturalists in other branches? and i would willingly share them on the principle of common fairness with others, who i know would turn them to a better account. oreinus takes the worm greedily; in the helmund, 11,000 feet above the sea, it is abundant. it is the same species i think as that in the cabul river; but in the cabul river, barbus is the predominant fish: in the helmund it is the reverse. how can one account for the small elevation at which fish are found in the himalayan? i cannot imagine it is owing as some think to the relative impetuosity of the rivers, which after all is only an assumption. "this bamean valley is the strangest place imaginable, its barrenness and the variegated colours of the rocks convey the idea of its volcanic origin, and give it a look as if it had come out of the furnace. i cannot make out where the stones so universally found all over the slopes of the mountains, came from, for very generally they seem water-worn. i find no great peculiarity in the flora of this side of the range, except an abundance of odd-looking chenopodiaceous plants, probably resulting from the saline saturation of the soil. there is a very singular spring on the other side of the range, about 11,000 feet above the sea: the water very clear, with no remarkable taste, but every thing around is covered with a deposit of a highly ferruginous powder. i shall write next from the fossil locality, which is said to be about forty miles from this. i am as stout as ever, but by no means so strong." * * * * * _bamean_: _august 21st_, 1840. "i am now out of the region of trees, excepting a poplar, of which i will send you a bit, as the same tree grows in much lower places. the want of rings in wood is by no means unusual in tropical vegetation. for the production of rings, some annual check to vegetation is required: their absence is particularly frequent in climbers. the walnut will not be a good instance, because even if you can get it from java, it is a tree that requires cold, and must consequently be found at considerable altitudes. your instances must be taken from subjects that can bear a great range of climate: you have some in the apricot, vine, etc. i will not fail in sending you what you want from cabul, and also from peshawur, in which almost the extremes of temperature can be contrasted. i will also get the woods of apricots, cherries, etc., at the highest elevations on my road back, as i hope to pass through the grand fruit country of affghanistan. no jungermannias are obtainable in this part, nor anywhere indeed, except towards the true himalayas. i do not remember having seen the pomegranate growing at cabul: the place is too cold for it. i think however, i can get some from khujjah, where snow lies in winter. i leave for the provinces early in october, and shall travel 30 miles a day. i want to get to seharunpore, 15 or 20 days in advance of my time, as i must run up to mussoorie and fish in the dhoon. i shall be in calcutta in all february." * * * * _cabul_: _september 26th_, 1840. "i despatch to-morrow the first of the bits of wood, the duplicates will be sent on the 28th or 29th: on this latter day i leave for peshawur, and right glad am i that the time has come at last. i will send you the same woods from peshawur, but shall scarcely be able to send you pomegranate from any thing like a cold place. "on receiving your specimens of vine, the following question occurred to me. if wood is a deposit from the leaves or fibres sent down from the leaves, how is the presence of wood to be accounted for in tendrils, which have no leaves, but yet which are evidently branches? the theory of the formation of wood, which considers it as above, is deemed ingenious, but it will not i think be found to be true. the bark evidently has a great deal to say to the matter. "i shall be most rejoiced at a remote prospect of again setting to work. i take no interest now in the vegetation of this country. i hope to be at loodianah _early_ in november; my present intention is to run up to simla, thence to mussoorie, and descend on seharunpore. if i do this, i shall only leave one point unfinished, and that is the hindoo-koosh proper, where however i shall have the advantage of major sanders of the engineers, who will pick up a few plants for me. i wish much to take notes of the vegetation about simla and mussoorie, this i can do at a bad season. i shall afterwards be able to compare the himalayan chain at very distant points." * * * * * _serampore_, -1841. "i will send you to-morrow dissections of santalum if i can get a small bottle for them: under .5 inch lens you can easily open the pistillum of santalum having previously removed the perianth: it is a concial body; you must take care to get it out entire, especially at the base, then place it in water, and dissect off the ovula of which there are three or four, as per sketch. i shall not say what i see, as i want to have your original opinion unbiassed, etc.; but whenever you see the tubes with filaments adhering to their apices, pray mark attentively what takes place, both at the point and at the place where the tube leaves the ovulum; your matchless 1/1500 would do the thing. try iodine with all such, after having examined them in water. "should you find any difficulty in dissecting away the ovula, light pressure under glass will relieve you. i shall be very anxious to know what your opinion is, particularly with regard to the tubes and all adhering filaments; the question now occupying botanists, being this, is the embryo derived directly from the boyau or is it derived from some parts of the ovulum? "i hope you can understand these sketches." * * * * * _peshawur_: _13th december_, 1839. "what a shame it is that botanists should know nothing whatever of the formation and structure of wood! they look at a section of a piece of oak, and imagine they have discovered the secret, and write volumes on this imagination, yet they have been told over and over again, that nothing is to be learnt on such subjects without beginning at the commencement, which they are too idle to do. to name an abominable aster, is among them of much higher importance than to discover the cause of the growth of wood. medullary rays are most difficult, because they are very often deficient particularly in climbers. i am horridly idle, and yet what can i do without books; yet with regard to books, the more originality we possess, the less we require them? there is nothing to be got here except a few marsh plants coming into flower. one beautiful chara, which might disclose the secret, had i good glasses, it is a most graceful pellucid form, an undescribed duckweed, a floating marchantiaceae. would that i was settled with a ross on one hand, and a strongstein on the other, around my collections with good health and good spirits. tell ---i have in view the division of the vegetable kingdom analagous to radiata, they include all the marchantiaceae, and are, to all intents and purposes, vegetable radiata." * * * * * _pushut_, _1st march beyond kooner_: _january 29th_, 1840. "this will be a letter of odds and ends, you know i was to return to jallalabad; well i reached that place, but left the encampment and crossed the river, where an advance road making partly for the kooner expedition were employed, and having originally determined on going to kooner, i accompanied them two marches, when they were overtaken by the army, to avoid which, i halted one day, and on the next proceeded onwards by the north bank of the river, thus saving all the fords of this horrid river. i should call it beautiful at any other season. the road was bad, and the last one and a half mile into camp most difficult, the path winding round and over spurs of sharp limestone rocks which must have had abundance of silex in them they were so very hard. at the very worst part, my headman being in front, all of a sudden i heard three shots in quick succession with the usual hallooing, and then i was called on in advance, meeting my headman wounded: he has lost the two fore-fingers of his right hand. all i saw was three men scrambling up the face of the hill, on whom i opened a fire as soon as my guns came up, and had the pleasure of hitting one on the shield. "such a scene ensued! for when there are three or four on such occasions we may reasonably expect thirty or forty, and my object was to get out of the bad road, and so be close to camp. some of, or rather all, my people became dismayed, i had therefore to cheer, to point my double barrels, and in fact to enact a whole legion. one fellow tried to shoot me but his powder proved faithful, the others were wounded: however they kept in sight, and to make matters worse, in one place within twenty yards, six or seven of my loads were thrown; evening drawing on, and prospects disgusting, when at last having passed over one bad part and got down into a ravine, a number of people were seen closing down on us, but my man had run off to camp, and by shouts succeeded in calling five or six _sepahis_, part of the rear-guard, to our relief, and so we escaped bag and baggage, the rascals making off when the red coats appeared. i was sick at heart at the loss of poor abdool rozak's fingers: he is an arab with an english heart, bearing his loss most manfully, and when his fingers were removed expressed anxiety alone about me and my _sundoogs_ (collections). well then, where should i have been had i been assailed as abdool rozak was, i should have been unprepared, and if riding, my mare would certainly have jumped into the river beneath. thomson {0a} said when he left me, g---, you are rash and abdool rozak is rash, take care or you will get into trouble. my moving about without a guard was imprudent, and i now return to jallalabad to get one, or if not successful to wait there until the spring and its floral excitements call me out: what i dislike is danger without any recompense, not a flower is to be had; with excitement it is nothing. i have now had two escapes, one from the buffalo in assam, and this, which is a greater one, because had not the army been delayed by accident at the ford, it would have been eight or ten miles in advance, and consequently there would have been no rear-guard at hand. "the country is disturbed, and one can only stir out in the valley itself close to camp, which is the more tantalizing as the mountains are accessible, and covered with forest. our halt here should put us in possession of much information respecting these forests. as it is, i shall leave probably as wise as i came, except in having ascertained that the change from the well-wooded himalaya mountains to those of the hindookoosh, without even a shrub five feet high, takes place to the east of this. my employment is surveying and collecting data for ascertaining the heights of the hills around. but wherever i turn, the question suggests itself, what business have i here collecting plants, with so many in calcutta demanding attention? how i am living! alone, without a table, chair, wine, or spirits, with a miserable beard, and in native clothes! but one thus saves much time; how unfortunate that mine now is not worth saving! "i have been reading swainson's volumes in lardner's cyclopaedia, in which there is a little to which severe critics may object, but a vast deal more that is beautifully sound. i am quite certain i never appreciated them before. how wonderful that no one before macleay and swainson thought that living beings were created on one plan. i have imbibed all the important parts with the hope of bringing them to bear on botany, which is in a shameful state. one talks of the typical nature of polypetalous or monopetalous plants; another ridicules the idea, because as he wisely says, some polypetalous plants are monopetalous, and vice versa!! he objects, in fact to what constitutes the great value of a character, _its mode of variation_. all swainson's propositions appear to me philosophical and highly probable, but none of the present generation have eyes young enough to bear such a flood of light as he has thrown upon them. there are faults i acknowledge, but a man who writes for money does not always write for fame; rapid writing and much more rapid publishing is a vast evil, but one which is too often unavoidable. i have four or five drawings of fish, one of the spotted carnivorous carp, the most carnivorous type of all except opsarion, and perhaps a new subgenus; {0b} one of the sir-i-chushme and khyber _oreinus_, and a perilamp with two long cirrhi on the upper lip. i intend in my travels now i am alone, to stop at every fertile place. i am ascertaining the limit of the inferior snow in these latitudes, which i fancy will be 3,500 feet. is it not curious that here 1,000 feet above jallalabad we have had no snow, while at jallalabad there has been abundance. i attribute it to the narrowness of the valley at this place, and to the forest. when i glance at the subject of botanical geography, how astounding appears our ignorance! we have no data, except to determine the mere temperature and amount of rain yet men will persist in the rage for imperfect description of undescribed species, and pay no attention to what is one of the most important agents in preserving things as they are in our planet,--i.e. vegetation. on this point swainson is less happy than on others when he ascribes such importance to temperature, and points out the fact that countries in the same latitudes, and having the same temperatures, produce different animals." * * * * * _cabul_, _september 25th_, 1839. "i am just on the eve of re-entering cabul from a visit to bamean, a singular place on the other side of the hindoo-koosh, celebrated for its idols and caves. it has amply repaid a march of 106 miles and back again. i never saw a more singular place, and never enjoyed myself more: we crossed several high ridges between 11 and 13,000 feet, but so poor is the flora that i have only added 200 species to my catalogue, now amounting to 1200 species instead of 2,400 as i fully expected. but i must say i was as much pleased at the acquisition of a genuine _salmo_ in the bamean river (which is a tributary of the oxus,) as at any thing. "unfortunately we were so hurried, that i had only one afternoon and that an unfavourable one, for indulging in my fishing propensities: the chief fish seems to come very near the english trout, and so far as i can judge, is not found on this side the himalaya. the other fish of these rivers are a fine schizothorax or oreinus, allied to the _adoee_, a flatheaded siluroid, a loach, and a small cyprinus. this is a singular country, quite unlike any thing i have seen, and as distinct from the himalaya in its vegetation, etc. as can well be imagined. generally it is very barren, and after travelling over so much of the country i have yet seen only three parts of it decently cultivated. it is reported to be rich in minerals. "but it will never bear comparison with hindoostan. it is however capable of much improvement. it consists of a succession of barren valleys, divided from each other by barren ridges, and is generally deficient in the great fertilizer of all things--water. there is scarcely an indigenous tree in the whole country, and generally very few cultivated ones, except about cabul, although they have poplars and willows well suited to the climate. it has been subjected to so much misrule that the natives have become indifferent to its improvement, (if they ever felt alive to any such interest.) the zoology is very poor, quite at zero. there is a species of ibex, an _ovis_, and a _capra_, which from the frequency of their heads and horns about sacred places and gateways of towns, must be common; but i have never seen more than a portion of one fresh specimen of the sheep. furs are brought from the hindoo-koosh, but are all too mutilated to be of any use, except to a zoologist with antiquarian eyes: one jerboa. hares are rather common in some parts, and about here there is a lagomys. of birds there are but few, but as the vegetation is chiefly vernal, these creatures may perhaps be abundant. the game birds are quail, three species of partridge, a huge ptarmigan? pterocles of loodianah. the fauna is richest in saurian reptiles, and of these one might make a very good collection. i have only seen two snakes, and both are i believe lost." * * * * * _mirzapore_: _april 26th_, 1841. "request --to refrain from abusing compound microscopes. why should not compound and simple microscopes each have their merits? valentine, who is a great authority, and an unrivalled dissector, says, the simple lens must be suspended. i only wish i could dissect with a compound microscope: what things might not one get access to. the simple lens is quite useless with opaque objects; it only does for transmitted light. now dissections of opaque objects have been too much neglected. how odd it is that all improvements are ridiculed at first. "i enclose a bit of sphagnam, a curious moss, with curious incomplete spiral cells in the leaves. i dare say it will bear preservation in canada balsam. i have received a new microscope, a queer-looking thing, very portable; one object glass of a quarter inch focus, by ross; two eyepieces magnifying linearly 200 to 300 times. i have put it up, but i am not well enough to decide on its merits. now that i have arranged all my things, i am literally frightened at the work i have to do. "i am quite annoyed at the idea that german artists make better microscopes than english. i was aware that the lenses were better, but otherwise i imagined that any comparison would be vastly in our favour. i am curious to know the price, and where to apply for one, as your account makes me quite ashamed of mine. who knows what a fine penetrating power of 1100 may not disclose. i am very much pleased with your idea of anointing cuts with nitrate of silver; this hint i will bear in mind. "i enclose the first list of fish, no. 2, not that it is of much use.--what nonsense it is to collect without knowledge. no. native name. family. remarks. 1 kuggur, siluridae. 2 soonnee, cyprinidae, back greenish, otherwise pearly-white. 3 dhurra, cyprinidae, fins reddish, red spot on opercule, back greenish-brown. 4 moogullee, " perilampoid, diaphanous, silvery, head reddish. 5 peedur, " " like the preceding. 6 moorr, " " ditto ditto. 7 bhanghun, " " ditto ditto. 8 kundura, " perilampus, back greenish, otherwise quite silvery. 9 pullee, " " same as 4,5,6,7. 10 goolla ciprinidae. 11 khunnuree, _percidae_, chanda of buchanan, diaphanous. 12 sur-ri-rha, cyprinidae perilamp, silvery-green on back. 13 gundhan, " perilampoid, same colours. 14 mhukk, " " ditto ditto. 15 ghurr, " " ditto ditto. 16 dhoalee, ophiocephalus, colour brown, with usual marks and bars. 17 ahaiha, siluridae, diaphanous, 3-5 irregular longish stripes. 18 mhullee, silurus, silvery-blueish. 19 mhoarree, cyprinidae, yellowish-green, fins reddish. 5 seers. 20 dhumpurra, " brownish-green, 6 seers. 21 pho-eikee, " perilampoid. 22 putollee, cyprinidae, back and sides light-green. 23 poapree, " back greenish-brown, sides greenish. 24 shingra, siluridae, no stripes, lightly tinged with brown. 25 dhimmurr, silurus. 26 ghoa-gha, " back greenish, punctulate, head reddish. 27 mokkhurr, opiocephalus. 28 dhujjha, " 29 thailla, cyprinidae, 5 to 6 seers. 30 mhorakkee, " much like 19. 31 singarhee, " much like 4, 5, 6, 7. 32 logurr, siluridae, 3 to 4 faint punctulate longish lines. 33 ghoje, not noted. 34 tupree, " 37 ghunghutt, perilampus. 38 soourr, siluridae, diaphanous. faint punctulate lines. 39 soonaree, cyprinidae. 40 phunnee, " perilampoid. 41 kutchoo, " much like the preceding. 42 saisurr, " ditto ditto. 43 coommee, " much like no. 4. 44 saluree, " ditto ditto. 45 shumsheer, " so called because of its voracity, (shumsheer a sabre.) 46 ghora, " same as soonee. 47 saboan, " same as the preceding. 48 bhambhun, cyprinidae, same as dhurra. all the above from the indus, at shikarpore. no. family. river. remarks. 49 cyprinidae, nari, small size, colour-silvery, except upper back, which is bluish-green. 50 siluridae, mysore. 51 ophiocephalus, " 52 " " 53 cyprinidae, " same as 49. 54 " systomus. " a beautiful fish, bright green back, otherwise bright orange-red, fins stained with black colours; fugacious. 55 cyprinidae, " 56 " systomus, " back greenish, opercle orange spotted, one black spot near tail. 57 percida chamda " 58 perilampoid, " water of both these rivers, quiescent: bunded up. 59 cyprinoid, dadur. 60 " " same as 54. 61 " systomus, " same as 56. 63 cyprinoid, " 64 " " 65 " " 66 " " same as 59. 67 cobites, " 68 cyprinoid, bolan, bluish-green, blue bars and dots. takes the fly. 69 barbus? " intestines very long, much like naipoora. 70 gonorhynchus? " 71 " " probably a small specimen of 69. 72 cyprinoid, " 73 " gonorhyncus, gurmab, same as 70? 74 " " 75 cyprinoid, " closely allied to the mahaseer. 76 ditto mahaseer, " beautiful fish with yellow-brown back, golden sides. takes fly greedily. 77 " gonorhynchoid, " 78 " " 79 silurida, " in bolan river, deep still water. 80 cyprinoid, " in small streams. 81 macrognathus, " tenacious of life, belly puffy, common throughout; a good deal like a gudgeon. 82 loach, quettah. 83 cyprinoides, " a beautiful silvery-leaden backed fish, with a streak of bright-red along the side. common, very like the preceding: of these quettah fish no. 83 is the most common, 82 the least so. 84 cyprinus, curious, " not being a mountainous form. 86 " " 87 cyprinoides, lora, same mountain form, gonorhynchoid. 88 " " 89 loach, " ditto ditto ditto. 90 " " perhaps same as the preceding. 91 cyprinoides, " 92 " " like the adoee. 93 " " mountain form. 94 " " large size for the genus. 95 " " _note_.--probable number of species 47, deducting those supposed not different 96 cyprinoid, urghundab. 97 loach, " 98 siluridae, " "i subjoin a list given me by a fisherman at shikarpore, with his divisions into large and small:-large. small. dhumpurra, ghunghut. buree phookee, pedir. buree thaillee, soonnee. mhoarrhee, phokee. moukkur, mogullee. gundhan, dhimmur. singaree, ghoagar. * pulla, khuggur. seenra. mhorr. bhangun. ghurr. soourr. morakee. tupree. ghogee. phopree. thaillee. * pulla. punnotee. dhaiee. ghogura. (i send this list as all the specimens are not lost, and some are among the plants. most of the species are, i think, distinct, and when they have appeared to me not to be so, i have generally noted it on the spot. the mountain forms are very distinct, the mouth being under the snout, or head, the intestines long, peritoneum covered with a black pigment. these forms commence at dadur, 800 feet above the sea: this stream abounds in rapids. gurmab is 1,100 feet. quettah, 5,600 feet. lora river, 3,600 feet. urghundab, 3,600 feet. these lists may be of some small use compared with burnes's collection. to a certain extent they may be useful as showing the preponderance, etc. of certain forms. you may rely on my distinctions between cyprinidae, siluridae, and percidae.) "to-morrow i will send the other list of specimens no. 3, which will i hope reach you; of all the fish in these parts, the sir-i-chushme and cabul river _oreinus_ travels farthest up. i have caught it at nearly 11,000 feet in the helmund river. then come loaches, and the beautiful trout-like opsarion; other cyprinidae ascend 2,000 or 3,000 feet, the mahaseer scarcely more. above that, come the genuine mountain forms. no. family. locality. remarks. 1 cyprinidae, streams from a brown fish, with irregular oreinus? so-faid-koh, black spots. 2 cyprinidae, " 3 " " a sombre looking gudgeon-like fish, back blackish, sides yellowish, punctulate with groups of blackish spots. 4 loach, " colours and patches obscure. 5 perilamp, jallalabad river, usual silvery-bluish hues. 6 cyprinidae,moun tain form, schizothorax. 7 cyprinidae, _poo_ " colours obscure, scales _teoides_, minute, dorsal spine very strong. 8 cyprinidae, " a stout fish, of obscure colours, each scale with a transverse more or less wavy red line (like the nepoora of assam), mouth nepooroid, intestines very long, very thin, very frangible, packed in longish folds, peritoneum covered with a black pigment. herbiv. 9 cyprinidae. peri " back metallic bluish-brown, lampoid, otherwise silvery. 10 cyprinoid, " 11 " schizo " thorax, 12 " " " back greenish, fins reddish, snout elongated. 13 " " " colours brownish, tinged with yellow; perhaps it is the same as the helmund and cabul species: intestines packed in a few folds, moderately long, 4.5 inches longer than body: diameter of body 2 inches. peritoneum with the black pigment _carneo-herbivorous_. 14 cyprinoid, " 15 ophiocephalus, jheels, etc, bus colour rather a rich brown, soollah, pectoral fins barred with chesnut. 16 cyprinoid like a " back brownish: this colour bleak, schizo limited to a narrowish line, thorax, otherwise entirely pearly. peritoneum covered with black pigment. intestines rather large, in 3 or 4 folds. 17 cyprinoid. a nar " a very pretty species, row deep fish. brownish back, marked faintly perilamp. an both longitudinally and opsarion? transversely with iridescent patches, abdominal fins reddish. 18 cyprinoid, jheels, etc, bus a handsome species allied to soollah, very the mahaseer; back black, common, otherwise yellowish, fins tinged with red, scales as it were bordered with dusky-black. intestines short. 19 " " an oval, rather thick fish, of obscure colours. 20 " schizo " an elegant species, back thorax. obscurely brown, otherwise pearly. peritoneum black, covered with pigment. intestines very long and narrow. 21 racoma nobilis{0c} lalpoor, cabul a stout fish, with a large river, head, not unlike a trout at first sight sides bluish silvery grey, back obscurely brown, remarkable for frequent irregular well-defined black spots, faintest in small specimens, fins tinged with reddish. head flat at top, with some spots. peritoneum with black pigment. intestines of large size, loaded with fat, short, not twice the length of the abdomen, cavity loaded with fat. as usual no caeca. a remarkable type: aspectu omnino carnivoris. 22 loach, khyber range a very small and slender stream, from species, light brown, sir-i-chushme speckled and barred with spring, temper, brown, attracted 75 degrees, from immediately by scraping up limestone rocks. the bed of the outlet of the spring. 23 cyprinid, orei same place, but back brown, with some noides, occurs down to iridescent hues, sides khyber ghat yellowish brown, dark spots stream. confined to back and sides, small but distinct; fins tinged with reddish. peritoneum loaded with black pigment. intestines in short loops across abdomen of intermediate size, as to length and diameter. air bladder small; very common. swarm in deepish pools under limestone rocks, takes bait, i.e. offal and worms with great avidity. like many other species, it is asserted to be the english trout: it rises to the surface. 24 loach, same place com shape subcylindrical, pale mon, greenish-brown, with very broad bars of brown, fins spotted with black, otherwise fuscescent; at root of tail a deep black bar. head depressed, in old specimens broad, closely spotted with black, snout attenuated, apex with cirrhi; upper jaw in the centre with a bony process not unlike an incisor tooth 25 cyprinid, opsa " a beautiful trout-like fish, rion back bluish-black, triangular bars of azure blackish, ending in a point towards glandular line, fins tinged with orange, tail tipped with black. peritoneum spotted slightly with black. 26 " opsarion, " possibly young specimens of preceding, colours same but fainter." * * * * * _memorandum on return from afghanistan_. "as i considered on my arrival at peshawur in december 1839, that a great deal remained to be done, i obtained permission to remain another season in affghanistan. i immediately mentioned my wishes of travelling to general avitabili, who strongly advised me not to attempt leaving peshawur in any novel direction, as the whole of his district was much disaffected. soon afterwards i heard of an expedition being on the point of leaving jallalabad for kooner, and i determined on joining it. i retraversed the khybur pass alone, and arrived at jallalabad just in time to go in the advance. i was present at pushut, 18th january 1840; and on the return of the force i remained behind with captain macgregor. in february 1840 i accompanied captain macgregor to chugur-serai, and thence to otipore or chugur-serai-balu on the immediate frontier of kaffiristan, and through his influence i was enabled to remain there, and to increase my materials in an extremely interesting direction. i remained about otipore for some weeks, making arrangements for penetrating into kaffiristan and little cashgur, and in daily expectation of being joined by the late capt. e. connolly; all my plans, which first seemed to promise success, were completely frustrated by the disturbances which broke out in bajore, consequent on meer alum khan's absence at jallalabad. capt. connolly barely escaped with his life from the hands of the momauds. meer alum khan found on his return towards his government that he could not leave chugur-serai, and at last, circumstances threatened so much around otipore and chugur-serai, that meer alum khan insisted on my leaving otipore and on returning with him to jallalabad. i did not leave a moment too soon, for shortly after, syud hoshin turned otipore by crossing the hills to the north of deogul, and very soon possessed himself of otipore. meer alum and i reached jallalabad in safety, having been attacked once on the road. "i remained at jallalabad a few days, and was driven thence to khaggah by the necessity of obtaining medical aid. i reached khaggah in a high fever, and was confined to my bed for six weeks: during my severe illness, i experienced the greatest kindness and attention from dr. thomson and dr. andrew paton, of the h. c. european regt. "early in july i proceeded to cabul for change of air, and as soon as i recovered a little strength, started to join lieut. sturly, who was surveying on the toorkistan frontier. i met that officer at syghan the day he left to prosecute his surveys, which had been interrupted by the kamard disturbances: he was recalled to syghan, in consequence of heavier and more serious disturbance. "i returned to cabul, as i found it impossible to proceed beyond syghan, and then waited with impatience for a season that would enable me to cross the punjab without great risk to my still debilitated constitution. "my establishment of collectors consisted of unintelligent affghans, who were particularly prone to abrupt abscondings, and my supplies of materials and carriage very limited. "the botanical collection is as extensive as could be expected from the nature of the country and the climate. it is in excellent order, consisting of about 1500 species, and a great number of duplicates. this collection has been formed on the principles which have guided me on former travels. those principles i conceive to require the collection of every form in numbers, and in various localities, so that the geographical limits of each may be estimated, and the examination be open. they also require information as to habitat, locality, climate, whether the plants are gregarious or not, and whether they contribute to giving peculiar features to the country. i do not hesitate to say that this collection contains almost all the plants that existed in flower or fruit along the line of march of the army between cabul and syghan, about chugur-serai, otipore, and pushut, and in the neighbourhood of khaggah. "the extent over which it was formed is about 1,600 miles, and on the variety of geographical position a considerable part of its value depends. if the plants between cabul and peshawur are less rich, as my journeys between those cities always occurred at unfavourable seasons, the deficiency has been lessened by my friend dr. ritchie. "the ornithological portion of the collection, consists of about 350 specimens, is in good order, and contains many objects of interest, valuable for throwing some light on the geographical distribution of birds. "to the fish of the various tracts i paid considerable attention, but owing to the difficulties of travelling and of climate, the collection has suffered severely. at shikarpore i made an extensive collection of the fish of the indus. i had collected most of the fish of the river, of the bolan pass, of the streams of quettah, and of the urghundab, near candahar, unfortunately i relied too much on the preservative powers of alcohol. subsequently i took the additional precaution of preserving skins separately; and it is to these which amount to about 150 specimens, that the collections are chiefly limited. the collections contain the fish of the cabul river, between its source near sir-i-chushme, and peshawur, of the helmund at an altitude of 11,500 feet, of the bamean river, and of the chenab, ravee, and sutledge. "this collection is particularly interesting, as showing that while the plants, quadrupeds, and birds of the southern and northern declivities of the kohi-baba, the continuation of the hindoo-koosh, are much alike, yet that a total difference exists in their fish. "lord keane, and sir willoughby cotton, left me in complete possession of my own time, a great kindness due no doubt to the considerate instructions of lord auckland, but for which i was not the less grateful. "i always found sir alexander burnes very considerate and very willing to forward my views, and put me in possession of information. the late dr. lord also showed himself anxious to assist me in my duties, and very kindly asked me to join the mission to toorkistan, so suddenly put an end to by a suspected outbreak in kohistan. "to captain macgregor i was under great obligations during the whole time i continued in his district. through his influence i was enabled to remain at the outer borders of kaffiristan; and that deservedly warm respect which he was held in by all the chiefs, would, i am confident, have gained me access into kaffiristan, and towards cashgur, at any less unsettled period. i have seen captain macgregor in the closet and in the field, and i cannot sufficiently express the respect with which i have had cause to regard him in both situations. "captain sanders, of the bengal engineers, was always eager to swell my stock of materials, and during periods of occasional indisposition, i relied almost entirely on him. captain sanders had also made for me a collection of plants between candahar and herat, which, i regret to say, was nearly entirely destroyed in crossing one of the rivers on that route. "it is to dr. ritchie, of the bombay medical service, the companion of the justly celebrated major pottinger, during his return from herat via jhomunna, that the botanical collections are mostly indebted. dr. ritchie not only placed unreservedly at my disposal a very interesting collection made on that journey, but also a larger one made between peshbolak and peshawur. both these are of considerable value, the one shows that the affghan forms prevail as far as herat on both sides of the paropamisus, the other shows that affghanistan, even in its hottest parts, has a majority of european forms. to the contents of these collections, notes of the localities are also added, enhancing their value very considerably. i may be excused for adding, that dr. ritchie is acquainted with route surveying; in this and his knowledge of botany, he possesses two valuable requisitions of a traveller. "dr. grant, of the bombay medical service, formerly in medical charge of dr. lord's mission, liberally presented me with an excellent series of specimens from the valley of syghan. "while i am beyond measure indebted for zoological collections, to captain hay, of the european regiment." * * * * * "the following notes addressed to emanuel fernandez, plant collector at malacca, may perhaps be useful as containing instructions for the collection and transmission of plants and seeds. they are perhaps worthy of insertion on other grounds, as an example of the painstaking, and patient manner in which mr. griffith made his wishes known to the persons employed by him in his pursuits." * * * * * _to emanuel fernandez_. "i have received the open box of seeds, and the large case of plants, per _'tenasserim_.' the ebool seeds were coming up, the dried plants are in good order, and are of very good kinds. "before you put in the palms and fruits with other collections, you should see that they are quite dry, as otherwise they rot and injure the dried plants. when you send up more fruits, etc. put them into open rattan baskets, so that they may be aired. "i send a list of palms and _rotans_ wanted very much, and two more glazed cases for seeds: water the earth inside a day before closing the boxes and sending them off to singapore. whenever you get any good seeds, dry them, and put them in a letter, directed to me. seeds spoil by being kept, particularly if kept among wet fruits and dried plants. "if you can get flower-pots in malacca buy two or three dozen, and whenever you get seeds sow them in a pot, and keep them, until you have enough pots filled to occupy one of the cases, then put mould between the pots, and sow more seeds in this mould, fasten the lid down and send off the box to singapore." * * * * * _may 30th_, 1843. "the cases of plants, etc. have arrived: the fresh plants were nearly all dead. "you planted them very well, and cleverly, but some how or other the lids of the boxes were nailed down, and so the plants died; because plants will not live without light. "some of the ebool seeds have sprouted, one lanjoot arrived alive, and also the pakoo galowe. "i will send soon two glazed cases, in which you may put plants as before, and seeds of palms, or any good plants: sow them in the same manner, and three or four days before the cases are despatched water the earth and plants moderately; then screw down the lid, when the plants, if they have rooted in the earth, will not die, because the glass admits light to them. but to be sure of the plants having rooted, you must keep the cases with you for three weeks, and if any plants are sickly, take them out and put in others. "i send a list: when your next despatch arrives, i will increase your pay. if you send plenty of seeds, etc. often, that is once a month or six weeks, i will keep you in my service even if i do not come back to malacca. "i also send a box with a large bottle in it of spirits of wine, this is for monkey cups (nepenthes). take the finest ones you can get of all sorts, and put them in the bottle, leaves and all, do not squeeze them into the bottle, then send it to me." * * * * * "i send two empty glazed cases for plants: when these reach you, fill them with moist earth and plant in them ripe fresh seeds of the following palms * * * you need not wait until you have obtained all, but such only as you can get at once; but remember when you have got ripe seeds of any kind to sow them in the case. take care the earth is not too wet. the seeds you sent, sown in an open box, came up, and we have now six or seven live ebools, etc. "send me up some ripe fruits and seeds of the epoo, those you sent were not ripe. if you can get any ripe ones, also sow some with the palm seeds." * * * * * _calcutta_: _march 26th_, 1844. "when you prepare rotangs do not cut off the stalk of the leaf close to the stem, but six inches from it, and do not cut off the thorns, but tie all up in mats or gunny bags: at the same time send the leaves of each dried in paper like other plants and flowers, all with names written plainly in english and malay. "send live plants according as you receive boxes for them." * * * * * "whenever you find ripe fruits or seeds, dry them in the sun, and then send them to the post office for despatch in paper bags. sow palm seeds in open boxes as you did before, the ebool having come up." * * * * * _january_ 14_th_, 1844. "the plants dried and living have been received, and do you great credit. the live plants particularly are in excellent order. i have sent two more cases, when they reach you, fill them as you have done before, and despatch them to me. i send some cards on which you can write the names plainly, and tie them on the specimens. i will also send you a pocket english dictionary, and make you a present of the english and portuguese one." private journals of wm. griffith, f.l.s. chapter i. _when proceeding with the assam deputation for the_ _examination of the tea plant_. _september_, _1835_.--we arrived at pubna on the 9th of september, and left it on the following morning, pursuing the course of the pubna "karee," which is exceedingly tortuous and of about an average width of 100 yards. on the evening of the 10th, we halted in the same river near its termination. this morning we reached the "beera," into which the pubna karee enters, and which at the mouth presents a vast expanse of water. among the jheels which occur on every side, we noticed in abundance the _tamarix dioica_. about noon we entered a narrow river, and in the evening a very narrow creek in which in two places we experienced a great difficulty in getting the boats along. we noticed _alpinia allughas_, _nymphaea pubescens_, _oxystelma esculentum_, _apluda aristata_, in abundance. up to this period the two most conspicuous grasses continue to be _saccharum spontaneum_, and _andropogon muricatus_. _sunday_, _13th_.--arrived at shiraz-gunge, about half-past 8 a.m., from which place the people say jumalpore is a three days' journey. the country through which we proceeded after leaving shiraz-gunge is nothing but a net-work of rivers, several of vast size, and low islands, occupied almost exclusively by _saccharum spontaneum_, and in some places abounding in _typha elephantina_, in fruit. we halted at a small village in the evening, where we procured _centrostachys aquatica_. _september 14th_.--came in sight of distant very elevated land, which we suppose to be the kassiya hills. this morning (15th) the hills are very plain, and bear nearly due north. the country through which we passed yesterday presented no change whatever. _andropogon muricatus_ has now nearly left us; but the _saccharum_ reaches to a large size, and is incredibly abundant. the natives use it for thatching their huts. we were visited by a heavy squall in the evening. _16th_.--strong winds from an easterly direction. about noon we succeeded in reaching a creek, in which we are completely sheltered. during our route here, we were employed in examining a new species of _crotalaria_, and one of _mitrasacme_! in pools close to us are _damasonium indicum_, _nymphaea caerulea_, _myriophyllum_ _tetrandrum_, _polygonum rivulare_, and a species of _villarsia_, _v_. _cristata_. _19th_.--left the creek, and arrived at jumalpore about 2 p.m.; the cantonment of which occupies the right-hand side of the burrampooter, along the bank of which the officers' houses are situated; indeed this is the only dry line about the place, as immediately inland there are nothing but jheels and rice fields. jumalpore is about .75 of a mile from the junction of the jenai with the burrampooter or rather from the point of exit of the former river. _24th_.--we left the cantonment about 11 a.m., and proceeded down the burrampooter, which is a very uninteresting river, and appears more like a net-work of water and sand banks; opposite jumalpore, the banks are about a mile apart, but the distance between the extreme banks, leaving the island opposite the cantonment out of the question, is much more. during the dry weather this part of the river is passable, and indeed is in some places nothing but a dry bed of sand, so that people walk across it. during our stay at the above place we met with many interesting and new plants, among which a new species of _villarsia_ occupied the most prominent place. _cyperaceae_, _gramineae_, and aquatic _scrophularineae_ abound. _solanum spirale_ occurs in abundance, and the trees commence to be clothed with ferns. i observed only one _epiphytica orchidea_, probably an _aerides_. the banks consist hitherto of nothing but sand, covered with _saccharum_ _spontaneum_. _andropogon muricatus_ is scarcely to be met with. _26th_.--we left mymensing this morning, and proceeded down the burrampooter, the banks of which still present for the most part nothing but a succession of sandy banks covered with _saccharum spontaneum_. the stream is not very rapid, and the river, owing to the numerous islands and banks, does not present so imposing an appearance as the ganges. for the last week strong easterly winds have prevailed. _27th_.--we entered the mouth of the soormah, or, as the natives seem to call it, the barak. the water of this river or portion of the megna? is remarkably clear, compared with that of the ganges; as indeed is that of the burrampooter. _30th_.--some time after we entered the soormah we apparently left its channel, and up to this morning we have passed through a tract of jheels with a few clear and very deep channels. the villages are built on small eminences, and are entirely surrounded with water; they have the usual form, and those houses adjoining the water have fences of an _arundo_, which they tell us are intended to keep out the grass. we have since entering these jheels passed through and between immense beds of vegetation, formed principally of _oplismenus_ (panicum) _stagninus_, _leersia_? _aristata_, which by-the-bye is a distinct genus. _villarsia_ _cristata_, _nymphaealotus_, potamogeton, _azolla salvinii_, etc. etc. the only novel things we have met with are _ischaemum cuspidatum_, roxb. (sui generis,) and a small grass intermediate between panicum and chamaeraphis. the wild form of _oryza sativa_, _panicum interruptum_ and _leersia_? _ciliaris_, roxb. also occur; the two former in abundance. on the more dry tracts, that occasionally though very rarely occur, _andropogon muricatus_ appears. no _saccharum_ presented itself since the 28th. high ground was visible yesterday evening, apparently at a great distance. _october 1st_.--we have continued to pass through immense jheels: about 6 a.m. we arrived at hubbe-gunge, a large native town, situated on the barak, which does not deserve the name of a river. the actual distance from this place to chattuc is about 42 miles, and the high land in that direction was faintly visible for about 2 hours in the morning. the ground to the eastward is losing the "jheel" character, and appears densely wooded, and to the s.e. rather high hills are visible. altogether this land of jheels is very remarkable, particularly on account of the great depth of the water, which except in one point has hitherto always exceeded 6 feet, and yet the water has fallen in all probability two or three more. as the head quarters of tropical aquatic plants, it is well worthy of attention; the profusion of _leersia aristata_, roxb. is immense, but this is almost exceeded by _oplismenus stagninus_. _on the 3rd october_, we left the tract of jheels, and proceeded by small rivers, overhung with jungle and fine bamboos; on the 5th we reentered the soorma and proceeded down it to chattuc, which is situated on the left bank of the river, and which we reached in the afternoon. during our passage down the river we had beautiful views of the mountains, which do not however strike one with an idea of great height. we could plainly distinguish two or three waterfalls shooting over scarped precipices. _churra punjee_, _october 30th_.--after a residence of 20 days here, i wrote to mr. solly, stating nothing particular, except that bucklandia has coniferous tissue, and that podostemon will probably prove monocotyledonous and allied to pistiaceae. our stay here has proved a source of great delight, and accumulation of botanical and geological treasures. the cantonments of churra are at an elevation of 4200 feet above the sea, the native village being situated half way up the ascent which closes in the table-land on which the cantonment is situated towards the n. and w., and it is hence about 300 feet higher. the country immediately adjoining the cantonment is flat, with here and there a rounded hillock, destitute of any covering but grasses and a few low, half shrubby plants. to the eastward there is a very deep and beautiful valley, the west side of which in particular is densely covered with jungle, but this does not contain any large trees. the opposite side, fronting our bungalow, runs nearly n. and s., presents a succession of ravines, and a most picturesque and varied surface. this valley, along the bottom of which as is usual a torrent runs, opens into the low country at terrya ghat, which is situated at the foot of the ascent to churra. directly to the south, and at a distance of about two miles from the cantonments, there is another valley likewise occupied below by a torrent fed by the moosmai falls. the commencement of all these valleys, that i have at least seen, is a sheer precipice, which often, and particularly at moosmai, assumes the form of a vast amphitheatre, over the brink of which cascades, especially at moosmai, fall in tolerable plenty. it is in these places that the immense depth of the sandstone is best seen; the depth of the valley of moosmai is, i am told, 1500 feet, the country above these precipices is generally level, and is in fact table-land. the most beautiful valley is at maamloo, a village to the westward of churra, and about five miles distant. the approach to churra is pretty enough, and gives the best view of the cantonment. the coal mines are to the westward, and close to churra. these i have not yet seen; the coal is of the very best description, it does not splinter, gives remarkably few ashes, affords an admirable fire and the best coke. water-courses are plenty about churra, but the body of water is at this season small, although it becomes considerable after a few hours rain; it is then that the great fall at moosmai becomes really beautiful, the water shooting over the precipice and falling into a bason about 150 feet below. by a succession of these falls, although of more limited height, it at length reaches the bottom of the valley. it is only on the precipices about the fall that the chamaerops appears to grow; at the foot of a precipice a little to the right (going from churra,) a tree fern grows, which i have wallich's authority for stating to be polypod giganteum, a fern which occurred at mahadeb, and which i have seen in somewhat similar situations at mergui. all my excursions have been confined to this valley and to the water-courses immediately around churra; once only have i quitted the table-land and proceeded to maamloo, and yet in this very limited space the profusion of objects has been such as to enable me only to embrace a very limited proportion. the above excursion proved very rich. about half way to maamloo i discovered a solitary tree fern (_alsophila brunoniana_,) and to the left, and up the broken sides of the calcareous cliffs that occur here and between maamloo and moosmai, a group of several magnificent specimens, of which on the succeeding day we brought home three. we saw none above 30 feet, although the specimen in the british museum from these hills measures 45. their axis is of small diameter, and is nearly cylindrical, the vascular fascicles being disposed in covered bundles, often assuming the form of a uu near the circumference of the very dense cellular tissue of which the axis is chiefly composed. towards the base it is enveloped in an oblique dense mass of intermottled rigid fibres (roots) which, as they are developed in the greatest extent, the nearer they approach the base, give the trunk a conical form. their growth is essentially endogenous, and will probably be found when examined aborigine to approximate to that of cycadeae, although these last are of a more exogenous than endogenous nature. nothing however is known of the growth of palms, cycadeae, or tree ferns. i have above alluded to the calcareous rocks or cliffs; these are of the same formation with those that occur so abundantly on the tenasserim coast, although they are much more rich in vegetation. these i first saw at terrya ghat; like those of burmah they abound in caves, and assume the most varied and picturesque forms; they appear to be the head quarters of cyrthandraceae, of which we found a noble species with the flower of a martynia growing among the tree-ferns. they are very rich in ferns and mosses, of which last near the tree-ferns i gathered four species of four genera without moving a foot. the cliffs in which, or at the foot of which the coal is found, bound the churra cantonments to the westward. these are chiefly calcareous. the entrance to churra lies between this and the precipice at moosmai. very few animals of any description are to be seen about churra. i have seen one small species of deer, about half as large again as the mouse-deer of mergui, and one young flying squirrel of a greyish black colour, with a very bushy tail. leopards are, they say, not uncommon. tigers do not generally come so high. of birds, i mean about churra, there are several species of hawks, and their old companions crows and swallows; but i have seen no sparrows, which is singular enough. there is one beautiful species of jay, with crimson-orange beak and legs, and a pretty king-fisher; but, except perhaps in the valleys, birds, i should say, are very scarce. with respect to shooting, scarcely any is to be had; woodcocks are found in the dells about churra, but sparingly. i have seen only one snipe and one quail. regarding the natives, i have little to say. they are a stout-built, squat, big-legged hill tribe: the women in regard to shape being exactly like their mates; and as these are decidedly ugly--somewhat tartarishlooking people, very dirty, and chew pawn to profusion--they can scarcely be said to form a worthy portion of the gentler sex. they appear to be honest; but that is a quality which, from the example of their european lords, they are said to be losing fast. they have no written character; every thing being transmitted by tradition, and performed by the interchange of tokens. they drink like fish, and manufacture a bad kind of arrack, the pernicious effects of which were experienced by the european invalids when the sanatarium was in existence. they pay respect to their dead by the erection of a sort of kairns and large erect slabs of sandstone rounded off at the upper end: of these, i believe, they put up three or five to each friend, according to their means and, probably, rank. the churra people cultivate nothing but a little cotton, and perhaps a species of eleasine. they depend upon the plains for their support and supplies, and this is good management since rice at terrya ghat is sold at 70 or 80 seers a rupee. their hire is, considering the cheapness of their food, very expensive; a man being rated at four annas a day, a woman at three, and a boy at two. i should add, that they have no caste. the climate is certainly very cool and cold, the thermometer ranging from about 56 to 66 degrees in-doors at this time of the year. the rains are said to be the coldest part of the year; they are excessive, commencing in april and ceasing in october. it occasionally rains for fifteen or sixteen days in succession, and without intermission; and nine or ten inches have been known to fall in twenty-four hours. since we have been here, inclusive of this, we have had four days of wet weather, of which three were continued rain. both were ushered in by the sudden irruption of heavy mists from below, which soon spread over the country, obscuring every thing. these sudden irruptions occur during the partial breaking up of the rain, during which time the valleys are completely choked up with dense mists, the summits of the hills on the opposite side to that on which one stands being alone visible. after the rains were over, in the first instance, the plains, or rather the mass of haze hanging over them, presented a most curious spectacle. the coldest weather we have yet experienced was at maamloo, on the 27th, the thermometer at 8 p.m. being at 52 degrees. this is remarkable, as maamloo is rather below churra. there is however a good deal of wood round the place. {7} with regard to botany, the chief vegetation about churra, as indeed is at once indicated by the appearance of the country, consists of grasses. along the water-courses, which intersect this portion of the country, _bucklandia populnea_, a species of ternstraemia, pandanus, eugenia, camellia, are found; while compositae, eriocaulon, and ferns abound in the same places. the vegetation of the valleys is very rich and very varied; and, an affinity is indicated with the botany of china by the existence of a species of illicum, i. khascanam, and several ternstroemiaceae. the great orders are grasses, ferns, compositae. during a trip to maamloo, a beautifully situated village on the brink of the table-land, we discovered abundance of the tree-fern _alsophila_ _brunoniana_, the highest of which measured 25 feet. the appearance of the tree is that of a palm. the flora surrounding these tree-ferns we found to be exceedingly rich. among nepal ferns, i may mention _anisadenia_, _saxifraga ligulata_. _interior of the khasyah mountains_.--on the 2nd, we left for surureem; at which place we halted a day. bucklandia here occurs, of a very large size, perhaps 50 or 60 feet. it is a rugged-looking tree, many of the branches being decayed. there we observed the first _rhododendrum arboreum_. our next stage was to moflong; during our march thither, or rather mine, i had a fine view of the himalayas, but not upon the regular road to moflong. the european forms certainly increased in number between surureem and the above place. two great acquisitions occurred on the road; a new crawfurdia, and a podostemon which w. has named after me. this i found in the clear stream adjoining the bogapanee growing upon stones, and adhering to them very firmly. it is on the hills about the bogapanee that the firs first make their appearance, but do not attain to any great size. the valley of the bogapanee is exceedingly deep, and both the descent and ascent are very difficult. moflong is a bleak exposed village and the bungalow or residence for travellers very bad. the number of european forms we found to increase considerably about this place. the only woods that occur are of fir, but the trees are of no great size; their frequent occurrence, however, stamps a peculiar feature on the scenery. we here experienced nearly three days of continued rain, and, as the place is bleak, we were miserable enough. we left for myrung on the 9th, and the greater and all the first part of the long march was very uninteresting. at mumbree, however, there is a decided improvement, and the scenery is very good. one here notices the occurrence of woods--of oaks, etc., and their form reminded me somewhat of the woods of buckinghamshire. no woods of fir occur; all the trees occurring isolatedly. i should mention that the country between molee and moflong is quite peculiar in geological structure, abounding in cyanite, the masses of which are of very considerable size. i imagine that the vegetation farther on in this direction would be more rich in european forms than elsewhere, at least between churra and mingklow. myrung is certainly far superior in every point to any place that we have yet seen; and, as the climate is peculiarly fine and the bungalow good, the degree of enjoyment is as great as can be expected. the features of the country are similar to those of mumbree. the groves or woods are composed chiefly of oaks, intermixed with magnolias, which attain a very large size. these forests seem all to have a northern aspect. orchideae abound in these woods, and so far as herbaceous forms go, european vegetation is on the decrease. from the bungalow one has occasionally a remarkably fine view of the himalayas, mountains intercepted by large tracts of very high land, probably bootan. the coldest weather we have experienced here was when the thermometer sank to 46 degrees; even in the middle of the day the sun is not oppressive. it is singular enough, that the first attempts, so to speak, at a fauna occur here. the woods abound with small birds. i shot one squirrel, with a very short tail and rounded head. red deer (the gyee of the burmese) occur, though rarely. two or three solitary snipes may be found during a day's excursion, and perhaps a brace of quail, which are nearly as large as english partridges. pheasants are reported to occur in the woods. i should add, that both here and at nunklow snipe of a very large description, and of the habits of the solitary snipe, are found in small numbers. they are very brown, as large as a wood-cock, and their cry is that of a common snipe. lieutenant townsend informs me, that these birds are a totally distinct species. lieutenant vetch tells me, that the khasiyas declare that they are the females of the wood-cock, in other words, wood-hens, and that in march wood-cocks abound in the places with these wood-hens. he likewise informs me, that the only difference he could ascertain to exist between these birds and wood-cocks, consists in their having very short and thick legs. i have seen two of this particular description, but have never shot any. [view from nunklow: p8.jpg] after myrung one can speak much less in favour of these hills. nunklow is a pretty spot, and commands a really magnificent view of the himalayas, of the bootan mountains, and of the plains of assam. altogether this view is the finest which, in my limited experience, i have ever seen: i did not however like nunklow, nor do my wishes recur to it. {9} the route thither is pretty enough, and not fatiguing. i may mention nunklow as the station of some fine trees, among which is a betula, two aesculi, oaks, etc. in abundance. the pine is in fine order, but not large. much more cultivation is carried on in this portion of the hills than elsewhere, and paddy is cultivated apparently to some extent. the temperature is much warmer, and the air by no means so bracing as that of myrung. perhaps at this place the flora resemble that of lower himalaya more than other places we have yet seen. the march from nunklow to nowgong is very long, and, as we started late, owing partly to mismanagement and partly to the want of coolies, we were most agreeably benighted in the jungle. the descent is very sudden and commences at nunklow; the valley, on the brink of which it is situated, being perhaps 2000 feet deep. it is in this valley or on its walls that the finest pines we have seen occur, but even here they do not attain a greater height than 60 feet, and perhaps a diameter of a foot or a foot and a half. as mr. brown of the sillet light infantry informed me most correctly, many would make fine spars; but mr. cracroft's language in one of the journals of the asiatic society when describing these firs, seems rather overwrought. during our march i picked up a pretty species of sonerila. a small stream runs at the foot of the descent, by what name it goes i know not. near the bustapanee, flowing along a valley about two hours' walk from the last mentioned water. wallich discovered abundance of his favourite and really splendid polypodium wallichianum, which i may accuse with justice of being an additional reason for our benightment. the stream is really the only respectable river we have seen, or rather the second one that can be called a torrent, the other being the bogapanee. it boils along, and the body of water is great, even at the season of the year at which we passed it. it has forced enormous holes, frequently round, in the large masses of rock that form its bed, and then in and a few yards beyond the bridge of bamboos by which we crossed, it falls, they say, 70 feet into a fine bason, which however is only partly visible from above. they who have been on the edges of this bason say that the fall is really fine; it certainly has not much of this when viewed from above, neither can it, i think, even in the rains come up to mr. cracroft's description. moosmai is, _apres_ _tout_ i will venture to say, the king of the falls between terrya ghat and ranee godown. on the farther side of this water, small trees of cycas first make their appearance, but we had no time now or rather then to examine any thing. as the shades of evening lengthened we quickened our paces, and at last when it became dark, came up with the coolies in a most rugged road, and when it was dark, after stumbling about a good deal, i made my way to the foot of the descent, and reached a small stream, where we made preparations for a halt, and where we passed the night, during which we were treated with a slight shower of rain. as the season was far advanced we all escaped, scot-free, from fever, and reached the bungalow called nowgong about 10 o'clock next morning, where we spent the day. [the village of nunklow: p11.jpg] from this time we were, i believe, all anxious to leave the hills, which had lost all their charms, although the vegetation was still more gigantic and interesting. but we were now confined to the road, which is very good, all digressions being prevented by the thickness of the jungles, and then in some places swarms of wild elephants. these animals appear most numerous about onswye, near which there is a marshy place literally trodden up by them, and their tracks were so fresh that no traces of wallich or his coolies could be identified, although they had preceded us only about half an hour. it was in this particular place that i gathered a solitary specimen of _butomus pygmaeus_. beyond nowgong, saul first comes into view, and many trees attain a considerable size. some fine ferns and two beautiful acanthaceae, i may mention, as collected about that place. we reached jyrung by an easy march the next day; every step adding only to a greater renewal of acquaintance with old faces, or at least old plain plants. between jyrung and the foot of the hills, we fell in with _henslowia glabra_ in fine flower: wallich took many fine specimens, all of which were males. this species is, as well as the former, liable to deceive one as to the sex of the plant; but all the seeming ovaries beginning to enlarge are due to insect bites or punctures. to conclude: at the foot of the hills we were embraced with _marlea begonifolia_, _bauhinia purpurea_, etc. almost exactly as at terrya ghat. between the foot of these really delightful hills and ranee godown, i fell in with one plant only, deserving of mention, _dischedia_ _rafflesiana_; this is worthy of notice, as our indian asclipiferous species have not hitherto been found, i believe north of moulmain, nor otherwhere than that peninsula and the archipelago. from ranee godown we had the pleasure of walking nineteen miles to gowahatty, which place we reached on the 23rd november. all i can say in its favour is, that it is very cold in the mornings, always at this season cool; that it is very pretty, being situated on the burrampooter, and surrounded with hills; that the women are good-looking, and the whole body of officers among the best. of its botanical riches i can only say, that in a short afternoon's excursion we found _cardiopterus harnulosa_, or rather saw it, and a species of apocynea in fruit, probably the same with one i have from tenasserim, and which is remarkable for the very many fleshy alae of its fruit. gowahatty is particularly known as the station for _cycas circinatis_, one fine specimen of which captain jenkins shewed us, and the height of which is perhaps 20 or 25 feet. it was dichotomous, but only once. the rings formed by the scars of the foot stalks, as well as those of the fruit stalks, were most distinct on the two branches only, and gave them a very rich and less elated appearance. the examination of this specimen only strengthens me in my opinion derived chiefly from examination of those in the botanic gardens, that these rings which certainly afford the age of each branch, one being added of either sort every year, are not to be distinguished in the stem below its division. so that after all, _brongniart_ is only half-wrong, although he is ignorant of the saving clause. i may add, that we were on the hills about thirty-eight days, of which seven and a half were rainy, a proportion of 1 in 5.5. _on the 2nd december_, our party left gowahatty for suddiya, on the morning of the 4th i proceeded in advance in captain matthie's express canoe for tezpoor, which place i reached on the evening of the 6th, and at which i met with a most kind reception from captain matthie, principal assistant to the agent to the governor general, and in civil charge of the district of durrung. tezpoor possesses many advantages over gowahatty, from which place it is about 120 miles distant, that is, following the river. it is situated on the banks of what was once a portion of the burrampooter, but which is now nothing but a nullah, nearly dry at the present season. it is a completely new place, {12} captain matthie having arrived here about a year since, at which time it was a complete jungle. some small hills run along the side of the nullah, on one of which captain matthie's house is situated. the clearings have already reached to a considerable extent, and there are two good roads for buggies. the great advantage it has over gowahatty consists in its freedom from fogs, which evidently hug the meekur hills on the opposite side of the burrampooter, bearing about e.s.e. from tezpoor. it is perhaps owing to the proximity of these hills that nowgong until 10 a.m. appears completely enveloped in fog, while all round tezpoor it is completely clear. from this place the view of the himalayas and of the intervening bootan hills is very fine. the chain is of considerable extent, and presents three grand peaks, of which the most westerly one is the largest. they do not appear very distant, and are distinctly seen at this season at all times of the day. they are more soft and picturesque towards evening, at which time the different shades are better developed. the degrees of ascent of the bootan hills are well shewn; the hills forming the lowest range being of no considerable height. it is at once obvious, that the ascent into bootan from this place would occupy several days. [captain mathie's cutcherry: p12.jpg] the view to the s. and s.s.w. is barren enough, and is completely flat; the country presenting nothing whatever but high grass, with an occasional peep of the river. that to the north is, owing to the himalayas, very striking and picturesque. cultivation is carried on to a great extent about tezpoor, and the district is populous, although few villages are to be seen, as they are all concealed among trees. paddy is the principal grain cultivated, and this is carried on in low places, which appear on a casual examination to have been originally beds of rivers. captain matthie however tells me, that many of these have abrupt terminations and commencements, such may have been old jheels. sursoo, opium, and sugar-cane are likewise cultivated, especially the former. the whole land indeed, with the exception of the rice-places and the evidently old beds of the burrampooter, are much more elevated than the land round gowahatty. both tezpoor and durrung are consequently less damp, and more healthy than the above-mentioned place. in fact, as a residence i would infinitely prefer tezpoor to gowahatty. with regard to the shikar, (shooting) both large and small game abound. tigers are frequent as well as bears. buffaloes are to be seen on the _churs_ (islands) in large herds. pea-fowl and jungle-fowl abound, as well as water-fowl; floricans and partridges, both black and red, are by no means unfrequent. _upper assam_, _jan_. _15th_.--we arrived at kujoo, a rather large village of singfos, and within half a day's journey of which the tea is found in its native state. this is the first singfo village i have as yet seen, and is situated on the skirts of a plain of small extent, and covered to all appearance by extensive grass jungles, among which trees are interspersed. the houses are not numerous, but they are of large size, and are raised in the burman fashion on piles from the ground. within one, many families are accommodated. the people themselves are fair, much like the burmese, but still quite distinct. the male dress resembles the burmese much; the female is more distinct, consisting chiefly of a sort of _gown_; and whilst tattooing is confined to the males in burma, it here appears to be indulged in chiefly by the ladies; all the legs i saw during the day, being ornamented with rings of tattoo. the men are a stout, rather fine race; free, easy, and independent, and great admirers of _grog_ in every form. during our journey hither, and indeed en route from kujoo ghat, we passed over a clay soil and through a dense jungle, comparable to which i have seen but little. our direction has been nearly south from the above place. the jungle consisted chiefly of trees, here and there large patches of bamboo or tobacco occurring: there was but little underwood. among the trees the most gigantic was a species of dipterocarpus, probably the same with that i have gathered on pator hill, mergui. we picked up likewise very large acorns with a depressed lamellated cap, and two fruits of castanea, one probably the same with that from myrung. but of all the vegetation, that of ferns is the most luxuriant and most varied. _jan_. _16th_.--this day we gave up to the examination of the tea in its native place. it occurs in a deep jungle to the south of the village, and at a distance of about three miles from it. our route thither lay through first a rather extensive grass jungle, then through a deep jungle. we crossed the deboru once on our route; it is a mean and insignificant stream. nothing particular presents itself in the jungle until you approach the tea, on which you come very suddenly. this plant is limited to a small extent, perhaps to 300 yards square, the principal direction being n. and s. it grows in a part of the jungle where the soil is light and dryish, and throughout which, _ravinules_ are frequent, due, mac. tells me, to the effect of rain dropping from the heavy over-shadowing foliage on a light soil. in addition to this, small mounds occur about the roots of the large trees; but chiefly around bamboos, which are by no means unfrequent. this, however, is of common occurrence in all bamboo jungles. the underwood consists chiefly of rubeaceae, a small leea, cyrthandraceae and filices, _polypodium arboreum_, _angiopteris_ _orassipes_, and a large asplenium are common. among the arbuscles are a large leaved tetranthera, a myristica, anonaceae, _paederioidea_ _faetidissima_, foliis ternatis; stipulis apicee subulata, 3-fidis, etc. and among the forest trees are a vast dipterocarpus, the same we met with en route to kujoo, _dillenia speciosa_, etc. piper and chloranthus are likewise not uncommon. there is no peculiar feature connected with the existence of the tea in such a place, and in such a limited extent. we were fortunate enough to find it both in flower and fruit, owing to its site; its growth is tall and slender, and its crown at least that of the smaller, very small and ill developed. large trees are rare; in fact, they have been all cut down by the singfos, who are like all other natives excessively improvident. the largest we saw, and which wallich felled, was, including the crown, 43 feet in length. small plants are very common, although bruce had already removed 30,000. mac. thinks they grow chiefly on the margins of the ravinules or hollows. their leaves were all large, of a very dark green, and varying from four to eight inches in length. the pith of the tree felled was excentric, the greater development taking place as usual on the southern side; it was two and a half inches n., three and a half s.; but about 10 feet above the base this excentricity was nearly doubled. the wood is very compact, and the tree apparently one of slow growth. the largest that bruce has seen, and which he felled last year, was 29 cubits in length. the jungle was so thick that all general views as to its real extent, and the circumstances limiting it, must be very superficial. to the east the cessation of the lightness of the soil and of the hollows is very abrupt, and strongly influences the tea, only a few small straggles being visible in that direction. the jungle here was choked with grasses, and the large viscous acanthaceae of which we have elsewhere en route seen such abundance. the tree evidently, even in its large state, owes little gratitude to the sun, at least for direct rays, none of which i should think ever reach it. the singfos however say, that it will only thrive in the shade. we halted after gathering a crop of leaves under a fine dillenia, which was loaded with its fruit. here the singfos demonstrated the mode in which the tea is prepared among them. i must premise, however, that they use none but young leaves. they roasted or rather semi-roasted the leaves in a large iron vessel, which must be quite clean, stirring them up and rolling them in the hands during the roasting. when duly roasted, they expose them to the sun for three days; some to the dew alternately with the sun. it is then finally packed into bamboo chungas, into which it is tightly rammed. the ground on which it occurs is somewhat raised above the plain adjoining the village, as we passed over two hillocks on our route to the tea, and the descent did not evidently counterbalance the ascent. _jan_. _17th_.--we arrived at kujoo-doo this afternoon, having passed through a great extent of jungle, which i am sorry to say presented the usual features. we crossed the deboro once during our march, and several tributary streams which, as may be supposed, from the size of the _larger_ recipient river, are excessively insignificant. the soil throughout, a good part seemed to be of clay. the only plants of interest we found were two bambusae in flower, and two species of meniscium, and a _polypodium venulis_ tertiariis simplicibus. a _sarcopyramis sonerilae_ was also found, but rather past flowering, and an acrostichum? or lomaria? we did not observe any ravinules or hollows, although mounds were by no means uncommon. _jan_. _18th_.--we proceeded in a southerly direction, and after marching for nearly seven hours arrived at, and encamped on, a largish plain, on which paddy had been extensively cultivated. the whole route lay through a vast and deep jungle, the road running partly on the side of an old bund: part of our road was through very wet ground, part through rather dry elevated woods, bamboos of two species occurred abundantly. we saw several vast specimens of dipterocarpus, one which had been cut down measured from the base to first branch 110 feet. ferns still continue in excess. i gathered another species of _sarcopyramis_; a _goodyera_, _chrysobaphus roxburghii_ in flower, but rare; and an apostasia not in flower. _jan 19th_.--we reached negrigam early in the forenoon although we did not leave our ground before 10 a.m. the road to the village was pretty good. negrigam is a largish village on the north bank of the booree dihing, which is here a considerable though not deep stream. this bank is at the site of the village very high. the population seemed to be considerable. to the south, large ranges of hills were visible, the first of which were close enough to admit of one's distinguishing them to be wooded to the top. the inner ranges were lofty. we had some difficulty in ascertaining where the tea was located, the accounts being rather contradictory. at length we proceeded up the bed of a small river, maumoo, which runs into the booree dihing close to the village: after wading along in the waters for two hours we arrived at a khet where we encamped. the direction being from negrigam n.w. along the banks of this stream. the pavia i first observed at silam mookh, was abundant, and some of the specimens were very fine, the largest was a handsome, very shady tree, of perhaps thirty feet high. the only plant of interest was _gnetum scandens_. on a high land bank i gathered a species of polytrichum, and one of bartramia. _january 20th_.--this morning we crossed the small streamlet maumoo, ascended its rather high bank, and within a few yards from it came upon the tea: which as we advanced farther into the jungle increased in abundance; in fact within a very few yards, several plants might be observed. the plant was both in flower and ripe fruit, in one instance the seeds had germinated while attached to the parent shrub. no large trees were found, the generality being six or seven feet high; all above this height being straggling, slender, unhandsome shrubs: the leaves upon the whole were, i think, smaller than those of the kujoo plants. with respect to the plants with which it is here associated, i may observe that they were nearly the same with those of the kujoo jungle, but here there was nevertheless one striking difference, that the jungle was by no means so dark in consequence of the smaller size of the jungle trees. the underwood consisted chiefly of ferns, among which _polipodium unitum_ was very common, and a lycopodium. bamboos occurred here and there, although by no means so extensively as at kujoo. _chrysobaphus roxburghii_, and a new _dicksonia_, _d_. _griffithiana_, wall. were the plants of the greatest interest. with regard to the limits of the tea, it is by all accounts of no very great extent; but this is a point upon which it is difficult to say any thing decisive, in consequence of the thickness of the jungle. the space on which we found it may be said to be an elbow of the land, nearly surrounded by the manmoo river, on the opposite side of which, where we were encamped, it is reported not to grow. within this space the greater part consists of a gentle elevation or rather large mound. on this it is very abundant, as likewise along its sides, where the soil is looser, less sandy, and yellow (mcclell.); along the base of this i think it is less common, and the soil is here more sandy, and much darker (mcclell.) we partly ascertained that it was limited to the west, in which direction we soon lost sight of it. to the south and eastward of the elbow of land it is most common, but here it is, as i have said above, stopped by the river. the greatest diameter of the stem of any plant that i saw in this place, might be two or three inches, certainly not more. _nadowar_, _feb_. _17th_.--our route from this village, at which we were encamped, to the tea locality in the neighbouring forest, lay for the first time partly over paddy fields, the remainder over high ground covered with the usual grasses, with here and there a low strip; all was excessively wet. we next traversed a considerable tract of tree jungle, perhaps for nearly a mile; this was a drier and higher soil than the rice ground. on the northern flank of this, and close to the edge of the jungle we came to the tea, situated on a low strip of ground. this plant here occupies an extremely limited space, and its greatest, and indeed almost only extent, is from south to north. it is in one spot excessively thick, and many of the plants had attained a considerable size, but the largest had been cut down, when it was visited by people from suddiya in search of tea some short time ago. it had just passed flowering; all the plants looked well, better i think than those of kujoo. the soil was very much like that of the kujoo and negrigam jungles, and was remarkable for its great dryness and looseness, in spite of the long continued and heavy rains. that near the surface was dark brown, below yellow brown, and the deeper it was examined the more yellow it seemed to become. we satisfied ourselves that its depth extended lower than two feet from the surface. the space the plant occupies in any numbers certainly does not exceed forty yards in length, by twentyfive in breadth. about fifty yards to the north several plants occurred, but the soil here was of a much darker tint, although it appeared to be nearly as dry as the other. the accompanying diagram may give some idea of its situation. _february 17th_.--we arrived at rangagurrah, the capital of the muttack country, and the residence of the burra-seena puttee, or bengmara. our route thither occupied us, inclusive of the day spent in examining the tea at noadwar, five days. during the three first, we passed through a low country admirably, and almost exclusively, adapted for rice cultivation, and consequently abounding in wild wading birds and waterfowl. as we approached rangagurrah the ground became higher, in addition to which it is better drained. we crossed about two miles from rangagurrah a small rivulet, a tributary of the deboro; no plants but one of much interest was detected _en route_. that one was a fine forest tree affecting damp low places, apparently very limited in extent. it is a new genus, belonging to hamemelideae, and we have called it _sedgwickia_ _cerasifolia_. on our arrival at rangagurrah we were met by the burraseena puttee, 'big warrior,' who escorted us to the houses he had caused to be erected for us, and which were at a little distance from the village itself. during our association with him or with his country, he was remarkably attentive and civil, and as he is an independent man he pleased me much. on the -feb. we reached tingrei, a poor village about ten miles to the s.e. of rangagurrah, situated on the west bank of the rivulet of the same name, another tributary of the deboroo. on the same morning as the march was very short, we proceeded to examine the tea, and the following day was likewise given up to another examination. the tea here may be characterised as dwarf, no stems that i saw exceeding fifteen feet in height; it had just passed flowering. it occurs in great abundance, and to much greater extent than in any of the places at which we had previously examined it. but here it is neither limited by peculiarity of soil or such slight elevation as the place affords; it grows indiscriminately on the higher ground where the soil is of a brownish yellow, and on which it attains a larger size than elsewhere, or on clumps occurring in low raviny ground and associated with fine bamboos. this ground was intersected by a very tortuous dry nullah bed, on the banks of which tea was very abundant. on either side of the jungle in which it is found, extensive clearings occur, so that it is impossible to say what its original extent may have been; i am inclined to think, however that its limit was with the commencement of a small clearing running to the n.w. of a village situated on the west bank of the tingrei, and that not much has been cut down. [the himalaya from rangagurrah: p19.jpg] the extent may be roughly estimated as follows, reckoning from the entrance into the jungle in a south easterly direction: the one in fact of our route from the village to the tea. s.e. 180 yards, after which it disappears, but shews itself again sparingly about 100 yards further on, and in the same direction. to the s. of this i found none, its direction being totally changed; its general direction being now, n.w. or n.n.w. in which, and in about 200 yards from the place at which it ceased towards the south, it becomes very abundant, and continues so in a w.n.w. course for about 220 yards. thence it appears to be interrupted for the space of 80 or 100 yards. it then recommences a course n. by w. for about 100 yards, when it is terminated by cultivated ground to the east, and low raviny ground to the west. 200 yards to the north, and close to a small village, it is very abundant, and at least its stumps with numerous shoots, occupy almost the whole of a small clearing bounded on the n.e. by the rivulet tingrei. it may be supposed to extend for a little distance into the contiguous jungle to the n.w. on the whole, it may be said to occupy a narrow strip of jungle, extending from the village tingrei in a s.e. direction about a .25 of a mile. i consider the plants here as finer than in any of the other tea jungles, the crown being much better developed owing at least in some parts to the less denseness of the jungle. the fact of the shoots appearing from the bases of the stems which had been cut down in the small clearing above mentioned, gave us good opportunities of seeing the effects of exposure to the sun. this they seemed to bear well, but the shoots were rather too much elongated, and the leaves had too much of a yellow tint to indicate that such was their natural situation. no part of the soil on which tea was found was like the soil of nadowar or manmoo; still, although stiffer than the others, it was characterised by a certain lightness. the superstratum was very light, and brownish black, the remainder yellowish brown, the yellow tints as well as the stiffness increasing downwards. the soil was here deeper than in any of the other sites. many parts of the ground were excessively low, and very probably inundated during the rains. from the fact of its occurring in such abundance in the small clearing to the n.w. of the village, i am induced to suppose that it had at some period extended down the large clearing which runs 200 yards to the south of the above village. the associated vegetation presented no peculiarities; several plants, with which we had not previously met, occurred. one, a stauntonia, was found, which may be supposed from analogy to indicate a certain coldness of climate. but on the other hand, it was associated with so many tropical forms that not much reliance can be placed on this isolated fact. on the 25th we returned to rangagurrah, where the elephants and dowaniers (_drivers_) were dismissed. on the 26th we commenced returning by the deboroo, the descent of which occupied two days and a half. here let me express my opinion that in cases like ours, where a set of men are deputed to examine countries, time spent on rivers is absolutely thrown away. of course in many instances such must be the case, but where it is avoidable, marching, and especially returning by a different route, should be adopted. rangagurrah, be it known, is only two days' march from suddiyah in a direct line, yet we have been a month proceeding by the circuitous line of rivers between these places. chapter ii. _journal of a trip to the mishmee mountains_, _from the_ _debouching of the lohit to about ten miles east of_ _the ghalooms_. _lat_. _27 degrees 50' to 28 degrees 10'_ _n_.; _long_. _95 degrees 20' to 96 degrees 40' e_. i left suddiya on the morning of the 15th october 1836, and halted at noa dihing mookh, (river mouth) a place abounding in fish, and promising excellent sport both in fly and live-bait fishing. the temperature of the noa dihing, an indolent stream flowing over a flat, sandy plain, was 79 degrees; that of the b. pooter, which falls in large volume rapidly from the mountains, was 67 degrees. fish congregate in vast numbers at the junction of rivers of different temperatures, and are there more easily captured than in other situations, a fact that ought to be borne in mind, whether for the mere object of sport or the more practical purpose of fisheries in india. the following day (16th) we passed choonpoora, where the rapids commence, and where stones first appear; one rapid, a little above choonpoora, is severe. there is a severe one also at toranee mookh, on which the copper temple is situated; and one at tingalee mookh, on which lattow is situated. the river now commences to be more subdivided; there is but little sand deposited alone, but vast beds of sand and stones occur together. the banks are clothed with jungle, and are occasionally skirted with tall grasses, but the _churs_ or islands disappear it may be said with the sands, and are only formed in lower and more distant parts from the mountains, where the velocity of the current is less. temperature at 6 a.m. 66 degrees, 4 p.m. 76 degrees, (water of b. pooter 64.65,) 7 p.m. 72 degrees. buffaloes abundant, but i only saw a few. the most interesting plants were a cyclocodon, liriodendron, sanicula: 32 species were collected. _oct_. _17th_.--reached karam mookh, about noon. rapids much increased, some very severe, especially that opposite karam mookh, which we crossed without accident, although as we crossed a confluence of two rapids, the water in the middle being much agitated; it was a wonder that no canoes were upset. the bed of the river is still more divided, the spots between the streams being for the most part entirely composed of stones. the lowest temperature of the b. pooter was 63 degrees. a severe but short rapid occurs at karam mookh itself, the fall being very great, but the body of water small. the water of this river is beautifully clear. its temperature at the mookh 72 degrees. the jungle extends down to both edges of the water, and the stream is not divided into branches. my guide in the evening disgusted me by asking how many days i intended to stop at the koond before my return to suddiya, when i had engaged him expressly to go into the mishmee hills, and not merely to brama koond, as the above question implied. but such is the way in which our best designs depending on native agency are often tampered with. thermometer at 8 p.m. 64 degrees. species of conaria grow abundantly on the banks! _oct_. _18th_.--we are still in the karam river. reached about noon the kamptee village, palampan, or rather its ghat. this karam river is tortuous, generally shallow, with a more or less stony bed; it is nothing more in fact than a succession of rapids, between each of which the slope is very gentle, so that one makes good progress. temperature at 6 a.m. 66 degrees in the canoe; but in the hut in which i slept, it is as low as 60 degrees. the dews are very heavy, and the jungle, as before, comes down to the edges of the water, but scarcely affords any marked feature. _kydia calycina_ is common, as is likewise a large mimoseous tree. there is apparently very little diminution in the volume of water, though several minor streams were passed between this and the mookh. liriodendron is becoming more frequent. the views of the mountains are very varied; and that of the koond defile or chasm, very beautiful; waterfalls seem to be distinctly visible down one hill or mountain, in particular. the finest view however is on the lohit, opposite dyaroo mookh, at which place the three huge, ever snowy peaks, characteristic of the mishmee portion of the mountains, are distinctly seen. left the ghat for the village which is situate on the dea-soon or simaree, which flows into the tenga-panee, and which is said now to carry off so much water from the karam that this river ceases a short distance above this place to become navigable for boats like mine. the path we pursued ran in a s.e. or s.s.e. direction for about a mile; it is good, and leads through a thick jungle: the village contains probably fifteen houses. the gohain, or _chief_, is a most respectable-looking man, and of very fair complexion. his people are for the most part stout. the women also of very fair complexion, with their hair tied in a large knot on the top of the head, in a peculiar way, putting one in mind of fat norman damsels. temperature in the boat to-day 76 degrees, the sky beautifully clear. the b. pooter seems still the only river, the temperature of which is always below that of the air. one interesting elaeocarpus occurred--petal. viridibus apice dentatis; calice griseo viridi, _vix valvato_. i may remark, that the aestivation of kydia is scarcely valvate. i saw a, to me, new kingfisher and wood-pecker. the black and white kingfisher, _dalcedo rudus_, is not found on the b. pooter beyond the termination of the sand banks. _oct_. _18th_--temperature in my hut at 5.5 a.m. is 56 degrees, outside it is 52.5 degrees, that of the river water 63 degrees. we left about 8, and proceeded up the karam, which presented nothing singular. the volume of water is now less, and rapids are more frequent: heavy snow is visible from a little above palampan ghat, where the river bends to the northward; and a little further on a fine view of the koond occurs. the chasm is bounded in the rear by the fine rugged peak so distinctly seen from suddiya due east. about 11, we reached the ghat, beyond which boats, except of the smallest description, cannot pass; and about 1, started for the mishmee village jing-sha, situated on the karam. our course was along the bed of the river, and nearly due east. formerly boats were able to reach the ghat of the village, but the water has become shallower, owing, they say, to a larger portion being carried off by the dea-soon, which runs into the tenga-panee. we reached the village ghat about four in the afternoon, but our people arrived very little before six o'clock. the march was tedious and difficult, owing to the numerous stones which are strewed in the way: and the necessity for crossing the river was so frequent, that all idea of shoes was quite out of the question. to increase the difficulty, the stones in the bed of river are very slippery, and as we crossed rapids, it frequently required some care to prevent our falling. we were met by the gam, or chief, before any signs of the village there were visible. the population is small; the people fair, but begrimed with dirt; the dress consists of a loose jacket without sleeves. the primary article of clothing is indeed so scanty, that the less one says about it the better. the women are decently clothed, and have generally enormous calves, certainly bigger than those of the men: their favourite ornament seems to be a band of silver, broadest across their forehead, which encircles their head. this village is close to the hills, and within a day's journey of the koond, at least for a mishmee. one assamese slave is among the inhabitants, who was sold when a boy. a few of the men have singfo dhaos or swords, others miserable knives, and some the usual spear so general with the tribes on this frontier. but in general the weapons of these people are most insignificant. the view of the hills is not fine from this place; it is too close to see any of great height, and they soon disappear to the westward. in the evening that of the koond, which bears e.n.e. by n. is fine, particularly one mountain, which is known at once by its numerous cascades or appearances of water-falls, which, although they appear like streaks of white to the eye, are distinctly visible through a telescope. the bed of the karam is almost entirely stony, and the immediate banks are clothed with grass. the jungle is of the usual thick description. the gam, whose name is jingsha, is a respectable looking man, fair in his dealings, and willing to oblige. they all have tobacco pipes. _oct_. _19th_.--halted to enable the people to bring up the baggage, and we shall in all probability have to halt to-morrow. i paid a visit to the gam's house, jingshi; it is to the s.e. of the ghat, and about a mile and a half distant from it. the houses are all detached, and almost buried in jungle. jingsha's house is a good one, very long, and well built; he has only about five skulls. {24} _mont_ was handed round to the mishmees in large bamboo cups. from our encampment, abundance of clearances for cultivation are visible on the hills. those to n., s., s.e. are of some extent, and belong to a mishmee gam, tapa. some fine timber trees exist on the road to the village, and a very large ficus: no particular plants occur except a chloranthus, fructibus albis, which is also common towards palampan. thermometer at noon, in imperfect shade, 83 degrees. _oct_. _20th_.--the temperature of the air at 5.5 a.m. was 57.5 degrees. that of water, 60 degrees. i was obliged to halt again to enable the rice to be brought up. to-day we gathered on the banks of the karam, a tree in fruit, fol. alterna, impari-pinnata, stipulis caducis. cymi compositi dichotomi; calyce minuto, 4 dentato, reflexo; corolla coriacea, viridi, rotata; stamina 4, hypogyna, gynobasi, maxima; carpellis 4, aggregatis, 1, 3, fecundalis, globosis, atro-cyaneis, baccatis; stylis lateralibus; semen 1, exalbumosum arbuscula mediocris; one chrysobalanea? one ochnacea? yesterday they brought me a beautiful snake, collo gracillimo, colore pulchre fusco, maculis aterrimis, capite magno; {25} has all the appearance of being venomous. to-day we passed another place for catching fish: the water is prevented from escaping, (except at the place where the current is naturally most violent,) by a dam composed of bamboos, supported by triangles, from the centre of which hang heavy stones: the fish are prevented passing down except at the above spot, and here they are received on a platform of bamboo: the stream is so strong through this point, that when once the fish have passed down they are unable to return. one of these fish-traps on a larger scale exists below palampan. the karam debuts from the hills a little to the s. of east of jingsha ghat: the chasm is very distinct. temperature at 2 p.m. 87 degrees, at sunset 76 degrees, 8 p.m. 68 degrees. _oct_. _21st_.--left the ghat about 9, and proceeded over the same difficult ground down the karam until we arrived at laee mookh. this occupied about an hour; our course thence lay up the laee, which runs nearly due east. the bed of the river throughout the lower part of its course is 60 or 70 yards across: the journey was as difficult as that on the karam. towards 2 p.m. we were close to the hills, and the river became contracted, not exceeding 30 or 40 yards across. it is here only that large rock masses are to be found, but the boulders are in no case immense. we arrived at the place of our encampment about 4 p.m., the porters coming up much later. the march was in every respect most fatiguing. temperature about 6 a.m. 58 degrees, outside 57 degrees. water 60 degrees. temperature of laee at sunset 66 degrees. of the air 71 degrees. _oct_. _22nd_.--cloudy: during the night we were much annoyed by heavy gusts of wind sweeping down the river. left our encampment at 7.5, and struck into the jungle, the porters still continuing along the course of the river; after crossing some rising ground we reached a path, which is tolerably good. our course lay about n.e.; we crossed over some low hills, and after marching for about an hour and a quarter, came upon the koond chasm, or great defile; of which, however, from the thickness of the jungle, we had no view. we then descended a very steep, but not very high hill, and came upon the koond; of which nothing is at first seen but large masses of rock strewed in every direction. we were accompanied by a number of jingsha gam's people, and in the evening we were visited by tapan gam himself, with a train of followers. this man assumes the sovereignty of the koond. we encamped immediately under the faqueer's rock, which is known to the mishmees by the name "taihloo maplampoo." the south bank is wooded to its brink, but not very densely: it is excessively steep, and in many places almost perpendicular. the strata composing it is partly limestone, lying at an angle of 45 degrees, and in many places at a greater one. the scenery is picturesque and bold: on either side of the river are hills rising abruptly to the height of a few hundred feet, but the hills are continued longer on the north side. from the rock the river seems to run w.n.w. for a quarter of a mile, and then bends to the s.w. the breadth of the bed is a good hundred yards, but the stream at this season is confined to the fifty yards near the south bank, the remainder being occupied by rocks in situ, or boulders and sand: the edge of the n. bank is occupied by stunted _saccharum_. the appearance of the water is characteristic, of a greyish green tinge, giving the impression of great depth. it is only here and there that it is white with foam, its general course being rather gentle. it is in various places encroached upon more or less by the rocks forming its bed, some of which are quite perpendicular. a little to the west of the faqueer's rock there is an immense mass of rock in the bed of the river, between which and the south bank there is now very little water and no current. the rocks are generally naked; here and there they are partially clothed with gramineae, and a cyperaceous-looking plant, something like an eriophorum. the river, a short distance beyond the deopanee, takes a bend to the north; at the point where it bends there is a considerable rapid. [bramakhoond and faqueer's rock: p26.jpg] the faqueer's rock itself is a loose mass of rugged outline, about 50 feet high: access to its summit is difficult to anybody but a mishmee; it is, however, by no means impracticable. the path by which it may be gained, leads from the eastward. at the summit is an insulated, rounded, rugged mass of rock, on which the faqueers sit. it is however the descent by the path to the east which is difficult, and people generally choose another path to the west. this rock is clothed with ferns epiphytical orchideae, an arundo, and a few stunted trees are very common at its summit. between it and the hill is another much smaller mass, and the intervening spaces are occupied by angular masses of rock. these spaces both lead westward to that corner of the river into which the deopanee falls. eastward they lead to the margin of the bank. the north face of the faqueer's rock is excavated into a hollow of the deo dowar. it has no resemblance to a gothic ruin, which form is, i believe, peculiar to calcareous rocks. it is this rock which, by its eastern extremity projecting into the water, forms the reservoirs into which the deo-panee falls, or rather at this season runs; the place resembles merely a sort of bay. the water-mark of floods visible on some of the rocks, is probably eight feet above that of this time of the year. the reservoir is completed by a projection from the rocks forming the south bank, but it is almost entirely abstracted from the stream. the south bank immediately beyond this is extremely precipitous, and very high. the faqueer's rock is three-peaked; two peaks can only be seen from the deo-panee, the third is the low one to the west, the middle is the highest, and is perforated: the eastern represents a sugar-loaf appearance. two distinct streams run into the reservoirs, the bed of one forms the second defile before alluded to: this is very insignificant. the other occupies the corner of the bay, and can only be seen from a low station on the sand beneath: it is an attempt at a small water-fall. _oct_. _23rd_.--to-day i have been employed in collecting plants. nearly due east of the koond, and at a distance of about 40 yards, the face of the hill is perpendicular, and in some places overhanging; its extremity juts out into the stream, which here flows with great violence; the banks are occupied by masses of rock strewed in every direction, resulting from a landslip of great size: some of these masses are enormous. the greater portion of the slip is clothed with herbage and trees, so that it is of some age, or standing; but in one place over the river it is clean, as if fresh formed, and white-looking much like chalk. this cliff in many parts is a dripping well, particularly in one extremity where a good deal of water falls. it is clothed with the eriophorum, which hangs down in long tufts; the moist parts with an adiantum much like a. c. veneris, a beautiful pteris, a pothos or arum foliis pulchre nigro tinctis, and some mosses; b. speciosa out of flower, and some hepaticae, ruta albiflora, etc. between this and the deo-panee a small stream enters the lohit: following this up to some height, one arrives at a pretty water-fall; here it is inaccessible in this direction, but by following a branch of the stream to the west, one may arrive at the summit of the hill, from which however no view is to be obtained. the summit is ridge-like, and excessively sharp; the descent on either side almost precipitous. i found several fine ferns up this hill; at its base an acer and fine equisetum. [the mori-panee as it enters the khoond: p27.jpg] the koond is apparently formed by the deo-panee and mori-panee. in the rains it must be a rather striking object, now however it is at this season, lost amidst the fine surrounding scenery. how the faqueer's rock and the rock between it and the mori-panee were detached, is difficult to say. it is evident, however, that formerly the two rivers were not united to form the koond as at present, but that they had each their own channels when the faqueer's rock must have stood between them. in fact both channels, in which water has flowed, still remain. my broken thermometer pointed out the low temperature of the lohit water, and 208 degrees was the point at which water boiled in two experiments. all attempts at passing along the river on this side would be vain, owing to a cliff which is totally impracticable. the mishmees know of no rivulet called the mtee; probably this has been mistaken for the mishmee name for water, _mchee_. the way wilcox went i am at a loss to ascertain; as he could not have passed the koond, he must have gone above it; although the hills are said to be impracticable for loaded coolies. _oct_. _25th_.--the koond is obviously little frequented. i left sometime after the coolies, pursuing the path leading to ghaloom's, which extends to the eastward. an hour and a quarter brought me again to the laee-panee, and three hours and a half to laee mookh: from this place to jingsha ghat is scarcely an hour's walk. the day's journey occupied about five hours inclusive of stoppages: the distance is probably about twelve miles. i came to the determination of returning, owing to the known difficulty of the route pursued by wilcox, and the impossibility of making a collection of grain. the tapan gam, or lord of the koond, particularly insisted on the impossibility of ordinary coolies going this way, and as he offered men to bring up grain from the plains, i at once acceded to his proposal of making a granary in his village. this man had no delicacy in asking for presents: he at once said, "you must give gold, silver, and every thing in the calendar of presents to the deo," meaning himself. as i found it impracticable to satisfy him, i sent him off with a small present, promising more when he should have amassed the grain. his brother, a tall, stout, and much more useful man, (as he does not refuse to carry loads,) on seeing me rub salt on a bird's skin, remarked, "what poor devils we are! bird's skins with salt supply the sahibs with food, while we can't get a morsel." they promised to take me all over the country, and to be my slaves, if i would point out to them where salt is to be found. [the deo-panee as it enters the khoond: p28.jpg] i saw nothing particular in the woods. i picked up the fruit of a magnolia and castanea, and observed an arborescent leea. some of the timber is fine. a large acrotirchea abounds between laee and the koond, as well as chloranthus. near the laee a climber, the base of whose stem is elephantopoid and enormous considering the slender stem, is abundant. i could not get any of the leaves. at the koond, buddleia neemda, a prunus, etc. occur. caelogyne polleniis 4 obovatis, faciebus incumbentibus complanates materie pulverea, mediocri. dundoons are rather troublesome; they are flies, and nearly as large as an ordinary house fly: their proboscis is large, and leaves spots of extravasated blood where they bite, nearly of the size of an ordinary pin's head. _oct_. _27th_.--my people brought me in a beautiful snake, _coluber_ _porphyraceus_, ventre albo, caeterum pulchre coccineo-badio, capite lineis nigris tribus quarum centralis brevior, dorso lineis nigris duabus postea gradatim evanescentibus, lineis circularibus minus conspicuis, iridibus carneis. {29a} _oct_. _28th_.--yesterday evening two elephants arrived with grain, so that i have every prospect of being fairly on my way in a day or two. nothing worth seeing has occurred, except a man who by some accident had the lobe of his ear torn, and had the fragments stitched together with silver wire. _oct_. _31st_.--halted at the laee-panee, and gathered an oberonea, and specimens of fish. {29b} _nov_. _1st_.--dirty weather; rain looking much as if it were going to continue for several days. there is a small drupaceous fruit found here and at beesa, the singfo name of which is let-tan-shee; it is the produce of a large tree probably the fruit of a chrysobalanus, testibus stylo _laterali_, stam, perigynis: cotyledonibus crispatis. the flavour is acid, rather pleasant, and somewhat terebinthinaceous. _nov_. _2nd_.--i thought it best to set off, although it was raining heavily. our course lay in an e. direction up the karam for about two hours, when it diverged: it thence after passing through some heavy jungle continued up the steep bed of the now dry dailoom; it next diverged again about 2 p.m., when we ascended a small hill; it continued thence through heavy jungle chiefly bamboo, until we descended in an oblique manner on the laee-panee, about a mile up which we found our halting place. the whole march occupied, including a few halts, seven hours; and as the pace was pretty good for six full hours, i compute the distance to be about fifteen miles. hill flora recommenced in the bamboo jungle; two fine species of impatiens and several urticeae making their appearance; _camellia axillaris_ and some fine acanthacea: the best plant was a species of aristolochea. the latter part of the day was fine, and the elephants with grain from suddiyah arrived. _nov_. _3rd_.--passed the forenoon in ascending the hill opposite our encampment: it is of no great height, but like all the others very steep. to the n.w. of this has occurred a large slip, but long previous to this time; on it two or three phaeniceous palms may be found. pandanus still occurs. the hill was barren of botany, excepting a few ferns towards base. _nov_. _4th_.--left laee-panee at 9.5 a.m., and reached the encampment at 3.5 p.m. our course diverged almost immediately from the last encampment, and we ascended for some time up the bed of a torrent. the first hill we ascended occupied an hour, and the remainder of the day's journey consisted of ascents and descents along the most difficult path imaginable. all the hills are very steep, and the paths when they wind round these, are very difficult; a slip would cause a dangerous fall. about 1 p.m. we reached two or three houses constituting a village. from this, one has a fine view of the plains, and of the b. pooter near its exit from the hills: it is much intersected by islets covered with jungle. leeches are not very numerous. dundoons or sand flies very annoying. i have gathered plenty of plants, especially ferns. wallichia continues; _wulfenia obliqua_, and a companula were the best. at our halting place i found the fruits of _sedgwickia_ in abundance. passed two or three streams. found the flowers of a large loranthus, or rather its very large flowers on the ground. they are eaten by the natives, but the acidity is unpleasant, owing to its being mixed with a bitter; the flowers are two inches long: tubo 4 angulato, basi-coccinescenti, laminis viridibus interstibus carneis, coccineo lineatis praesenti transverse, antheris syngenesis. _sarcocordalis_, common. _nov_. _5th_.--left at half-past 8, and reached extensive _kheties_ (cultivated fields) with dispersed houses at about 1 p.m. this place is called dilling. our route consisted of the same fatiguing marching: we passed over some hills, from which we had fine views. the first gave us a fine sight of the patkaye mountains, {31} s.e. of upper assam, which reach apparently a great height. the second, of the plains of assam. the exact summits of all the hills are covered with a coarse spicate saccharum. on one we met with a melampyracea. the botany is improving greatly; two species of viola, two fine cyrthandraceae occurring. i also noticed sedgwickia again, and got abundance of ferns, a buddleia, and a fine amaranthacea. halted on a cleared ground immediately under the red mountain so plainly seen from jingsha. there is now no appearance of water-falls on it, but there are several white spots owing to slips: the brink or brim of this hill is woody, but there is a considerable space covered only with short grass. the strata are inclined at an angle of 45 degrees. i here got two or three fine mosses. all the mishmees have the idea, that on some hills at least rain is caused by striking trees of a certain size with large stones, some hills are again free from this charm; it was ridiculous to hear them call out not to throw stones whenever we approached one of these rainy hills. the people appear to get dirtier the farther we advance. i saw plenty of snow on two high peaks, and had a peep of the lohit beyond brahma koond. wallichia continues, as well as bambusa, saccharum megala. the kheties are either of rice or cynosurus or zea. tobacco is not cultivated, but left to take care of itself. buddleia neemda and wild plantain continue, the latter is probably a distinct species; leaves subtis glauco niveis. pandanus continues. the name of the red mountain before alluded to, is thu-mathaya, the rivulet at its base is tus-soo-muchee. tus-soo dee-ling is the name of the place; a large mountain bearing n.n.e., is sun-jong-thaya. it is obvious that dee-ling must be of some extent, as my site does not agree with that of wilcox. the view to the e. is entirely limited to thu-ma-thaya, and to the n.n.e., by sun-jong-thaya; no b. pooter is visible, nor is ghaloom's house. the snow collects on the thu-ma-thaya this month: the clearings for cultivation on the declivities of thu-ma-thaya are called chim-bra: the houses, although at great distances from the village, are called _yeu_. _nov_. _6th_.--we arrived at our halting place after a march of seven hours, over a most difficult and fatiguing road: we skirted throughout the whole time the base of the huge thu-ma-thaya; i never saw a worse road, if road it may be called--part of it lay over places where a false step or slip would be very dangerous, if not fatal. we came suddenly on the b. pooter; but as the place was not a good one for crossing, we prepared to go a little higher up the stream, and though the distance we had to go was not above 100 yards, yet as the river side was impracticable, it became necessary to ascend and descend by a most difficult path where a slip would have precipitated one into the river sixty or seventy feet below. what rendered this passage most difficult and dangerous, was the jungle which, while it caused you to stoop, at the same time concealed your footing. it is one of the characteristics of mishmees, that they sooner risk their necks than take the trouble of cutting down underwood. we have scarcely passed thu-ma-thaya, so that the distance we have travelled in a direct line from deeling must be very small. the stream of the lohit is not forty yards broad, but the bed is about sixty. it has the appearance of great depth, and roars along amidst rocks in some places in fine style. i here picked up some small branches of an elm, very like u. virgata: the tree was too late to reach fruit. i also gathered a fine acanthacea, and some good ferns. the north bank of the lohit here has the same structure as the south at the koond, and is perpendicular. the water of the lohit is certainly much cooler than any of the mountain streams. vast blocks of rock, of many sorts, lie strewed on the south side; one in particular is quartzose, remarkable for the indentations on its surface. i here gathered some mosses, and a good marchantiacea, very nearly allied to octoskepos, but culiculate. pandanus still continues, as also marlea, wallichia, caryota, and pentaptera. passed several streams, and a pretty fall, the water falling down a cliff almost perpendicular, about 100 feet high. the mishmees use the fibres and _reti_ of caryota as an ornament to their baskets, from which it likewise keeps the rain. wild plantain continues. our encampment is on a fine bed of sand. _nov_. _7th_.--rain throughout the night at intervals, and sharp cold in the morning; we left at 9 a.m. and arrived at our encampment about 12 p.m. the first part of our march was very difficult, it in fact consisted of crossing a precipice overhanging the lohit; the difficulty was increased by the slipperiness occasioned by the rain; no one could pass some of the places unless aided by ratans fixed to trees, etc. we came to the sung river about 12 noon, but were delayed some time in building a bridge. this river appears to me to be in some places fordable, but the mishmees say that it is not; the water is beautifully clear. the first cane suspended bridge occurs here; i did not fancy it, although i observed the mishmees cross, the passage taking barely half a minute. _throughout the whole time_ the mishmees use their legs and arms, to accelerate or determine their progress; the inclination caused by the weight is slight. i preferred one of our own erection, about 100 yards distant from it. the height is not great over the river, and the width is perhaps thirty yards. the bourra crossed after some delay; we were then obliged to make two halts: we followed the sung down to its mouth, which is barely 200 yards: its bed is rocky; at its junction there is a large bay formed, on the n. side of which is a fine sand bank. the lohit there runs nearly n. and s., and is excessively violent in its course, certainly ten miles an hour. the scenery is pretty, but no hills of great height are seen to any extent. this is the most romantic spot i have seen in my course of travels as yet. we forded the bay about its centre, and encamped on the sand: the path we are to follow is said to be above, and very difficult. we here gathered some fine ferns and a bleteoid orchidea. a gentianacea likewise occurred. the tapan gam, on my inquiring, said, that wilcox passed by the upper path, the lohit at that time running under the cliff which forms one side of the bay. {33} the course of the river, he says, has since changed by the occurrence of a large slip, principally of mica slate. _nov_. _8th_.--the commencement of our march to-day was up a hill, the ascent, as in all the other cases, being very steep. from its summit we could see dilling in a horizontal distance extremely near. we then proceeded skirting the hill, and descended subsequently to the _o_. rivulet, which is of no size. we then ascended another considerable height, and found ourselves on the site of ghaloom's old dwelling. the situation was delightful; to the n.e., a high range was visible, which is covered with snow, the pines on the lower parts of the ridge standing out, in fine relief. to the n. was a noble peak bare at its summit, on which snow rests during some months, its centre being prettily marked out with numerous patches of cultivation. to the n. again the tid-ding might be seen foaming along the valleys; the hills are evidently improving in height and magnificence of scenery. we reached this at 12 o'clock, our march having lasted five hours. we thence descended crossing a small stream at the base of the hill, on which ghaloom's former house stood, called the dhaloom basee. i thence proceeded over some nasty swampy ground with a few low elevations until we reached ghaloom's, which we did about 2 p.m. a small spot was allotted to us some distance from the village, on which we erected our huts. ghaloom changed his residence to this place, owing to the death of two of his people, which was attributed to the unhealthiness of the former site; but as might be expected from the nature of the place he has chosen, he has suffered very severely from fever since his removal. as soon as our huts were built, ghaloom and his brother khosha visited us, preceded by the hind quarter of a pig. their appearance is somewhat better than the ordinary run of mishmees, but they are just as dirty. khosha is a little man, with a mahogany-coloured wrinkled face. great attention was paid by their attendants to all they said, and khosha himself is evidently the demosthenes of the mishmees. when interrupted, he commanded silence in an authoritative way. krisong was not present. khosha declares that rooling, the mezhoo chief, is nobody, and that wilcox gave him his present unknown to them. the acquisitions in botany consisted of some fine cyrtandraceae, a cymbidium, and some ferns. one of these cyrtandraceae is very singular: the runners are long, producing one stem with a very small terminal leaf, and a very large flower. afterwards this leaf enlarges, becomes a large cordate begonioid one, bearing from its bosom apparently one or two siliquae; pandanus bambusa continue. the fine quercus is common, _megala_, _podomolia_, triumfetta, siegesbeckia. cynoglossum, callicarpa, urena, rottlera and several other low tropical forms continue. the cymbidioid has pollena 4, incumbentia postice aliquoties minore, glandula nulla? _nov_. _9th_.--halted. went to the suspension bridge over the lohit, which is about 60 yards across, or double the length of the one we crossed on the 7th. the passage by mishmees takes two, or two minutes and a half, requiring continued exertion the whole time, both by hands and feet, as above described. both banks are very steep, yet the natives are so confident of safety, that of this bridge only one cane is trustworthy. bathed in the river, which is very cold and deep, but comparatively quiet. _nov_. _10th_.--went to the lohit, gathered cymbidium giganteum, two or three ferns, and a rafflesia in its several stages. i have not however yet seen the perfectly expanded flower, the natives do not know it, although it must be a sufficiently striking object, the alabastri before expansion are about the size of an orange. went to ghaloom's house, which is of great length, built of bamboos, raised high from the ground, divided into about twelve compartments, and containing 100 men, women, and children. _nov_. _11th_.--left for khosha gams; crossed the lohit on a raft, and left its banks at noon. followed the river for some distance, and then diverged towards the n.w. and reached khosha at 3 p.m., the march owing to the heat was very fatiguing. found very few plants; noticed a flower of a ternstroemiacea nearly allied to the genus camellia, cor. rotat. lacin. reflexis, albis fauce carnea. stam. 00, epipet. anther. erectisapice dehiscent, and of a large hibiscus; the caelogyne of the koond was also found. two species of castaneae occur in these woods, one with very stout thorns to its cupula, and not eatable fruit; the other has long slender prickles, and its fruit about the size of an acorn, is eatable, and not at all disagreeable. on all the hills of any height with grassy tops compositae are among the most striking forms. areca parva continues, pentaptera, and fici continue. saccharum megala very abundant and fine. cupuliferae are becoming more abundant. the roofs of the houses which are built of bamboo, are covered with the leaves of the marantaceous genus--capitulis densis lateralibus _culmis_ i-foliosis. buddleia n'eemda and callicarpa continue. want of means forms the only limit to the number of wives of a mishmee. a rich man who has at his disposal numerous cattle, etc, will give 20 _mithuns_; {35} but the wife appears to bring with her slaves, etc. as a return. a poor man will get a wife for a pig. whatever the number of wives may be, each will have a separate khetee, (field) and each khetee has a separate granary. all the wives live in the same house; in fact, one house forms the village. theft is punished by a fine inflicted by a meeting of all the gams; if the fine is not paid, or the offender refuses to pay, he is slain in a general attack. murder is punished in the same way, but by a heavier fine: adultery against the consent of the husband, or at least elopement, is punished by death; if with the consent of the husband, the delinquent is fined. there appears to be no regular law of succession: the favourite son succeeding without reference to age. _nov_. _12th_.--i went out for plants, and descended to the paeen rivulet, which is of small size: followed up its course some way, and then returned over a low hill to khosha's. the guide who was some distance behind, came up with a rafflesia bud. i returned with him, and saw it to perfection; he likewise succeeded in tracing the roots to a gigantic cissus, the fruit of which i have before observed is eatable, and not unlike a greengage. i returned home loaded with this undescribed genus: i found likewise a fine buddleia, and menispermum, with some rare compositae, among which was an arborescent eupatorium and a gigantic thistle, a prunus in flower and fruit, and a neat liparis, calamus, treefern, tupistra, pandanus, were likewise observed, and a beautiful viburnum, corol sterilibus, 4 phyllis, foliis niveis carneo venosis: petal fertil calyptratis, deciduis, intus caeruleo tinctis: staminibus cyaneis, ovariis pallide caeruleis, stigmatib. carnosis. _nov_. _13th_.--opposite khosha's, or rather his granaries to the e. is a high mountain excessively steep, only partially clothed with trees, and with stunted ones at its summit, which in december and the colder months is covered with snow: this they call thaya-thro. khosha positively refuses to take me any farther into the interior, and krisong begs that i won't come and see him. it is obvious that they are under great fear of other tribes. khosha says, he should be attacked by all the mishoos or mizhoos, were he to conduct me any farther now, and that very probably the lamas would attack him likewise. he says the only chance of success in penetrating to lama, is to send previously a present of salt, (about a seer) to all the chiefs, and request their leave, without which preparatory donation, they would cut up any messengers he might send. he offers to do this at any time, and to let me know the result. he declined taking me to the chibong gam, a few days' journey up the diree, although the man is a relation of his own, and a deboro mishmee. it is obvious that there is no chance of getting further at present, nor would it be fair even if one could bribe them. he says no reliance whatever is to be placed on rooling, the mizhoo who deceived wilcox, and whom he represents to be an underhand person. i tried to overcome his scruples by assuring him that i only wanted to go as far as rooling, but he declines taking me. he says i may go any where to the west of this, but to the north he dare not conduct me. i shall therefore go to premsong to-morrow, and if that is not a favourable place, return forthwith to ghaloom's, and thence to deeling to botanise on thuma-thaya. _nov_. _14th_.--proceeded to premsong's, which we reached in less than two hours. our march was in a westerly direction across a hill of some elevation: the remainder of it was over kheties and level ground. the plants evidently increase in interest as we advance in the interior, compositae and labiatae being most numerous. a large tree occurs not uncommonly, which is either a birch or a prunus, most probably from the venation of its leaves, the latter; the bark is exactly like that of a birch. close to premsong's i gathered a clematis, valerian and a fine botrychium, a carex and a cuscuta. the mountain on the base of which premsong's house is situated, is a very high one; it is the one that is so striking from ghaloom's old site: it is named laimplan-thaya; its summit, which is a high peak, is very rugged, partially clothed with vegetation, in which, as in all the others of the same height autumnal tints are very distinct. thai-ka-thaya is a smaller peak to the s.s.w. of premsong's house. one of my mishmee dowaniers tells me that the mishmee (coptis) teeta khosha gave me last evening, is cultivated near his native place; its flower buds are just forming and are enclosed in ovate concave squamae. the leaves are of a lively green, not unlike those of some ferns, but at once to be distinguished by the venation; it is very evident that the mishmees know nothing about the period of its flowering, as they told me it flowered in the rains, at the same time as the _dhak_ flowers in assam; the radicles are numerous, tawny yellowish, the rhizomata are rugged tortuous, the bark and pith are of yellow orange colour, the woody system gamboge: this is the same in the petioles: it tinges the saliva yellow. it is a pure intense bitter of some permanence, but without aroma: it is dried over the fire, the drying being repeated three times. judging from it in its fresh state, the test of its being recently and well dried is the permanence of the colors. the _bee_ flowers during the rains: its flower, (_on dit_) is white and small; they pretend that it is very dangerous to touch, causing great irritation; both coptis teeta, and bee, are found on high hills on which there is now snow; one of them, the ummpanee or moochee, is accessible from hence in three days. the mishmee name for the teeta, is _yoatzhee_; of bee, _th'wee_; _ghe__on_ is the mishmee name for the smelling root, which the assamese call gertheon. the smell of this is a compound of valeriana and pastinaca; it is decidedly aromatic, and not at all disagreeable, it is white inside and abounds in pith, but has scarcely any taste. yesterday evening i visited khosha's house, which is of immense length, and considerably longer, though not so high from the ground as ghaloom's: it is divided into upwards of twenty apartments, on the right hand side of the passage are ranged the skulls of the cattle khosha has killed, including deer and pigs; on the other side are the domestic utensils, the centre of the floor is occupied by a square earthen space for fire-place: the bamboos, of which the floor is composed being cut away. from the centre of each room over the fire-place, hangs a square ratan sort of tray, from which they hang their meat or any thing requiring smoke; their cooking utensils are, i believe, confined to one square stone vessel, which appears to answer its purpose remarkably well. the women appear to have no shame; they expose their breasts openly, which from their dirty habits by no means correspond with the exalted character of the sex. on hills to the n.e. of khosha's first residence, forests are very visible, descending far down the sides. on an open spot a little distance from premsong's, there is a fine view of the course of the lohit, and of the more remote (now) snowy ranges. the hills beyond this exactly answer to wilcox's description, being very high, and all descending as it were unbroken to the lohit. went out for about two hours over a tolerably level portion of the hill, covered with artemesia; found abundance of interesting plants, crawfurdia campanulacea, a clematis, acer, prunus, camellia axillaris, cyathea, myrica, rhus, sedgwickia, polygala, galium: and a beautiful very fragrant climbing composita. great part of the side of the hill is covered with a small hard bamboo, which forms excellent walking sticks. an urticea foliis peltatis, was among the novelties. the paeen panee forms the nearest ravine. the polygonum, paniculis densissimis, is a certain indication of some elevation. i observed calamus, and torenia asiatica. there is likewise a large mimoseous plant, which we found in fruit. _nov_. _15th_.--spent the greater part of the day attempting to reach the summit of laim-planj-thaya, but my guide did not know the way. we ascended for upwards of four hours, slowly of course, but were still a long way from its summit. the face of the mountain is entirely occupied by woods, with but little underwood. found abundance of plants, chiefly ferns, only saw 4 orchideae, of which 2 were in flower. the novelties were a polygonatum, camellia, and quercus lamellata. i observed no less than 5 araliaceae, of which i succeeded in getting 4: an acer, probably that from brahma koond: and several _incertae_. near premsong's the varnish tree was shewn to me, it is obviously a species of rhus. the assamese name of the varnish plant is _ahametta gas_. i took specimens of it in fruit. they obtain the juice by ringing, and the only two specimens i observed were evidently well drained: no preparation is required for the varnish; and it is applied one day, the next day is hard; it has a fine polish, and is of an intense black. it is the same probably with two small trees i had previously seen in capt. charlton's garden at suddyah. kydia continues; a fine palm, caudex 8-10-pedali; it probably belongs to the genus wallichia? camellia is only found towards the top; the polygonatum also does not descend far. i saw also species of an undescribed bucklandia, likewise one specimen which had been damaged: the capituli pluriflori. towards the middle a small bamboo becomes plentiful; the lower joints, from which no branches proceed, are armed with a verticillus of spines. i did not observe pandanus, but it is used for constructing large mats: megala continues, but not up the hill. _nov_. _16th_.--attempted to ascend laim-planj-thaya by the paeen rivulet which proceeds from the centre, but after proceeding about half an hour we found our progress effectually stopped by a water-fall, the sides of the stream being so precipitous as to render all idea of clambering over, or proceeding round ridiculous. gathered two or three rare ferns, and a pretty lobelia. on our return through the open grassy parts near premsong's, we found a fine choripetalum and crawfurdia campanulacea, beautifully in flower; the flower is rose-coloured. anthistiria arundinacea, the same sambucus found at suddya, solanum 10 dentatum, a kydia and torenia continue. _nov_. _17th_.--left and returned to khosha's, as we were all out of rice, and it was impossible to get anything in premsong's absence. the march on return occupied us about two hours, but the path was so excessively slippery, owing to the grass not being cut away on either side and to the dry weather and heat, that our progress was very slow. noticed lactuca exalata and a rottlera on the road; more snow has fallen on the hills e.n.e. the descent on returning, owing to the slippery state of the roads, was more fatiguing than the ascent. hedychium angustifolium i also observed on the road. i have as yet observed the following grains used by the mishmees. 1st, oriza, rice; variety of this called _ahoo da_; 2nd, a species of eleusine, _bobosa_; 3rd, zea mays, _gorm_ dan; 4th, panicum panicula nutanti, densa clavata. 5th, _konee_, chenapodium sp. panicula simili. the mishmee names are as follow: _dan-khai_ rice; _khai hoo_, _bobosa_, _mdo_.-_zea_, _or maize_, _ma-bon-konee-yo_ chenopodium; _thenna_, a kind of polygonum; _hubra-aloo_, _ghee-kuchoo-shoom_, sweet potato; _gaihwan_, plantain; _puhee_ _dhoonhwa_, tobacco. they likewise cultivate sesamum. _nov_. _18th_.--found more of the rafflesiacea on low hills along the paeen; it was attached to the roots of the same species of cissus, on which it was found before. {40} i also gathered a euonymus and a fine engelhardtia. the hairs of the fruits of engelhardtia create a disagreeable itching. all the mishmees decline shewing me the road a foot in advance of this place. i tried every way i could think of, to overcome their objections, but to no purpose. they have so little regard for truth, that one cannot rely much on what they say: i begin to think that it is all owing to the tapan gam, who i suspected was insincere in his professions. _nov_. _19th_.--yesterday evening premsong arrived, he is a man about 35, the best looking of all the gams: but has rather a cunning jewish face. the brandy i gave him made him at first wonderfully obliging, for he seemed disposed to enter into my views. this morning however he came with khosha and tapan, by whom it was at once obvious that he has been overruled; not only will he not take me to the lama _dais_ (plains,) but he won't even shew me the road to truesong's, a digaroo, whose village is only distant about five days' journey. premsong i know wishes to go, induced by the promise of 200 rs. but he is afraid of incurring the displeasure of khosha, etc. i shall therefore return towards deeling, and devote a few days to botanising on thuma-thaya. _nov_. _20th_.--returned to ghaloom's: gathered the martynia, finely in flower, and observed the rafflesiacea along the banks of the lohit. _nov_. _21st_.--halted at ghaloom's, the rafflesiacea is found all about, anth. bilocular, apice poro-gemino dehiscent, pollen simplex, materie viscosa cohaerenti, ovula antitropa, tegumento unico. made every arrangement with premsong. according to this gam we are to go up the diree, and then cross over high mountains, leaving the lohit entirely. he says the lamas wear trowsers, socks and shoes, and that they dress their hair _a la mode chinoise_; their houses are built on posts, and raised from the ground: they erect forts like the chinese, and have plenty of fire-locks. they have also abundance of cattle, consisting of about seven kinds, but no _mithuns_; and three sorts of horses, which alone they use as beasts of burden. their staple food is ahoodan. the _mithun_ of the mishmees appears to me intermediate to a certain degree between the bison and the wild bull; their head is very fine, and as well as the horns that of a bull, but their neck and body have, so to say, the same awkward conformation as those of the buffalo. i have not seen a large living one; the largest head i saw was three feet from tip to tip of the horns, the diameter of the forehead being probably about one-third of the above. _nov_. _22nd_.--returned to loong mockh. i cannot reconcile wilcox's description of ghaloom's old site with the reality, because the scenery is decidedly fine, embracing the tidding, and the (in comparison with the near surrounding hills) gigantic laim-planj-thaya, which from this presents the appearance of a vast cone with a peaked summit. premsong's village is obviously at a considerable elevation. found another acrostichum, a bolbophyllum, a rare aristolochia foliis palmatis, 7 lobis, subtus glaucis; sapor peracerbus, floribus _siphonicis_. the huttaya i have not seen: it occurs at a greater distance in the mountains than i have been. in addition to the plants i have gathered, asplenium nidus it very common. tradescantia and camelina both occur; ricinus also occurs, the mishmees do not however put it to any use; melica latifolia is common on some of the hills. anthistiria arundinacea occurs in abundance. likewise a small areca and chloranthus. it is at ghaloom's old site that these hills commence putting on an interesting appearance, those previously seen, excepting however thumathaya, being entirely covered with tree jungle; but beyond this site, the lower spaces unoccupied by jungle become much more numerous. the mishmee word for bitter, is _khar_. query--why should not the name of the plant coptis teeta, be changed to coptis amara, although the species of the genus coptis are probably all bitter? sauraussa and bombax both occur at ghaloom's, as well as pentaptera; sesamum is used for oil. i should have mentioned the top of the hill, surmounted in going immediately from loong panee towards ghaloom's, is occupied almost entirely by a species of fraxinus. on my arrival at ghaloom's on the 20th, i found that the coolies had played me the same trick as they had done previously, though not to such an extent. instead of each man having 20 days' provisions, scarcely one had more than 5 or 6: as they had 20 days' given them in addition to that they would require on the road, it is obvious they must have thrown much away. were all the gams disposed to take one to lama, it could not be done with assamese coolies and, above all, seerings or ahooms are the very worst; and although often good sized men, they are very deficient in strength. nagas and mishmees are the best, then kamptees. i gave before leaving a packet of salt to premsong, according i suppose to their own custom of proceeding. yesterday he went to roomling, krisong's eldest son, and gained his consent. i mention this to shew how active he is. he is a friend of the dupha's, {42} and to my surprise, told me he saw capt. hannay at hookhoom, who gave him a jacket, and tried to induce him to shew him the road to suddiya. he is certainly the best of all the gams, and appears to be very liberal. _nov_. _23rd_.--arrived at deeling after a tedious march of 8 hours: we did not traverse the two cliffs near the lohit, but pursued a longer, but more commodious cattle path: our mishmees, however, preferred the shorter one. gathered sabia, martynioidea, alsophila, menispermum at paeen in fine flower. at ghaloom's old site a large euphorbia fol obovatis, ramis 4 angulato-alatis occurs, and cymbydium giganteum in fine flower. _en_ _route_ hither i noticed the following; bauhinia, hoya, urtica gigas, mucuna, curculigo, panax, foliis supra-decompositis, dalbergia, laurus, abroma, lactuca exaltata, uncaria, siegesbeckia, megala, _podo-molee_, and a species subscandent of bamboo, internodiis vix cylindricis, gracilibus; this is of great use where it occurs, in assisting one's ascent and descent. _nov_. _24th_.--left about 11 for thuma-thaya: we first descended the dissoo ravine, then up a very steep hill, the top of which was cultivated, then descended and crossed another stream, the remainder of our march consisting almost entirely of an uninterrupted steep ascent: during our progress we gained partial views of the plains and the naga hills, but on crossing a high ridge on which i observed betula populus? rhododendrum arboreum, the view to the east and west was very fine. that to the w. embracing the greater part of the plains about suddiya and the abor hills, stretching along to s.w. the more distant naga hills. the lohit could be traced for an immense way, the dihong, dibong, digaroo, dihing were all partially visible. to the n.e. thegri-thaya was finely seen, then some rugged peaks among which laim-planj was conspicuous. it embraced the course of the lohit, at least its right bank, ridge surmounting ridge: the loftier ones tipped with snow; and lastly it was closed by a huge wall, all covered with snow, especially its peaks, stretching away to the n. from this we descended to yen, where, as usual, i took up my quarters in a granary. during the latter portion of the journey, i gathered a passiflora? lobelia two species, a scitaminea, spiraea, and a curious aromatic plant, pedunculis bracteae adnatis, bracteis, coloratis, petal videis. codonopsis, etc. dicksonia, stipitibus atris 3 canaliculatis, frondibus amplis, 10 pedalibus; in fine fructification; this is the same with the manmoo plant. i observed likewise an arborescent sambucus, a bonnaya, a huge begonia: coix was seen cultivated. _nov_. _25th_.--spent the day in botanising. gathered adamia, some fine ferns, a bamboo, spiculis dense congestis, bracteis scariosis interspersis, and schizosfachyum, nees ab e. etc. another and much finer species of the fumariaceous genus, i found on laimplanj, deutzia, a rare quercus, a fine species of antonia, (br.) in fruit, a bartramia, trematodon, neckera, etc., noticed a fruit something similar to that of combretum, allis 2 maximis, 2 minimis: cotyledonibus haemisphaericis. saurauja, prunus: 3 species of aralia, castanea, quercus, etc. a species of panicum is here cultivated; the assamese know it by the name cheena, 3 species of polygonatum, including that from laim-planj, one foliis carnosis oppositis. 2 species of begonia, making altogether six. the amaranthacea of deeling is here found extensively, it often assumes the form of a climber of considerable size. musa farinosa grows to a great size, 20 to 25 feet. bambusa in flower has stems about two inches in diameter. sterculia flowers were observed on the ground. in the afternoon it rained slightly. this is the coldest place i have visited on these hills: in the evening and earlier parts of the night there is a very cold draught down thuma-thaya. the anthistiria found on the more elevated portions of these hills, is probably different from that of the plains. urticea are here found in abundance. _nov_. _26th_.--this morning the atmosphere being beautifully transparent, very high land plentifully sprinkled with snow was visible to the n.w. by w., and to the n.w. a slight peep of the himalayas was gained. started at 9, and commenced the ascent; we arrived at our halting place at 11.5. the greater part of the march was a steep ascent through dry woods, the ground being very slippery owing to the leaves. bucklandia occurs in abundance and of a large size, and attains a much greater height than sedgwickia: found many interesting plants and a small conifera, probably an araucaria or a taxus. i continued the ascent until about 12, but the scene had totally changed; the whole face of the mountain on the s. side being entirely destitute of trees, and in many places quite naked. the ascent was not very difficult, and occupied a little more than an hour. this acclivity is chiefly occupied by graminea, all past flowering, all adhering very firmly to the rock, which is quartzose and greyish blue outside, excessively angular: gentianeae 2: a beautiful campanula, hypericum, viburnum, spiraea, bryum neckera, pteris, scabiosa, some compositae, one or two vaccinioidea, and a curious shrubby rubiacea evidently a serissa, were observed. the top, which represents a ridge, is partially wooded, the trees being the continuation or rather termination of the jungle that covers the whole northern face of the mountain. here i saw bucklandia, a pomacea, crawfurdia, deutzia, cynaroidea, viburna 2, some ferns. brachymeum, neckera, lichens several: a caryophyllea and a berberis. all these were somewhat stunted. the various views were beautiful, embracing a complete panorama, but unfortunately obscured towards lama by trees. the lohit was seen extensively from the koond to ghaloom's, and to the plains to an immense distance. the whole range of abor hills and a great portion of the naga, some of which appeared very high, were likewise seen: to the s.e. high ridges not far distant and covered with snow, limited the view; slight snow was visible on the peak seen from suddiya. the descent was very tedious owing to the excessive slipperiness of the grass: it was dangerous, because a slip would have frequently dashed you to pieces, and in all cases would have hurt one severely. _nov_. _27th_.--descended to yen: near our halting place we gathered a fine pomacea arborea in fruit: a symplocos, and observed wallichioideae and calamus. the plants of the greatest interest gathered were an acer, an epilobium, a hoya grandiflora, eurya, hypericum, a fine arundo, bucklandia: cotoneaster microphylla, a sabia, coriaria, abelia? a rare dipodous orchidea of the same genus as a dwarf plant of the cossiya hills. rhododendron, scandesent eleodendron. the ascent for the greater part is a steep wooded ridge; the first change indicated or induced by elevation is the diminution of the size in the trees, and the frequent occurrence of a betulus? out of flower. proceeding onward one comes to a ridge, the s.e. declivity of which is nearly naked, the opposite being wooded with shrubs, viburnum, conaria, mespilus, pomacea, rhododendron, rubiacea serissa, cupulifera and some compositae occur. then arbutus vaccinium; nardus: filix cano-tomentosa, lycopodium; dicranum atratum; one or two hypna, a bryum, and neckera fusca. descending slightly from thence the ridge is observed to be wooded on both sides; it is at the termination of this that we halted. the ascent is continued up a rock, and the whole of the mountain is, excepting the ravines, covered with graminea, cyperacea, filix cano-tomentosa, etc. but the ericoidea are not so fine. the grasses of the summit are two andropogons: an arundo festucoidea, panicum, isachne, nardus ceasing below, it is towards this that crepis? and campanula are common. the ceratostemmata are found towards the summit, none descend any distance, except one of roxburgh's; they are all generally epiphytes. orchidea become more common towards the halting place; beyond this i observed only two past flowering, one habenaria, and a malaxidea; the others are two caelogyne, a dipodious orchidea, labelli ungue sigmoideo very common, a bolbophyllum, and a few ditto epiphytes out of flower, one terrestrial bletioidea is common in some places. at our halting place, i observed an arborescent araliacea, a cissus, an acanthacea and a laurinea. a little below, pandanus occurs here and there, and attains a large size, the largest in fact i have ever seen. castanea occurs about half way up, it is that species with rigid compound spines to the cupula. i gathered also a fine geastrum, but the specimens are lost. bucklandia occurs extensively; it is a distinct species owing to its many flowered capitula; sedgwickia comes into play towards yen, where bucklandia appears to become scarce: a large vitex floribus roseo-purpureis is the most conspicuous tree of all, it ceases towards the summit; cyathea i observed only above half way. camellia axillaris occurs below, but i missed the laim-planj plant. i may here observe that almost all plants with red flowers, at least in this quarter, are acid: the assamese always appear to expect this, the proofs are loranthus, ceratostemma, and begonia, in which red is generally a predominant colour. antrophyllum i noticed about yen; towards yen, i diverged from the path to visit the place whence the stones are procured, which the mishmees use as flints for striking lights: this stone is found on the s. western face of the mountain: the stones or noduli are frequently sub-crystalline, and are imbedded in a sort of micaceous frangible rock: they are very common, of very different sizes, with glassy fracture; the best are hard; the bad easily frangible, their weight is great. the inclination of this bed is considerable; overlying it at an inclination of 45 degrees, is the grey quartzose rock which forms the chief part, and perhaps nearly the whole, of the mountain. the mishmee name for the noduli is _mpladung_. in the jungle at yen occurs a huge palm evidently caryota, foliis maximis supra decompositis; the diameter of the trunk is 1.5 to 2 feet. it is said to die after flowering: the natives use the central lax structures as food. the yen gam promises to send me specimens to-morrow. the palms i have hitherto seen are wallichia, one or two calami: wallichioidia trunco 5-10 pedali, and a phaenicoidea, but this i only saw at the foot of the mountains near laee panee, and the small areca common about negrogam. the name of the large palm in assamese is _bura sawar_. all the plants common to these and the cossiya mountains, with one or two exceptions, flower much earlier here, those being all past flowering which i gathered in flower on the cossiya hills in november last. this is owing to the greater cold, and the consequent necessity for the plants flowering at an earlier and warmer period. a species of ruminant, or, according to the native account, a species of pachydermata called the _gan pohoo_, occurs on thuma-thaya. at the summit of the mountain the ground was in one place rooted up, the mishmees said, by this animal, which they describe as a large hog, but which i should rather take to be a kind of deer. _nov_. _28th_.--returned to deeling. at the commencement of the principal descent we gathered betula and another cupulifera, both moderately sized trees. anthestina arundinacea, is about this place very common, and an andropogon, culmis ramosis which i had previously brought from the abor hills. about half way down by a present of _kanee_ (opium), i succeeded in getting the arborescent vitex, which is the most striking tree of all when in flower. lost sight altogether of bucklandia, nor did i observe sedgwickia. gathered at the foot of thumathaya a caelogyne in flower, allied to c. gardneriana; alsophila is common towards the base. in the evening the yen gam came up according to his promise with the gigantic palm, with male inflorescence, it is a caryota; he likewise brought sarcocordalis, rafflesiacea, and a curious pubescent piper. he also added the female flowers of another palm, which, according to him, is another species of _sawar_, or caryota: the inflorescence is of an orange yellow. a tree with the habit of pterospermum occurs on thumathaya, low down habenaria uniflora on rocks in the dirsoo panee, or river; kydia occurs about yen, but not higher. _nov_. _29th_.--reached laee panee after a march of five hours; and without assamese coolies, it might be done in three. i noticed below deeling, but still at a considerable elevation, crawfurdia campanu lacea, adamea, engelhardtia, vitex speciosa, and magnolia in the order in which they are thus given, quercus, cupulis echinatis occurs comparatively low down, castanea ferox still lower, dracaena comes into view towards the base. at the village first reached in the ascent there is a meliaceous azedarach looking tree. at our old halting place, and which is near deeling, another _ahum-metta ghas_ was shewn me. this attains, i am told, a large size: it is not very unlike in habit a melanorrhaea, and its young leaves are tinged with red, the mature ones are coriaceous. i have not seen it in flower; the juice, at least from small branches, is not very abundant, and at first is of a whitish colour; it is, _on dit_, after drying that it assumes the black tint; at any rate it is excessively acrid, for one of my servants who cut it incautiously, had his face spoilt for a time: the swelling even after four days had elapsed was considerable. with this as well as the rhus they dye the strings of the simple fibres of _sawar_, which they all wear below the knee: if not properly dried these strings cause some inflammation: the strings are ornamental, light, and when worn in small numbers graceful, but when dozens are employed, and all the upper ones loose, they deform the figure much; some of the women, perhaps anxious to restrain the protuberance of their calves, tie two or three lightly across the calf. at nohun, near deeling, cocoloba aculeata, _baccis_ cyaneis occurs here the same as at mumbree in the cossiya hills, and at suddiya. _nov_. _30th_.--halted. put all the grain into the tapan gam's hands, amounting to 60 maunds. in the evening received as a present a long sword from premsong. found a fine impatiens and a shrub coming into flower, calyce aestiv. valvato? stamen 4, connectivo ultra antheras longe producto, ovarium adnatum, foliis oppositis, exstipulatis. meyenia coccinea, finely in flower. an arborescent urticea (baehmeria?) foliis subtus candidis is common. _dec_. _1st_.--reached the tapan gam's after a sharp march of four hours. we are not yet quite at the foot of the hills. gathered _en route_ 4 new acanthaceae, not previously met with on this trip, among which is a beautiful eranthemum. at laee panee one of my people brought me a fine aristolochia, very nearly allied to that from ghaloom's, but at once distinct by its ferruginous pubescence, antrophyum, and a polypodium not before met with were among the acquisitions. the tapan gam has behaved very handsomely for a mishmee, having killed a hog, and given five kuchoos of beautiful rice, and feasted my people. found two snakes, which inhabit the inside of bamboos. color superne brunneo-cinereus, margines squamarum nigri, gula nigra, fascicula subtus antea alba, postice lutescens. noticed jenkinsia near laee panee, and some gigantic specimens of pentaptera, the hool-look of the assamese, the timber of which is used for large canoes; and lagerstraemia grandiflora occurs on the banks of the kussin panee. chapter iii. _revisits the tea localities in the singphoo and muttack_ _districts_, _upper assam_. _dec_. _2nd_.--returned to jingsha via kussin panee, or river, and karam panee, the march being a tolerably easy one. found along the steep banks of the former a fine meniscium, frondibus 6-8 pedalibus, and an arborescent polypodium, caudice 12-15 pedali, partibus novellis densissime ferrugineo-tomentosis; frondibus subtus glauco-albidis. the caudex is altogether similar in structure to that of alsophyla, equally furnished with strong black bristly radicles towards its base. _dec_. _3rd_.--left for husa gam's about 9, and arrived at the village which is on the kampai of the singfos, tup-pai of the mishmees about 4.5 p.m. the first part of our march was to the e. up the karam, we then traversed for a long way heavy jungle in a s. direction, and then came on the dry bed of the kampai, up which we ascended to the village. found a ruellioidea, _cyananthus_, _mihi_. _oom_ of the assamese, with which the kamptees dye their black blue cloths. noticed an arborescent araliacea inermis, foliis supra decomposita; panicule patentissima. the husa gam treated us very handsomely forming a striking contrast with the mishmees; he declares positively that no tea exists in this direction; i shall therefore proceed direct from luttora to beesa. roxburghia occurred on the route. the village is on the left bank of the river: the direction from jingsha's being about n.w. _dec_. _4th_.--reached luttora after an easy march of three hours and a half, for the most part along an excellent path. we passed the following villages _en route_ chibong, wakon, mtarm, and mcyompsan: three of which are of some size; none however so large as nsas. this is the largest singfo village i have seen, and probably contains 400 people. this village and all the others are situated on high ground, the ascent from the kampai being probably 70 feet. the country consists of level, apparently good soil, with here and there broadish ravines in which bamboos are abundant. cultivation is common, and of considerable extent. on a similar eminence is situate luttora, and it has been well chosen, for on both sides that i approached it, the ascent is steep and capable of being easily defended; the south side is bounded by the ponlong panee, which runs into the tenga panee. if any ascent it is an easy one, and must be to the westward; to the north, there is a small stream, but neither this, ponlong or tenga are any thing but mere rills, which may be easily leaped over in the dry seasons. our route from nsas was to the w. of south. no stockades appear to exist in this quarter. luttora is not so large as nsas; formerly the luttora gam was the chief of all this soil, but he has been partly deserted by two bodies of men who have respectively chosen nsas and htan-tsantan. the gam visited me in the evening at our halting place on the ponlong; he is a large, coarse, heavy-looking man, nearly blind, and excessively dirty. he proposed of himself to me, to become the company's ryott in accordance with the wish, he said, of the dupha gam; but when i told him he ought to send or go to the suddiya sahib, or political agent, he said he wanted to see the dupha first: he was accompanied by a very loquacious oldish man, who had just returned from hook-hoom, to which place he had gone with the dupha. they left apparently not much pleased at my being empty handed. _dec_. _5th_.--left at 6.5, reached the muttack panee about 8.5, having come through much heavy bamboo jungle; we then ascended the dry bed of the muttack, and ascended after some time the minaboom. this was most tedious, as we continued along the ridge for two hours; we then commenced our descent, but did not reach the meera panee much before 1 p.m. down this we came here, and then along some curious chasms in the sandstone, and encamped about 3. the difference of soil between the minaboom and the mishmee hills is most obvious; on the n.e. declivity there is much soil; but on the opposite side little but rounded stones which supply the place of soil, and in places we saw nothing but sandstone conglomerate? or indurated soil with many boulders imbedded in it, and a blackish greasy clay slate; while on the mishmees, on the contrary, all is rock, hard and harsh to the touch; or where loose stones do occur on the face of the hills, they are all angular. the vegetation of sandstone is likewise far more varied; and that of the meera panee district, abounds in ferns, among which is polypodium wallichianum. the tree-fern of kujing i observed in the muttack, sedgwickia in minaboom, two magnoliaceae, one bracteis persistent, induratis, and a dipterocarpus. the chief vegetation of the ridge consists of grasses, among which bamboo holds a conspicuous place. a begonia was common along the muttack. the meera panee would well repay a halt of two or three days. at our halting place we met four burmese, despatched by the maum, {51} who has arrived at beesa on a visit to the luttora gam. _dec_. _6th_.--reached beesa after a sharp march of six hours. our course lay at first down the meera panee; here i observed more of the polypodium wallichianum, which is common throughout the singfo hill country, and appears to be used as grog, at least the juice of the petioles. we then diverged to the westward through heavy jungle, and the remainder of our march consisted of uninteresting dense jungle, watercourses, and excessively low places. observed sabia in some of the jungles; the only interesting plants gathered were an impatiens and two or three acanthaceae. about 2.5 p.m. we came on the noa dihing, which is now nearly dry, the water having flowed into the kamroop. no boat, not even a dak boat, can come near beesa. it is obvious that this river here never presented any depth, both banks being very low; the bed consists of small hard boulders. _dec_. _7th_, _8th_.--halted at beesa. _dec_. _9th_.--started for the naga village, at some distance, and _dec_. _10th_.--left for kujoo or khoonlong, which we reached about 1, after a march of five hours. at 10, we arrived at dhoompsan or thoompsa, a large village with extensive cultivation. the remainder of our march was through heavy jungle, many parts of which were very low, and crowded with a fierce calamus. the higher parts abound in a dipterocarpus, and two castaneae. i found many fine ferns, all of which however we collected last year. chrysobaphus, not uncommon. apostasia rare. _dec_. _11th_.--visited the tea in the old locality at nigroo. no steps have been taken towards clearing the jungles, except perhaps of tea. the gam tells me, that the order for clearing was given to shroo, dompshan, and kumongyon, gams of three villages near the spot. noticed dicksonia _en route_, so that we must have passed it last year. aesculus also occurs here. _dec_. _12th_.--arrived at kugoodoo after an easy march of two hours and a half. at 12, went to see the tea which lies to the s.s.w. of the village, and about ten minutes' walk to the w. of the path leading to negrogam, and which for the most part runs along an old bund road. after diverging from this road we passed through some low jungle, which is always characterised by calamus zalaccoideus; and then after traversing for a short time some rather higher ground, came on the tea. this patch is never under water; there is no peculiarity of vegetation connected with it. it runs about n. and s. for perhaps 150 yards by 40 to 50 in breadth. the gam had cleared the jungle of all, except the larger trees and the low _herbaceous underwood_, so that a _coup d'oeil_ was at once obtained, and gave sufficient evidence of the abundance of the plants, many of which were of considerable size, and all bore evidence of having been mutilated. they were for the most part loaded with flowers, and are the finest i have seen in the singfo country. young buds were very common, nor can i reconcile this with the statement made by the gam, that no young leaves will be obtainable for four months. from the clearing, the plants are exposed to moderate sun; it is perhaps to this that the great abundance of flowers is to be attributed. the soil, now quite dry at the surface, is of a cinereous grey; about a foot below it is brown, which passes, as you proceed, into deeper yellow; about four feet deep, it passes into sand. no ravines exist, and mounds only do about a few of the larger trees. the soil as usual is light, friable, easily reduced to powder, and has a very slight tendency to stiffness. _dec_. _13th_.--left for the muttack: our course lay through dense jungle, principally of bamboo, and along the paths of wild elephants; these beasts are here very common. we halted after a march of seven hours on a small bank of the deboro; the only plant of interest was my cyananthus in flower. _dec_. _14th_.--continued through similar jungle along the deboro; bamboo more frequent. about 2 p.m. we left the undulating hillocks, and the jungle became more open. at 4, we reached muttack, but had still to traverse a considerable distance before we halted at kolea panee. we crossed the deboro _en route_; no particular plant was met with. i shot two large serpents, _pythons_; one 8, and the other 10 feet long. the kolea panee is of some width, but is fordable. _dec_. _15th_.--after marching for about seven hours, halted at a small village. the country passed over was, like most of this part of muttack, open, consisting of a rather high plain covered with grasses, t. sperata, saccharum, and erianthus, with here and there very swampy ravines; the soil is almost entirely sandy, light at the surface; the yellow tint increasing with the depth, which is considerable. crossed the deboro by a rude wooden bridge. i found no particular plants _en route_. _dec_. _16th_.--reached rangagurrah, after a march of about an hour: and halted for the day. _dec_. _18th_.--started to visit sedgwickia at the wood, where we found it in february last. reached the spot, which is at least ten miles from rangagurrah, in two hours and a half. the trees had evidently not flowered last year; many of the buds were of some size, and such contained flower buds, each capitula being in addition enveloped in three bracteae densely beset with brown hair. the natives assured me, it will flower about april, or at the sowing of _halee_. when we before found it, the buds were all leaf buds, which at once accounts for the non-appearance of flowers. gathered sabia in the sedgwickia wood. the major {53} arrived before i got back. _dec_. _20th_.--revisited the tea locality of tingrei, which we reached after a five hours' march. the portion of it formerly cleared is now quite clean: all the plants, and they are very abundant, have a shrubby shady appearance; the branches being numerous, so that the first aspect is favourable. but one soon detects an evident coarseness in the leaves, the tint of which is likewise much too yellow; altogether their appearance is totally unlike that of teas growing in their natural shade. that part, and the more extensive one which we first visited in february last, is now clearing; almost all the large trees have been felled, and all the underwood removed. the branches, etc. are piled in heaps and set fire to, much to the detriment of the plants: all the tea trees likewise have been felled. my conviction is, that the tea will not flourish in open sunshine; at any rate, subjection to this should be gradual. further, that cutting the main stem is detrimental, not only inducing long shoots, but most probably weakening the flavour of the leaves. it appears to me to be highly desirable, that an intelligent superintendent should reside on the spot, and that he should at least be a good practical gardener, with some knowledge of the science also. _dec_. _24th_.--reached suddiya. the country passed through was, for the first two days, of the same description as before; i.e. rather high grassy plains with belts of jungle, and intervening low very swampy ravines. the soil precisely the same as that of the tea localities. the last march was, with the exception of chykwar, through low damp dense jungle. * * * * * _extract from the author's letter to captain f_. _jenkins_, _commissioner of assam_, _regarding the mishmees_. _december_, _1836_. {54} "i had thus become acquainted with all the influential chiefs near our frontier, and by all i was received in a friendly and hospitable manner. in accordance with my original intentions, my attention was in the first place directed towards ascertaining whether the tea exists in this direction or not, and, as i have already informed you, i have every reason to think that the plant is unknown on these hills. from what i have seen of the tea on the plains, i am disposed to believe that the comparative want of soil, due to the great inclination of all the eminences, is an insuperable objection to its existence. "as i before observed to you, during my stay at jingsha, my curiosity had been excited by reports of an incursion of a considerable force of lamas into the mishmee country. it hence became, having once established a footing in the country, a matter of paramount importance to proceed farther into the interior, and, if possible, to effect a junction with these highly interesting people; but all my attempts to gain this point proved completely futile; no bribes, no promises would induce any of the chiefs to give me guides, even to the first mishmee village belonging to the mezhoo tribe. i was hence compelled to content myself for the present, with obtaining as much information as possible relative to the above report, and i at length succeeded in gaining the following certainly rather meagre account. "the quarrel, as usual, originated about a marriage settlement between two chiefs of the mezhoo and taeen tribes: it soon ended in both parties coming to blows. the mezhoo chief, rooling, to enable him at once to overpower his enemies, and to strike at once at the root of their power, called in the assistance of the lamas. from this country a force of seventy men armed with matchlocks made an invasion, and, as was to be expected, the taeen mishmees were beaten at every point and lost about twenty men. the affair seems to have come to a close about september last, when the lamas returned to their own country. where it occurred i could gain no precise information, but it must have been several days' journey in advance of the villages i visited. "it was owing to the unsettled state of the country, resulting from this feud, that i could gain no guides from the digaroos, without whose assistance in this most difficult country, i need scarcely say, that all attempts to advance would have been made in vain. these people very plausibly said, if we give you guides, who is to protect us from the vengeance of the mezhoos when you are gone, and who is to insure us from a second invasion of the lamas? another thing to be considered is, the influence even then exercised over the mishmees near our boundaries by the singphos connected with the dupha gam; but from the renewal of the intercourse with our frontier station, there is every reason for believing that this influence is ere this nearly destroyed. "the natives of this portion of the range are divided into two tribes, taeen or digaroo and mezhoo, these last tracing their descent from the _dibong_ mishmees, who are always known by the term crop-haired. the mezhoo, however, like the taeens, preserve their hair, wearing it generally tied in a knot on the crown of their head. the appearance of both tribes is the same, but the language of the mezhoos is very distinct. they are perhaps the more powerful of the two; but their most influential chiefs reside at a considerable distance from the lower ranges. the only mezhoos i met with are those at _deeling-yen_, a small village opposite _deeling_, but at a much higher elevation, and _tapan_. i need scarcely add that it was owing to the opposition of this tribe that captain wilcox failed in reaching _lama_. the digaroos are ruled by three influential chiefs, who are brothers drisong, khosha, and ghaloom: of these, drisong is the eldest and the most powerful, but he resides far in the interior. primsong is from a distant stock, and as the three brothers mentioned above are all passed the prime of life, there is but little doubt that he will soon become by far the most influential chief of his tribe. both tribes appear to intermarry. the mishmees are a small, active, hardy race, with the tartar cast of features; they are excessively dirty, and have not the reputation of being honest, although, so far as i know, they are belied in this respect. like other hill people, they are famous for the muscular development of their legs:--in this last point the women have generally the inferiority. they have no written language. their clothing is inferior; it is, however, made of cotton, and is of their own manufacture;--that of the men consists of a mere jacket and an apology for a _dhoti_,--that of the women is more copious, and at any rate quite decent: they are very fond of ornaments, especially beads, the quantities of which they wear is very often quite astonishing. they appear to me certainly superior to the abors, of whom, however, i have seen but few. both sexes drink liquor, but they did not seem to me to be so addicted to it as is generally the case with hill tribes:--their usual drink is a fermented liquor made from rice called _mont'h_: this, however, is far inferior to that of the singphos, which is really a pleasant drink. "_religion_. of their religion i could get no satisfactory information--every thing is ascribed to supernatural agency. their invocations to their deity are frequent, and seem generally to be made with the view of filling their own stomachs with animal food. they live in a very promiscuous manner, one hundred being occasionally accommodated in a single house. their laws appear to be simple,--all grave crimes being judged by an assembly of gams, who are on such occasions summoned from considerable distances. all crimes, including murder, are punished by fines: but if the amount is not forthcoming, the offender is cut up by the company assembled. but the crime of adultery, provided it be committed against the consent of the husband, is punished by death; and this severity may perhaps be necessary if we take into account the way in which they live. "the men always go armed with knives, lama swords, or singpho _dhaos_ and lances; and most of them carry cross-bows--the arrows for these are short, made of bamboo, and on all serious occasions are invariably poisoned with _bee_. when on fighting expeditions, they use shields, made of leather, which are covered towards the centre with the quills of the porcupine. their lances are made use of only for thrusting: the shafts are made either from the wood of the lawn (_caryota urens_) or that of another species of palm _juice_--they are tipped with an iron spike, and are of great use in the ascent of hills. the lance heads are of their own manufacture, and of very soft iron. they have latterly become acquainted with fire-arms, and the chiefs have mostly each a firelock of _lama_ construction. "with _lama_ they carry on an annual trade, which apparently takes place on the borders of either country. in this case _mishmee-teeta_, is the staple article of the mishmees, and for it they obtain _dhaos_ or straight long swords of excellent metal and often of great length; copper pots of strong, but rough make, flints and steel, or rather steel alone, which are really very neat and good; warm woollen caps, coarse loose parti-colored woollen cloths, huge glass beads, generally white or blue, various kinds of cattle, in which _lama_ is represented as abounding, and salts. i cannot say whether the lamas furnish flints with the steel implements for striking light; the stone generally used for this purpose by the mishmees is the nodular production from _thumathaya_,--and this, although rather frangible, answers its purpose very well; with the singphos they barter elephants' teeth, (these animals being found in the lower ranges,) for slaves, dhaws, and buffaloes. "with the khamtees they appear to have little trade, although there is a route to the proper country of this people along the _ghaloom panee_, or _ghaloom thee_ of wilcox's chart; this route is from the great height of the hills to be crossed, only available during the hot months. "with the inhabitants of the plains they carry on an annual trade, which is now renewed after an interruption of two years, exchanging cloths, lama swords, spears, _mishmee-teeta_, _bee_, which is in very great request, and _gertheana_, much esteemed by the natives for its peculiar and rather pleasant smell, for money, (to which they begin to attach great value), cloths, salt and beads: when a sufficient sum of money is procured, they lay it out in buffaloes and the country cattle." * * * * * the following is a list of collections of plants from the mishmee hills to the extreme east, upper assam. _dicotyledones_. _dicotyledones_. (ligulatae, 9) ericineae, 7 composi(cynaraceae, 4) 89 verbenaceae, 8 tae, (corymbiferae,76) boragineae, 2 labiatae, 50 valerianeae, 1 gesneriaceae, 22 dipsaceae, 1 acanthaceae, 38 caprifoliaceae, 6 scrophularineae, 19 rubiaceae, 42 solaneae, 6 apocyneae, ) 5 convolvulaceae, 8 asclepiadeae, ) primulaceae, 1 gentianeae, 7 myrsineae, 19 oleinae, 2 escalloniaceae? 3 jasmineae, 6 malvaceae, 6 campanulaceae, 7 cruciferae, 3 lobeliaceae, 7 polygaleae, 1 vacciniaceae, 2 violaceae, 5 passifloreae, 1 begoniaceae, 6 modeccoideae, 1 umbelliferae, 4 samydeae, 1 araliaceae, 12 ampelideae, leea, 6 rhamneae, 1 balsamineae, 15 celastrineae, 9 sileneae, 6 amaranthaceae, 8 aurantiaceae, 5 polygoneae, 12 meliaceae, 5 chenopodeae, 1 sapindaceae, 3 plantagineae, 1 acerineae, 4 urticeae, 14 malpighiaceae, 3 ulmaceae, 1 hypericineae, 2 euphorbiaceae, 21 ternstroemiaceae, 11 scepaceae, 1 symplocineae, 3 stilagineae, 5 ebenaceae, 1 myriceae, 1 (rhus, 5) juglandeae, 1 terebin(buchanania, 1) cupuliferae, 4 thaceae, (phlebochiton, 1) 9 betulaceae, 5 (sabia, 2) salicineae, 1 zanthoxyleae, 5 laurineae, 8 conareae, 1 hamamelideae, 2 trygophylleae, 1 thymeleae, 1 rutaceae, 2 santalaceae, 1 ranunculaceae, 4 loranthaceae, 2 fumariaceae, 2 proteaceae, 1 myristiceae, 2 elaeagneae, 1 anonaceae, 4 aristolochiae, 3 magnoliaceae, 1 combretaceae, 2 berberideae, 1 chlorantheae, 1 lardizabaleae, 1 piperaceae, 14 menispermeae, 5 coniferae, 1 rosaceae, 16 incertae, 17 leguminosae, 31 unarranged, 8 philadelpheae, 2 ditto, 14 saxifrageae, 3 --melastomaceae, 9 725 onagrariae, 3 --myrtaceae, 2 cucurbitaceae, 6 _monocotyledones_ _acotyledones_ smilacineae, 14 dioscoreae, 1 pteris, 21 peliosantheae, 5 blechnum, 1 tupistraceae, 2 dicksonia, 1 commelineae, 10 davallia, 12 tacceae, 1 lindsaea, 2 aroideae, 6 asplenium 27 scitamineae, 6 allantodioides, 6 orchideae, 43 aspidium, 22 apostaceae, 1 nephrodium, 16 palmae, 3 cyatheae, 7 cyperaceae, 22 trichomanes, 4 gramineae, 73 hymenophyllum, 2 -- gleichenia, 1 187 angiopteris, 1 -- botrychium, 1 _acotyledones_ lygodium, 2 lycopodium, 6 acrostichum, 12 tinesipteris 1 ceterach, 2 equisetum, 1 grammitis, 3 --polypodium, 56 224 pleopeltis, 8 monocotyledones,187 niphobolus, 1 dicotyledones, 725 cheilanthes, 3 mosses unarranged, about 50 adiantum, 3 ---vittaria, 1 total, 1186 lomaria, 1 ---n.b.--the plants enumerated above, were transmitted to the india house in 1838, together with former collections made _in the tenasserim_ provinces. chapter iv. _journey from upper assam towards hookhoom_, _ava_, _and_ _rangoon_, _lat_. _27 degrees 25' to 16 degrees 45' n_., _long_. _96 degrees to 96 degrees 20' e_. we left suddiya on the 7th of february 1837, and reached kedding on the 10th; stayed there one day, and reached kamroop putar, where i found major white and lieut. bigge on the 12th. the jungle to this place was similar to the usual jungle of the singpho country, very generally low, and intersected by ravines. we crossed _en route_ the karam river, the noa dihing, or dihing branch of the booree dihing, on which the beesa's old village was situated; and lastly the kamroop. kamroop putar is close to the naga hills; it is a cultivated rice tract, on the river kamroop. this river is fordable, with frequent rapids. the only curious things about it are the petroleum wells, which are confined to three situations. the wells are most numerous towards the summits of the range; and the place where they occur is free from shrubs. the petroleum is of all colours, from green to bluish white; this last is the strongest, partaking of the character of naphtha, it looks like bluish or greyish clay and water. the vegetation of the open places in which the wells are found, consists of grass, stellaria, hypericum, polygonum, cyperaceae, mazus rugosus, plantago media, etc., all of which are found on the plains. one of the wells is found on the putar, or cultivated ground; the petroleum in this is grey. the kamroop river above this putar, strikes off to the eastward, and the kamteechick, a tributary, falls into it from the south; this last is a good deal the smaller; the banks of the kamroop are in many places precipitous. about two miles from the putar, a fine seam of excellent coal has been exposed by a slip: {60} the beds are at an inclination of 45 degrees, and their direction is, i think, nearly the same with that of the left bank of the river in which they occur; immediately over the seam there is a small ravine, where three of the veins are still farther exposed. caricea, a new dicranum, alsophila ferruginea, polytrichum aloides, bartramea subulosa, and jungermanniae are common near this spot. left kamroop on the 19th, and proceeded in a s.w. direction for twelve miles, when we halted on the darap kha, at the foot of the naga hills, opposite nearly to beesala. nothing of interest occurred. _feb_. _21st_.--commenced the ascent, and after marching about ten miles, halted in a valley near a stream. temperature 66 degrees. water boiled at 210.5 degrees, giving an altitude of about 77 degrees, or 383 feet above suddiya. the road was very winding, the path good, except towards the base of the hills: the soil sandy, in places indurated, and resting on sandstone; but there is not yet sufficient elevation to ensure much change in vegetation. found kaulfussia {61a} below in abundance, observed castanea and a quercus; three species of begonia, and three or four species of acanthacea. in other respects the jungle resembles that of the singpho territory. dicksonia is abundant. dipterocarpus of large size occurs. caught two innocuous snakes at the halting place. {61b} _feb_. _22nd_.--the distance of the march is about 12 miles, and we halted after crossing the darap panee; some parts of the route were difficult, at least for elephants. no particular features of vegetation yet appears. the summit of the higher hills looks pretty. tree jungle considerable, open places with low grass, is the surrounding feature of vegetation. the hill first surmounted from the halting place is covered with a camellia or _bunfullup_, (i.e. bitter tea) of the assamese. the fruit has loculicidal dehiscence. in habit it is like that of the tea, but the buds are covered with imbricate scales. at the summit of the hill, it attained a height of 30 or 40 feet. begoniacea, urticaceae, acanthaceae, filices, are the most common. _feb_. _23rd_.--halted to enable the elephants to come up; they arrived about 10 a.m. temperature of the air 75 degrees, water boiled at 210 degrees, altitude 1029 feet. the darap is a considerable stream, but is fordable at the heads of the rapids. fish abound, especially _bookhar_, a kind of barbel, {61c} which reaches a good size. clay slate appears to be here the most common rock, and forms in many places the very precipitous banks of the river. alsophila ferruginea, areca, calami, fici., pentaptera, laurineae, myristiceae continue. kaulfussia assamica, is common along the lower base of the hills. _feb_. _23rd_.--started at 7, and after a march of five hours, reached the halting place on the kamtee-chick, some distance above the place at which we descended to its bed. distance 12 miles, direction s.s.e.; crossed one hill of considerable elevation, certainly 1000 feet above the halting place, which we find by the temperature of boiling water to be 1413 feet above the sea. the tops of these hills continue comparatively open, and have a very pretty appearance. the trees, however, have not assumed a northern character; their trunks are covered with epiphytes. the kamtee-chick is a small stream fordable at the rapids, the extreme banks are not more than 30 or 40 yards. no peculiarity of vegetation as yet occurs; the fruit of a quercus continues common, as well as that of castanea ferox. i met with that of a magnolia; tree ferns, calami, musa, areca, and the usual sub-tropical trees continue; acanthaceae are most common, gordonea plentiful on the open places on the hills, sauraufa two species, byttneria, etc. etc. altogether, i am disappointed in the vegetation, which, although rich, is not varied. wallichia continues common. a begonia with pointed leaves, and a smilacineous plant are the most interesting, and a large quercoid polypodium, the lacineae of which are deciduous; and these i found in abundance on the mishmee hills, although i did not succeed in getting an entire frond. _feb_. _24th_.--marched about ten miles all the way up the bed of the kamtee-chick, now a complete mountain stream, the general direction being s.s.e. traversed in places heavy jungle, but for the most part we ascended the bed of the river. the only very interesting plant was podostemon, apparently griffithianum, which covers the rocks on the bed of the river. the usual plants continue, viz. scitamineae, phrynium capitatum, tradescantia, paederia and isophylla, pothos 2 or 3 species, ixora 2, leea, which occasionally becomes arborescent. cissus 3 or 4, panax ditto, pierardia sapida, elaeocarpus, smilax, areca, calami 2 or 3, asplenium nidus, fici several, pentaptera, cupuliferae, the latter rare; bauheniae 2, acanthaceae, one of which attains the size of a large shrub, guttiferae 2, phlebochiton, rottlera, millingtonia simplicifolia, inga, wallichia, pentaptera, malvacea, and acanthacea convallariae flore. i observed pandanus to be common, (one sterculia was yesterday observed). equisetae 2, the larger being the plant of the plains. erythrina, lagerstraemia grandiflora. chondospermum, polypodium, acrostichoides ferrugineum, and the fruit of cedrela toona, megala. choranthus was not seen. _feb_. _25th_.--proceeded about 100 yards up the kamchick, then crossed the tukkaka, and commenced the ascent of a high hill, certainly 1000 feet above the elevation of our last halting place on the kamchick: the lower portion is covered with tree jungle, the upper portion of the mountain is open, covered with a tall saccharum and an andropogon, among which are mixed several compositae, and an ajuga. among the grass, occur trees scattered here and there, chiefly of a gordonia. from the summit we had a pretty view of the kamchick valley, closed in to the s.w. by a high and distant wall, being part of the patkaye range. all the hills have the same features, but it is odd that their highest points are thickly clothed with tree jungle. observed kydia, alstonia, _eurya_, triumfetta, celtis, engelhardtia, rhus, rottlera, loranthus, callicarpa and dicksonia all at a high elevation, but this latter is scarce. no pines visible. _dhak_, fici, musa farinacea, bambusae continue. compositae are common on the clearings. a mimosa occurs on the summit, and andrachne, 3-foliata. thence we descended for a short distance, and halted at the foot of the patkaye near the stream. direction s.s.e. distance four miles. elevation 3026 feet. temperature 66 degrees. boiling point, 206.5 degrees. all the trees have a stunted appearance. _feb_. _26th_.--halted. _feb_. _27th_.--to-day ascended a hill to the w. of our camp, certainly 500 feet above it; its features are the same, porana alata. bignonia, a leguminous tree, a ditto mimosa. panax, lobelia zeylanica, artemisia, cordia. panicum curvatum, anthistina arundinacea. panicum _plicatoides_, smithea, hypericum of the plains, and potentilla, sida, and plantago all plain plants, are found at the summit. to the s.w. of our camp are the remains of a stockade, which was destroyed by fire, it is said, last year. the only interesting plants gathered were a cyrtandracea, aeschynanthus confertus mihi, a dendrobium, and a fine hedychium, beautifully scented, occurring as an epiphyte. of ficus several species are common. on the large mountain to the n.e., either birch or larches are visible, their elevation being probably 1000 feet above that of our camp. the party halted until the 3rd march; i had one day's capital fishing in the kamtee-chick with a running line. _march 2nd_.--a havildar arrived, bearing a letter from dr. bayfield, {64} stating that he would be with the major in two or three days. _march 3rd_.--capt. hannay and i started in advance; we crossed a low hill, then a torrent, after which we commenced a very steep ascent. this ascent, with one or two exceptions, continued the whole way to the top of the patkaye range, which must be 1500 feet above our halting place. the features continued the same. the patkaye are covered with dry tree jungle on the northern side. the place, whence the descent begins, is not well defined: at first winding through damp tree jungle. after a march of four hours we descended to a small stream, the ramyoom, which forms the british boundary; this we followed for some distance through the wettest, rankest jungle i ever saw: thence we ascended a low hill, and the remainder of our march was for the most part a continued descent through dry open tree jungle, until we again descended into the damp zone. we reached water as night was setting in, and bivouacked in the bed of the stream. the former vegetation continued until we reached the dry forest covering the upper parts of the patkaye, and here the forms indicating elevation increased. polygonatum, ceratostemma, bryum sollyanum, and a ternstroemiacea occurred, epiphytical orchideae are common, but were almost all out of flower. owing to the thickness of the jungle, and the height of the trees, we could not ascertain what the trees were; but from the absence of fruit, etc. on the ground, i am inclined to think that they are not cupuliferae. _betee bans_, (of the natives) a kind of bamboo, perhaps the same as the genus schizostachyum, n. ab. e. is common all over the summit, and descends to a considerable distance, especially on the southern side. on this side the prevalence of interesting forms was much more evident. along the kamyoom i gathered an acer, an arbutus, a daphne. polypodium arboreum ferrugineum was likewise here very common. succulent urticeae, acanthaceae swarmed: a huge calamus was likewise conspicuous. on this side there is plenty of the bamboo called _deo_ _bans_, articulis spinarum verticillis armatis, habitu b. bacciferae. among the trees on the descent, magnoliaceae occur; the petals of one i picked up were light yellow, tinged with brown in the centre. a species of viola occurred low down. i believe it is v. serpens. on both sides, but especially the south ceratostemma variegatum occurs; this is common still lower down the kamyoom. the trees along this portion of the boundary nullah, are covered with masses of pendulous neckera and hypna. on the summit i observed two species of panax, a fruitescent or arbusculous composita, asplenum nidus, laurineae, etc. the direction of the day's journey was about s.s.e. the distance 15 miles. _march 4th_.--we reached almost immediately the real kamyoom, down which our route laid; we halted in its bed at 3, after a march most fatiguing from crossing and recrossing the stream, of about ten miles: general direction e.s.e. the features of this torrent are precisely the same as those of the kamteechick, but sedgewickia is common. i gathered a stauntonia, ceratostemma variegatum, and some fine ferns, and two or three begoniaceae, magnoliaceae three species occur, among which is liriodendron; cupiliferae are common, especially quercus cupulis lamellatis, nuce depressa; a viburnum likewise occurred. the stream is small; the banks in many places precipitous. in one place great portion of the base of a hill had been laid waste by a torrent coming apparently from the naked rocks; trees and soil were strewed in every direction. clay-slate is common. i should have mentioned that dicksonia occurs at 4000 feet, as well as (camellia) _bunfullup_, after that the former ceases. the two saurauja of suddiya continue up to 4000 feet of elevation; on the first ascent i observed a large thistle, but out of flower. no cultivation was passed after surmounting the first ascent; we passed the remains of a stockade on the 4th, in which some singphos had on a previous inroad stockaded themselves. the hills are generally covered with tree jungle, except occasionally on the north side where they have probably at some early period, been cleared for cultivation. to this may be added the curious appearance of the trees indicating having been lopped. equisetum continues in the bed of the river. nothing like a pine was observed. _march 5th_.--proceeded in an e.s.e. direction towards kamyoom for a distance of four miles, where we met dr. bayfield. as we found from him that it was impossible to go on, as there were no rice coolies, etc. to be obtained, we returned to our halting place; where i remained chiefly from supposing that the meewoon will start less objections when he sees that i am in his territory without coolies, etc. fished in the afternoon. the bookhar, or large barbel already mentioned, still continues; but there is another species still more common, of a longer form, ventral fins reddish, mouth small, nose gibbous rough; {66} it takes a fly greedily, and is perhaps a more game fish than the other. all the birds inhabiting the water-courses of the north side of the patkaye continue. barking deer are heard occasionally. gathered one fine bleteoidia orchidea, racemis erectis oblongis, sepalis petalisque fusco-luteis, arcte reflexis, labello albido, odore forti mellis. engelhardtia occurs here, pentaptera, wallichia, calamus, saccharum, etc. _march 7th_.--to-day the meewoon arrived, accompanied by perhaps 200 people chiefly armed with spears; he was preceded by two gilt chattas. he made no objections to my remaining, and really appeared very good-natured. the first thing he did, however, was to seize a shillelagh, and thwack most heartily some of his coolies who remained to see our conference. he did not stay ten minutes. _march 8th_.--to-day i examined superficially the ovary and young fruit of ceratostemma variegatum, roxb. the placenta which is very green, is 5rayed. the substance of the walls of the ovary which is thick and white, projects towards the axis not only between the lobes, but also opposite to each; so that the fruit is really 10-celled, but 5 of the cells are spurious. the production opposite the placentae necessarily divides the ovula of one placenta into two parcels, and these are they that have no adhesion with the axis. at present i can say nothing about the relative site of the lobes of the placentae, otherwise there is nothing remarkable, beyond the production of the ovary opposite the lobes of the placentae. _march 12th_.--yesterday evening bayfield returned alone, leaving hannay on the patkaye, unable to come on or retreat, owing to his having no coolies. it was decided, that there was no other step left me to follow than going on to ava, and i thus am enabled to obey the letter of government, relative to my going to ava, which reached me on the 10th by the havildar. the meewoon can give me no assistance towards returning, although he will spare me a few men to carry me on to mogam. for the last three days i have been indisposed. altitude 2138 by the therm. temp. 208 degrees, at which water boils. _march 13th_.--left and proceeded down the kamyoom, or properly kam-mairoan, according to bayfield, in an e.s.e. direction for about seven miles, when we reached the previous halting place of dr. bayfield. we passed before arriving at this a small putar on which were some remains of old habitations; on it limes abound, and these are a sure test of inhabitation at some previous period. the vegetation continues precisely the same as that of the namtucheek, even to podostemon griffithianum, which i to-day observed for the first time. _march 14th_.--proceeded on, still keeping for the chief part of our march along the kammiroan. we left this very soon, and crossed some low hills on which the jungles presented the same features. we left the village kammiroan to our right. we did not see it, but i believe it consists of only two houses. passed through one khet, the first cultivated ground we saw after leaving that on the kamchick; then we came on to a few more putars, in which limes continue abundant. on these i find no less than three species of rubus; in those parts on which rice has been cultivated a pretty fringed hypericum likewise occurs, and these are the most interesting plants that have presented themselves. our course improved much yesterday; it extended e. by s., and was rather less than seven miles. halted at kha-thung-kyoun, where the meewoon had halted, and where the dupha gam had remained some time previous. the same vegetation occurs, engelhardtia, gleichenia _major_ longe scandens, equisetum both species, euphorbiacea nereifolia, dicksonia rare, scleria vaginis alatis, plantago media, zizania ciliaris, melastoma malabathrica, lycium arenarum, duchesnia indica, mazus rugosus, the suddiya viburnum, millingtonia pinnata, pentaptera, erythrina; an arboreous eugenia fol. magnis, abovatis, is however new, and polypodium wallichianum which occurred to-day growing on clay-slate. but considering the elevation at which we still remain to be tolerably high, the products both of the vegetable and animal kingdom are comparatively uninteresting. there are more epiphytical orchideae on the south sides of these hills, than the north. musci and hepaticae are common, but do not embrace a great amount of species. machantia asamica is common. another new tree i found is probably a careya or barringtonia; the young inflorescence is nearly globular, and clothed with imbricated scales. sedgewickia has disappeared. no tea was seen. there is but little doubt that on hills, the ranges of which rise gradually, the acclimatization of low plants may take place to such a degree, that such plants may be found at high elevations; can they however so far become acclimated, as to preponderate? i expected of course to find the same plants on both sides of the hills, but i did not expect to find rottlerae, fici, tree-ferns, etc., at an elevation of 4000 feet and upwards. the fish of the streams continue the same, as well as the birds. the ouzel, white and black, long-tailed jay, white-headed redstart, red-rumped ditto, all continue. water wagtails were seen to-day. this bird is uncommon in hill water-courses; one snipe was seen yesterday. ooloocks (hylobates agilis), continue as in assam. with regard to fish, both species of barbel occur; {68} the most killing bait for the large one, or bookhar of the assamese, is the green fucus, which is common, adhering to all the stones in these hill-streams: it is difficult to fix it on the hook. the line should be a running one, and not leaded, and the bait may be thrown as a fly. to it the largest fish rise most greedily; plenty of time must be allowed them to swallow before one strikes, otherwise no fish will be caught. all the same palms continue except calami, areca, and wallichiana. balsamineae are uncommon. there is one however, although rare, probably the same as the bright crimson-flowered one of the meerep panee. urticeae have diminished; the suddiya viola occurred yesterday, the asplenium, fronde lanceolat. continues common. _march 14th_.--halted. water boiled 209 degrees. temp. 59 and 60 degrees. elevation 1622 feet. _march 15th_.--left the meewoon about 8, and proceeded about 100 yards up the khathing. thence we struck off, and commenced the ascent, which continued without intermission for some hours, the whole way lying through heavy tree jungle. ascent in some places very steep. on reaching the summit, or nearly so, the jungle became more open, and the route continued along the ridge. we then descended for 50 feet, and halted on an open grassy spot where we ascertained the altitude to be 5516 feet. boiling point 202 degrees. temperature of the air 63 degrees. the vegetation increased in interest; i noticed near the khathing, buddleia neemda, pladera justicioidea, which continues however all along even to 5000 feet. thunbergia coccinea, chondrospermum, dicksonia; near and on the summit magnoliae and two or three cupuliferae, daphne strutheoloides, nobis, gymnostomum involutum, berberis pinnata, the same as the khasiya one, but scarce. laurinea arborea, bambusa monogynia, rubus moluccanus: frutex ruscordeus, loranthus, anthistiria arundinacea, melastoma, cyathea, compositae, conyzoideae two or three, correas one, hedychium, eurya, gleichenia, hermannia, lycopodium ceranium, hoya teretifolia, acanthaceae two or three, bucklandia. we thence descended, and after a longish march reached the natkaw kyown, and finally halted on the khusse kyown. during this portion i gathered some very interesting plants, a new ceratostemma, adamia, two or three orchideae, a beautiful large flowered cyrtandracea, the same daphne, an umbellifera. vaccineaceae, four species of begoniae, a viburnum. crawfurdia and polypodium wallichianum, which roofed in our shed; musci increased as well as succulent urticeae in shady places. smilacinae were common, especially one at elevations of from 3 to 5000 feet inflorescentia cernua. the features are the same, the drier woods crowning the ridges. on the trees of these, orchideae and filices are common, as well as in low parts in which acanthaceae abound. i saw no _betee-bhans_ nor deo-bhans, (peculiar bamboos). of the above, ceratostemma, daphane, smilacinae, cyathea, some of the begoniae, the large flowered cyrtandraceae, umbelliferae are sure indications of considerable elevation. the course was nearly south. distance about 13 miles. thermometer in boiling water 206 degrees. temperature of the air 50.5 degrees. halting place, 3516. _march 16th_.--started before breakfast, and reached the khusee kyoung without any material descent. thence we continued descending on the whole considerably until we reached namthuga, at 10 a.m. thence the descent increased. halted on kullack boom. general direction s.; distance 13 miles. noticed areca up to 3800 feet, as well as cheilosandra obovata, bletea melleodora, and begonia palmata as high as 3000 feet. at namthuga a sambucus, probably s. ebulus, a mimosa, pothos decursiva, hedychium, urtica urens, gleichenia major, tradescanthia panicularis. between this and kullack boom acanthaceae are the most common; paederia triphylla appears near the boom, together with arum viviparum. black pheasants were likewise heard on our route. on the open halting place, grasses preponderate. anthestiria arundinacea, arbusculous gordonia, and saurauja, a laurinea, styrax, etc. aesculus asamicus is common, and profusely in flower, and pteris as on thuma-thaya; musa glauca made its appearance. from this open space an extensive view is obtained of hookhoom valley, bounding which occurs a range of hills stretching e.s.e. and w.n.w. these in the centre present a gap in which a river is seen running s. the view to the e. is impeded by the trees on that face of the hill. the valley is as usual one mass of jungle, with here and there clear patches occurring, especially to the w. of s., but whether from cultivation or not, i am unable to say. the namlunai river is visible; winding excessively, especially to the e.s.e., it appears a considerable stream with much sand: it passes out towards the gap above alluded to, winding round the corner of the hills. during the 16th, my attention was particularly directed towards tea, which was said positively to exist. i obtained some of the bitter sort, or _bunfullup_, but the plant which was pointed out to me as tea certainly was not, although resembling it a good deal. there is no reason for supposing, that it exists on these hills, and if tea is brought hence, it is i should think a spurious preparation. the soil is in many places yellow, in many brick-dust coloured. if the tea existed in abundance, i must have seen it. the hills which confine the valley, at least those which are obvious outliers of the patkaye range, are characterised by conical peaks, and there is a bluff rock of good elevation to the w.s.w. .5 s. [valley of hookhoom: p71.jpg] _march 17th_.--boiled water at 206 degrees fahr. thermometer in the air 61 degrees. elevation 3270. commenced the descent, which continued without interruption to the loon-karankha, where we breakfasted. the bed of this, which is a mere mountain torrent, is of sandstone. here ceratostemma variegatum is very common, and has larger, broader and more obovate leaves, than before observed; polypodium wallichianum, a begonia and orchideae are common on its boulders. continued our course at first up a considerable ascent, thence it was nearly an uniform descent. crossed the namtuwa, along which our course lay for a short time. the latter part was through low wet jungle, along small water-courses, till we reached the panglai kha, along which we continued for some time. reached our halting place on the namtuseek about 2 p.m. general direction e.s.e.; distance about ten miles. noticed podostemon griffithianum, on rocks on the namtuwa. my collector gathered one daphne, acanthus solanacea occurred very abundantly, corinfundib. lab super postico, infer reflexo, laciniis bifidis. low down observed the usual dipterocarpus, uncaria and kaulfussia asamica, dracaena. mesua ferrea occurred during the first part of the march. noticed the tracks of a rhinoceros. at 5 p.m. water boiled at 210 degrees. temperature 69 degrees. elevation 1099 feet. the most interesting plants were an arum, an undescribed ceratostemma, and a celastrinea. the collection formed between this place and suddiya now amount to about 500 species. the vegetation of the lower portions is the same, or nearly so, on either side of the hills; but i did not observe near this the polypodium ferrugineum arboreum, although there is a small arborescent species of this genus. on either side, the lower ranges are clothed with heavy wet tree jungle, the under-shrubs consisting of acanthaceae, rubiaceae, filices, aroideae, and urticeae; kaulfussia does not ascend so high on this side. acanthacea solanacea appears peculiar to this side, although there is a species of the genus on the kammiroan. the plants indicating the greatest elevation are acer, ceratostemma miniatum, and angulatum, vacciniaceae; daphne, particularly the patkaye one, and d. struthioloides, most of the smilacineae, berberis, etc. etc. bucklandia crawfurdii, begoniae, some viburnia, cyathea, etc. of ceratostemma (gay lussacium?) several, perhaps not less than seven species occur; all have the same habit, and the same depot of nourishment in the thick portion near the _collet_. no coniferae exist, although the elevation is more than sufficient to determine their appearance. in orchideae the flora is certainly very rich, but few species are in flower (_memo_. to compare these elevational plants with those from the mishmee hills, on which, speaking from memory, they are more abundant.) _march 18th_.--left at half-past 6, and arrived (after halting about one hour and a half) at 3 p.m. the road was very circuitous, for the first part e. by s., subsequently for some time n.n.e., and even n.e.; the general direction is perhaps e.; the distance certainly 18 miles. the greater part of the route lay through heavy but dryish tree jungle; but during the latter half, and especially towards nempean, putars or cultivated fields increased in number, and extent. we crossed one stream only. the soil is yellow and deep, occasionally inclining to brick-red; it is apparently much the same as that of muttack. the low spots were uncommon. we saw only two paths diverging from ours; one of these led to bone, which is about two miles from our path, in a south direction, and at no great distance from the namtuseek. the features of the country and its productions are much the same as those of upper assam, indeed strikingly so. during the earlier part of our march we observed a fine shorea in abundance; it had a noble straight stem, but the leaves were too small for saul. the only new plants i found were styrax floribus odoris, ligno albo close grained, arbor mediocris, a baeobotrys, two goodyerae, a laurinea, sparganium! tabernaemontana fructibus magnis, edulibus, fol. obovatis, and a species of shorea. i noticed the following plants in the following order from namtuseek: dicksonia, areca, calamus, bambusa, speculis pubescentibus, deformatis, a species of phrynium, pladera justicioides, chrysobaphus roxburghii, phyllanthus, embilica, a species of wendlandia common in places that appeared to have been formerly cleared; gnetum lepidotum, celastrinea _foliis leguminosarum_, bombax (inerme) saccharum megala, imperata cylindica, anthistiria arundinacea, ingae sp., sauraujae sp. entada, gleichenia, hermannia, blechnum orientale, baeobotrys, meniscium 3-phyllum, sonerila, acanthus leucostachys, diplazium of kujoo, _podomolee_, saccharum foliis apice spiraliter tortis, osbeckia, rottlera, lygodium, rubus moluccanus, centotheca, zizania ciliaris, viola asamica, potamogeton nutans, foliis linearibus, limnophila, pontederia dilatata, lobelia zeylanica, hypericum venustum. panax foliis supra decompositis spinosis, callicarpae 2 spec, duchesnea indica, combretum, melica latifolia, magus rugosus, vandellia peduncularis, villarsia pumila, artocarpus integrifolius, piper, lagerstraemia grandiflora, roxb. dillenia speciosa, spathodea. all these exist in assam. the birds are the same. as for instance, common maina, doves, the picus of low swampy places, and the _lark_ of the plains of assam. squirrel, ventre ferrugineo. black pheasant, _phasianus leucomelanus_, laurineae, acanthaceae, rubiacea and filices, are common in the jungles. the putars are clothed with the same grasses as in assam. imperata cylindrica, anthistiria arundinacea, megala in low places with alpinea allughas, in those lately under cultivation, the campanula of the b. pooter occurs, together with hypericum, gnaphalium, poa and carex. from the frequent occurrence of these putars, i should say that the capabilities of the country, at least the latter half of our march, improves as far as regards _halee_ cultivation. throughout the march nothing occurred to shew that this part of the valley is inhabited. we passed, however, an old and extensive burying ground of the singphos. of the putars only small portions were cultivated, and the crops did not appear to be very good. nempean, which is a stockaded village, is about a quarter of a mile from the encampment of the meewoon, and about s.e., and within 200 yards to the n.n.e. is a similar stockaded village called tubone. both these villages are on the right bank of the namturoon, which is a large stream, as big nearly as the noa dihing at beesa. b. measured it, and finds its extreme bed to be 270 yards broad. the volume of water is considerable, the rapids are moderate; it is navigable for largish canoes. on this bank, _i.e_. right, there is an extensive plain running nearly n. and s.; no part of it seems to be cultivated. the scenery is precisely the same as that of upper assam, viz. open, flat, intersected by belts of jungle. with the exception of the w. and the points between this and south, hills are visible, some of considerable height. to the s.e. there is a fine peak, which reminds one much of the mishmee peak, so remarkable at suddiya. it is in this direction that the hills are highest. no tea is reported to exist here. b. met with it on his road hither, and shewed me the specimen; there is no difference between this and the assam specimens in appearance, neither are the leaves at all smaller. as a new route has been cut out i cannot visit it, but shall wait until i arrive at meinkhoom. the chykwar mulberry occurs, and to a larger size than i have seen it in assam. the singphos, however, as they have no silkworms, do not make use of it; i have seen some little cultivation on the tooroon belonging to bon: kanee or opium formed portion of it. thermometer in shade at 2 p.m. 85 degrees. _march 21st_.--7 a.m. thermometer 60 degrees. yesterday at 2 p.m. 86 degrees! under a decently covered shed. boiled water at 209.5 fahr. thermometer 70 degrees, which gives 1399 feet of elevation. started at 9, and arrived at kidding on the saxsai, a small stream which now falls into the tooroon. distance about four miles and a half from nempean: general direction about s.s.e. the road runs along the tooroon s., and a little to the w. of s.; it then diverges up the saxsai, which runs nearly w. and e. near the mouth of the saxsai, and about 400 yards above, there is another small stream, the jinnip kha. both these are on the left bank of the river. on the opposite side, and about a quarter of a mile, is a village, which like all the rest is stockaded. kidding is larger than either tubone or nempean; it is on the left bank of the saxsai. rapids are common in the tooroon, but are not of any severity. the vegetation remains in a remarkable degree similar to that of assam. the lohit campanula is very common in the stony beds of either river. brahminy ducks seen at nempean, and the ravenous geese of kamroop putar. fished in the tooroon, and had excellent sport, killing in the afternoon twenty fishes, average weight half pound; some weighing nearly two pounds. three species occurred, and all were taken with flies; the smallest are a good deal like the _boal_ of assam. the large-mouthed, trout-like cyprinida {74a} occurs, and to a larger size than in the noa dihing. the third is the _chikrum_ of the singphos; it is a thick, very powerful fish, a good deal resembling the roach: one of two pounds, measures about a foot in length. outline ovate lanceolate, head small, mouth with four filaments; eyes very large, fins reddish, first ray of the dorsal large spinous. it affects deep water, particularly at the edges of the streams running into such places. {74b} it takes a fly greedily even in quite still water; but as it has a small mouth, the smaller the flies the better. black hackle is better for it than small grey midges. on being hooked it rushes off with violence, frequently leaping out of the water. it is a much more game fish than the bookhar: the largest i took with flies; with worms i took only one small one. with regard to the bookhar, it is strange if it is not found in the streams running through this valley, as in the kammaroan it occurs in abundance. black and white kingfisher, _alcedo rudis_, snippets, curlews of the b. pooter, with chesnutish back occur in the valley, together with toucans: and ravens occur as in assam. at the village of kidding there are silkworms fed. _march 22nd_.--started at 6 p.m., reached shelling khet on the prong prongkha in about two hours; it is distant about seven miles. the village is now deserted. the nullah is small, with a very slow stream; direction from kidding nearly s.e. it was at this place that bayfield got his specimen of tea, but on enquiry we found that it was brought from some distance; it is said to grow on a low range of hills. we started after breakfast, and reached culleyang, on the same nullah, about 12 o'clock. total distance thirteen miles; direction s.s.e. path very winding. the country traversed is much less open than that of nempean, but few putars occurred; and the whole tract is covered either with tree or megala jungle. water boiled at shelling khet at 209.5 fahr. temp. of the air 68.5 degrees. elevation 1340 feet. noticed but very little clearing for cultivation, neither did the putars appear to have been lately under cultivation. culleyang is a village containing about eight houses; it is not stockaded, and has the usual slovenly appearance of singpho villages. the natives keep silkworms, which they feed on the chykwar or assam morus, which they cultivate. i noticed likewise kanee, or opium, and urtica nivea, which they use for nets; acanthaceae, indigofera, and peach trees. close to the village are the burying places of two singphos. these have the usual structure of the cemeteries of the tribe, the graves being covered by a high conical thatched roof. i find from bayfield, that they first dry their dead, preserving them in odd shaped coffins, until the drying process is completed. they then burn the body, afterwards collecting the ashes, which are finally deposited in the mounds over which the conical sheds are erected. between the village and the graves i saw one of these coffins which, if it contained a full-grown man, must have admitted the remains in a mutilated shape; and close to this were the bones of a corpse lately burnt. to-day i shot the beautiful yellow and black crested bird we first saw on the cossiya hills, _parus sultaneus_, and two handsome birds, _orioles_, or _pastor traillii_, quite new to me, blackish and bright crimson, probably allied to the shrikes. of fishes, cyprinus falcata, or _nepoora_ of the assamese, together with the sentooree {75} of the assamese, both occur. of plants, we noticed stauntonia, vitis, cissampelos, butomus pygmaeus, dicksonia, hedychia 2, croton malvaefolium of suddiya, xanthium indicum; cheilosandra ferruginea, pothos scandens decursiva, etc., liriodendrum, kydia. ficus elastica? asplenium nidus, conyza graveolens, south of the old clearings. lemna, valisneria, azolla, aesculus asamicus in abundance. limes in profusion near culleyang; paederia faetida and the other species, naravelia, hiraea, phrynium dichotomum, gaertnera, and carallia lucida. new plants, ophioglossum, carex, gnetum sp. nov. choripetalum, and two _incerta_. noticed pladera justicioides during the first part of the march, and the small squirrel of kujoodoo. six a.m. temperature 58.5. water boiled at 210 degrees fahr. 8 p.m. temperature of the air 66. altitude 1064 feet. _march 23rd_.--started at 6 a.m. and reached lamoom about 8, where we breakfasted. reached tsilone, the dupha's village, at noon. general direction s.w. distance about ten miles. lamoom is a small _un_stockaded village on the moneekha. tsilone is a moderate sized singpho village on the right bank of the nam tunail. the river is of considerable size, with scarcely any rapids: stream slow. the village is situated on a rather high bank. the country continues the same, perhaps a little more open, at least putars are of frequent occurrence, although they are all narrow. observed cryptolepis, celastrus _leguminoideus_ cuscuta uncaria racemis pendulis. of birds the smaller maina, common house sparrow, blue jay, and the larger grey tern occur. we halted on a sandbank about one mile and a half higher up to the south of tsilone. new plants, the campanula of chykwar, ditto lysimachia, dopatrium, jasminum, rhamnea, pothos, lasia, riccia, etc. _march 24th_.--thermometer 58 degrees. boiling point 210. altitude 1064 feet. after a long and hot march of seven hours we reached meinkhoon; general direction -distance 17 miles. during the first two hours we marched along the bed and banks of the nam tenai, subsequently over grassy plains intersected by belts of jungle. country much more open than that we saw yesterday. to the w. low ranges of hills, about one-third of a mile distant, occurred throughout the day. we passed two or three small nullahs, in one of which i observed lumps of lignite. the nam tenai continued a large river, extreme breadth varying from 250 to 350 yards. we crossed at once, about half a mile from our encampment, deepest part of the ford four feet; its banks are either thickly wooded or covered with kagara jungle. the day's march was very uninteresting. i observed a few mango trees, a mucuna, laurineae are common, as well as a wendlandia in open grassy places. sagittariae sp. was the only novelty. noticed the hoopoe bird, _upapa capensis_. [meinkhoom: p76.jpg] _march 25th_.--meinkhoon is situated on a very small nullah, the eedeekha. the village which is large and well stockaded, is divided into two by this nullah. the population of both cannot, including children, be less than 200. they belong to the meerep tribe. the women wear the _putsoe_ somewhat like those of burma, which seems to me quite new in singpho women; and is not the fashion with those in assam. to the s.w. there is a group of somewhat decayed shan pagodas, and a poonghie house, around which are planted mango trees and a beautiful arboreous bauhinia, b. rhododendriflora mihi, ovariis binis! around the village is an extensive plain, and to the s.e. one or two more pagodas. this bauhinia has flowers 1.5 inches across, calyx spathaceus, petalis, sub-conformibus, obovatis, repandis laete purpureis, vexillo coccineopurpureo, colore saturate venoso, carinae petalis distantibus, odor copaivae! stam. 5 declinata, cum petalis, alternantia. ovaria 2! anticum posticumque, longe stipetata, difformia superiore minore, aborticate, ambobus vexillo oppositis! stylus ruber pallide; stigma capitatum. one b. variegata, w. roxb. fl. indic. vol. ii. p.319, quamvis auctor de ovario antico silet. two snakes were captured, approaching in shape to the green snake of the coromandel coast. under surface throughout bright gamboge colour; upper surface throughout, excepting about a span or less of the back of the neck, bright ochraceous brown. the space above alluded to is in one faintly, in the other strongly variegated with black and white. irides, gamboge-coloured. _march 26th_.--visited the amber mines, which are situated on a range of low hills, perhaps 150 feet above the plain of meinkhoon, from which they bear s.w. the distance of the pits now worked is about six miles, of which three are passed in traversing the plain, and three in the low hills which it is requisite to cross. these are thickly covered with tree jungle. the first pits, which are old, occur about one mile within the hills. those now worked occupy the brow of a low hill, and on this spot they are very numerous; the pits are square, about four feet in diameter, and of very variable depth; steps, or rather holes, are cut in two of the faces of the square by which the workmen ascend and descend. the instruments used are wooden-lipped with iron crowbars, by which the soil is displaced; this answers but very imperfectly for a pickaxe: small wooden shovels, baskets for carrying up the soil, etc., buckets of bark to draw up the water, bamboos, the base of the rhizoma forming a hook for drawing up the baskets, and the madras lever for drawing up heavy loads. the soil throughout the upper portion, and indeed for a depth of 15 to 20 feet, is red and clayish, and appears to inclose but small pieces of lignite; the remainder consists of greyish slate clay increasing in density as the pits do in depth: in this occur strata of lignite very imperfectly formed, which gives the grey mineral a slaty fracture, and among this the amber is found. {78} the deepest pit was about 40 feet, and the workmen had then come to water. all the amber i saw, except a few pieces, occurred as very small irregular deposits, and in no great abundance. the searching occupies but little time, as they look only among the lignite, which is at once obvious. no precautions are taken to prevent accidents from the falling in of the sides of the pits, which are in many places very close to each other (within two feet): but the soil is very tenacious. we could not obtain any fine specimens; indeed at first the workmen denied having any at all, and told mr. b. that they had been working for six years without success. they appear to have no index to favourable spots, but having once found a good pit they of course dig as many as possible as near and close together as they can. the most numerous occur at the highest part of the hill now worked. the article is much prized for ornaments by the chinese and singphos, but is never of much value; five rupees being a good price for a first-rate pair of earrings. meinkhoon is visited by parties of chinese for the purpose of procuring this article. there are at present here a lupai sooba and a few men, from a place three or four days' journey beyond the irrawaddi, waiting for amber. these men are much like the chinese, whose dress they almost wear: they squat like them, and wear their hair like them; shoes, stockings, pantaloons, jackets, tunic. they are armed chiefly with firelocks, in the use of which at 50 yards two of the men were expert enough. they talk the singpho language. the vegetation of the plains, proceeding to the mines, is unchanged. noticed apluda, a phyllanthus, cacalia, poa, etc. that of the hills is the same as that of the low ranges before traversed. the only new plants were a celtis? a krameria (the celtis is the boolla of upper assam,) ventilago, quercus or castanea, compositae, etc. in the damp places a largish loxotis, two or three begoniae, ditto urticeae occur. i noticed among and around the pits a species of bambusa, celtis, kydia calycina, clerodendrum infortunatum, calamus, areca, dicksonia, ficus, pentaptera, and rottlera. pladera has ceased to appear. last night a sort of alarm occurred, and in consequence, this evening, the head cooly gave his orders to his men in the following terms: "watch to-night well." nobody answering him, he continued, "do you hear what i say?" then addressed himself to them in the most obscene terms, which habit and uncivilized life seem to have adapted to common conversation amongst these people without any breach of modesty or decorum; and amongst the assamese such expressions likewise form not an uncommon mode of familiar salutation. _march 27th_.--left about 7, and proceeded over the meinkhoon plain in an easterly direction, in which the highest hills visible from the village lay. we continued east for some time, our course subsequently becoming more and more south. on reaching the nempyokha, we proceeded up its bed for about two miles, the course occasionally becoming west. we reached wollaboom at 12.5. general direction s.e.; distance thirteen miles. the greater part of the country traversed consisted of low plains, splendidly adapted for _halee_ cultivation. no villages were passed. saw two paths, one leading to the n., one to the s. not far from meinkhoon; of these the n. one leads to the hills, the s. to a singpho village. and we passed burial places of some antiquity, and considerable extent. new plants; a loranthus floribus viridibus, petalis 6 reflexis. zizyphoidea, and an arborescent bignonia foliis cordatis oppositis, integris, basi bi-glandulosis, paniculis racemiformibus, solitariis et axillaribus vel terminalibus et aggregatis. marlea sporobolus, castanea edulis, pteris dimediata, etc., occurred. noticed the tracks of a tiger, of elks, and the peewit or curlew. woollaboom is rather a large village on the nempyokha, which is here scarcely 40 yards broad; it is of no depth, and has not much stream. the villagers are meereps, but seem to bear a small proportion to their assamese slaves. it is not stockaded, but was so formerly. the souba, like a hero and a general, has erected a small stockade for himself near his house, out of which he might be with ease forced by a long spear, or a spear-head fastened to a bamboo. he is an enemy of the duphas, indeed almost all appear to be so. whatever events the return of this gam to assam may cause, it appears obvious to me, that the feuds in hookhoom will not cease but with his death. so much is he hated, that b. informs me that his destruction is meditated directly the meewoon retires to mogam. water boiled at 210 degrees fahr. elevat. 1064 feet. list of plants observed in hookhoom, which occur likewise in assam. eclipta floribus albis, dactylon. pogonatherum crinitum, cardamine. verbena chamaedrys? sisymbrium. phlebochiton extensum, gaertnera. ehretia arenarum, phrynium capitatum. erythrinae, sp. ----dichotomum. trematodon sabulosum, hiraea. marchantia asamica, naravalia. euphorbiacea nerifolia, liriodendrum. adelia nereifolia, roxb. paederia foetida, and another. spilanthus, azolla. convolvulus flore albo, lemna. mimosa sudiyensis-stipulis am conyza graveolens, plis foliaceis, on clearings. vandellia pedunculata, asplenium nidus. bonnayae sp. fol. spathulatis ficus elastica. floribus saturate caeruleis, kydia calycina. cordia of suddiya, pothos scandens. ricinus communis, (see journal, croton malvaefolium. p.174.) hedychium. buddleia neemda, hedychim, bracteis obtusis, apice reflexis, concavis. urtica gigas, plantago media, dicksonia. cotula, 2 species, phlogacanthus, _major_. coladium nympheaefolium, vitis. millingtonia pinnata, butomus pygmaeus. uricariae sp. cissampelos. saccharum spontaneum, stauntonia. eleusine indica, apludae sp. cynoglossum canescens, clerodendrum infortunatum. aesculus asamicus, vandellia pedunculata. cynodon, mangifera indica. ardisia fol. obovatis, umbellis briedelia. nutanti-pendulis, on the hills. marlea. cheilosandra. pteris dimidiata. loxotis major. centotheca. bauhinia variegata. castanea edulis. cacalia rosea. sporobolus. chapter v. _continues the journey from hookhoom valley_; _lat_. _26_ _degrees 20' n_., _long_. _96 degrees 40' e_., _towards ava_. _march 28th_.--started at 5.5 a.m., and arrived at a halting place at 3.5 p.m. general direction nearly south. distance 22 miles. throughout the first part we followed the kampyet, on the left bank of which wulloboom is situated. we thence diverged into jungle. the remainder of the time was occupied in crossing low hills, with here and there a small plain. we halted on a nullah, which discharges itself into the mogam river. in the kampyet i saw abundance of bookhar fish: these indeed actually swarm. the country throughout was uninteresting, although in the tree jungle clothing the small hills we crossed there are noble timber trees. i saw one of the finest fici, i ever saw. the botany of these hills was very interesting; for instance, a conifera taxoidea occurred, a new cyrtandracea, ditto acanthaceae 2, begoniae 2, tankervillia speciosa, a species of bletea, etc. etc. i also observed lindsaea, and pteris in abundance. hymenophyllum, davallia atrata, diplazium, begonia malabarica? bambusa spiculis hispidis, hypni sp. spinivenio prop. dicranum glaucum, etc. etc. a fine alpinia occurred near wulloboom. we observed no other signs of population than an old burial ground, near where you strike off into the hills. _march 29th_.--marched in a southerly direction from 5.5 to 1.5 p.m., inclusive of a halt of two hours nearly: distance fifteen miles. country, etc. continue the same. crossed same nullahs _en route_, before we reached the mogam river at 11 a.m. our course continued down it for 300 yards; we then crossed into the jungle, and traversed a low rising ground: subsequently we descended on the bed of the river. the jungle was for the most part dry. fish abound in the mogam river; in one place i never saw such swarms of bookhar, thousands must have been congregated. the river is of no great size, the extreme banks being at our halting place about 30 yards distant. no rapids occur here, and the stream is in general gentle. noticed the shorea, which is the _foung bein_ of the burmese. some occurred of gigantic size. it is strange, but a considerable change has occurred in the flora since we left hookhoom. thus, jonesia and peronema, jack? or at least one of the involucrate vitices occurred, as well as a large byttneria? fructibus echinatissimis. a climbing species of strychnos, a diospyros, a sapindacea, were the principal new plants. dicksonia and polypodium wallichianum continue. slackia of cuttackboom has white infundibuliform bilabiate flowers, tubo brevi, deorsum leniter curvato, lobo medio labii inferioris reliquis minore, lab. super. intus biplicato, plicis sursum convergentibus, stam. quinto valde rudimentario, antheris apice cohaerentibus. the new cyrthandracea of yesterday is suigeneris, ramondiae affinis. of this there are three species, two of which i have not seen in flower. calycis laciniae lineari-subulatae. cor. rotata, subregularis stam. 4, subsessilia connectivis amplis, quinto minimo dentiformi. stylus declinatus, stigma subsimplex, capsula (per junior) siliquosa. herbae vel suffrutices, hispidae, habitu peculiari. folia alterna! vel summa sparsa vel ob approximationem sub-opposita: intervenia areolata, areolis piliferis, pilis basi bulbosis. inflorescentia axillaris, cymosa, dichotoma. the tankervellia (or pharus?) has sepala pet. conformia extus alba, intus fusco-brunnea, labellum cucullatum, breve, calcaratum; intus inconspicue bilamellatum; extus albidum margines versus exceptis qua uti intus fuscosanguineum, fauce saturatiore. columnae albae clavale sursum subulata. anthera fere immersa, rostellum integrum ut in omnibus glandula orbotis pollinia 8. 5 a.m.--temperature 62. 210. _march 30th_.--marched for about thirteen miles along the bed of the river, and a more uninteresting march i never had. we breakfasted about four miles from our halting place at the granary of the meewoon. the bed of the river continues wider, and more sandy: the water being in general shallow. the only acquisitions met with to-day are grislea, an arborescent capparidea, and a pretty grewia. of birds, i noticed the avocet, or curved-billed plover, the grey kingfisher, the green pigeon, and the snake-bird, plutus levalliantia. the plants occupying the banks and the bed of the river are the same, viz. ehretia, saccharum spontaneum, spirale; _kagara_, erythrina, ficus, gnaphalia, podomolee, bombax. of fish, cyprinus falcata, and _nepoora mas_, occur in this river. temperature at 5.25 a.m. 6l. water boils at 210. _march 31st_.--continued our march down the mogaung river, passing through a most uninteresting, inhospitable-looking tract. general direction s.e., distance fourteen miles. the river is not much enlarged: it is still shallow, and much spread out, and impeded by fallen trees and stumps; it is navigable for small boats up to the meewoon's granary. noticed aesculus in flower. of birds, saw the grey and black-bellied tern. the botanical novelties are an arborescent salix, a ditto cordia floribus suave odoratis, phyllanthus embelica. saw some cultivation on low hills to the s.e. and e. inhabited by kukheens. 1st april. temperature 63. water 210.25 altitude. _april 1st_.--started at 5.25. leaving almost directly the mogaung river we traversed extensive open plains, halting for breakfast on the wampama kioung. this we crossed, continuing through open plains until we came to patches of jungle consisting of trees, and quite dry. we subsequently traversed more open plains until we reached the mogaung river, on the opposite (right) bank of which camein is situated. these plains were in many places quite free from trees; they are, except towards the south, quite surrounded with low hills, the highest of which are to the e., and among these, shewe down gyee, from which the nam tenai rises, is pre-eminent, looking as if it were 3000 feet high, and upwards. the hills although generally wooded are in many places quite naked; and as the natives say, this is not owing to previous cultivations, i suppose that they are spots naturally occupied entirely by gramineae. the plains slope towards the hills on either side. they are covered with gramineae; among which imperata, occasionally podomolee and saccharum, anthistiria arundinacea, a tall rottboelia, and andropogon occur; and in the more open spaces a curious rottboellioidea, glumis ciliatis, is common. in addition a polygala, a crucifera with bracteae and white flowers, an acanthacea, prenanthes? centranthera tetrastachys are met with. the trees are quite different from those of hookhoom; the principal one is a nauclea; bombax, wendlandiae sp., a rhamnea, phyllanthus, and bignonia cordifolia occur; the nauclea giving a character to the scenery. the botany of the patches of jungle is varied. strychnos nux-vomica is common; congea tomentosa, engelhardtia, etc. bauhinia arborea, and costus also occur. teak occurred to-day for the first time, but not in abundance, neither were the specimens fine: it was past flowering, it occurred only between the patches of jungle among grass. i should have mentioned, that throughout the first portion of the plains traversed, a dioceous dwarf phoenix was not rare, as well as an herpestes. a beautiful rose occurs on the banks of nullahs, and at camein, on the mogaung river: it has large white flowers, involucrate; smell sweet like that of a jonquil. the general direction of the march was s.s.e. distance fourteen miles. camein consists of two stockaded villages: the smaller one being situated on a small hill on the endaw kioung, which comes from near the serpentine mines, and falls into the mogaung river here; this has about twelve houses: the one below about twenty, the inhabitants are shans chiefly, and appear numerous and healthy. assamese slaves are not uncommon. observed the large blue kingfisher of the tenasserim coast, _alcedo_ _sinensis_. the day's botany was very interesting, more so than that of any other days, excepting two on the higher ranges of the naga hills. the crucifera is highly interesting. in the woods alstonia and elephantopus; salvinia is common in marshes. _april 2nd_.--left at 10 a.m., proceeding over the low hill to the w. of lower camein; our course continued traversing low ranges and small intermediate plains, which we skirted. at noon we reached the tsee een nullah, where we found a large party of shan chinese, returning from the mines; they had but few ponies, and still fewer mules. their dress, appearance, habits, etc. are those of the lower orders of chinese. after leaving this our course continued over similar country, until we reached the endaw kioung at 3 p.m., which we crossed, halting on its left bank; it is a stream of much strength and a broad bed, but shallow. we saw some cultivation on low hills to the w.n.w., and could distinguish two or three houses; it is a small village inhabited by meereps. the vegetation of the valleys or plains continues the same, but in addition to the rottboelleoidea minor, is a curious andropogon, and on the skirts of the hills a large anthistiria; some of the finest specimens of teak also occurred. bamboo in abundance; otherwise the trees are, with a few exceptions, completely changed. a fine arborescent wendlandia, bignonia indica? fructibus siliquo-formibus spiraliter tortis, arborea, kydia, eurya arborea, and many other fine trees occurred, but these i leave until my return. on one plain i noticed a cycas, caudice simplici vel dichotomo, and the phoenix of yesterday. in the endaw kioung two species of potamogeton, azolla, and pistia, villarsia and ceratophyllum occur. _april 3rd_.--5.25 a.m. therm. 55. water boiled at 210. elevation 1064 feet. continued our journey over similar country, marching from half-past 5 to 1 p.m., including an hour's halt. distance fifteen miles: general direction s.s.w. passed many streamlets, and continued for some time close to the endaw, which is still a largish river, apparently deep, with a sluggish stream. the plains continue, but of much narrower diameter. met many shan chinese and two parties of mogaung people returning from the mines. the most interesting plants of to-day are a santalacea, a climbing species, racemis subpendulis, of citrus--citrus scandens, cardiopteris of which i found old fruit alone, a new roydsia, r. parviflora mihi. the vegetation of the plains continues unchanged, a dillenia with small yellow flowers is common on their skirts, bignonia cordata occurs as a large tree; no one has seen teak. there is something peculiar in the appearance of the trees of the plains, especially of the nauclea; they look scraggy. i picked up the flowers of an arborescent hibiscus, and the fruit of lagertraemia grandiflora. halted on an old rice khet, near a pool of tolerably clear water. bignonia cordata has sweet smelling flowers, lab. medio labii inferioris bicristato. is it not rather a viticea, owing to the absence of the 5th stamen? phlebochiton, sambucus, butomus pygmaeus. many portions of the hills are covered with plantains in immense numbers, (not musa glauca). on hills bounding to the south, one or two spots of cultivation belonging to a village in the interior occur. the shans wear curious sandals made of a sort of hemp, at least those who do not wear the usual chinese shoes. _4th_.--5.25 a.m. temperature 55.5. water boiled at 210. elevation as before. _april 4th_.--continued our course through exactly the same kind of country, the plains becoming much narrower. reached the path leading to keouk seik after five hours' marching, and up to this our course was nearly the same with that of yesterday, between w.s.w. and s.w. we did not see the village; several (seven or eight) houses are visible on the hill, which here extends north and south, and along which runs a nullah, the kam theem. from this place our course continued almost entirely over low hills not exceeding 800 feet above us, until we halted on the margin of a plain bounded to the w. by the boom, which runs n. and s., the direction being w.n.w. distance seventeen miles. on our march we met several parties of shans, burmese, and singphos. the path from the village to this is much better, and much more frequented than any of the other parts. most of the parties were loaded with serpentine. noticed _en route_, both on the plains and on the hills, teak; in the latter situations many of the specimens were very fine. another noble dipterocarpea arborea was observed. i observed drymaria, vallaris solanacea, and a spathodia, which is common on the plains. teak is remarkable for the smoothness and peculiar appearance of its bark, so that it seems to have had it stripped off. gathered on the hills ulmus and hyalostemma, the petals of which are united into a tri-partite corolla, a cyrtandracea in fruit, and an olacinea, floribus tri-sepalis, appendicibus 6 apice fimbriatis, stam. 3, sepalis oppositis, racemis erectis. _april 5th_.--reached the mines after a march of about four hours; our course was winding, continuing through jungle and small patches of plain, until we reached the base of that part of the kuwa boom which we were to cross, and which bore n.w. from the place at which we slept. the ascent was steep in some places, it bore in a n.n.w. direction, principally through a bamboo jungle. from a clear space half way up, we had a fine and pretty view of the hills and plains, especially to the s. and s.e. in the former direction, and distant about fifteen miles, we saw on our return, the endaw gyee, but we could not estimate its size or figure; it is evidently however a large sheet of water; the natives say, several miles across. from the summit, we likewise had a fine view of the country to the e.; very few plains were visible in this direction. nearly due east, and about thirty miles off, was visible shewe down gyee, and this will make camein nearly due east also, or e. by s. the descent passed through similar jungle, that at the foot being damp. the course continued in a direction varying from s. to w., or rather between these points, through damp jungle. we then ascended another steep hill, but not exceeding 5 or 600 feet in height; descending from this, and passing through low tree and then bamboo jungle, we reached the mines. the road was, up to the base of kuwa boom on the w. side, very good, thence it was in general bad; wet, slippery, much impeded by blocks of serpentine, and foliated limestone (bayfield) crossing several streams, mountain torrents, the principal one being sapya khioung. this takes its name from a spring of water of alkaline properties, which bubbles up sparingly from under its rocky bed, and which must be covered during the rains. the water is clear, of a pure alkaline taste, and is used by the natives as soap. the mines occupy a valley of a somewhat semi-circular form, bounded on all sides by hills clothed with trees, none being of very great height. the valley passes off to the n. into a ravine, down which the small stream that percolates the valley escapes, and in this at about a coss distant other pits occur. the surface of the valley apparently at one time consisted of low rounded hillocks; it is now much broken, and choked up with the earth and stones that have been thrown up by excavating. the stone is found in the form of more or less rounded boulders imbedded with others, such as quartz, etc. in brickish-yellow or nearly orange clay. the boulders vary much in size. there is no regularity in the pits, which are dug indiscriminately; some have the form of ditches, none exceed 20 feet in depth. they are dug all over the valley, as well as on the base of the hill bounding it to the w. and n.w. we could not obtain any good specimens, nor is there any thing in the spot that repays the visit. no machinery is used, the larger blocks are broken by fire. but that they are of importance in the light of increasing the revenue, is evident, from the fact that b. counted, since we left camein, 1,100 people on their return, of whom about 700 were shan chinese. the loads carried away are in some cases very heavy; the larger pieces are carried on bamboo frames by from two to five men, the lesser on a stout piece of bamboo lashed to and supported on two cross or forked bamboos, the stouter joint resting on the bearer's neck, the handles of the forks being carried in his hands. the most obvious advantage of this is the ease with which the load may be taken off, when the bearer is fatigued. the revenue yielded last year, b. tells me, was 320 viss of silver, or about 40,000 rupees. the length of the valley from e. to w. is about three quarters of a mile; its breadth varies from 460 to 800 yards. on our return we boiled water at the soap spring, which is about 50 feet above the mines, temp. of the air 80.5. 2.5 p.m. of boiling water 209. elevation 1600 feet. and on the top of kuwa boom, which is crossed at a comparatively low place, at 4.5 p.m. temp. of the air 76, of boiling water 207. elevation 2678 feet. i can say nothing as to the peculiar features of the vegetation, in the woods towards kuwa boom. i gathered three aurantiaceae; the olacinea of yesterday is common, a large arborescent artocarpus fructibus oblongis sub-informibus, sub-acidulis, .75 uncialibus; teak rarely; tonabea, noble specimens occur; on the kuwa boom, a large gordonia arborea, two arborescent myrtacea, large mangoes, bamboo, a morinda; magnoliaecea occurs on its western face, as well as the conifera toxoidea before gathered. dicksonia and pladera justicioidea both occur. dianella nemorosa, etc. the serpentine is carried from keoukseik in boats down the endaw kioung, thence to camein, and from whence it goes to mogam, which is probably the principal mart. calamus spioris petiolorum uncialibus verticillatis occurs in abundance in all the damp jungle. we returned in the afternoon to our halting place of yesterday, from which the mines are distant ten miles, four of which occur from the side of kuwa boom to the west. the endaw gyee is situated on a plain, but it is enclosed by hills on every side except the s.e. those to the south are very high. _april 6th_.--returned, diverging from the path to the village keoukseik. noticed liriodendron, aesculus, achyranthis aspera, vallaris solanacea, etc. the village is situated to the s. of the road to the mines; it is close to the nam teen, and on a small elevation; it is stockaded. the number of houses is about sixteen; of inhabitants, including children, 120: all the houses, except two, being small. the merchants, etc. employed about the mines, halt on the nam theen, which is up to this point navigable for small boats. thermometer 66. 6.5 a.m. temp. of boiling water 210. _april 8th_.--reached camein at noon: halted on the 7th at our former hut on the endaw kioung. the additional plants noticed are duchesnia indica, common in wet places; a bamboo, paniculis (culmis) nutantibus aphyllis, amplus. pandanus; curculigo pumila, floribus sub-solitarius ante folia, 6 vel. 4 partitis; a careya, dillenia, arborea floribus numerosis parvis luteis. aeschynomena, anthistiria arundinacea, composita arborea, 40-50 pedalis. another species of anthistiria, common on the margins of hills during the march. fir trees are reported to exist on _lioe peik_, which bears south from kioukseik. volcanic hills reported to exist near the endaw gyee, but no salt rock occurs. this mineral is said to be found three days' march from kioukseik on the nam theen. the revenue said to accrue from the serpentine mines, is probably highly exaggerated; and the supply of the stone is said to be diminishing yearly. casually found on the nam toroon, a sterculia arborea, florib-masculis clavato, infundibul. coccineis, pubescentibus: a sophora, floribus albidis pallidissima ceruleo tinctis, of which the flowers alone were seen; prenanthis flosentis citrinis, a polygala and hypericum were likewise found. _april 9th_.--left camein at 6, and reached mogoung at 6 p.m. after a march of at least twenty-five miles. the course at first was nearly due east, until we reached the nam pong, but subsequently it became more southerly. camein bears from this about s.s.e. the country traversed was the same, generally comparatively open, that is to say, grassy plains with rhamnea, nauclea, bombax, etc. for some distance the path extended through shady woods. no villages, nor any signs of such were observed _en route_. we passed many streamlets particularly during the latter half of the march. our original intention was to have come to mogoung by water, and with this view bayfield told the man sent by the myoowook to procure two or three canoes. at 6 a.m. the havildar came up to our hut, and said that the headman of the village was disputing violently about our taking the boats. bayfield proceeded down to the river side, where the yua thugee was very insolent, and he and his followers drew their _dhaos_ (swords) on bayfield, who slightly pushed the thugee. it ended in our going by land. we had previously heard of the rebellion at ava: the thugee's behaviour evidently arose partly from this. i did not observe the dispute, as i remained near the stockade. noticed a lonicera in low places, and the viola of suddiya on the plains, a cardiopteris, kempferia, curcuma, a bambusa vaginis collo barbatis, a scandent strychnos, an aerides, ardisiae 2, some acanthaceae, loxotis major, urticeae 2 or 3, santalacea as before, tetrantherae, davallia atrata, asplenium fronde simplici, etc. etc. _april 10th_.--we halt, and hear a report of the death of mr. kincaid, and that a burmese army is _en route_ here. the whole country is most unsettled, all the singphos and khukeens being in open rebellion. it appears that thurrawaddi is meeting with success in his summons for men. no resistance shewn to his authority hitherto except by one myoowoon. our myoowoon has absented himself, and the myoowook determined on surrender. bayfield under all circumstances, and failing authentic intelligence of mr. kincaid, resolves on remaining here. mogam is a rather pretty town, situated on the right bank of the mogoung river, at the confluence of a river 100 yards broad, the water of which spreads out, in some places, to a considerable breadth and depth. the country is however low, flooded in the rains, and surrounded by hills, except in the direction of shewe down gyee. in many places it is only covered with grass. the town is large, and was formerly stockaded, the remains of the timber stockade being still visible. it contains about 300 houses, about 2,500 inhabitants, mostly shans. the houses are generally raised, in many cases like those of the kampties, the chopper coming low down, shaped like a turtle's back. there is a very distinct opening or chasm in the hills between s. d. gyee and a low range to the north, but no river makes its exit there. sunday, 16th. _april 18th_.--halted up to this date, waiting for information especially regarding the army at tsenbo. in this place two fragrant dipterocarpeae are found; as also bixa, tamarindus, and carthamus, which last is cultivated and used both for food and dyeing. about the poongie houses some remarkable fici occur, the trunk being divided so low down as to give the idea of a group of several trees. the roots in addition are made to spread over the conical mounds, thrown up at their bases. a race of wild-looking short men, called lupai khakoos, inhabit this vicinity, wearing a jacket, and dark-blue cloth with an ornamented border, worn with the ends overlapping in front. they wear garters of the suwa. their hair is worn either long or cropped, and a beard is also occasionally worn by the elders. in this place very few regular chinese are to be found, and the few that are here seen, are ultra-provincials; none are acquainted with the manufacture of tea. this article is procurable here, but at a high rate; it is sold in flat cakes of some diameter; it is black, coarse, with scarcely any smell, and in taste not much superior to the assamese article; 20 tickals weight sells for 1.25. all the blue cloths of the shans are dyed, bayfield informs me, with ruellia, or jungle indigo. it is with these people that the only trade seems to be carried on, and this is limited to amber and serpentine. they are very dirty, and excessively penurious, but industrious. owing to their habits and extreme penury, there is no outlet for our manufactures in this direction; so that i fully agree with hannay's statement, that 500 rupees worth of british goods would be unabsorbed for some years. rosa is common, also a rumex; a sisymbroid plant also occurs. among the trees, all which are stunted, gmelina arborea occurs. there are some assamese slaves here among the people, one of them is said to be a relation of chundra kant, the suddiya chief: slaves are held in very small estimation with the burmese. thus bayfield asked his writer, who such a one standing near him was, whether a shan or singpho? the man answered, "my lord, it is not a man; it is a waidalee." altogether, mogoung is an uninteresting place; the surrounding plains are barren-looking, and inhospitable, and clothed with grass. here and there a ragged nauclea, careya, etc. is visible with gmelina arborea. the undershrubs are chiefly a rhamnoidea, and a phyllanthus. rosa is common; rumex and nasturtium are both met with. news arrived yesterday evening to the effect, that the king is drowned, the heir-apparent in the palace: and that colonel burney is with thurrawadi!!! my collections up to this place amount to 900 species. _april 19th_.--left at 12, and halted after having gone about four miles. the river continues the same as above; it is a good deal impeded by trees, and much more so by sandbanks. _april 20th_.--reached tapaw in the afternoon; our progress is, however, very slow the stream being slight, but the river is much improved; being less spread out, owing to its greater proximity to the low hills: often very deep, generally clothed with jungle to the water's edge. on the hills near tapaw are some khukeens of the thampraw tribe, and on these hills bitter tea is reported to be found. this the khukeens bring down for sale. _april 21st_.--continued our course, performing about twelve miles between 7 and 5, inclusive of one hour's halt. at some distance from tapaw and thence throughout the day, here and there occur rapids, which are much worse, from the stream being impeded by large rocks. in some places it is divided, in others, compressed between hills, and here it is very deep. _april 23rd_.--arrived at the irrawaddi. the mogoung river is very uninteresting; the stream being generally slow, sandbanks very abundant, as well as stumps of sunken trees. at its mouth it is deep, and about seventy yards across. the banks are either overgrown with trees or else grassy; the grasses being arundo and saccharum. on the steep banks of the hills where these descend into the river, ferns are common together with an amaryllidea out of flower. cadaba is common, as well as a large mimosea. rosa continues; as also aesculus. on the road by which the chinese branch off from tapaw to the irrawaddi, i gathered an arborescent apocynea foliis suboppositis, and a homalineous tree, floribus tetrameris; salix is common all down the river. teak only occurs occasionally. in one place i gathered lonicera heterophylla, a fragrant valeriana? and jonesia in abundance; this last being here apparently quite wild. adelia nereifolia, a ficus, ehretia arenarum, and the usual sandy plants occur on the banks. pistia, salvinia and azolla are common. the irrawaddi opposite the entrance of the mogoung river, is 600 yards across. it is a noble stream; has risen a good deal, and presents one unbroken sheet of water. the banks are by no means high, and are grassed to the brink. the water is cold and clouded; its temperature is 66.5 degrees, that of air in a boat 88.5. we reached tsenbo about 1 o'clock, having passed five or six villages, mostly small, and inhabited by shans. tsenbo numbers about 30 houses, but these as throughout burma, as far as we have seen, are small; it is situated on a low hill on the left bank. both banks are hilly, especially the right. the river has risen enormously during a halt here--many feet. in one hour we found it to rise about 16 inches. at this place i gathered a fine blue vanda, and a curious tree habitu thespiae: stigmatibus 4. between this and the entrance to the narrow defile kioukdweng, which is about 1.5 miles distant, three villages occur. this entrance is well marked, the river becoming suddenly contracted from 300 to less than 100 yards. we halted about 6.5 p.m. at lemar. noticed four or five villages between lemar and the village at the entrance of the defile. all these villages are inhabited by poans, a distinct hill tribe. passed through two fearful places, one in particular where the whole body of water rushes through a _gate_, formed by huge rocks not 50 yards wide. _april 24th_.--continued our course, and arrived at bamoo about 5.5 p.m.; the greater part of the journey extended through the kioukdweng, or defile, in which some terrific places occur, one in particular known by two rocks which are called the elephant and cow. passed several small villages before we made our exit from the k. dweng: all inhabited by poans. between this and bamoo the country along the river is truly magnificent, and is well inhabited. the largest village contains about 70 houses; at least seven or eight occur, between the points above noted. the kioukdweng is a remarkable and an awful object. the greatest breadth of the river while confined within this defile does not exceed 250 yards, and in all the bad places it is contracted to within 100, occasionally 50. from the enormous rise of the river, which, last night alone amounted to an increase of ten feet, the passage is one continued scene of anxiety. in the places above referred to the river rushes by with great velocity, while the return waters caused on either side by the surrounding rocks, occasion violent eddies and whirlpools, so as to render the boat unmanageable, and if upset the best swimmer could not live in these places. the rocks are serpentine and grey limestone, presenting angular masses which project into the stream; the former in all places within high-water mark is of a dark-brown colour. micaceous slate? likewise occurs, although rarely. the depth is of course enormous, in the low state of the river, when bayfield passed up, in many places no bottom was found, at 25 or even 40 fathoms, and at this season the water had no doubt risen 40 feet higher. some idea of the rise that has taken place may be formed from the fact, that in places where, when bayfield passed up, the stream did not exceed 70 yards in width, it was now 200; and of course a rise of 20 feet in the open river, would determine one of at least 40 within the k. dweng. after passing the elephant and cow, which have the usual resemblance implied by their fanciful names, the river widens and becomes tranquil. the whole of this kioukdweng is truly remarkable, and in many places very picturesque. the vegetation is, i imagine, similar to that of the low hills about mogoung; but so dangerous was the passage, that i had but few opportunities of going ashore. the hills are thinly wooded, and all bear many impressions of former clearings; but the spots now under cultivation are certainly few. besides, we must bear in mind, that the spots cultivated generally throughout thinly populated parts of india are deserted after the first crop, so that a very limited population may clear a great extent of ground. bayfield tells me, and i consider his authority as excellent, that the population is almost entirely limited to the villages seen during the passage. these do not exceed twelve, and they are all small. none of the hills exceed 500 feet in height (apparently,) they do not present any very peculiar features. below the maximum high-water mark the vegetation is all stunted, at least that of the rocks; a tufted graminea is the most common. adelia nereifolia (roxb.), a celastrinea, a curious rubiacea, which i also have from moulmain, two myrtaceae, a rungia, are the most common. i did not observe podocarpus. in the occasionally sandy spots campanula, the usual compositae, panica three. eleusine, clenopodium, and atriplex are common, a stemodia, and asclepiadea likewise occur. one clematis carpellis imberbibus, and the lonicera are met with. no mosses appear to occur. one remarkable tree, _belhoe_ of assam, 70 feet high, cortice albido, foliis orbato, panculis (fructus) pendulis, occurs: it has the appearance of an amentaceous tree. _april 27th_.--we have remained at bamoo; nothing appears to have been settled below, and the river is reported to be unsafe. it has fallen at least three feet since our arrival. bayfield measured the left channel yesterday; it is nearly 750 yards wide. bamoo is situated on the left bank, along which its principal street runs. the town is a very narrow one, the breadth averaging about 200 yards; its extent is considerable, but it scarcely contains 600 houses, and of these 105 are chinese, and only has one good street, _i.e_. as to length. neither are the houses at all good or large, so that the population cannot be established at more than 3000. i allude only to those within the stockade; out of this, and close to bamoo are two or three small villages. the stockade is of timber, _pangaed_, or fenced outside for about 30 yards; it has just been completely repaired, as an attack is expected from the khukeens. the chinamen live all together, in a street of low houses built of unbaked bricks; these are not comparable to the houses at moulmain. there is but little trade now going on. within the stockade and without, low swampy ravines occur, that cannot be but injurious to the healthiness of the town. the myoowoon spends all his money in pagodas, none of which are worth seeing: all the roads and bridges he leaves to take care of themselves. the _inferior caked tea_, sugarcandy, silk dresses, straw hats, and caps are procurable, but at a high price. pork is plentiful, and the bazaar is well supplied with fish. it is a much more busy place than mogoung, as well as considerably larger. the chief export trade with the chinese is cotton; the revenue however by no means equals that of the mogoung district. the country around is nearly flat; on one side of the stockade there is an extensive marsh well adapted for paddy. otherwise the ground is dry, and tolerably well drained; it appears to have been formerly wooded; at present the environs are occupied by undershrubs. i have observed no peculiar botanical feature. among the undershrubs are phyllanthae 2, apocynea arborescens, gelonium, combretum, strychnos, vitex, melastoma. when i say undershrubs, i mean that such is their present appearance. the only new plant is an elegant capparis, subscandens, floribus albis, odoratis demum filamentisque purpureo-roseis. about old pagodas, pladera of moulmain, a labiata, stemodia, and andropogon occur. the cultivated plants are those of the coast, hyperanthera moringa, bixa orellana, calotropis gigantea, artocarpus integrifolia, a phyllanthus, cordia myxa, carica papaya, citrus medica, plantains, a large and coarse custard apple, mango, zyziphus, cocos, taliera, agati. the climate is dry and sultry, the diurnal range of the thermometer being from 28 to 32 degrees. at this season, viz. at 6.5 a.m. from 66 to 68; 4 p.m. from 94 to 96. north winds are common, daily commencing from that quarter, or terminating there. they are not accompanied by much rain, although the weather is unsettled. _may 2nd_.--a khukeen whom bayfield sent for tea returned, bringing with him many specimens out of flower. the striking difference between this and the tea i have hitherto seen, consists in the smallness and finer texture of the leaves. for although a few of the specimens had leaves measuring six by three inches, yet the generality, and these were mature, measured from four to three, by two to three. as both entire and serrated leaves occur, the finer texture was more remarkable. the bitterness, as well as the peculiar flavour were most evident. young leaves were abundant. the khukeens make no use of the tea. the chinese here talk of this as the jungle tea, and affirm that it cannot be manufactured into a good article. they talk of the valuable sorts as being very numerous, and all as having small leaves. neither here nor at mogoung are there any real chinamen, nor is there any body who understands the process of manufacturing tea. the caked tea is not made to adhere by the serum of sheep's blood, it adheres owing to being thus packed before it is dry. the plain around bamoo is intersected by ravines, which afford good paddy cultivation; no large trees occur within 1.5 miles of the town. at this distance a large dipterocarpea is common. in the underwood around the town, a dipterocarpus, arbuscula, foliis maximis, oblongo-cordatis, gordonia, lagerstraemia parviflora, elodea, nauclea; leguminosae 3, gelonia, combretum, jasminum occur. in the marshes ammannia rotundifolia, cyrilla, azolla, marsilea, and salvinia, serpicula, ceratophyllum; a campanula _arenosa_ reaches thus far. every day indecent sights occur in the river, owing to the women bathing without clothes, and either with or near the men. they appear to be indifferent to the concealment of their person, breasts, and hoc genus omne, being freely exposed. they swim very well, and in a curious way. they make their escape by squatting down in the water, unfolding their cloth, and springing up behind it. as for the men, they appear to take a pride in exposing every part of their bodies. no gazers-on occur among these people, such not being the fashion. the shan tarooks who trade with this place use oxen in addition to other beasts of burden; the breed appears good, resembling the smaller kind of india. the irrawaddi here is between the extreme banks a little less than 1.5 miles broad; the channel on which bamo is situated is the largest, and is 800 yards across. two other channels exist, of which the west is the smallest, and carries off least water. the river is a good deal sub-divided by sandbanks, but is, compared with the burrumpooter a confined river. since our arrival here it has sunk several (say five or six) feet, and no longer looks the noble river it did on our arrival. the sandbanks when they do exist are either naked, or clothed with partial and not gigantic grassy vegetation. i have not seen any thing comparable to the churs of the b. pooter in this respect. the temperature of the river is not particularly low, and is much higher now than during the rise. from bamoo the opening of the kioukdweng is not conspicuous, nobody unacquainted with the course of the river would imagine that it passes through the range of hills to the n. and nne. the highest hills visible are to the east. they are within a day's journey, and are clothed to their summits. some appear 3000 feet high. low hills inhabited by wild khukeens, are visible nearly all around, except perhaps due west. the wild fierce nature of these people is attended with a great extent of mischief, quite unchecked, without eliciting even precautionary measures on the part of the burmese government. there are a few angles in the bamoo stockade, and these exist because a straight line cannot be preserved; and large torches are placed out on levers for illuminating the enemy, and loop-holes are cut through the timbers; watch-houses are likewise placed at certain points. there are two rows of _pangahs_ or fences outside, but not the singpho pangahs. notwithstanding all this the river face is quite defenceless. the soil is dry and sandy, and cultivation is carried on principally on the churs. pumpkins and gourds are abundant; yams, (dioscorea,) not very good. rice is sold at the usual price, a basket full for a rupee. the town is dirty, and not kept in any order. _may 6th_.--we left bamoo, and in three hours reached kounglaun, a rather large village on the left bank, containing 100 houses, many of which are respectable, better indeed than any in bamoo. it contains many small ruined pagodas. a gigantic tree grows within the stockade, which is a very poor one. punica granatum, and beloe, were the only plants of interest observed in the neighbourhood. we passed several (six or seven) villages, none except one with more than thirty houses; the one alluded to had sixty. all the houses continue small. the river is here much subdivided, and in many places shallow; sandbanks are common. vegetation of banks is almost entirely gramineae, and coarse strong-smelling compositae. the grasses are different from those previously met with, except the arundo. rosa continues; salix is common. between koungloung and tsenkan, which is on the same bank, and close to the entrance to the kioukdweng, three villages are met with; but none of any size. tsenkan is prettily situated on a high bank, or rather low hill. the houses are about 100 in number, all poor and small. the stockade is a miserable affair. there are some good poonghie houses, and a very pretty group of pagodas on a small rock. the country is jungly; just above the town a nullah enters the irrawaddi: it is down this that large quantities of teak is brought, from hills two days' journey to the eastward; some large rafts were seen, but although some of the timbers were stout, none were of any great size. i gathered a pretty hippocrateaceous plant in the jungles, as well as a combretum; a vitex, an amyridea, etc. phrynium dichotomum occurs here; rosa continues; jatropha is cultivated. _may 7th_.--started at 5 a.m., and entered the kioukdweng almost immediately. we halted about 7, at tsenbo. noticed aesculus, sisymbrium, campanula, adelia nereifolia, dillania speciosa, the usual compositae, and largish dipterocarpeae. the river is a good deal narrowed, but never less than 130 yards across, and as there are no rocks in any direction to impede the stream, the water flows but slowly and very placidly. almost all the rocks forming the hills are grey carbonate of lime. these hills are covered to high-water mark, with scanty somewhat stunted trees, the most of which have no foliage. the scenery is by no means so bold as in the upper k. dweng, although just above tsenbo, there is a noble cliff, 300 feet high, and almost perpendicular; under its ledges we observed great numbers of bees' nests. the rock when exposed is rather greyish black, and in many places reddish. serpentine occurs, but is not common. a good deal of lime is prepared in this kioukdweng, and some portions of it in the rugged serrated appearance, remind one of the limestone cliffs on the coast. above tsenbo and nearly opposite the cliff, is a small village of eight houses. tsenbo numbers fifteen; it is on the left bank, and is a miserable place. here we were left by our escort which accompanied us from tsenkan, and the thogee refused positively to give us two or three men to row. although master of a miserable hole, he had made preparations for defence, and had set on foot a custom house. we saw a good many boats passing up, all evidently containing families moving away from their villages. in this kioukdweng a fine palm exists, which i have never seen before. caudex 10-15 pedalis, crassa, petiolorum basibus processibus vestitis, frondibus pinnatis, 10 pedalibus, pinnis ensifornibus 2 to 2.5 pedalibus, subtus glaucis, diametro 1.5 uncialibus, basi valde obliquis, bilobis! lobo inferiore maximo, decurrenti, uninervi: floribus in spadicibus nutanti-curvatis, amplis, basi spathaceis spicato-paniculatis. florib. masculis polyandris. petiol. bases cretosae, intus processubus atris, subulatis, longissimis robustis quasi panicillatis. habitus quodammodo wallichiae. hab. in umbrosissimis. an arbuscula anonacea, floribus dioicis, mas. corollae petalis apice valvatim cohaerentibus, basi apertis, potius distantibus, ovariis (faem) pedicellatis, also occurred. fructus elliptico-oblongus, subuncialis, hinc a basi ad styli punctum linea tenui exsculptus, unilocularis, unisporus. endocarp, ac testa viscoso-gelatinosa. testa ac tegumen intera membr. chartacea. albumen copiosum hinc et suturae fructus oppositae, profundius exarat. sectione transversa-reniformi. carnoso albumeni germen secus sulcum affixium. embryo in axi albuminis, radicul super. cotyledones foliaceae, albae, amplae, curvat seminis sequentes: suturae placental, oppositae. ejusdem generis cum menispermea: in sylvis singfoensibus cum wallichia: vide icones. arrived at kioukgyee at 5 p.m. waited on and dined with the meewoon, who is a gentlemanly, spare, lively man with grey hair. dinner was good, and clean. preserved dried jujubes from china, as well as some preserved by himself were very good. kioukgyee is on the right bank of the river, which is here undivided by islands, and about 1200 yards broad. just above the town there are some rocks. the number of houses is about eighty-five, most of them arranged in a broad street running along the river, and the best that i have seen for some time. the village is surrounded by a new and wretched stockade, the outskirts being fenced or _pangaed_; the people are on the qui vive, and the whole village seems to be in a constant state of alarm. all the jungle immediately adjoining the town is cut down; many of the houses are unroofed, and all the gates are guarded. visited this morning the lines occupied by the attacking force; these were not 300 yards from the village, and occupied the skirts of the jungle: trees had been felled and earth thrown up, but not in such a manner as to obstruct in any way tolerably brave men. we saw none of the slain, we may therefore doubt if there were any, but it was evident from platters, etc. strewed about, that the flight of the robbers had been very precipitate. we passed some little distance above this, a holy island, the numberless small pagodas on which, had a very pretty effect. close to these there was a small village, sheweygyoo, which had been just burnt down by the kioukgyee people, for giving assistance to the robbers; this as well as two other contiguous villages before occupied a good extent of the left bank, and numbered probably 150 houses. most of the inhabitants have retreated up the river. _may 8th_.--reached katha at 6 p.m. throughout the day saw little of interest. what we did see, gave evident tokens of disturbances,: villages deserted; dogs starved, howling piteously; canoes without owners. at one village a few miles below kioukgit, our arrival caused much excitement, and a gun was fired off as a signal of alarm on our approach. _may 9th_.--katha is on the right bank of the irrawaddi; it is situated on an eminence, and commands a fine view of a fine reach of the river; the situation indeed is excellent. it contains nearly 200 houses, but these are not of the better description. to the west is a fine chain of hills, the lowest ranges of which are distant about one mile and a half; the highest peaks are perhaps 1500 feet. no signs of alarm or disturbances are here visible, although part of the force that invested kioukgit came from this village. we here learn the agreeable news that the country below is quiet, and that no robbers now infested the road. the thogee is a fine looking young man; very polite. this village boasts of some pretty pagodas, well grouped, and a very fine _kiown_, the workmanship of which astonished me, particularly the carving; it is built of teak, the posts being very stout, and very numerous. several merchant boats left before us, apparently anxious for our escort. behind the town is a large plain used for the cultivation of paddy. otherwise the jungle comes close to the houses, although the larger trees have been felled for firewood, etc.: the woods are dry, and tolerably open. in the morning i went out towards the hills; the chief timber trees are a fine dipterocarpus, and a hopea; pentapetes likewise occurs; terminalia chebula. gathered a fine arum, somewhat like a. campanulatum. an arboreous gardenia, as at mergui; myrtacea, vitex, bauhinia of yesterday; randia, andropogon aciculare; some stunted bamboos were likewise observed. altogether katha is the prettiest place i have yet seen. the river opposite it is confined to one bed, about 500 yards broad. _may 9th_.--left at 7 a.m., and reached the mouth of the shwe lee at 1 p.m.; the distance according to b. being sixteen miles. passed a few villages, but none of any size; the houses of all continue of the same description. the river presents the same features. salix continues. sandbanks occupied by annual compositae occur, two polygona, campanula, a ranunculus, much like that of suddiya, a labiata, paronychia, two spermacoces; bombax occurs just below katha; salix and rosa continue. shwe lee is a considerable river, at the mouth between 4 and 500 yards broad; but one-third of this is unoccupied by water, and the stream is not deep, although of the ordinary strength. above, it narrows considerably. 7.5 p.m. temperature of the air 76 degrees. of irrawaddi 74 degrees. _may 9th_.--tsa-gaiya. this is a mean village on the left bank, about eighteen miles from katha; it is close to a low range of hills, and occupies part of a plain, which is adapted for paddy cultivation. near the village to the north, is a small _jeel_, covered to a great extent with a large scirpus, jussiaea, azolla, salvinia, etc. water-fruits are abundant; round this paddy is cultivated, and they appear to cut it at this time. low ground near the jeel is covered with a low, handsome stravadium or barringtonia, as well as a xanthophyllum, resembling exceedingly in appearance a leguminosa: the wood is hard. calamus is also common. a handsome nauclea occurs, and on the grassy margins of the plain a small euphrasia is common. during our stage i observed large quantities of bombax, and a tree apparently the beloe of assam; the banks were either grassy or wooded, especially on the right bank, which is skirted entirely by hills of the same barren looking description. the grasses are all small compared with those of assam. _may 10th_.--reached tagoung late in the evening at 7.5: distance thirty-two miles. the river continues the same; the hills on the left bank are much broken into ravines: all continue clothed with the same stunted vegetation. _may 11th_.--tagoung is a miserable village on the left bank; it occupies a rocky eminence, and contains less than 100 houses. it is the most inferior village i have yet seen, the streets being dreadfully dirty and the houses very mean. we visited an old pagoda, about a mile from the town, which is surrounded by an antique wall, much obscured by jungle, and more resembling a bund. on our route hither we landed at thigan, a village containing about forty houses, and prettily situated at the foot of a hill of micaceous sandstone, on the right bank. at this place are the remains of a fort built by the chinese, of slabs of the rock forming the hill. similar remains exist at myadoung, on the opposite bank, as i learn from mr. bayfield. i gathered a sida, capparis, prionitis, gnaphalium, and a xanthoxylia petiolis alatis armata; an adiantum grows between the slabs composing the wall. at tsenkan i observed an agave, a different cactus, a fleshy euphorbia; and an ananassa is common all about. about tagoung the botany is varied, and interesting. i gathered about fifteen plants that had not occurred before, two poae, two andropogons, a zanthoxylum, and an olax. the most interesting is an apocynea, floribus infundibulifor. lamina reflexa, fauce squamis dentatis 10, serie duplici dispositis, interioribus petalis oppositis et majoribus, antheris, in conum stigma omnino coadunatis. cotton cultivated here; plants taller than usual. the villages around are all forsaken owing to one of them having been attacked by khukeens, and two men carried off. hence the population at tagoung, although usually scanty, is now much increased from adjoining places. a small river falls into the irrawaddi immediately above tagoung. _may 12th_.--reached male about 6 p.m. passed _en route_ a few villages, none of any size or importance. the river varies in width, _i.e_. the channel, from 400 to 600 yards. the banks are either alluvial or rocky; and there are hills on the right bank skirting the river; those on the left, are more distant and higher. borassus commences to be common; it is a taller, and more slender tree than that of coromandel, and the trunk is not covered with the persistent bases of the petioles. the village of tsebainago is opposite to male, and appears nearly of the same size. both are situated close to the mouth of the third kioukdweng. male contains 150 houses, all small; it is a place of no trade. to the north is a hill forming the river bank, and covered with pagodas; it is the prettiest place we observed after katha. the soil has now put on the dry sterile appearance of the coromandel coast, all the trees of which, except the figs, are common; and often render the banks very pretty. tectona of hamilton is very common; it is a tree not exceeding in height 40 feet, much resembling in habit the more valuable species; the flowers are blueish, particularly the villi; the leaves have the same excessive rough feel. two other verbenaceae, a curious capparidea, caule laxo, foliis lineari-oblongis, basi hastato-cordatis, and a ximenia are common. on the banks stravadium, and an arboreous butea, a combretum, are common. low stunted bamboos likewise prevail; and all the bushes are prickly. nyctanthes is cultivated. the rocks as well as those forming the kioukdweng, are of coarse sandstone, here and there affording nourishment to abortive compositae, stunted grasses, mollugo, etc. left male, and entered immediately the last kioukdweng on descending, or the first defile on ascending against the stream. this is a pretty passage, and moreover has no dangerous places; the hills are low, lower than those of the two former passes, consisting of sandstone partially clothed with the same scanty vegetation, presenting the same barren appearance. olax, fici, leguminosa, stunted bamboos, hippocrateacea, mimosa, and stravadium, occur. celsia on sandy spots, together with campanula, but this last is becoming rare. adelia nereifolia continues. an arundo occurs on the naked rocks; cassia fistula, tectona hamiltoniana are also present. we are much impeded by south-west winds; and owing to this and the slowness of the stream, we were compelled to remain some time at thee-hadau. we there had excellent opportunities of seeing the fish, which are so very tame as to come up to the sides of the boat, and even to allow themselves to be handled. the faqueers of the place call them together; but i think they are not much disposed to come from mere calling, for they seem to require more substantial proofs of being wanted, in the shape of food: they are found in still water in a small bay, which is closed up still more from the influence of the stream by a round island, constructed superficially on a rocky base, and on which pagodas are built. they resemble a good deal the gooroa mas of assam, but have no large teeth as this has. they are very greedy, of a blueish grey colour, occasionally inclining to red; the feelers are in some forked: they have no scales. we continued our course when the wind lulled; halted to dine on a sandbank, and proceeded on afterwards, until we reached kabuct about 8.5 p.m. on the sandbank where we dined i gathered a crotalaria, campanula, cleome, a graminea, polygonum, cyperaceae, and a dentelloidea. the villages seen were all small. _may 13th_.--left kabuct before 6. halted to breakfast on a steep bank, finding it impossible to proceed against the south-west winds, which have now become prevalent. at this place, which is hilly, i gathered gmelina villosa, an anonacea, calyce 6 sepalis, cor. tripetala, pet. patentissimis, margine revolutis, luteis. a carissa, grewia, malpighiacea samaris, 3-alatis, alis dorsalibus abbreviatis, a curious graminea, a green orchidea, terrestris, bulbosa, flore ante folia evoluta, a diospyros, polygala, plectranthus, rungia, pladera, etc. halted at movo, owing to the wind. this is a very pretty village; of no great size, and of no importance. a delightful tope formed by mango, fig, and garcinia, or xanthochymus, the dense shade of which is most agreeable; averrhoa, aegle marmelos is cultivated here; borassus is common, trunks of which are often of very irregular diameter. low grassy places occur running along the back of the village, with abundance of a combretum fruticosum; and a nullah at either end of the village presents many trees on its banks, particularly a very large and handsome myrtacea, hemarthria compressa. stravadium racemis longe pendulis. we were compelled to put into mala on the right bank, about a mile above tsengoo, by a severe storm from the north-west. this village consists of about forty houses, many pagodas, and has a good many potteries, and some fine trees. it is at the entrance of the kioukdweng. observed jatropha curcas, and vitex negrendo. in the evening we proceeded to tsenbou. _may 14th_.--left tsenbou, and breakfasted at nbat kiown-wa. just above this are several villages, two of which number nearly seventy houses each. this is the most populous part i have seen. to the east of this are the ruby mines in the shan hills; and to the south-east low hills from which the marble is procured, from which they make the idols. the river features continue the same; namely, low hills close to the right bank, and more distant as well as higher ones on the left. on the shan hills to the east, teak forests occur; on those to the west, tea also grows. in polong tea districts also occur; but the tea is very coarse, and said not to be drinkable. hemarthria, and hoya viridiflora were found. here i found solanum, tribulus, a mimosa, lime trees, carissa, mimusops, stemodia ruderalis now appear. the most interesting is a small diffuse caryoplylleous-looking plant, with white campanulate flowers; it is probably a frankeniacea. on the pagodas an aristella grows. certain features prevail in the vegetation similar to those of the coromandel coast. fig trees often surrounded at base with brick-work; this never lasts long, the roots tearing up the masonry in every direction. the exit from this 3rd kioukdweng is very pretty. tsengru with its numerous white pagodas; the noble river expanded into a broad bay; the eastern hills are very beautiful, and the marble hills which form a background to tsenbou are no less so. the banks towards the exit from the defile are sloping, often covered with grass. the palmyra trees and fig trees have a very pleasing effect. at kiougyoung there is a large brick fort, built by alompras. the village contains about 150 houses: no large village is passed between this and kubuct. halted above sheemnaga to look at gaudama's foot, a piece of workmanship contained in a pagoda; it is a very large foot, with a central circular impression. this is about a mile below endawka. sheemnaga never contained more than 400 houses, i counted upwards of 180, and although extensive traces of fire, and of new houses existed, i should reckon it to have contained only about 300. at the pagoda i gathered a curious rutaceous-looking decandrous thorny tree, with foliis bijugis. reached mengoon about 7 p.m. landed at the commencement of the sandstone hills, which in some places assume the form of cliffs: texture very loose. they are full of holes, and abound with blue rock pigeons. gathered a murraya. trichodesma indicus and compositae, asclepiadea, calotropis gigantea, and a curious arenariod-looking plant. _may 15th_.--mengoon boasts of a huge unfinished pagoda, consisting as it now stands of an immense square brick mass, surrounded by four fine broad raised terraces; it would have been, had it been finished, upwards of 700 feet high. the dome was to have been with angular sides. height 170 feet; the basement, as may be supposed, is immense. the plan or model of it was first built in a small adjoining grove to the south, by the grandfather of the present king. the whole kingdom must have been occupied in its erection. the entrance to it is guarded by two huge griffins. several large bells lie close to it. the country around is hilly; the hills low, raviny, and clothed with stunted vegetation. beautiful topes exist along the river bank, between this and the cliffs before alluded to; consisting chiefly of fine mango trees, noble fici likewise occur. about mengoon, jatropha curcas is common. gymnemea, calatropis gigantea, and argemone abound. we found a pergularia, lippia, zyzyphus, and one or two small euphorbiaceae. the soil is dry, sandy, and barren. we reached ava about 1 o'clock. _may 21st_.--went to tsegai on an excursion: the hills in this vicinity are low, none exceeding 300 or 400 feet, dry and barren, chiefly composed of grey carbonate of lime, and in some places kancha occurs. pagodas are very numerous, but none are very large, or bearing the stamp of great age. a fine view of country is however afforded: large plains are seen to the east of the city, and between the hills and the river two large jheels are visible from the hills. the vegetation almost entirely consists of low stunted, very ramous shrubs, and these are generally thorny. not a tree visible except bombax and tamarindus, but this last is planted. a large subarboreous cactus, spinosus, ramis 4 angulis, is common. noticed four species of capparis, and the following plants, barleria, prionitis, tamarindus, aegle, zizyphus, cocos; borassus, bixa, cordia, punica, ricinus, melia azederak; citrus cassia, near houses and on the hills; euphorbia 2, ximenia, cleome, boerhaavia, adhatode, cassia sennoidea, sidae, andropogon, a lax linaria common on old pagodas; calanchoe, sedum, pommereulla, vinca rosea, tectona hamiltoniana, but not of such size as at male. bambusa stunted and rare, blepharacanthus, polygala, labiatae 2, aeruae, sp. fici one or two, an alstonia, celosia mollugo, solani sp. stemodia, combretum, heliotropium indicum, and the euphorbiacea of mengwong. it will at once be seen that the vegetation has some similarity with that of the carnatic, for in addition i found asplenium radiatum, and limonea monophylla, a carissa, ximenia, flacourtia, etc. etc. ava is a fine town, surrounded with an excellent brick wall: the streets are wide, and kept clean; the houses are regular, and as trees are interspersed, a pleasing effect is produced. the appearance is much improved by a lattice before each house. the houses also are of a superior description, a few only are of brick. the fort is surrounded by an additional wall, and a broad but shallow ditch. the palace is a handsome, irregular, gilt edifice; but its precincts are not kept so clean as they might be. the shwottoo is a handsome hall. the town altogether conveys an idea of importance. the river is about 800 yards broad opposite the residency; but above, it is encroached on by a sandbank. boats are numerous, and opposite tsegain there is a busy ferry, especially now the king is at tsegain. this is a much preferable place, and rendered much more pleasing by its superb tamarind trees, with their most elegant foliage and sculptured trunks. the plants cultivated about ava are palmyra, cocoa (rare). tamarinds abound; carica papaya, punica granatum; mangoes, which are of good description; cordia, plantains, aegle marmelos. the country is flat, and destitute of trees to the south and southwest. the whole of this is cultivated during the rains, chiefly for gram, tobacco, capsicum, and a melilotus. at present the plains are barren, the low places being almost exclusively occupied by a combretum; the rest give a new polygonum, lippia, 2 or 3 compositae, and a curious dwarf grass. on the walls linaria is common. noticed near one of the gates, cryptostegia grandiflora; the waste places and banks are occupied by argemone, mollugineae three, xanthium, dentella, and low annual compositae. _may 26th_.--visited tsegain in the evening, and returned to ava on the following morning. _may 27th_.--noticed phoenix sylvestris. the euphorbia is common; it is not a cactus, but a species of this genus, ramis complanatis, is found though not common; as well as an agave or aloe, but this is a doubtful native. poinciana pulcherrima, both red and yellow, rhus? sp. arbuscula, vallaris solanacea. a small lycopodium, gmelina asiatica? the additional madras plants are, cissus quadrangularis. there is likewise another fleshy species fol. 3 phyllis, sarcostemma viminale, indigofera, kalanchoe laciniata is common; so is the white cyperacea on barren spots! i met with sarcostemma ciliatum; wall.? petalis extus viridescent, intus ciliisque purpuro sanguinies, but it is rare. cardiospermum pubescens is certainly distinct, the flowers are twice as large as those of c. halicacabum, fructibus inflatis vix alatis, ovalibus, dehiscentia septicida, septis axi adnatis, persistentibus. semin. solitarii centro loculi affixis, pisiparvi magnitudine, atris. note.--where any discrepancy occurs with regard to the native names in the preceding journal, it is requested that such may be corrected from the report to govt. chapter vii. p.115. [the view from beesa: p109.jpg] chapter vi. _botanical notes connected with the foregoing journal_. (_february 19th_.--the finest view of the hills from upper assam is obtained on a reach or turn of the river just above palankar, the river bending to the nne. snow is plentifully seen on one back range from the sugar-loaf peak. another reach shortly after presents a fine view of the burrampooter chasm, terminated by the rugged peak so distinctly seen from suddiyah, due east. this view might be chosen, as a general characteristic of the scenery of upper assam. it embraces the mishmee mountains to the left, the higher peaks of which are covered with perpetual snow. these lie to the nne. of beesa. to the east, is the continuation of the himalaya, to the south-east and south, the patkaye, and naga ranges; the whole forming a panorama, rarely if any where surpassed in beauty. temperature. of the river at 6 a.m. 67 degrees _musa_. many flowers from the axil of a bract; no bractioles interspersed, hence we may expect racemose or spicate partial inflorescences. the perianth is unilateral, 5 cleft, the two smaller segments, which are intermediate, being internal, or belonging to a different series. within this petaloid perianth is a membranous one, together with a boat-shaped bracteolate body, entire. the stamens are five, evidently opposite to the segments of the petaloid perianth, staminibus adnatis, the sixth is not developed, but is rudimentary, and exceedly minute, opposite to the bracteoid body. the carpella three, alternate as they ought to be with the last series of stamina, and hence they are opposed to the larger and outer segments of the petaloid perianth, but this last point deserves further examination. the base of the bracteoid sepal is filled with a gelatinous, sweet, transparent, unicoloured .5 fluid. i am unaware whether this explanation has occurred to any body else. it is curious as compared with scitamineae, in which the posticous stamen is alone fully developed. pl. 1. fig. 3. _a_. bracteoid body, _b_. sterile stamen, c.c.c. outer series, d.d. inner ditto. the fact of the outer smaller laciniae belonging to a second series is not very apparent, but is corroborated by the evidently internal situation of the bracteoid scale, and by the evidently elevated lines visible in the inner. (_april 3rd_, _1837_.--on march towards the serpentine mines) the face of the perianth, corresponds to these smaller laciniae. _april 7th_.--thunbergia grandiflora has the pedicels of its flowers twisted, or not twisted, according to the situation of the flowers. thus if the flower be so situated that the raceme has the direction of the axis, or in other words is erect, the pedicel is straight, but if the raceme, as generally happens, be pendulous, the twisting of the pedicel is resorted to, to secure the flower that situation which it would have, were the raceme erect. the above is obvious in flowers which from elongation of the axis of inflorescence, have fasciculate or aggregate flowers. an obvious inference is, that the twisting of the pedicel is not of generic, nor of specific importance; and that it is capable of being produced artificially. this resupination is not uncommon in the order; it is most evident in thunbergia coccinea, in which the racemes are always pendulous. there is nothing, at least in this species, in the situation of the genitalia to account for the resupination. pedicelli demum apicem infra articulati, the inflorescence of this order is always centrifugal, the partial axis being invariably as well indeed as the general, disposed to dichotomy. hence the very common presence of three bracteae to each flower, the central one presenting the leaf from whose axil the partial branch springs. stipulae--if the analogy of these be difficult to ascertain, the structure and functions would appear to be as of leaves, in addition to the function of protection. in most cases they are certainly not double organs; in naucleaceae they are apparently so. can this be explained by supposing them to form a bud with four scales, the scales instead of being imbricate, being on one plane. stipellae of leguminosae are certainly single; these being all probably stipulate plants, are to be considered as having terminal buds, the buds being either totally, or partially protected by the stipulae. the difficult nature of ochreae of polygoneae is certainly to be acknowledged, but they are similar to those of costus, and hence not stipulae, but an extension of the margin of the vaginate petiole, from which veins are prolonged into it; the functions of these are not stomatose, since they are membranous, the veins being the only green parts. i see no reason why the stipulae of rosae are not to be considered as belonging to, or dilatations of the petiole. they have no distinct vascular fascicles to indicate a distinct origin. and further, in lowea no stipulae exist. _jonesia_: pedicellis apice articulatis, basi bracteolatis, ideoque infloresc. magis composita esse debet; laciniis anticis? corollae? perianth compositum, binatum praebentibus, emarginatio et situs stam 5ti rudiment. staminis laciniis alternatis? basi in annulum, seriem 2 indicantem coalit. {111} the situation of the stamens is somewhat obscure, the two lowermost however alternate with the segments, the two intermediate being sometimes sub-opposite. of course if they be opposed, the perianth will be referrible to a calyx if not to a corolla. _lepidostachys_ or scepa. fruit dicarpillary, stigmata four, hence they are placentary not costoid. bilocular, loculis dispermis, ovula 2 pend; 1 abortiv. semiunceum, testa vix arillus obsacuit clause lutescens carnosa et ab nuclei inter adhaeren. rad. sup. embryo junior viridis. stipulae cad. gemmam oblegent. _homalineae_, calycis; laciniae 4, petal 4, glandulae 4 totidem sepalis oppositae. connat; stamin 4, petal opposita; styli 4. ovar non ext. arbor magna. foliis alternis stipulatis, paniculae racemoso-axillares, flores minut. viridescent. pet. et sep. fimbriat. aestiv. imbricat. _clematis_ has semina pendula. the stipulae of ficus obviously belong not to the leaves, their insertion taking place .5 a line above that of the petiole. hence they belong as obviously to the elongation of the axis above the leaf; their coloration is curious, especially as they are green when young. their vernation is conduplicate and plicate. _combretum_ presents several points in common with rhamneae; valvate calyx, and tendency to want of petals; to elaeagneae in calyx and furfuraceous scales; a decandrous rhamneae would differ but little in flowers from combretum. _my idea_ of the origin of stigmata is proved to be correct by a phyllanthus, the carpella of which are ovuliferous below, the upper part being fleshy, the stigmata are two to each, obviously corresponding to the placentary inflexions, while the sinus terminating the dorsal suture is totally naked; it is this which should bear the stigma if lindley's view were correct. the true place of moringa seems to be near xanthophyllum with which genus it has some remarkable points of resemblance, witness the papilionaceous corolla; unilocular stamina, their situation, ovary, placentation, and lastly glandulation. to this lindley has made an approximation by placing the order near violarieae. its chief difference from polygaleae, is habit, foliation, and the perigynous insertion of corolla and stamina, and consequent union of the sepals. as in xanthophyllum there is no albumen. (an additional xanthop. which until to-day i have always taken for a leguminosa.) _tamarindus_ cal 4 partitus, sepals 2, superiorib. connatis. pet. 3, vexillo, sepalo postico composit; opposit; stamen tria; sepalis 3, inferior opposita. stylus aestivation deflexus. pedicelli apice articulat. folii petiol. basi articulat. stipulae minimae stipellae. in jonesia, there are no petals. humboldtia comes near tamarindus, through h. brunonis, which agrees in calyx and petals. thorns of prionites, what are they? they are axillary, and yet buds are produced between them and the axis. they have no connection with the leaves. were it not for the buds above alluded to, i should say that they were abortive branches (bearing one pair of leaves) reduced to spines. _olacineae_. certainly in habit, corolla, etc. olacineae are allied to aurantiaceae, but they are nearer akin to santalaceae. the processes are indubitably modified stamina, with a great tendency to irregularity; in one species from tagoung only three fertile, and five sterile stamina were observed: the three fertile generally, but not invariably, alternate with the petals. to santalaceae they approach in processes, valvate corolla, and placentation, also to loranthaceae. eight stamina thus accounted for; when two opposed to petals, belong to outer series--also single one. in punica, the structure of the ovaria is highly curious. we find the bottom of the tube is occupied by two cells, partially filled with ovula, which are attached both to the axis and to the base, as well as to the lower part of the outer paries of each cell; so far, it does not depart from the order, for in aplexus the placentation is tolerably similar. above these two, are 4-5 cells, filled with ovula, which are attached entirely to the outer wall of each cell, but the placentae however would seem to have an obvious connexion with the axis, although this is very doubtful. the formation of the stigma decidedly indicates a binary formation of carpella. if these 4 upper cells are 4 constantly, and the base of the ovary is as constantly two celled, then the explanation is sufficiently obvious, though different from that given by lindley. {113} first, we have in the bottom from which the mere structure of an ovary is deduced, the normal dicarpellary structure, and there is in addition a tendency in excess toward a parietal placentation. the anomalous formation arises first from parietal placentae being produced to the axis, and from spurious growth from the sides of the ovary also meeting in the axis, by which the ovula are divided into four bundles. lindley's view seems to be questionable, because as in all cases the styles and stigmata are more permanent than ovaries, there should be as many styles, etc. as ovaries. 2nd, because according to this view the placental suture of the carpella would be turned from the axis, (look at pomaceae,) although his view of pomaceae being right would indicate an additional affinity with mespilus, etc. which it does in habit and abbreviated lateral branches. are all myrtaceae dicarpellar? the true nature of the case is pointed out in the instance cited by lindley of a permanent variety of apple, which has 14 cells and 14 styles! with regard to nicotiana and nolana; have these one or two rows of carpella? tectona. arbores, trunco crasso, cito ramoso, cortice albido, laevi, tenui. folia siliceo-aspera, inflorescent dichotoma. calyx aestiv. valvat. cor infundibul, subregularis laciniis, 5 rotundatis, demum reflexis aestivat. laciniis super 2, omnino exterior, facies barbato-villosa. antherae longit dehiscent, stylus stigma simplex. pubescentia stellata. modo asclepiadeae, corolla rotata. gmelina villosa. lab. super. aestivat. omnino exterior fl. axi fere paralleli, pedicell apice bibracteolat. cal. minim. 5 dentat. cor. infundibul campanul. bilab; 4 partit. stigma bilabiat-lab infer longiore. aroideum. radix maxime napiformis, undique radiculas exserens, et superne e centro spadicem. spadix pedunculum 3-uncial terminans, basi squamis magnis membranaceis, lineari-oblongis stipatus sursum in corpus fungoiden, capitatum, maximum, purpureo-sanguineum, superficie rugose dilatata. ovar bilocul, diovulat. medio antheras bipoross confertissimas, sessiles, numerosas, basi ovaria distantiora gerens. ovaria fusco-purp, stylus elongatus clavatus, stigma clavato, capitat. odor-floris praeserti marcescentis pessimus. katha in sylvis aridis. the fruit of lagerstramia grandiflora can, i think, be explained by assuming it to consist of several carpella, which by not becoming united near the axis, leave an irregular shaped space in the centre; the placentae are fleshy, the ovule inserted all around. this view does not take into consideration the situation of the stigmata. the deeper sulci visible externally correspond to the inflexions of the carpellary leaves; in addition to this, the centre of the dorsum of each of these is marked with a line. {114}) chapter vii. _report to the government of india_, _12th july_, _1837_. in the following report, i have divided the marches into series, corresponding with the countries through which they were made, reserving a table of the whole for a subsequent part. these series will be as follows-1. from sadiya to beesa lacoom. 2. from beesa lacoom to namtusseek. 3. from namtuseek to wullabhoom. 4. from wullabhoom to mogoung. 5. from mogoung to ava. i. from sadiya to beesa lacoom. country traversed belonging to the british government, and forming part of the south-east extremity of the valley of assam. 1. from sadiya to the noa dihing river mouth or mookh. direction east. distance 6 miles performed in boat, the course lying up the burrumpootur. 2. from noa dihing mookh to rangagurrah on the noa dihing. direction sse. distance 12 miles, course lying along the dry bed of the noa dihing. 3. from rangagurrah to moodoa mookh, on the same river. direction southeast, the distance being 12 miles. {115a} 4. from moodoa mookh to kidding. direction south, the distance 9 miles, course south-east, along the bed of the noa dihing as far as wakhet, thence diverging to ssw. through heavy jungle. 5. from kidding to namroop puthar. direction, nearly south, the distance being 12 miles, course lying through very heavy jungle, crosses the karam panee, {115b} which here is not fordable, and another considerable feeder of the booree dihing, and lastly up the namroop. 6. from namroop puthar to beesa lacoom. direction southwest, the distance 12 miles, the course extending at first over low hills and difficult ground, thence through heavy jungle intersected by narrow plains, lastly chiefly along the banks of the darap panee. _nature of the country_.--it will be seen that with the exception of the three first marches, and part of the fourth, the country is occupied by the heavy jungle so prevalent in these parts. the chief difficulties our party experienced arose from the limited manner in which the jungle had been cut for their passage. _rivers_.--the only one not fordable in the above route, is the karam panee, but this does not hold good either above or below the place i crossed. they all discharge much water during the rains, and even in the dry season are navigable for small canoes. _villages_.--these are as follows:-1. _digalo gohain goung_.--on the right bank of the noa dihing it is inhabited by kamptees lately settled in our territory, and is a respectable village. the noa dihing here ceases to be navigable even for small canoes. 2. _wakhet_.--this is a new but wretched village, inhabited by singphos. wakhet gam was an adherent of the duphas, and is by all account one of the worst-disposed singpho chiefs. he is said even at this period still to traffic occasionally in slaves. 3. _kidding_.--a temporary village, containing about 10 houses, inhabited by nagas, now naturalised to the plains. 4. _namroop puthar_.--so called from a plain on the left bank of the namroop. the village, which is a mean and despicable one, is on the opposite bank. 5. _beesa lacoom_.--is situated on the right bank of the darap panee, which is fordable at the heads of the rapids. it contains 12 small houses. the gam is, i believe, an uncle of the beesa gam, and exercises exclusive control over the tribe of beesa nagas. this influence he appeared to exercise to our disadvantage. he is a discontented man, and his behaviour to our party was very unsatisfactory. _population_. {116} --this is scanty enough, particularly when we consider that the houses in the above villages are much smaller than in the better sort of singpho villages. with the exception of the kamptee village the average number of people to each house cannot exceed five. another small singpho village exists on the namroop, about 3 miles from namroop puthar, and not far from the site of the coal mine. _capabilities of the country_.--these are of the usual description. the soil is productive enough, but the labour of clearing the drier spots is excessive. excellent rice grounds exist in abundance between beesa lacoom and namroop puthar, but the cultivation of this, as well as of all the other necessaries, is limited to the quantity absolutely required. scarcities of grain are of frequent, indeed almost of annual, occurrence; and this is chiefly owing to the pernicious influence of opium or kanee, to which all our singphos are immoderately attached. of the _mineral_ _productions_, coal and petroleum were the only ones we met with. _the coal occupies_ the greater portion of a precipitous part of the sandstone composing the left bank of the river namroop. three large veins have been completely exposed by the cutting away of the bank. the coal is i believe of good quality. the river immediately under the veins is very deep, and were it not for the rapids which intervene between the site of the mineral and the booree dihing, it would be difficult to conceive a spot affording similar facilities for the transmission of the mineral. i must however, observe, that even in the dry season the river is navigable for small canoes as far as the site alluded to. during the rains no difficulty whatever would be experienced in the carriage, as rafts might be made on the spot. no use is made of the coal by the natives, nor did they seem to be aware of its nature. of _the petroleum_ {117} no use whatever is made, although we have ample experience from its universal use by the burmese, that it is a valuable product both as affording light, and preserving in a very great degree all wooden structures from rot and insects. the springs occur in four different places, all close to the puthar: of these three occur on the low hill which bounds the puthar to the southern side, and one on the puthar itself, at the foot of the range alluded to. the springs are either solitary, as in that of the puthar, or grouped, a number together; the discharge varies extremely from a thin greenish aqueous fluid to a bluish grey opaque one, of rather a thick consistence: the quantity poured out by these latter springs is very considerable. on the surface of all, but especially on these last, an oleaginous, highly inflammable fluid collects in the form of a thin film. the jungle surrounding the springs ceases abruptly, the ground around, and among them, being covered with stunted grass and a few small herbaceous plants. elephants and large deer are frequent visitors to the springs; of the former, the tracts are frequent, and they are sometimes shot here by the natives. _vegetable products_.--the jungles afford several kinds of bamboo, some of which are of value; generally speaking the trees are not large, with the exception of a gigantic dipterocarpus, wood-oil or dammar tree; of this particular tree i have seen specimens measuring 100 feet from the base to the first branch. the wood is of no value, nor have i seen any use made in assam of the resinous secretion, which is in great vogue on the tenasserim coast for the construction of torches, etc. ii. from beesa lacoom to namtusseek. country traversed forming parts of the naga range of hills, and of the southern boundary of the valley of assam: the northern side is subject to british, the southern to burmese control. 1st. stage.--_halting place_ in the jungle, at an elevation of 770 feet above the sea. direction sse. distance 12 miles, course over low hills covered with dense jungle. 2nd. _darap panee_.--altitude 1029 feet. direction sse. distance 12 miles, passed over some difficult places; crossed the darap twice before we reached the halting place, course through very heavy jungle, except on the summits of the higher hills, which are tolerably open. 3rd. _namtusseek_, {118} or tusseek panee, altitude 1413 feet. direction sse. distance 12 miles, country more open: summit of the hills covered with grass and scattered trees. the highest hill surmounted was certainly 1000 feet above our halting place. 4th. namtusseek, or tusseek panee, altitude (not observed). direction sse. distance 10 miles, course almost entirely up the bed of the river over boulders, occasionally skirting the stream through heavy and wet jungle. 5th. _yoomsan nullah_, near the foot of the patkaye. alt. 3026 feet; direction sse. distance 4 miles. course for a short time along the bed of the namtusseek, until we crossed a small stream, the tukkakha: then ascended a mountain, about 3500 feet high; on reaching the summit we descended until we reached the halting place. 6th. _nam-maroan_, or maroan-kha. {119a} alt. 2500 feet. direction ese. distance 15 miles. ascended until we reached the summit of the patkaye; the ascent was in some places very steep, and owing to the unsettled state of the weather, very difficult. reached the boundary nullah, along which we proceeded for some time; we then commenced the descent, which was steep, and continued so, until we reached the nam-maroan. the extreme elevation we reached was rather more than 5000 feet. {119b} 7th. _nam-maroan_.--altitude estimated 2000 feet. direction ese. distance 10 miles, course along the bed of the stream; ground difficult, and much impeded by boulders. 8th. _nam-maroan_.--altitude not taken. direction ese. distance 7 miles. course the same, but of a less difficult nature. 9th. _khathung khioung_. {119c}--altitude 1622 feet. direction e. by s. distance 7 miles, course continues along the nam-maroan, the whole way: ground much less difficult. passed close to a singpho village of two houses; some puthars which bore traces of having once been cultivated and inhabited occurred on this march. 10th. _khussee-khioung_.--altitude 3516. direction e. by s. distance 13 miles, left almost immediately the khathung kioung, and commenced ascending. ascent in some places very steep and difficult, and continued until we had reached an elevation of 5600 feet. the descent then commenced, and continued until we reached the khussee-khioung, passing along for some distance the natkaw-khioung. the descent was occasionally difficult, owing to broken ground; tree jungle occurred almost throughout the whole distance. 11th. kuttack bhoom. {119d}--altitude 3270. general direction s. distance 13 miles. left the khussee-khioung, but reached it again before long. continued to descend considerably, until we reached the nam-thuga, thence the descent increased considerably. halted on an open grassy spot, from which an extensive view of the valley of hookhoom is obtained. 12th. _namtusseek_.--altitude 1099 feet. general direction ese. distance 10 miles. descended from kuttack bhoom, until we reached the loonkharankha, then ascended considerably. the descent then recommenced, until we reached the namtusseek. heavy jungle occurred throughout. path occasionally difficult, becoming as we approached the base of the range very wet. we crossed several small mountain streams. _general features of the hills_.--the prevailing formation appears to be sandstone, and connected with this we have rounded summits, not attaining a great elevation, and a considerable depth of soil. the lower ranges are throughout covered with heavy tree jungle. this becomes excessively thick and wet along the water courses, which are of frequent occurrence towards the base of the range, both on the northern and southern sides. but from an elevation of 1000 feet to that of yoomsan, a great change for the better takes place on the northern face, the hills being covered with clay, and generally not very high grass jungle, among which trees are scattered. this character is particularly evident along both sides of the valley drained by the namtusseek of the northern side. the patkaye is wooded to its summit; the jungle on the south side being much more humid than that on the northern. indeed on this face of the range, with the exception of the puthars on the nam-maroan, scarcely more than two open spots exist, and both of these are of small extent. of these one exists at an elevation of 5500 feet, and one at kuttack bhoom. the paths although very often steep, are easy enough for coolies, except during wet weather, when they become very slippery. with some degree of preparation the worst places might be made passable for lightly loaded elephants, and this would be facilitated by the soft nature of most of the rocks. the most difficult marches are those which lie along the beds of the streams, and these, it has been seen, are far the most numerous; they are particularly difficult for elephants, the boulders affording a very precarious footing to these weighty animals. the difficulty is much increased by rain, when even coolies find considerable difficulty in making any progress. several elephants accompanied major white as far as the darap panee, and a small suwaree elephant, loaded with a light tent, succeeded in reaching yoomsan. the southern side of the range is decidedly of a more difficult nature than the northern, and it is in addition of greater extent: the highest point traversed is 5600 feet above the level of the sea. the range might be traversed by a lightly loaded active native in six days. _streams_.--these all partake of the usual nature of mountain torrents; they are all fordable during the cold weather, the principal ones being crossed at the heads of the rapids. the boundary nullah is a mere streamlet: it runs between two ridges of the patkaye: its course being about ese. and wnw. owing to the frequency of the streams and their mountainous nature, i should imagine that this route is impracticable during the rains. _villages_.--not a single village or house exists directly on the route. one small naga village is visible from the namtusseek below yoomsan, and a detached hut is visible here and there on a high mountain close to, and ne. of yoomsan. on the burmese side there is, as i have mentioned before, a village consisting of two houses close to the route. this village has lately been established by some singphos from nimbrung, several marches to the eastward. _population_.--i certainly did not see 100 nagas throughout the time passed in traversing these hills, although i am satisfied that every man within a reasonable distance came into camp in the hopes of sharing in the extensive distribution of presents. from the appearance of the country about yoomsan, and the valley of the namtusseek, i am inclined to think that the population was at one time considerable. the openness of the country, which is as i have previously said chiefly clothed with grass, and the peculiar and generally imperfect aspect of the trees, can only be accounted for, by supposing the country to have been extensively cleared, particularly when it is remembered that the highest portions of the range are thickly wooded. but allowing this supposition to be correct, it is no proof, that the total population has been on the decline, for we must take into account, the wandering nature of all hill tribes. in forming an opinion of a hill population, which in all times and places has, in this country at least, been found scanty, we must take care not to confound the temporary huts, erected in khets, for the purpose of protecting the cultivation, with actually inhabited houses; to the former description i think the detached houses mentioned as being visible from yoomsan are to be referred. the nagas, at least the men, for i saw no women, are a small, active, large-legged race, with tartar faces. they are divided into very many tribes, each of which has some peculiarity of costume. those i saw were decidedly inferior to any of the other hill tribes with which i am acquainted. their clothing is miserable, the chief protection consisting of a number of rings, made of rattan, which encircle the abdomen. they are as usual excessively dirty, and much attached to the use of tobacco and ardent spirits. their wants are few, but even these are miserably supplied. they entertain an unbounded fear of the singphos, who appear to make any use of them they think proper. their only weapons are spears, singpho dhas and battle axes. the singphos cannot be considered otherwise than as encroachers. invasions of these restless marauders appear not to have been uncommon up to a late date. the remains of two stockades, in which they had entrenched themselves were extant, one close to yoomsan, the other on the s. face of the patkaye. i have before said that the puthars on the nammaroan bore evidence of having been inhabited, and apparently to some extent. but even during the stay of major white on these hills, an irruption of singphos from nimbrung had taken place, and had totally unsettled the peace of the native inhabitants. such things must be expected to occur, particularly when it is well known that the burmese, the only power to which they are subjects, can exercise no authority over the singphos in any one direction, except when they have a large armed force in the valley of hookhoom. _of the capabilities_ of the country it would be vain to attempt giving an opinion. scarcely any cultivation was passed on the route. the soil is generally deep, more or less yellow, and somewhat clayey; the hollows having a thin superstratum of black mould. taking the deserted state of the country into account, this part of the naga range is of little importance, except as forming portion of a most natural and well defined boundary, compared with other portions of the same range to the westward. _products_.--the principal mineral product is salt, an article which is procured abundantly in some other more available points of the range. we saw one small spring on the namtusseek, from which supplies had been lately taken. _vegetable products_.--fine timber trees occur here and there. oaks, magnolias and chesnuts occur not uncommonly, the magnolias being of these in this range the most characteristic of elevation. the horse chesnut of assam, (osculus asamicus mihi) occurs on both sides of the range, but does not ascend further than 3,000 feet. no fir trees exist on the route, nor is it probable that they exist on the range in this direction. one of the most interesting plants is a new species of tea, which i believe to be a genuine thea; it is called bun fullup, or jungle tea, by the assamese, in contra-distinction to the true tea plant, which is called fullup. this species makes its appearance at an elevation of about 1,000 feet, and is met with as high up as 4,000 feet. it attains the size of a tree of 30 feet in height; it is used only as a medicine. no real tea exists on this route; several plants were pointed out to me as tea, but all were spurious instances. the higher portions of the ranges have a flora approaching in many instances to that of northern latitudes. as examples of this, it will be sufficient to allude, in addition to the trees mentioned above, to the existence of two species of daphne, one of barberry, several species of a genus nearly allied to the whortle berries, a violet, and several species of smilacineae, to which order the lily of the valley belongs. in concluding this part of my report, i may perhaps be permitted to advert to the question of the possibility of transporting a body of armed men into the burmese dominions by this route. although there is nothing in the nature of this portion of the boundary which would render this operation very difficult, yet considering the state of the adjoining parts of upper assam, and that of hookhoom, it becomes almost impracticable. i allude to the extreme difficulty of procuring grain in upper assam, in which, at least around sadiya, annual scarcities are by no means uncommon, and to the utter impossibility of drawing any supplies from hookhoom in its present miserable state. all the necessary supplies would require to be drawn from lower assam, and for the transport of these the scanty population of this extremity of the valley would by no means be sufficient. bearing on this point it must be remembered, that from the 1st of april to the 1st november, these hills cannot be traversed except by their native inhabitants, without incurring great risk from the usual severe form of jungle fever. iii. from namtusseek to wullaboom. country traversed subject to burmese authority, forming greater portion of the valley of hookhoong, or the paeendweng. march 1. _from namtusseek to nhempean_.--direction e. distance 18 miles, crossed the namtusseek, then passed through heavy tree jungle, and subsequently over extensive grassy plains. 2. _from nhempean to nidding_.--direction sse. distance 4.5 miles, course along the namtoroan, thence up the saxsaikha. 3. _from nidding to kulleyang_.--direction sse. distance 13 miles, country covered either with tree or high grass jungle. passed a deserted village, thilling khet. 4. _from kulleyang to isilone_.--direction sw. distance 10 miles, country rather more open. puthars are of common occurrence; passed a small village, damoon. 5. _from tsilone to meinkhoong_.--distance 17 miles, course at first along the namtunai, {124a} country open, consisting of grassy plains; several nullahs occur. 6. _from meinkhoon to wullabhoom_.--direction se. distance 13 miles. course over plains intersected by tree jungle, subsequently up the bed of the nempyo-kha. _nature of the country_.--the valley of hookhoong, or as the burmese call it, in allusion to its amber mines, paeendweng, is of small extent. its greatest diameter is in the direction of e. to w., {124b} its southern termination being within a few miles from wullabhoom. it is surrounded on all sides by hills, the highest of which are towards the ne. and e.; none however would appear to exceed 6000 feet in height; and from their appearance, i imagine they are wooded to their summits. the lowest hills are those which form the southern boundary, and these scarcely deserve the name. from kuttack-bhoom a fine view of the valley is obtained; it is here very narrow, and does not i should think exceed 25 miles in breadth. the features of the country are in a striking degree similar to those of upper assam, that is, it presents a plain surface intersected frequently by belts of jungle, the parts at the base of the boundary hills being exclusively occupied by heavy jungle. the general elevation of the plain above the sea may be estimated at about 1000 feet, so that it is several hundred feet above the level of sadiya. but although this is the case, the valley of hookhoom undergoes the same changes during the rainy season as assam, the greater part being during that period under water. _of the climate_ it is perhaps presumptuous to give any opinion; it is however by no means so cold as that of upper assam. in april the daily range of the thermometer was very considerable, from 60 degrees to 88 degrees. the rains set in later than on the northern side of the patkaye, and they are said to be much less severe. _the rivers_ are numerous, the principal one is the namtunai, {125} which subsequently assumes the name of kyeendweng. this is in the places i saw it a large, generally deep and sluggish stream, varying in breadth from 270 to 350 yards. the next in size is the namtoroan, which has more of the character of a mountain stream; it is of considerable breadth (opposite nhempean it is 270 yards across,) and presents numerous rapids. both of these rivers are navigable for boats of some size. the other rivers are small and insignificant; all fall into the namtoroan or namtunai. _villages_.--of these the following were passed on the route:-1. _nhempean_, on the right bank of the namtoroan, is situated on an extensive open grassy plain, it is stockaded: it contains about 12 houses, the river is here navigable for middling sized canoes. 2. _tubone_, on the same bank, but lower down, and within quarter of a mile of nhempean, it is of about the same size, and similarly stockaded. 3. _nidding_, on the left bank of the saxsai-kha, about three-quarters of a mile above its junction with the namtoroan: it is a stockaded village, and about the same size. 4. _calleyang_, on the prong-kha contains about 8 houses: it is not stockaded. 5. _lamoon_, on the moneekha, is a very small village, containing four or five houses: it is not stockaded. 6. _tsilone_, on the left bank of the namtunai. this is the dupha gam's village: it is of the ordinary size, and is stockaded in the usual manner. 7. _meinkhoon_, on the cadeekha, by which it is intersected; it consists of two stockades, separated by the above stream; and contains about 25 houses, none of which are however large. it is here that the first pagodas (poongye houses) occur. the village is situated on an open grassy plain of considerable extent. 8. _wullabhoom_, on the right bank of the nemokapy, an insignificant stream. this village is not stockaded; it contains about 10 houses, of which several are of the singpho structure. the gam of this village was in expectation of an attack from the dupha people, and had in consequence erected a small square stockade for his own use; he had however built it so small that he might easily be dislodged by means of a long spear. in addition to these, there is a village called _bone_, on the namtoroan; the path leading to this is crossed soon after leaving namtusseek, and another stockaded village, on the right bank of the namtoroan, a little below the mouth of the saxsai-kha. none of the above villages are situated on strong positions. the stockades are as usual of bamboo, and are but weak defences; the space between the stockade and the outer palisades is covered with short pointed bamboos, placed obliquely in the ground: these are called panjahs by the assamese; they inflict very troublesome wounds, and are universally employed by the singphos. the interiors of the stockades are dirty, the houses are built without order, and generally fill the stockade completely, so that the people inside might be burnt out with the greatest ease. the average number of houses in each of the above villages, may be estimated at about 12, of these the largest occur at wullaboom. they are built on muchowns, and resemble in all respects those of our assam singphos. they are generally thatched with grass (imperata cylindrica. {126} ) the larger kinds have invariably one end unenclosed; under this portico, which is usually of some size, all the domestic operations are carried on. the dupha gam's is not distinguished above the rest in any one way. _population_.--no country inhabited by sets of petty chieftains belonging to different tribes, which are generally at enmity with each other, can be populous; it is therefore with considerable surprise that i find it stated that the number of houses in the north and eastern sides of the valley is estimated at not less than 3000, which at the rate of 7 men to one house, which is, considering the great size of very many singpho houses, rather underrated, would make the population of these portions of the valley amount to 21,000 souls. the part of the valley which i have traversed, and during which route 75 miles of ground were passed over, does not present a single sign which, in the absence of direct evidence, would lead one to suppose that it contained a considerable population. during the before mentioned marches, i saw only four paths, crossing or diverging from that which we followed. of these, one _leads_, as i have mentioned, to bone, one to the hills on the ne., one to a singpho village, some miles to the south of our track, and the fourth diverged from the path leading to the amber mines through the village of a chief called tharapown hhoung. the population on the above route of 75 miles, would at the rate of 7 men to one house, and 12 houses to each village, amount only to 840, but i think that 1,100 or 1,200 would be a fairer estimate. from kuttack-bhoom, as i have mentioned, a great portion of the valley is distinctly seen, and nothing meets the eye but jungle, broken here and there by the waters of the namtunai: not a clearing is even visible; instead of a population of 30,000, as has been stated i should imagine that the whole valley of hookhoom does not contain more than 12,000. the above population consists almost entirely of singphos and their assamese slaves, and these last form a considerable portion. this was particularly evident at wulla-khoon, where they certainly out-numbered their masters. the singphos of hookhoong resemble exactly those located in assam: they are however less given to opium eating. they are of the same indolent habits, and content themselves with cultivating sufficient grain to keep themselves from starving. the women wear the thumein, or burmese dress, a costume which is entirely unknown among the singphos of assam. the most superior men i saw belonged to the lupai tribe, from the east of the irrawaddi; they had come to meinkhoon for the purpose of procuring amber. in manners and dress they resembled the shan-chinese, they were provided with firelocks, in the use of which they were certainly adroit. the usual weapons of the hookhoong singphos are dhas and spears. i saw very few muskets. the behaviour of these people was throughout civil, and perhaps friendly. their hatred of the burmese is excessive, the visits of the armed forces of this nation being most harassing and oppressive. they are sub-divided into tribes, among whom there is but little unanimity. the dupha gam is much disliked, as he is considered the cause of the visit of the burmese. his power has been much exaggerated; he is not capable of bringing 500 men into the field. so unpopular was he, that it was reported to mr. bayfield, that he was to be cut off immediately the burmese force had left the valley. in giving the foregoing low estimate of the population of the valley, i believe i have taken into consideration every circumstance of importance. the occurrence of several old burial places on the route, some of which are of considerable extent, might be considered by some as a proof, that the population has undergone a decrease; but i conceive that it is sufficiently accounted for by the wandering habits of the people. _capabilities_.--the greater part of the valley is well adapted for the cultivation of rice, and as the soil is generally rich, approaching in external characters to that of some parts of upper assam, particularly muttack, it is capable of supporting a large population. _products_.--of the mineral productions, the most remarkable is amber, for which the valley of hookhoong has been long famous, and from the existence of which it derives its burmese name. the mines are situated in low, wooded hills, from which they are distant between five and six miles; of this distance the first three miles traverse the plain on which meinkhoong is situated. the pits now worked give occupation to about a dozen people; they occur on the brow of a hill: they are square, and of various depth, the deepest being about 40 feet, the diameter not exceeding three feet; the workmen ascending and descending by placing their feet in holes made in two faces of the square. no props are used to prevent the sides of the pits from falling in, the tenacity of the soil rendering this precaution unnecessary. the instruments used, are small wooden shovels, a wooden crow-bar tipped with iron for displacing the soil or breaking the rocks, baskets for removing the substances so displaced, buckets made of the bark of trees {128} for removing the water which is met with in the deepest pits, and rude levers similar to those used in madras for the purposes of irrigation, for carrying the soil, etc. from the pits to the surface; these however are only used in the deeper pits, a hooked bamboo answering the purpose in the shallower ones. the soil throughout the upper portion, and indeed for a depth of from 15 to 20 feet, is clayey and red: the remainder consists of a greyish-black carbonaceous earth, increasing in density with the depth, and being very hard at a depth of 40 feet. the amber occurs in both these, the clue to its existence being the presence of small masses of lignite. the searching occupies but very little time, as the presence of the lignite is readily ascertained; all i saw dug out occurred as small irregular deposits; it did not appear to be abundant. the people appear to have no guide for the selections of favourable spots on which to commence their operations; but having once met with a good pit, they dig other pits all around, and often within a distance of two feet from the first one sunk. i could not succeed in procuring a single fine specimen; indeed the workmen denied having found any of value during the last six years! it is an article in great request among the chinese and singphos; at the pits, however, it is not high priced, and a first rate pair of ear-rings are procurable at meinkhoong for 5 tickals; in assam 10 rupees are occasionally given. meinkhoong is annually visited by parties of shanchinese, for the purpose of procuring this mineral; the caravan at the time i passed this village had returned, and i believe was met by mr. bayfield. there was a small party of lupai singphos from the east of the irrawaddi, consisting of a tsonba and six or seven followers still waiting for a supply. the spot occupied by pits is considerable, but three-fourths of these are no longer worked. compared with the serpentine mines, they are but of small value. both _coal and salt_ exist in the valley; the only indication of the existence of the former i saw, was a mass of lignite in the bed of a nullah between tsilone and meinkhoong. _vegetable products_.--fine timber trees, {129} which belong to the same genus as the saul, occur between nhempean and namtusseek, and elsewhere towards the foot of the hills surrounding the valley. the mulberry of upper assam occurs likewise, and the leaves supply with food a species of silkworm. from the silk a coarse species of cloth is manufactured, but the use of this appears to be very limited. tea appears to be of uncommon occurrence. the only specimens i saw were given me by mr. bayfield, they were procured from low hills some distance from shellingket. on this subject mr. bayfield made very frequent and minute enquiries, and the result appears to be that the plant is of rare occurrence; none exists towards or about the amber mines. the room of upper assam (ruellia indigofera mihi) is in use for dyeing cloths, but not so much so as in assam. the cultivated plants are of the ordinary kind; and the produce is just sufficient to meet the wants of the inhabitants. owing to the presence of the myoowoon's force, rice was scarce during my visit; the price was seven tickals a basket, each of which contains about 30 days' supply for one man. the domestic animals are of the ordinary description: fowls forming the only poultry. but on this subject it is unnecessary to enlarge, as the habits and manners of the people are precisely the same as those of the assamese singphos. iv. from wullabhoom to mogoung. country traversed forming considerable portion of the mogoung valley, throughout subject to burmese authority. march 1. _halted_ on a small stream, a tributary of the mogoung river.--direction nearly s. distance 22 miles, course at first along the namphyet, thence over low hills, forming part of the s. boundary of the valley of hookhoong. 2. _halted_ on the mogoung river.--direction s. distance 22 miles, over similar low hills until we reached the mogoung river after a march of four hours, soon descending into its bed, which we followed. 3. _mogoung_ river.--direction s. distance 13 miles, course along the bed of the river. 4. _mogoung_ river.---direction se. distance 14 miles, course continued along the bed of the river. 5. _kamein_.--direction sse. distance 14 miles: on starting left the mogoung river: course throughout over fine open high plains intersected by belts of jungle. 6. _from kamein to mogoung_.--direction sse. distance 25 miles, course over high open plains and dry woods. many nullahs occurred on the route: crossed the mogoung river opposite to kamein. _nature of the country_.--the low hills which are passed before reaching the mogoung river, are covered with tree jungle, but they afford scarcely any thing of interest; they are here and there intersected by small plains, covered with the usual grasses. {130} the country traversed while following the mogoung river, is most uninteresting, the road following almost entirely the sandy bed of the river, the banks of which are either covered with grass or tree jungle. on leaving this most tortuous river, the face of the country improved and became very picturesque, presenting almost exclusively fine high, and rather extensive plains covered with grass, and partially with trees, while here and there they are intersected by strips of dry tree jungle. low hills are visible frequently, especially to the eastward. _villages and towns_. 1. _kamein_, on the right bank of the mogoung river, at the junction of the endaw-khioung, consists of two stockades, one on a small hill the other at the foot. both together contain about 32 houses. the inhabitants are shans. it is a place of some consequence, as it is on the route from mogoung to the serpentine mines. from kamein, shewe down gyee, a conspicuous mountain, so called, bears east. 2. _mogoung_, on the right bank of the river of the same name, just below the junction to the namyeen khioung, contains rather fewer than 300 houses. although it contains so few houses it is a place of considerable extent. it is surrounded by the remains of a timber stockade, similar in construction to those of burmah proper. the houses are mostly small, and i speak within bounds when i say, that there is not a single one that bears the stamp of respectability. there is a bazaar, but nothing good is procurable in it. tea and sugar-candy are rare and high priced. pork is plentiful. mogoung is situated in a plain of some extent, this plain is surrounded in almost every direction by hills, all of which, with the exception of shewe down gyee, are low: the nearest of these are about three miles off. the inhabitants are mostly shans, there are some assamese, the chief of whom is a relation of chundra kant, the ex-rajah of assam. the best street in the town, though one of small extent, is that occupied by the resident chinese, none of whom however are natives of china proper. of this people i should say there are barely 60 in mogoung, and, judging from their houses, none of which are of brick, i should say they are very inferior to their fellow-countrymen residing in bamo. during our stay in mogoung, which was protracted owing to the disturbed state of the country, the population was much increased by shan-chinese returning from the serpentine mines; and as there was a considerable number of boats engaged by them for the transportation of the serpentine, the town looked busier than it otherwise would have done. the mogoung, river is here about 100 yards broad, but it is much subdivided by sand banks: it is navigable for moderate sized boats a considerable distance above the town. in the upper part of the course this river abounds with fish to an unprecedented degree; of these the most numerous is the bokhar of assam, and of this i have seen shoals of immense extent. the namyeen is a small and shallow stream. although from the extent of the stockade mogoung has evidently in former periods (during the shan dynasty) been of extent and consequence, it is at present a mean and paltry town. it derives any little consequence it possesses from being the rendezvous of the shan-chinese, who flock here annually for procuring serpentine. the most valuable product of the mogoung district is the serpentine; the mines producing which, we visited from kamein. the marches are as follows, 1. _from kamein to endawkhioung_.--direction ssw. distance 10 miles, course over low hills covered with jungle, with intervening grassy valleys of small extent; crossed the isee een nullah. 2. _halted on a plain_, on a patch of ground lately under cultivation. direction ssw. distance 14 miles. course over a similar tract of country; continued for some time close to the endawkhioung; crossed several nullahs. 3. _halted in the jungle_.--direction wnw. distance 17 miles. country the same: we changed our course on reaching the path which leads to kionkseik, a singpho village, diverging to the n.; halted within a short distance of kuwa bhoom. 4. _reached the mines_.--direction wnw. distance 10 miles, course over small plains and through jungle until we reached kuwa bhoom, which we ascended in a wnw. direction, extreme altitude attained 2,799 feet. the descent was steep, varied by one or two steep ascents of some hundred feet in height. on nearing the base of the range we continued through heavy and wet jungle, until we arrived at the mines. these celebrated serpentine {132} mines occupy a valley of somewhat semicircular form, and bounded on all sides by thickly wooded hills of no great height. to the north the valley passes off into a ravine, down which a small streamlet that drains the valley escapes, and along this, at a distance of two or three miles, another spot of ground affording serpentine is said to occur. the valley is small: its greatest diameter, which is from e. to w. being about three-quarters of a mile, and its smallest breadth varying from 460 to 600 or 700 yards. the whole of the valley, which appears formerly to have been occupied by rounded hillocks, presents a confused appearance, being dug up in every direction, and in the most indiscriminate way; no steps being taken to remove the earth, etc. that have been thrown up in various places during the excavations. nothing in fact like a pit or a shaft exists, nor is there any thing to repay one for the tediousness of the march from kamein. the stone is found in the form of more or less rounded boulders mixed with other boulders of various rocks and sizes imbedded in brick-coloured yellow or nearly orange-coloured clay, which forms the soil of the valley, and which is of considerable depth. the excavations vary much in form, some resembling trenches; none exceed 20 feet in depth. the workmen have no mark by which to distinguish at sight the serpentine from the other boulders; to effect this, fracture is resorted to, and this they accomplish, i believe, by means of fire. i did not see the manner in which they work, or the tools they employ, all the shans having left for kamein, as the season had already been over for some days. no good specimens were procurable. the workmen reside in the valley, drawing their supplies from kioukseik. on our road to the mines we met daily, and especially on the last march, parties of shan-chinese, burmese, and a few singphos on their return. of these in all mr. bayfield counted about 1,100, of whom about 700 were shan-chinese: these were accompanied by ponies, which they ordinarily use as beasts of burden. the larger blocks of stone were carried by four or five men, on bamboo frames; the smaller, but which still are of considerable size, on ingenious frames which rest on the nape of the coolies' neck; the frame has two long arms which the bearer grasps in his hand, and which enables him to relieve himself of his burden, and re-assume it without much sacrifice of labour, as he props his load against a tree, which is then raised by the legs of the frame some height from the ground. the valley we visited affords i believe the greatest quantity of the stone, which is said to be annually diminishing, neither are pieces of the finest sort so often procurable as they were formerly wont to be. the path to the mines is on the whole good; it is choked up here and there by jungle, and the occurrence of one or two marshy places contribute to render it more difficult. it bears ample evidences of being a great thoroughfare. the greater part of the stone procured is removed in the large masses, to kioukseik, and thence by water by the aid of the endawkhioung to mogoung. at this place duties are levied upon it. hence almost the whole is taken to topo by water. from this place the shan-chinese carry it to their own country on ponies. from the stone various ornaments are made; from the inferior kind, bangles, cups, etc. and from the superior, which is found in small portions generally within the larger masses, rings, etc. the stone is, i am informed by mr. bayfield, cut by means of twisted copper wire. the price of the inferior kind is high. it is from these mines that the province of mogoung derives its importance; so much so, that its revenue is said to exceed that of any other burman province. the sum derived from the serpentine alone is stated to be occasionally as high as 40,000 rs. per annum. owing to the avidity with which this product is sought after by the chinese, it is highly desirable to ascertain whether it exists in assam, which indeed is probably the case. i believe it is reported to exist near beesa; at any rate, blood-stone is found in this extremity of the valley of assam, and this, in chinese eyes, is of considerable value. if the serpentine is found, specimens should be sent to mogoung. as the shan-chinese are reported to be a most penurious race, a small reduction in the price below that of the burmese, would suffice to divert the current of the trade into assam. another interesting product, although of no value, exists in the shape of an alkaline spring on the sapiya khioung, which hence derives its name. the water of this spring bubbles up sparingly and quietly from under the rocky bed of the above mountain torrent, it is quite clear, of a decided and pure alkaline taste: it is used by the natives for the purpose of washing, and it answers this remarkably well. of this interesting spring mr. bayfield took specimens for analysis. salt is procurable within a distance of three or four days from kioukseik. _vegetable products_.--teak, and some of it is of a fine description, occurs both on the route between the mogoung river and kamein, as well as between kamein and the serpentine mines. the natives do not however appear to cut it, probably owing to the want of water carriage. fine timber trees, nearly allied to the saul, likewise occur on the road to the mines. i met with the tea but once. this occurred among the low hills dividing the mogoung district from the valley of hookhoong, close to the dupaibeng-kheoung, or tea tree nullah. there was no difference in the specimens brought to me from the plant of assam, with the exception that the leaves were even larger than in the plant alluded to; it did not occur in abundance. it exists i believe, in another place on this route, and among the same hills, but i did not succeed in procuring specimens. throughout both routes scarcely any cultivation was seen. between the mogoung river and mogoung town considerable portions of some low hills to the east, presented the appearance of clearings. it must however be observed, that the appearance of clearings is a most fallacious ground on which to form an estimate of the population; 1st, owing to the habits of a nomadic population; 2ndly, because a spot once cleared, keeps up the appearance of a clearing for a long time; and 3rdly, because some particular spots are, from some local cause or other, exclusively inhabited by grasses, the prevalence of which will at a little distance always give one the idea of cultivation. _population_.--this in the somewhat extensive tract of the mogoung district traversed, is very scanty. that of mogoung and suburbs may be estimated at about 1,600, and that of kamein at 250. in addition to these places, i have to mention a small singpho village of three or four houses, seen on a range of hills during our first march towards the mines, and bearing about wnw., and kioukseik. this latter place we visited on our return from the mines, it is a stockaded village, containing 16 houses, and about 120 souls. it is situated about 100 yards from a small stream, the nam teen: it is inhabited by singphos: it is about a mile from the divergence of the road to the mines, and bears from this spot nearly due south. during the season of operations at the mines it is a place of some consequence, as all the necessary supplies of grain are procured from it. at the time of our visit, there was a good sized bazaar along the nam teen, which was likewise a good deal crowded by boats. the neighbouring hills are inhabited here and there by kukkeens, the most troublesome perhaps of all mountainous tribes; but there are some other villages about the lake, called the endawgyee. we had an opportunity of viewing from a distance the above lake on our return from the mines. from an open spot on the eastern face of kuwa bhoom, it bore nearly due south, and was estimated as being 15 miles distant. we could not distinguish its outline, but we saw enough to satisfy us that it was a large body of water. it is situated in an extensive plain near a range of hills, part of which form portion of its banks. from the same spot we could see shewe down gyee, the large range from which the namtunai takes its course, bearing nearly due east, and at an estimated distance of 35 miles; the situation of the mines is therefore nearly due east from kamein. v. from mogoung to ava. the whole of the distance between the two above places was performed by water. the time occupied in descending the mogoung river was three days. this river is exceedingly tortuous, generally a good deal subdivided, and its channels are in many places shallow. the chief obstacle it presents to navigation consists in rapids, which commence below tapan, and continue for some distance; these rapids are not severe, but are rendered difficult by the presence of rocks, many of large size. these rapids commence immediately the river in its course approaches some low ranges of hills. boats of considerable size however manage to reach mogoung; they ascend the severer rapids in channels made along the sides of the river, by removing and piling up on either side the boulders which form great part of the bed of the river in these places. the descent is managed in the same way, the speed of the boat being retarded by the crew exerting their united force in an opposite direction. on leaving the proximity of the hills, the river resumes its natural and rather slow character, and towards its mouth there is scarcely any stream at all. the channels are much impeded by stumps of trees. the country through which the mogoung river passes is very uninteresting, and almost exclusively jungle, either tree or high grass. only one village, tapan, is met with; this is small, and is situated on the right bank; with the exception of its river face it is stockaded. at this place the shan-chinese leave the river, striking off in an e. direction towards the irrawaddi, which they reach in one day. we observed a small kukkeen village on some hills near tapan; with these exceptions no sign of inhabitants occurred until we reached the irrawaddi. on the hills above alluded to, the bitter tea is reported to exist. the mogoung river at its mouth is about 70 yards across. the irrawaddi even at the mouth of the mogoung river, and at a distance of nearly 800 miles from the sea, keeps up its magnificent character. at this point it is 900 or 1,000 yards across; when we reached it, it had risen considerably, and the appearance of this vast sheet of water was really grand. its characters are very different from the ganges and burrumpooter, its waters being much more confined to one bed, and comparatively speaking becoming seldom spread out. generally speaking it is deep and the stream is not violent. it appears to me to afford every facility for navigation; in one or two places troublesome shallows are met with, and in several places the channel near the banks is impeded by rocks. it is only in the upper defile, or kioukdweng, that the navigation is during the rises of the river dangerous, and at times impracticable. on our reaching tsenbo, which is about 12 miles below the junction of the mogoung river with the irrawaddi, the river continued to rise in a most rapid degree, mr. bayfield ascertaining by measurement that it rose 16 inches an hour. we were consequently compelled to push on, as we were informed that the next day the defile would be impassable. the kioukdweng alluded to commences about two miles below tsenbo, the river becoming constricted from 1000 to 150 yards. the rush of water was great, and was rendered fierce by rocks which exist in the midst of the river. still further within the defile the difficulties were increased; at one place the whole of the enormous body of water rushes through a passage, and it is the only one, certainly not exceeding 50 yards in width. the passage of this was really fearful, for on clearing it we were encountered by strong eddies, backwaters and whirlpools, which rendered the boat nearly unmanageable. these scenes continued, varied every now and then by an expanded and consequently more tranquil stream, until a gorge is passed, well known by the name of the "elephant and cow," two rocks which are fancifully supposed to resemble the above named animals; the defile then becomes much wider, and the waters flow in a tranquil and rather sluggish manner. the depth of the river in this defile is, as may be supposed, immense; mr. bayfield ascertained during his passage up, at a season when the waters were low, that in many places no bottom was to be found at a depth of 45 fathoms. the necessity of this enormous depth is at once evident, and is pointed out by the configuration of the banks, which are in many places sheer precipices. two other defiles exist between bamo and ava, of these the middle or second is the shortest, in both the stream flows sluggishly, and there is no impediment whatever to navigation. in these the depth is great, but owing to their greater width, much less so than in the upper. the temperature of the waters of the irrawaddi is as usually obtains, except during the rises of the river caused by the melting of snow, when it is higher than usual. _tributaries of the irrawaddi between mogoung river and_ _ava_. the number of tributaries even to rangoon is unprecedentedly small: this tends to increase the astonishment with which one regards this magnificent river. the rivers that fall into the irrawaddi within the above distance are, 1st. the mogoung river. 2nd. tapien khioung, above bamo. 3rd. shewe lee khioung. these are about the same size, and only discharge a considerable quantity of water during the rainy season. the shewe lee at its mouth, is between 5 and 600 yards wide, but only an inconsiderable portion of this is occupied by water, and this to no depth. the great branch from which the irrawaddi derives its vast supply of water still remains to be discovered, and will probably be found to be the shoomaee kha. it is evident, at any rate, that the great body of water comes from the eastward, for between the mogoung river and borkhamtee, in which country captain wilcox visited the irrawaddi, and where it was found to be of no great size, no considerable branch finds its way from the westward: neither are the hills which intervene between these points, of such height as to afford large supplies of water. on the whole it is, i think, probable, that the irrawaddi is an outlet for some great river, which drains an extensive tract of country; for it appears to me that if all its waters are poured in by mountain streams, a tract of country extensive beyond all analogy, will be required for the supply of such a vast body of water. in addition to the above three rivers, few nullahs exist, but these are scarcely worthy of consideration. _nature of the country_.--from the mouth of the mogoung river nearly to tsenbo the country is flat, and the banks wooded or covered with grass to the brink. the range of hills which form the upper kioukdweng there commence, and continue for a distance of 16 or 20 miles, during the whole of which they form the banks of the river. these hills are scantily covered with trees, most of which are in addition stunted. the vegetation within the maximum high water mark consists of a few scraggy shrubs. the rocks composing these hills are principally serpentine, which within the influence of the water is of a dark sombre brown colour. limestone occurs occasionally. from this kioukdweng to the second, the entrance of which (coming from above) is at tsenkan, the features of the country are of the ordinary alluvial description, and the river is a good deal spread out and subdivided by islands, covered with moderate sized grasses. on leaving the second kioukdweng the same scenery occurs, the banks are generally tolerably high, often gravelly or clayey. about tsagaiya, a few miles below the mouth of the shewe lee, low hills approach the river, and they continue along one or both banks {139} at variable distance until one reaches ava. these hills are all covered with a partial and stunted vegetation, chiefly of thorny shrubs, and present uniformly a rugged raviny and barren appearance. the scenery of the river is in many places highly picturesque, and in the upper kioukdweng and portion of the second, where there is a remarkable cliff of about 3,000 feet in height, bold and even grand. _villages and towns_.--these although numerous compared with the almost deserted tracts hitherto passed, are by no means so much so as to give an idea of even a moderate population. from the mouth of the mogoung river to the kioukdweng there are several villages, but all are small, mean, and insignificant. strange to say, they are defenceless, although the neighbouring kukkeens are dangerous and cruel neighbours. nothing can be more calculated to shew the weakness of the burmese government than the fact, that the most mischievous and frequent aggressions of these hill tribes always go unpunished, although a short time after an attack the very band by whom it has been made will enter even large towns to make purchases, perhaps with money the produce of their robberies. the upper kioukdweng has a very scanty population, consisting of a distinct race of people called phoons: who are sub-divided into two tribes, the greater and lesser phoons. about 12 villages occur in this defile, and mr. bayfield says that the population is almost entirely confined to the banks of the river: all these villages are small. between the defile and bamo a good number of villages occur, the largest of which does not contain more than 100 houses, the generality are small and mean. bamo, which is a place of celebrity, and is perhaps the third town in burmah, is situated on the left bank of the river, which is here, including the two islands which subdivide it into three channels, about a mile and a quarter in width; the channel on which bamo is situated is the principal one. the town occupies rather a high bank of yellow clay, along which it extends for rather more than a mile, its extreme breadth being perhaps 350 yards. it is surrounded by a timber stockade, the outer palisades being well pangoed; the defences had just undergone repair owing to an expected attack from the kukkeens. it contains within the stockade rather less than 600 houses, (the precise number was ascertained personally by mr. bayfield,) and including the suburbs, which consist of two small villages at the northern end, one at the southern, and one occupied by assamese at the eastern, it contains about 750 houses. these are generally of the usual poor and mean description; indeed, not even excepting the governor's house, there is not a good burman or shan house in the place. one street which occupies a portion of the river bank, is inhabited by chinese, and contains about 100 houses; these are built of unburnt brick, and have a peculiar blueish appearance; none are of any size. the best building in bamo is the chinese place of worship. those occupied by the burmese have the usual form. the country adjoining bamo is flat, dry, and i should think unproductive; it is intersected by low swampy ravines, one or two of which extend into the town. to the south there is an extensive marsh, partially used for rice-cultivation. the population of bamo including the suburbs, may be estimated at about 4500, of whom 4 or 500 are chinese. the governor is a bigoted burman, of disagreeable manners; he expends much money in the erection of pagodas, while he leaves the streets, roads and bridges by which the ravines are passed, in a ruinous and disgraceful state. the bazaar of bamo is generally well supplied: british piece goods and woollen cloths are procurable, but at a high price: the show of chinese manufactures is much better, particularly on the arrival of a caravan; considerable quantities of tea are likewise brought in the shape of flat cakes, of the size of a dessert plate, and about two inches thick. this tea is of the black sort, and although very inferior to the chinese case teas, is a far better article than that of pollong. in addition to this, warm jackets lined with fur, straw hats, silk robes, skull-caps, and sugar-candy are procurable; pork of course is plentiful, and is excessively fat; grain, vegetables and fish are plentiful. on the whole bamo is a busy and rather flourishing place: it derives its consequence entirely from its being a great emporium of trade with the chinese, who come here annually in large numbers; for the accommodation of these people and their caravans, two or three squares, fenced in with bamboos, are allotted. the principal article of burmese export is cotton, and this i believe is produced for the most part lower down the irrawaddi. the climate of bamo is in april dry and sultry: the range of the thermometer being from 66 degrees or 68 degrees to 94 degrees or 96 degrees. north-westers are of common occurrence in this month, and are frequently of extreme severity. i saw very little cultivation about bamo, some of the ravines alluded to had lately been under rice-culture; the chief part of the cultivation for vegetables, etc. is confined to the sandy islands, which occur here and there. of the numerous villages passed between bamo and ava not one deserves especial notice, nor is there one, with the exception of umeerapoora, the former capital, which contains 500 houses. shewegyoo, which formerly occupied a considerable extent of the left bank near the south opening of the second kioukdweng had been burnt by the orders of the monein myoowoon, on account of their having supplied troops to the emissaries of the tharawaddi. kioukgyee, the residence of the above governor, had a short time before our arrival been invested by a force in the interest of the tharawaddi, but had been repulsed. the governor was to proceed with the whole population, amounting to several hundred souls, to bamo, to join his forces with those of the bamo governor. this part of the country was most unsettled and almost deserted. on reaching katha the state of the country was more tranquil, all the people below this point having espoused the cause of the tharawaddi. katha contains 200 houses, and has a rather respectable bazaar; it is well situated, and has the most eligible site in my opinion, of all the towns hitherto seen. the most remarkable object is a noble kioung, or mosque, built by the headman of the place; this is one of the finest now existing in burma. the only other large place is sheenmaga, about a day's journey from ava. this is said to contain 1,000 houses. an extensive fire had lately occurred here. i counted 200 houses, and judging from the extent of the ruins, i should say it might probably have numbered between 4 and 500. there are several villages contiguous to this, and i think that the district immediately contiguous is more populous than any part hitherto seen. during the above portion of the journey our halts were as follows:- 1. tapaw. 2. mogoung river. 3. mogoung river. 4. lemar, in the upper kioukdweng. 5. bamo. 6. tsenkan. 7. kioukgyee. 8. katha. 9. tsagaya. 10. tagoung. 11. male, at the entrance of the lower kioukdweng. 12. kabuet, in the lower kioukdweng. 13. male. 14. menghoon. 15. ava. this distance down the irrawaddi may, in a fast boat, be performed in ten days, but owing to the disturbed state of the country we were compelled to avail ourselves of the first opportunity that offered to enable us to reach ava; in addition the proper number of boatmen was not procurable, everybody being afraid of approaching the capital even a few miles. the chief product i saw was teak, of this there were large rafts at tsenkan and elsewhere. this tree seems to abound in the hills forming the ne. boundaries of burmah. i did not, however, see any of large size. tea is found on hills to the east of bamo, and at a distance of one day's journey from that place. through the kindness of mr. bayfield, i was enabled to procure specimens; the leaves were decidedly less coarse, as well as smaller, than those of the assamese plants, and they occurred both serrated and entire. no use is made of the wild plants in this direction, and the chinese at bamo, asserted that it was good for nothing. it must be remembered, however, that none of them had seen the plant cultivated in china. indeed the only real chinaman we saw, was one at kioukgyee, serving the myoowoon as a carpenter: this man had been to england twice, and talked a little english. cotton is, i was informed, extensively cultivated. but the most valuable product is the ruby, which is procured from hills to the eastward of tsenbo, and which are, i believe, visible from the opposite town, mala. from the same place and to the se., low hills are visible, from which all the marble in extensive use for the carving of images, is obtained; this marble has been pronounced by competent authority to be of first-rate quality. _population_.--this must be considered as scanty. from a list of towns and villages, observed by captain hannay, between ava and mogoung inclusive, i estimated the population at 100,000 souls, but from this onethird at least must be deducted. in this estimate of the number of houses, captain hannay was probably guided, either by the burmese census, or by the statement of the writer who accompanied him. from the numbers given by this officer, in almost every case one-third, and occasionally one-half, or even more, must be deducted: as instances, i may cite his statement of the number of houses in bamo and katha. in almost every case mr. bayfield counted all the houses, and in all doubtful cases, i counted them also at his request, so that i am enabled to speak with great confidence on this point. as a collateral proof of the scanty population of this extensive portion of the burmese territory, i may allude to the fact that bamo, the third place in burmah, and the emporium of great part of an extensive chinese trade, contains only even at the rate of seven souls to each house, which is two too many, 4,250 inhabitants. the capital may be adduced as an additional instance; for including the extensive suburbs, no one estimated it as having a larger population than 100,000. it must be remembered also, that there is no doubt, but that the banks of the irrawaddi are more populous than any other portion of the kingdom. throughout the above rather long journey, we were treated, with one exception, tolerably well; indeed our delays arose from the unwillingness, real or pretended, of the authorities to forward us on while the country remained so unsettled. the headman of kamein on our first arrival was extremely civil, but on our return after he had received news of the revolt of the tharawaddi, he behaved with great insolence, and actually drew his dha on mr. bayfield. it must be remembered however that he had been brought to task by the mogoung authorities for having, as it was said, accepted of a douceur for allowing us to proceed to the serpentine mines. the general idea entertained by the people through whose countries we passed, was, that we had been sent to report upon the country prior to its being taken under british protection. of the existence of this idea, mr. bayfield met with some striking proofs. on reaching katha our troubles ceased, and these, excepting at kamein and mogoung, only arose from the evident wish of the natives to keep at a distance from us, and not to interfere in one way or the other. at mogoung i consider it probable that we should have been detained had it not been for the firm conduct of mr. bayfield, and his great knowledge of the burmese character. at this place the authority of the myoowoon, who was absent in hookhoong, was totally disregarded, and his brother the myoowoah, was in confinement, the shan matgyee having espoused the cause of the prince tharawaddi. _conclusion_.--for the brief and rapid manner in which i have run through this last section of my report, as well as for having forsaken the arrangement adopted in the previous sections, i trust i shall be excused. in the first place, this portion of the route had been previously travelled over by captain hannay and by mr. bayfield, by whom much additional information will be laid before government; and in the second place, i would advert to the hurried nature of this part of our journey, and to the disturbed state of the country. for similar reasons i have only drawn up this account to the period of my reaching ava. it will be at once seen that the information might have been much more extensive, especially as regards the revenues of the districts, but i abstained from interfering with subjects which were in every respect within the province of mr. bayfield; and the minute and accurate manner in which this officer performed the duties consigned to him, reconciled me at once to the secondary nature of the objects which were left for my examination. i subjoin a tabular view of the marches, this will not agree entirely with those given in the body of the report, as one or two of those were unavoidably short. i give the table to shew the shortest period in which the journey could be accomplished by an european without constantly overfatiguing himself. if the total distance be compared with an estimate made from charts, all of which however are imperfect so far as the country between meinkhoong and beesa is concerned, the tortuousness of our course will be at once evident. marches. miles 1 from sadya to noa dehing mookh, 6 2 to rangagurreh, 12 3 to moodoa mookh, 12 4 to kidding, 9 5 to namroop puthar, 12 6 to beesa lacoom, 12 7 to halting place in the hills, 12 8 to darap panee, 12 9 to the namtuseek, 12 10 namtuseek, 10 11 to the boundary nullah, 12 12 to the namaroan, 15 13 namaroan, 13 14 to khathung khioung, 15 15 to khussee khioung, 13 16 to kuttack bhoom, 13 17 to namtuseek, 10 18 to nhempean, 18 19 to kulleyang, 17 20 to tsilone, 10 21 to meinkhoong, 17 22 to wullabhoom, 13 23 to halting place towards the mogoung river, 22 24 mogoung river, 15 25 ditto ditto, 13 26 ditto ditto, 14 27 kamein, {145} 14 28 mogoung, 25 --total number of miles, 378 the remaining distance performed in boats may be thus estimated down the mogoung river to the irrawaddi, 45 from the confluence of the mogoung river down the irrawaddi to ava, 240 -- 663 --allowing twelve days for the performance of this last portion, which however is too short a time, the entire distance may be performed in forty days. chapter viii. _notes made on descending the irrawaddi from ava to_ _rangoon_. _28th may_.--i left ava and halted about two miles above menboo. _29th may_.--continuing the journey, the country appears flat with occasionally low hills as about kioukloloing, no large villages occur; the river is sub-divided by churs; no large grasses to be seen, and the vegetation is arid. bombax is the chief tree: mudar and zizyphus occur: guilandina, crotolaria a large acanthacea, and a jasminioides shrub are the most common plants: borassus is abundant: fici occur about villages. the banks are generally sandy, not high. yandebo. this is a wretched village; barren plains bounded to the east by barren rather elevated hills; base jungly. observed the tree under which the treaty was signed with the burmese at the close of the late war. it is an ordinary mango, near a pagoda on a plain with two large fig trees. i counted to-day 28 boats sailing up between this and our halting place of yesterday, mostly large praows. the banks present few trees, are flat, barren, and from being occasionally overflowed, adapted to paddy. halted at meengian, which is a middling sized village on the left bank, about a mile below tarof myoo. _30th may_.--i made an excursion into the country which is dry, barren, and sandy, with a descent towards the banks of the river. zizyphus, acacia, euphorbia 20 feet high, calotropis, capparis 2, etc., occur all the same as before, only one ehretiacea appears to be new. hares are very common. likewise red and painted partridges, and quail. carthamus and tobacco are cultivated, specially the latter at meengian. the most common tree here, is urticea procera? which has always a peculiar appearance. the country towards pukoko becomes prettier, the left bank wooded, and the ground sloped very gradually up to kionksouk, which is barren, and 2,000 feet high at least, with the slopes covered with jungle. _31st may_.--passed pagam, a straggling town of some size, famous for its numerous old pagodas of all sorts. the surface of the country is raviny, and the vegetation continues precisely the same. below pagam, the range of low hills becomes very barren: altogether the country is very uninteresting. the low range of hills on the right bank is nearly destitute of vegetation. the hills present a curious appearance of ridges, sometimes looking like walls. the country continues the same. halted opposite yowa. _june 1st_.--a low range of hillocks here occurs on the left bank, and as in other places, consisting of sandstone with stunted and scanty vegetation. tselow is a large place on the left bank, the river is here much spread out, with large sand banks. the hills on the right bank present the same features; passed pukangnai, a large village on the left bank. passed pukkoko, pagam, tselow, etc., the hills about this last place abound with prionites. strong wind prevails. _june 2nd_.--yeanangeown 10 a.m. the country continues exactly similar to that already observed--hillocks intersected by ravines, loose sandstone, very barren in appearance. vegetation is the same, but more stunted; fossil wood is common, especially in the bottom of ravines. {147} of fossils very few were seen, but more are to be procured by digging. the most common trees are zizyphus, acacia, and a capparis: the most common grass aristida. arrived at yeanangeown, a busy place judging from the number of boats. wind less strong. at 2 p.m. stopped at wengma-thoat, where zizyphus is extremely common. euphorbia seems rather disappearing. the plants met with at the halting place six miles above yeanang, were euphorbia, olax, zizyphus, mimosa, carissa, ximenia, prionites, calotropis, gymnema, capparis pandurata et altera species arborea, murraya rare, gossypium frutex 6-8-petal, xanthophyllum blue, petiolis alatis of tagoung, sidae sp. on the right bank flat churs continue covered with a small saccharum. vegetation more abundant and greener than before. ficus again occurs and stravadium occasionally. passed 5 p.m. memboo at a large village on right bank, containing perhaps 200 houses. the river below this runs between two ranges of low hills, similar in every respect to those already passed. a kukkeen woman was observed, who appeared to have a blue face, looking perfectly frightful. _june 3rd_.--maguay. reached this place at 8 p.m. it is on the left bank. it is a place of some importance. many boats lying in the stream. the country, is of the same dry, arid description: the banks of the river are however lower than previously observed. passed esthaiya, a small village on the right bank, at 6 a.m. adelia nereifolia continues common in some places. dhebalar, meemgoon, two villages nearly opposite, neither of these villages large. ficus and bombax are common; no euphorbia was observed. we are now evidently getting within the influence of the monsoon, as the vegetation is more green. passed mellun, a village on the right bank. the hills on either side of the river are higher and better wooded than before observed, and the river itself is not more than 350 yards broad. observed gold washers below meegyoung-yea, where they find gold, silver, and rubies by washing the sands. here bombax is very common on the right bank. passed thembounwa, a village on the left bank. the country presents the same ridges of singular hills formed of veins of slaty, tabular, brown rock, this is very conspicuous at thembounwa. the hills on the left bank above meeaday are very barren; the banks rocky. halted at khayoo, just above meeaday, at 7 p.m. _june 4th_.--passed teiyet myoo, a village on the right bank, which seems to have some cotton trade; the houses along the bank are wretched in appearance. meeaday was passed during a squall, i was thus prevented from making any observation on it. teiyet is the largest place i have seen. the country we are now passing is very slightly undulated, soil light and sandy. fine tamarind trees occur, also terminalia. in addition to the usual plants a lagerstraemia occurs, which attains the size of a middling tree, and a frutescent hypericum, aristolochia, and hedyotis occur. strong south wind prevails so that we can make no progress whatever, i therefore went into the jungle and found stravadium, a fine bignonia foliis pinnatis, floribus maximis, fere spitham. infundibulif. subbilabiat. lacinus crispatis: one or two acanthaceae, two gramineae, two vandelliae, bonnaya, herpestes, monniera, rumex, dentella, three or four cyperaceae, ammannia, crotalaria on sand banks, triga in woods and bauhinia, dioscoria, a pretty herbaceous perennial ardisia, etc. we have not made two miles since breakfasting at teiyet, about four hours ago. convolvulus pileatus and dwarf bamboo are common on the low hills. the lagerstraemia has petals none, or minute squamiform. reached caman myoo, a village on the right bank, at 7 p.m. _june 5th_.--many boats are here, owing to there being an excellent place of anchorage in still water, protected by an island, but there are not many houses in the village. below, the river again becomes confined between hills, but above this it expands. these hills are rather bare: no euphorbia exists, and the whole vegetation is changed. now passing hills, chiefly covered with bamboos. bignonia crispa occurs, and a scilloid plant out of flower is common. aroideum, similar to that of katha, is common, a new species is likewise found, but it is a roxburghia, and rare. stravadium has very minute stipules, the habit and gemmation is that of ternstraemiaceae, and it perhaps connects this order with myrtaceae; punica from this is certainly distinct, owing praeter alia to its valvate calyx. soneratia belongs i suspect to lythrarieae, connecting it with myrtaceae. the roxburghia above alluded to, is a distinct genus. planta quam juniorem tantum vidi vex spithamaea. radices plurimae filiformes, cortice crassa, tenacissima obfibras foliiformas ad vaginam redacta, superiora petiolique purpureo-brunnei, vernatione involutiva, flores solitarii in axillis foliorum et vaginarum, albi carneo tincti. pedicellis subtereti apice, articulatis, monoicis. perianth sub-companulat, 4-sepalum, sepalis lanceolato-oblongis a medio reflexis, estivat imbricat. stam. 4. sepalis alterna, filam subanth. magna, subsagittat, connectivo magno supra in apiculum longum product, et inter loculos in carinam (carneam) purpuream, loculi angustissimi, viridis, alabastrus lutescens. pollen viridescens. faemin flos, infimus, unum tantum vidi sepala longiora herbacea, stam. 0. ovarium compressum, fol. carpell () {149}, stylus conicus, ovar viridis, stigma sub-simplex. char. gen. flores monoici per. 4, sepalum, stam. 4. arrived at prome on the left bank, the stockade seemed to be out of repair: the water front of the stockade is about 800 yards in length: it extends about 200 yards back from the river, and beyond the hill on which are pagodas: opposite the pagodas it is of brick, and beyond this a long line of houses or huts extends; there is no appearance of improvement going on. the hills on the opposite side present the same features, trees just commencing to leaf; every thing indicates a temporary sterility caused by the long hot season. above this place we passed a village extending 500 yards along the river. cocoa trees thrive well here, and are not uncommon. borassus continues. shwe doung, 6 miles from prome, is as large as prome itself: the country beyond this expands; no hills were seen near this part of the river; some way below palmyras are common; bombax, ficus, and tamarind are the chief trees. passed reedan, a straggling place on the left bank. a range of hills occur, extending close along the right bank, and which, as well as the distant ones, are wooded to the summit, as the hills are on the malay coast. passed thengyee, a village on the right bank. hills at this place approach close to the river for a short way, but soon cease. they are covered with teak, scarped, and many images are carved in the recesses of the rock, apparently sandstone. thengyee, just below this, seems to be a great place for boat-building. halted at talownmo at 7.5 p.m. _june 6th_.--at this place there are no hills near the river, which is sub-divided by islands. painted partridge continues. kioungee; palmyra trees continue in plenty. talipat never seen dead, but with its inflorescence. passed meavion and runaown. palmyras here occur: great numbers of boats passing up and down. traffic considerable. moneu, a village on the left bank, at which many boats were observed. the river banks throughout are today flat and alluvial, and those of the islands are covered with moderate sized grasses; extreme banks jungly. palmyras continue. halted at thendan, on left bank. _june 7th_.--the country here has the usual alluvial features; few villages are seen, but as the river is sub-divided, one must not judge from this and the consequent barren appearance, that the country is less populated than above. stravadium is common in the woods: on the banks, noticed acrostichum difforme; epiphytical orchideae are common. urticea fructibus late obcordatis. passed tharawa, a village on the left bank, and theenmaga myoo on the right bank, which seems a large place; here pandanus commences. palmyras were seen, together with a few areca. at 4 p.m. i saw at zulone myoo, for the first time during the descent, a crocodile, which is an indication of our approach to the coast. a bombax is now common on some of the islands, the banks are now generally grassy. this bombax is apparently the same as that of assam; the river here resembles the b. pootur about chykwar. halted at a small village about six miles above donai-byoo near dollong. _june 8th_.--donai-byoo, 7 a.m. this is a large place, on the right bank, having a good many boats. niown sheedouk on the left bank, three miles below donai-byoo, is likewise a large place. tides exist here, and their influence extends upwards as far as zulone, that is to say, the stream is much diminished during the flood. entered rangoon river at 1 p.m.: it is here not more than 200 yards broad. nioungdoa is a middling sized village, situated about a mile from the mouth or entrance, at which were observed plenty of boats. the banks of the river are here grassy; tall saccharum and arundo occur, but not so large as those of assam. the river a small way below the mouth is not more than 100 yards wide. bombax and ficus are the most common trees: lagerstraemia grandiflora forms a little tree jungle: butea likewise occurs. passed tsamaloukde, a small village on the right bank. _june 9th_.--halted at 6 this morning at a small village on the left bank. the features of the country now become paludosal. acanthus ilicifolius, cynometra acacisides, cyperaceae, soneralia acida, avicennia, stravadium, croton malvaefolium are very common, creni sp. caesalpinia, and a leguminous tree, fructibus 1-spermis, drupaceis, webera, premna, cissi sp. potius _vitis_, clerodendri sp. heritiera fomes, flagellaria indica, hibisci species populneae affinis, arundo, ambrosinia 2 species. country open, low, and quite flat, admirable for rice cultivation. crinoid giganteum, excaecaria, agallocha, no rhizophores, ipomaea floribus maximis, hypocrateriform, albis, foliis cordatis. soneratia apetala less common, but becomes more so as we approach rangoon, it is an elegant tree with pendulous branchlets. heritiera is very common and conspicuous when in flower, it is then of a yellow brown tint; acrostichum aureum, calamus, and lomaria scandens occur. chapter ix. _journal towards assam and to bootan--contains notes on_ _distribution of plants_. left calcutta a second time on the 31st august 1837, arrived at serampore on the 1st september, and spent the day with the voights. _september 3rd_.--continue on the hooghly: paddy cultivation prevails and crotalaria juncea; this last is sown broadcast in low places, but not quite so low as paddy. bengallees are but slovenly husbandmen; grass, etc. collected by them in small cocks, and covered with a small thatch, which answers its purpose as well as a narrow brimmed hat would answer that of an umbrella. broken earthenware not unfrequently visible in the banks, in some places at the depth of 3-4 feet. unsettled weather, with gusts of strong wind from the s. and sse. thermometer 78 degrees 82'. the usual calcutta birds continue, jackdaw-like crow, falco pondicherainus, two common mainas, ardea indica, and the white one. came on the ganges about noon; on passing chobda had the horror of seeing the bodies of burning hindoos, the friends who are present at these funeral rites turning them about with sticks, so as to give each side its share of fire. the women bathe in their ordinary dresses: these though ample are of fine cotton fabric, so that when wet more of the shape is disclosed than is deemed desirable in europe, but exposure of person has no repugnant effect on asiatics. the matabangah is a small, very tortuous, stream, not exceeding 70 yards in breadth: the banks are low, either wooded to the edge or covered with grass, such as cynodon. excellent pasturage prevails, as indicated by the number of cows. _monday 4th_.--wind se. there are not many villages in the vicinity of the river; passed yesterday kranighat, where there is a toll, from which officers on duty are exempt; but as no precautions seem to be taken to keep the river clear, no toll whatever should be taken: although the latter is high, the receipts must be very small. passed arskally about noon, the banks are composed occasionally of pure sand, and the country becomes more open, with very little jungle, much indigo cultivation occurs. thermometer 78 degrees 85'. _tuesday_, _5th_.--wind sw. the country continues the same as before. at 2 p.m., we reached krishnapoor. _wednesday_, _6th_.--8 a.m. we left the matabangah river and entered a less tortuous nullah. the country continues the same. much indigo cultivation still occurs. we saw yesterday evening a large herd of cows swim across the matabangah; they were led by a bull, who kept turning round every now and then to see whether his convoy was near him. today i saw a rustic returning from his labours, with his plough thrown easily across his shoulders; to a strong englishman the feat of walking home with such a plough, cattle, and all would not be very difficult. indigo is cut about a foot from the ground, then tied in bundles. water for steeping it in is raised from the rivers by something like chair-buckets, only the buckets are represented by flat pieces of wood, the whole is turned on an axle by the tread of men; the water is carried upon an inclined narrow plane; the machine answers its purpose very well, and the natives work it with great dexterity. at 5 p.m., we came on a stream 100 yards wide, down which we proceeded. _thursday_, _7th_.--the country continues much the same. of birds the black and white peewit is not uncommon;--cormorants, etc. also occur. p.m. thermometer 90 degrees. _friday_, _8th_.--the country is more low and more sub-divided by rivers than before. abundance of indigo. pumps also used, as before observed, for raising water. passed moodoo kully at 5 p.m., and left its river for a small nullah. indigo abundant on all sides throughout the day's journey. _saturday_, _9th_.--continue in this nullah. country wooded. phaenix sylvestris very abundant: areca catechu also becoming abundant. a good deal of cultivation occurs, mottled chiefly with sugar-cane and vegetables. the habits of the black and white kingfisher, alcedo rudis, are different from those of the other indian species: it never perches, choosing rather the ground to rest upon: it builds in banks: takes its prey by striking it from a height of 20 feet or thereabouts, previously fluttering or hovering over it. the size and figure of this bird when resting on the ground, resembles the two common indian terns. palms, contrary to what might be supposed from the nature of these plants, can put forth additional buds;--this is exemplified in phaenix sylvestris, the stems of which are deeply and alternately notched by the natives for procuring toddy. when this is carried to a great extent, the tree either dies or a new apex is formed laterally. the old notches, as might be expected, at length, become much obliterated. it is from the study of such palms that much light will be thrown on the growth of monocotyledonous stems. the vegetation of jheels is now obviously commencing. pistia stratioles, nymphaea, potamogeton, potamochloa, oplismenus stagninus, and villarsia occur. reached furreedpore at 7 p.m. _sunday_, _10th_.--came on the paddo, an immense stream 1.5 miles wide, with a very strong current, about a mile to the east of furreedpore. lagerstraemia regina here occurs. _monday_, _11th_.--the country is become much lower since leaving furreedpore, and is inundated during the height of the rains. the peculiar vegetation of jheels predominant; that of the jungle continues much the same. plhugoor continues plentiful. no palmyras. mangoes plentiful, but small. passed a deserted roman catholic chapel, and priest's house. white-winged long-nailed water-hens becoming plentiful. _tuesday_, _12th_.--the country abounds more in jheels: in many places nothing is visible but water, in which huge plains of floating grasses occur. the villages are very numerous, and occupy in fact almost every spot of ground not subject ordinarily to inundation. damasonium indicum, nymphaea pubescens occur in profusion. the grass which exists in such vast quantities is, i believe, oplismenus stagninus. the water of these jheels is clear, black when deep, which it often is to a great extent. _wednesday_, _13th_.--reached dacca about 2 p.m.: it is a large and populous place. the numerous grass of the jheels is sown there: it is the red bearded _dhan_ or paddy grass: of this vast quantities are cut for fodder, for, the whole face of the country being overflowed, it follows that the cattle are throughout the rains kept in stalls. _thursday_, _14th_.--left about noon, and proceeded down the dacca river about 5 miles, then diverged into a narrow creek running nearly south. along this were observed fine specimens of tamarind trees. stravadium in abundance. sonninia scandens, and mango, both in abundance. passed at 5 p.m. neerangunge, a large native town, and below it luckepoor. a vast expanse of water appeared near this, viz., the megna. a good deal of native shipping occurs, consisting of brigs: great quantities of rice being exported from both places. pelicans i observed here to roost in trees. [view in the jheels: p154.jpg] friday, 15th.--in the midst of jheels: the whole face of the country is covered with water several feet deep. vast quantities of oplismenus stagninus still occur. _saturday_, _16th_.--still in jheels. the same features continue. the country is still very populous, all the more elevated spots having villages. oplismenus stagninus still prevails in vast quantities. _sunday_, _17th_.--jheels in every direction:--nothing indeed seen but water, with occasional grassy or reedy, and elevated spots occupied by villages:--here and there a round-headed tree springing apparently out of the water. hills visible to the east. cormorants, ciconia nudiceps, paddy-birds, the common white ones with black feet, are abundant, and associate in flocks: there is one very nearly allied to this, which is solitary, having black feet with yellow toes. the boats of this district are very simple, something like a bengal _dingy_ reversed, but they are sharp in the bows and ought to be fast; their only mode of progression is to be pushed along by means of poles. there appears to be a great number of mussulmans, who would here seem to form the majority of the population. strong winds from the south interrupt our progress. _monday_, _18th_.--delayed by bad weather. _tuesday_, _19th_.--continued to pass through same kind of country, but less jheelly. the cook boat was left behind on the 17th in a squall, and has not come up yet, so that i dine with the boatmen. the black and white long-toed water-hen continues plentiful: when alarmed by kites, etc. it pursues them uttering a low mournful scream, until it has succeeded in getting its enemy off to some distance; it then returns, i suppose to its young; otherwise its cry is something like the mewing of a cat, or rather a low hollow moan. the hills are plainly visible today, lying towards the north. the males of the white and black water-hen have tails something like those of a pheasant. there are two other species: one that is found on the tenasserim coast; the other is much larger,--the size, of a large domestic fowl: one of the sexes, has red wattles on its head. the white and black one is far the most common; it feeds apparently, in flocks: the maulmain one is the least common. these with ardea indica, the white, black-toed, yellow-beaked ardea, ciconia nudiceps a small brown _chat_?, pica vagabunda, are the birds of the jheels or rather the dry spots in them. i saw yesterday a flock of the black ibis, flying _in a_ _triangle_ (>) _without a base_, the party was headed by one of the white paddy-birds! villages have become very numerous, and the population abundant and flourishing. the cattle are, as i have said, stalled and fed with paddy grass, quantities of boats being employed for its conveyance. oplismenus stagninus appears less common about here. _thursday_, _21st_.--still among jheels; our progress is necessarily very slow; we are indeed scarcely moving, there being no tracking ground: jheels occur in every direction, although the hills are not 15 miles distant. pelicans with white and black marked wings occur, together with the slate-colored eagle with white tail, barred at tip with black; it is common in the low wooded places surrounded by jheels. black-bellied tern occurs, but not that of assam. _friday_, _22nd_.--arundo and two species of saccharum occur, among which s. spontaneum, is very common and of large size. we reached the soorma river about 12 o'clock, 3 or 4 miles above mr. inglis's house. i arrived at chattuc on the 21st, which place i left for pundoa the following day. there are no mountains of this name as would seem from the habitat of some plants given in roxburgh's flora indica. the mountains therein called pundoa are the khasya or cossiah range; pundoa, is the name of a village called by the natives puddoa. the jheels are for a great part under cultivation. the paddy cultivation is of two kinds; it is either sown in the jheels just at the commencement of the inundation, or it is sown on higher portions, and then transplanted into the jheels. jarool, lagerstraemia regina is the chief timber, it comes from kachar; it is a dear and not a durable wood. dalbergia bracteata, first appears, on low hills about chattuc; there is also a grimmia here on the river banks. porpoises are often seen in the soorma; alligators or crocodiles, very rarely. jheels continue nearly to the foot of the mountains; these last are not wooded more than half way up; the remaining wood being confined to ravines, the ridges appearing as if covered with grass. here and there, scarped amphitheatres are visible, down which many fine cascades may be seen to fall. arrived at mr. inglis's bungalow at pundoa about 3 p.m., and here regulated my thermometers; temperature of boiling water taken with the large thermometer 210.5 degrees, by means of the one in wooden case 210.5 degrees, temperature of the air 92.5 degrees, red case thermometer indicated the boiling point at 206 degrees!! nor would the mercury rise higher. _saturday_, _23rd_.--commenced the ascent, from terya ghat. up to which point the country is perfectly flat low and wet, covered for a great part with gigantic sacchara; among which partridges are common. osbeckia nepalensis, marlea begonifolia, gouania, bignonia indica, a panax, byttneria, hedysarum gyrans, pueraia, mimosa stipulacea, a very large rottboellia, bauheniae 2, bombax, tetranthera arborea, grewia sepiaria may all be observed. on the terya river among stones, and where it is a pure mountain stream eugenia salicifolia, as in the upper kioukdweng, between terya and the foot of the hills occurs; alstonia, ophioxylon, trophis aspera, urtica naucleiflora, varecae sp. impatiens in abundance, oranges in groves occur; at the foot cryptophragmium venustum; rather higher, argostemma, and neckera are common; aeschynanthus fulgens, jack and sooparee commonly cultivated. then oxalis sensitiva, a small tender lycopodium; pine-apples, pogonatherum crinitum; gordonia soon commences, probably at 400 feet. polytrichum aloides appears on banks with gordonia; eurya commences above the first cascade. choripetalum, modecca, sonerila about two-thirds up to mahadeb, and commelina, c. bengalensis, and anatherum muricatum continue to mahadeb, as also andropogon acicularis, the impatiens, etc. no change takes place, in fact the vegetation being all tropical. up to this place thick tree jungle continues; the ridges sometimes are covered with grass, either saccharum, anthistiria arundinacea or manisuris; scarcely any oaks occur. euonymus occurs at mahadeb. beyond mahadeb the scene becomes changed especially after surmounting the first ridge, the face of the hills is covered with grasses, interspersed with rocks; the clumps of wooded vegetation being small, irregular, and composed of barren looking stunted trees. above this ridge the country puts on the appearance of a table land. at mahadeb, staurogyne, ruellia neesiana, and cryptophragmium are common, a little above these is a species of zalacca; impatiens bracteata is very common from near the foot to beyond mahadeb; but it becomes small and disappears before moosmai is reached. cymbidium bambusifolium commences 600 feet above mahadeb. linum trigynum commences at mahadeb; scutellaria a little above, but i have found this at the foot. dianella is found 1,000 feet above mahadeb, as also camellia candata; plantago, and eriocaulon 2 sp. appear about 500 feet above mahadeb; and continue to churra. randia, the common one, is found up to 4,000 feet. cinchona gratissima appears at moosmai. the first viburnum, also occurs here. impatiens graminifolia a little lower. salomonia, which appears half way to mahadeb, continues to moosmai and churra, but is stunted. vaccinium, ceratostemma, crotalaria hoveoides, gnaphalia appear towards moosmai. wendlandia at moosmai. ruellia persicaefolia straggles a little lower than these. smithia commences at moosmai; pandanus also; this is excessively common on hills to the left, towards the caves. dipsacus commences above moosmai. _monday_, _25th_.--churra is situated in a plain surrounded in every direction by low rounded hills, except to the e. and se., on which side there is a deep ravine, the whole plateau rising considerably towards the north, in the direction of churra itself. ravines exist here and there; it is along these, and the water-courses, that the only woody vegetation is to be found. the rest of the surface is clothed with grasses, of which a number of species exist, they are chiefly andropogoneae. two or three osbeckias exist; a tradescantia (t. septem clavata) covers certain patches with its bright blue flowers. three species of impatiens, two with bright pink flowers are common. spathoglottis, and anthogonum occur on the flat rocks, which frequently prevail; arundinaria is seen every where as well as a smithia? with lotus-like blossoms. with regard to birds, the motacilla or water-wagtails are seen at churra and at pundoa, are generally of yellow colour in place of white. the woody vegetation consists of berberis, viburnum, bucklandia, cleyera floribus fragrantis, petalis sepalis oppositis, myrsine and many others, too numerous indeed to mention. the woods, towards churra, assume that rounded and very determinate form, which is seen so commonly in some parts of england, bucks for instance. none of the trees arrive to any great size. the generality are low, rounded, and stunted. it is in these, that quercus, viburnum, and pandanus may be seen growing side by side. _october 4th_.--took the height of the station, which i make to be 3,921 feet; temperature 74 degrees; water boiled at 205 degrees; in the small metal thermometer 198 degrees! centigrade 97 degrees; large metal 205.25 degrees; wooden scale 204 degrees. _october 5th_.--left for surureem. on the first height on which the village is situated, a potentilla is to be found, and this becomes more abundant as we continue to ascend. the next european form that appears, is fragaria, the height of which may be estimated at 4,200 feet, this too becomes more common as we ascend; caryota may be seen, or at least, a palm tree, in ravines as high as 4,000 feet; daucus appears at 4,300 feet in grassy plains; prunella at about the same, gerardia at 4,500 feet; gaultheria and an impatiens with very small yellow flowers at 4,800 feet, as well as othonna. with the exception of these, the vegetation is much the same as that about churra: but the balsams of that place disappear almost towards surureem, as well as the tradescantia 7-clavata. plants which are not in flower about churra, are found towards surureem in perfection. after the first considerable ascent is surmounted, and which is probably 4,750 feet, the country becomes more barren, the grass more scanty and less luxuriant. spathoglottis, and anthogonium disappear; xyris continues in abundance, likewise eriocaulons, especially the middlingsized one; bucklandia becomes more common and more developed; a frutescent salix commences at 4,800 feet, as well as a gramen avenaceum vel bromoideum. surureem is a small village, 100 feet above the rude bungalow, provided for the few travellers who pass this way; close to it is to be found zanthoxylum and hemiphragma, which last commences at moosmai. the simple leaved rubus of churra, petalis minutis carneis, has ceased; a trifoliate one foliis cordato-rotundatis, existing instead. most of the grasses continue, but all are comparatively of small stature. two new andropogonoids make their appearance: of compositae, a tussilaginoid and a stout senecionidea, the former not uncommon about churra, but out of flower. salomonia ceased. the height of surureem i calculate at 4,978 feet; temperature 65 degrees fahr.; of centigrade 19 degrees; water boiled at 95.5 degrees of centigrade; 203 degrees fahr., wooden scale; 203.5 degrees large metal; small ditto 195.5 degrees! temperature of the air at 6 p.m., 63 degrees. _october 6th_.--temperature 6 a.m., 63.5 degrees. left for moflong. there is a considerable rise at first, then the country is tolerably level until one reaches the kala panee, the descent to this is about 7 or 800 feet, thence the rise is great, with a corresponding descent to the boga panee, which i estimate at 4,457 feet, and which is certainly 1,000 feet below the highest ground passed on this side of the kala panee. after crossing this torrent, by means of a miserably unsteady wooden bridge, the ascent is very steep for about 1,200 feet, thence there is a small descent to moflong, which i find to be 5,485 feet. most of the plants continue. tradescantia and commelina become much less common towards the kala panee, as well as the impatiens of churra, but their place is supplied by others. along 100 yards of the kala panee, upwards of four species may be met with. polygonum (bistorta) becomes more common on the higher ground between surureem and kala panee, thence diminishing in size and frequency. polygonum rheoides becomes abundant towards a height of 5,200 feet, when pyrus, an apple-like species, and spiraeas make their appearance at 5,300 feet. on the kala panee, bucklandia re-appears, but thence would seem to cease: on the brow of the ascent from this, pedicularis appears in abundance among grasses, with it _sphacele_? at the same height, which cannot be less than 5,400 feet, carduus or cnicus, appears. solidago commences in the valley of the kala panee, but becomes more abundant at higher elevations. sanguisorba appears at 5,400 feet, but in small quantities, and at this height anisadenia recommences. epilobium appears at 5,300 feet, continues at the same elevation to moflong, where it is common. on the descent to the boga panee, an european form of euphorbia appears at 5,000 feet with viola patrinia and a galium asperum. hieracium appears at about the same height. cuscuta is very common from 5 to 5,500 feet, continuing even to moflong; the scales of this genus are, it appears to me, mere appendages of the filaments, and not due to non-development or suppression of parts. erythrina, which is found about churra, is seen on the road to kala panee, apparently quite wild; altitude 5,200 feet: it recommences at moflong, where it is common about villages, but never exceeds the size of a small tree. commelina bengalensis? continues throughout here and there, and may be found even about moflong. the most striking change occurs, however, in the pines, which, although of small stature, exist in abundance on the north side of the boga panee; so far as may be judged of by the naked eye, they disappear on this side, about a mile to the westward, very few cross the torrent, and few indeed are found 100 feet above its bed on the south side. i took the height of the bed of this torrent. temperature of the air 72 degrees; water boiled at 204 degrees; which gives the height about 4,400 feet. between surureem and the boga panee, many new plants occur; grasses continue, as also at moflong, the prevailing feature. the principal new ones occur on the descent, consisting of two large andropogons, one closely allied to a. schaeranthus and a tall anthistiria habitu a. arundinacea; a beautiful saccharum occurs here and there, especially before reaching the kala panee and the gramina bromoidea, which is the only really european form. on the kala panee, scarcely any podostemon griffithia; except a few small ones, very few signs or appearance of fresh plants. along the boga panee, among the wet rocks which form its banks, a fine parnassia; a trailing arbutoidea; a very european looking quercus; anesadenia pubescens, a circaea, campanulae 2, aeschynomene, crotalaria, a serissa?; this last continuing to moflong, a fine osbeckia, and gnaphalium aereonitus may likewise be found. on the ascent, few new plants occur; rhinanthoidea, osbeckia nepalensis, and capitata, conyzoidea, dipsacus, gnaphalium foliis linearibus, crotolaria hoveoides, colutoidea, pteris (aquilina.) scutellaria, potentilla, smilax occur at 5,000 feet with plantago, fragaria and artemisia, as well as lower down. the most striking plant is a delphinium, which, at about 5,000 feet, occurs stunted; this is common about moflong. agrimonia range from 3,500 to 5,500 feet, where they are very common, hypericum three sorts occur, h. myrtifolium commences, about churra, reoccurs here and there on the road to moflong, about which it is very common. h. ovalifolium, is more elevational, scarcely descending below 5,000 feet; h. japonicum is found from towards mahadeb to moflong; h. fimbriatum foliis decussatis, scarcely below 5,000 feet; leucas galea brunneo villosa on grassy hills is common towards boga panee, and continues as high as moflong. quercus commences about mahadeb: a new species occurs on the edge of woods towards the kala panee; altitude 5,000 feet; it nearly commences with two rhododendra, which, at least the arborescent one, arrives at perfection on the kala panee. viburna continue; salix (fruticose) commences about 5,000 feet, continues here and there to moflong. buddleia neemda is found about churra, but not commonly; and soon disappears. b. 4-alata commences beyond the churra punjee, and continues as far as moflong. thibaudia buxifolia becomes less common beyond 5,000 feet; other forms of ericineae appear in places about 5,000 feet, gaultheria continuing as far as moflong. eurya species alterum, commences about the same elevation, continuing to moflong. three species of spiraea are found between surureem and moflong, none perhaps below 5,000 feet; prunella occurs about the same height, continuing as far as moflong. on crossing the boga panee, the country becomes perhaps more undulated and much more barren, scarcely any arborescent vegetation is to be seen, the little woody vegetation consisting of stunted shrubs. immediately around moflong, the country is excessively bare, not a tree is to be seen, even the sides of ravines being clothed with stunted shrubs. berberis asiatica, viburna, spiraea _bella_? eurya _camellifolia_, betula _corylifolia_. to the north, fine woods are seen, and to the east, fir woods, the nearest being about 4 miles off. the village is small and wretchedly dirty, the paths being the worst of all i have seen on these hills. the houses and the adjoining fields are surrounded with hedges of colquhounia, erythrina, buddlaea. in waste places colquhounia _micrantha_, cysticapnos, verbesina, pteris, davallia, etc. are to be found, as well as codonopsis viridiflora. the hills are covered with low grass, almost a sward. on this, potentilla, agrimonia, geranium as well as in fields, pisoideum floribus cyaneis, campanula, aster disco azureo may be found; on low spots a very small parnassia, and a still smaller ischaemum. ranunculus, one species, but this is uncommon; delphinium is common in thickets, etc. the only cultivation is potatoes, a few years since introduced, and which answers admirably, some turnips and glycine tuberosa. cattle, goats and pigs abundant. on the whole this is to be considered as the place where the peculiar vegetation of churra, arrives at its boundary, for although many of the plants of the plains are to be found, they are all in a dwarf state. noticed a hoopoo, but birds in general are not frequent. chapter x. _continues the journey towards assam and bootan_. the annexed table of the distributions of plants in relation to altitudes of the khasyah mountains may render the subject of the preceding observations more clear and distinct. the dotted line along the left hand margin represents the elevation of the mountains, the greater height of which is something better than 6,000 feet. [gradient surureem to moflong: g163.jpg] _october 8th_.--visited the fir wood, which is about three miles to the eastward; the road runs over the same _downey_ ground. the first plant that appears is a boreal euphorbia, allied to that previously mentioned. a sanguisorba of large stature occurs in low wet places. epilobum not uncommon. the pines appear first straggling, and they only form a wood in one place, and even there not of much extent; none are of any size. musci lichens and fungi abound in the wood, as also circaea and herminium? osbeckia nepalensis, hedychia 2, a small goodyera, tricyrtis hedera, polygonum, polypodium, gaultheria, viburnum, thibaudiacea fructibus gratis, subacidis. eurya, valeriana, quercus, may likewise be found. salix occurs on the skirts in low places. the hills around are clothed with grasses, among which is a large airoidea; in the low valleys between these, intersected with small water-courses, three species of juncus, a curious umbellifera fistulosa, and mentha verticillata, occur. another hypericum is likewise found in lately cleared places. some cultivation occurs about the place on the slopes of hills, chiefly of a digitaria, sown broadcast, and tied up in bundles when nearly ripe; together with glycine tuberosa, and coix lacryme. to the eastward the hills become more rocky, affording little vegetation, the chief plant is an othonnoidea; another herminioidea, and a habenariod, both out of flower, may be found, the former on hills, the latter in low places; a tall campanula was among the new plants, and an umbellifera with curious foliage. the height of this ridge is 5,768 feet, the temperature being 74 degrees, and water boiling at 201.75 degrees. took the elevation of moflong bungalow. temperature of the air 65 degrees; water boiled at 202.25 degrees; this gives 5,410 feet. there are several high rounded hills about this place, (one to the south of the boga panee,) the generality of which are more elevated than those on the northern side; the most conspicuous is the hill near moleem, the north face of which is wooded, and which is at least 1,000 feet above moflong. 8 p.m. temperature 58.5 degrees. 5 p.m. 65 degrees. _october 9th_.--rain as usual in the morning. thermometer at 7 a.m., 58.5 degrees. _october 10th_.--a fine bracing cold morning, with the thermometer at 53.5 degrees. 7 a.m. left for myrung. the march to syung is uninteresting, passing over precisely the same country as that about moflong, with vegetation much the same. a tall carduaceous tree with pink flowers was found in the swampy bottoms of the valleys. about syung, a seneciois tree foliis angustissimus. it is about this place that the sides of the ravines become clothed with forest, and from this northward, pines increase in abundance. anthistiria speculis villosissimis continues here and there; a good deal of cultivation passed on the road, especially under syung to the south, where there is a large valley. the chief cultivation appears to be coix, glycine, and some rice, but the produce seemed very small. at the foot of syung on the north side, large tufts of juncus occur, and on the first ascent another species of valeriana foliis radicalibus reniformi cordatus occurs. urena lobale was noticed as high as 5,300 feet. between syung and myrung, especially about nungbree, parnassia recurs, with another species of epilobium, xyris, juncus, the senecioneoe, etc.; a new impatiens occurs towards myrung. generally speaking, the plants are much the same as those about moflong; but several new compositae occur. the road leaves nungbree to the right, leaving the most interesting parts of the march behind. altogether not more than 20 additional plants occurred in a journey of 6 hours. many parts are wet and marshy, and there is an absence of all tree vegetation, until one reaches syung. this makes the first part of the way somewhat tedious. at syung an elaeagnus occurs; colquhounia as usual in hedges; styrax occurs at foot of the hill the altitude of which is 5,000 feet. an anemone is common on road sides, especially on this side of syung; a new potentilla occurs; and the only boragineous plant hitherto seen by me on these hills, a cynoglossum closely allied to c. canescens. the altitude of syung is 5,594 feet. the temperature being 70 degrees, and water boiling at 202 degrees. myrung 6 p.m. thermometer 65 degrees. _october 11th_.--myrung 7 a.m. temp. 63 degrees fahr.; noon 67 degrees; 6 p.m. temp. 65 degrees; 9 temp. p.m. 62.5 degrees. weather unsettled, showery, and very cloudy, a very fine view is had of bootan and the himalayas from this place, particularly about 7 a.m. when the atmosphere is clear, the durrung peaks being most magnificent. the vegetation of the hills about here is much the same as about moflong. the woods are fine, composed chiefly of oaks; a magnolia, which is a very large tree, likewise occurs together with gordonia, an occasional pinus, myrica integrifolia. the most curious tree is one which with the true appearance of an elaeagnus, seems to be a loranthus, the first arborescent species yet found, although, as one or two other exceptions occur to parasitism, there is no reason why there should not be a terrestrial arborescent species, as well as a fruticose one. the wood to the east of the bungalow, which clothes a deep and steep ravine, has a very rich flora; a dryish ridge on the other side of its torrent abounds with orchideae, and presents an arborescent gaultheria. the ridge in question may be recognised by its large rocks which are covered with epiphytes mosses, etc. in this wood pothos flammea is very common, climbing up the trees as well as hanging in festoons. the marshes which are frequented by a few snipe, present grasses, the usual cyperaceae, xyris, occurs but is not common; panicum stagninum? eriocaulon spe. fluitans? burmannia rungioidea floribus carneis magnis, senecionides, ammannia rotundifolia, sphagnum, carduacea floribus roseis, limnophilae sp. mentha verticillata, and the others previously found in similar situations. _goldfussia_ so common about churra, recurs here, but rarely. the wood abounds with several species of birds, among which a green _bulbul_ is the most common, then the fan-tailed parus, with its coquettish airs; judging from the voice there is a species of bucco. both species of phaenicornis, yellow and crimson, described in gould's century as male and female, and the black edolius are found. the only animals are two species of squirrel, and a genet, of which i shot one, but although it fell from a height of 70 feet or so, i could not succeed in securing it; it is a lengthy animal, black and grey, with a long tail, climbing trees with great facility. the ring-dove of churra continues. the weather during the four days i stayed at myrung was unsettled; fine usually in the morning, but cloudy and showery in the evening; the range of the thermometer from 53 degrees, at 6.5 a.m. to 68 degrees in the afternoon in an open verandah. the place, however, is not a cheerful one, for the aspect on every side except to the e. and ne. is dreary, marshes and the usual bleak grassy hills being alone visible. my favourite spot in this direction would be the nungbree hill, the altitude of which, at least of that part over which the road to the village runs, is 5,439, (or probably 5,700,) temperature of the air being **, and water boiling at 202.5 degrees. there is a beautiful and very extensive wood at nungbree, the largest i have yet seen; it consists, at least at the skirts, principally of oaks; a large pyrus is also not uncommon. eurya, and an arborescent buddleia likewise occur. [the ok-klong rock: p167.jpg] at this place plectranthus azureus makes its appearance, otherwise the vegetation is that of myrung; the most remarkable plant is a huge sarcocordalis, parasitic on the roots of a large climbing cissus cortice suberosa, foliis quinatis, on the wet parts of the wood, especially towards the mountain foot, mosses abound, chiefly the pendent hypna and neckerae. on the 13th, i went to a celebrated rock called kullung, bearing about nw. from myrung, from the heights surrounding which it is visible; the road runs off from the nunklow nearly opposite monei, near to which village one passes; the village is of no great size, and as well as others in this direction is inhabited chiefly by blacksmiths, the iron being procured from the sand washed down the mountain torrents; the sound of their anvils when beaten is very soft and musical, not unlike that of a sheep bell. the road to the rock is very circuitous; it finally ceases, and for an hour one traverses ridges on which no path exists, having the usual vegetation. the rock is certainly a vast mass, forming a precipice of 700 feet to the westward, on which side it is nearly bare of vegetation, gradually shelving to the east, and covered with tree-jungle, among which huge mosses are to be found. at its foot some fine fir trees occur, one at its very base measured nine feet in circumference, but had no great height. the forest consists of oaks, pines, panax, erythrina eurya, gordonia. the base of the rock is covered with mosses, hepaticae, a didymocarpus, caelogyne and some other epiphylical orchideae, among others bolbophyllum cylindraceum. all these continue to its apex, except the mosses and hepaticae, which are gained by clambering, and proceeding up fissures clothed with grasses. the apex is rounded, presenting here and there patches of grass, aira, and nardus, together with a few stunted shrubs--viburnum, another rhododendron, and didymocarpus common, caelogyne in profusion, bolbophyllum cylindraceum in abundance, mosses, lichens, an allium also in abundance on the slopes, stellaria in the woods towards the middle. the view to the westward in particular was pretty, embracing a fine wellwooded undulated valley, with several villages and a stream of some size. the plains of assam and the huge brahmapoutra were likewise seen, but not very clearly. the distance from myrung to the kullung rock is certainly not less than eight miles, the time it took was 4 hours. the altitude of the rock is 5,392 feet, temperature 76 degrees, water boiling at 202.5. wild hog are found round its base. {168} _october 14th_.--i left for moleem, the march is long and fatiguing; the road leaves the moflong road at about four miles from the village of that name, continuing over similar barren hills, clothed with scanty grass. on reaching morung firs become common, but they are small. the view of moleem, from this direction is remarkably pretty; the country being better wooded, especially with young firs, and the effect being much increased by the quantities of large boulders that occur strewn in every direction. the boga panee is here a contemptible stream, not knee deep. moleem is a place of some size on the left bank of the river, occupying the side of a hill of considerable height. thermometer 7 p.m. 58 degrees. _october 15th_.--temp. 7 a.m. 53 degrees, at 3 p.m. 70.5 degrees, water boiled at 204 degrees, altitude 4,473 feet, or perhaps rather more. walked towards nogandree; between this and a stream resembling the boga panee there is a pretty valley, the eminences generally well-wooded with young firs. pretty and eligible sheltered sites might here be chosen for a sanatarium. the vegetation is the same as that of moflong--delphinium, ranunculus, anemone, potentilla, tricyrtis, codonopsis, lilium giganteum, spiraeaceae, viola, pyrus, galium, carduus, viburna. the woods are not very frequent, they consist, when not exclusively of pines, chiefly of oaks and chesnuts. underwood almost entirely of acanthaceae. rhus bucki-amelam is common here, an oxalis occurs in very shady places with fleshy leaves, it is so large that it is scarcely referrible to o. corniculata. berberis asiatica is very common. 6 p.m. thermometer 58 degrees, 9 p.m. 50.5 degrees. _october 16th_.--7 a.m. 842.5 degrees (sic). ascended the chillong hill, which is among the highest portion of this range, it is said that from this both the plains of bengal and of assam may be seen, not because it overtops all the intermediate ground, but because that happens in some places to be rather low; the termination of the 1st elevation above churra, is seen to be very abrupt, but nothing can be seen beyond the elevated plateau of this part towards the south. to the east and west the view has the usual appearance--grassy valleys and hills--with a great disproportion of jungle. the summit is gained after an easy march of two hours; the ascent is gradual. the highest ridge is naked of trees, but to the north the slope is in one portion covered with heavy tree-jungle, in which the underwood is as thick as i have ever seen it: it consists of an acanthaceous plant; the forest itself of oaks, chesnuts and rhododendron arboreum, which last is common on the highest margin. a few pines occur, but scarcely above the middle of the hill. to the north very high ground is visible, as likewise from myrung, and between this and chillong is an elevated plateau which appears to me likewise very eligible for the sites of european residences. but many places about moleem are so, especially towards nonkreem; and it is much to be regretted that some situation in this part of the range had not been selected for the site of a sanatarium instead of churra. the rhododendra were covered with mosses and other epiphytes, among which otochilus occurred. bambusae, 2 fici sp. andropogon, gaylussacia, etc. occur about the wood. the vegetation of the grassy hills was precisely the same, aroidea, erianthus, tofieldioidea, parnassia nana _potius_ _collina_, sphacelioidea, osbeckia, arbutoideae, etc. i got scarcely a single new plant; the best was a fine large neckera, sect. dendroidea. the temperature being 70 degrees: water boiled at 201 degrees, making the altitude 6,167 feet. no view of any particular beauty was obtained, nor did any thing occur to repay me for the trouble and fatigue of the journey. about moleem an osmundoid is common enough, but not in _flower_: the northern forms are ranunculus, anemone, parnassia, pyrus, pinus, viola, galium, campanula, clematis, of which an additional species occurs, bromoideae, etc. etc., as at moflong. i took the height of this place again; the mean of the three thermometers gave 4,502 feet, the temperature being at 60 degrees: water boiling at 95 degrees, 203.75 degrees, 204 degrees. it must, however, be remembered that my residence is not 100 feet above the bed of the boga panee, so that it would be easy to attain an elevation of 5,000 feet in the village itself. _october 17th_.--i returned to churra to send away my collections and to consult with major lister as to the routes proposed for me by capt. jenkins, viz. through the garrows, or through the cacharees. nothing particular occurred en route. i met with hydrangea exaltata along a torrent flowing into the main-feeder of the boga panee, and two other araliaceae. the highest ground crossed is towards the ravine of the boga panee, and from this a good view of moflong is obtained, and also of the himalayas in clear weather. coelogyne wallichiana was commencing to flower; this plant occurs in profusion in some rocky spots about moflong. the only additional thing i remarked was, that luculia scarcely reaches the kala panee. on my return to churra, a change was observed in the character of the vegetation, all the tradescantias had ceased, as well as most of the impatientes, and eriocaulons. the grasses had become more withered, and the general tint was brown. no kites (falco milvus) are to be observed out of churra. the plants which were particularly conspicuous about churra, were past flowering in the interior; thus osbeckia nepalensis? was not to be met with in flower in the interior, while it is in profusion about the station. the same may be said of other instances. after all churra presents the richest flora of any other place in the khasyah hills, because there is a greater extent of wood near it, than is found in any other locality, much greater _altitudes_ and deeper descents in its ravines, and it is as it were the transit point between a tropical or sub-tropical, and a temperate vegetation. i have no doubt, that within a circle of three miles of churra, 3,000 species might be found in one year. the principal plants pointing out the tropical nature of the vegetation are pandanus, which is almost limited to the limestone formation, on which it is excessively abundant, chamaerops martiana? which from its affecting particularly the walls of the amphitheatres so conspicuous about moosmai, mamloo and surureem, and the depths of whose sides is probably at mamloo 1,000 feet, might have been better named. i have never seen it on any other places. the alsophila brunoniana is likewise apparently confined to the limestone hills, while the tree fern, polypodium, is found on sandstone, as well as impatiens, tradescantia, commelineae, eriocauloneae, xyres, almost all the grasses, melastomaceae, almost all the leguminosae and the preponderance of tropical rubiaceae, which are, however, few, scitamineae, epiphytical orchideae, urena labiata, etc. etc. on the _23rd_ i went to mamloo, which is about four miles to the west of churra. to this place the limestone ridge, extending from churra, nearly approaches: its vegetation is not rich but always stunted: rocky amphitheatres are very remarkable at mamloo, they are of excessive depth; their walls being generally perpendicular, often somewhat overhanging. the manner of their formation is now to be seen in the amphitheatre immediately contiguous to the village, although it appears to be very slow. it is thus, bodies of water falling from the edge of the table land, seem to undermine the sandstone below, producing land slips, which occur in this manner year after year. since 1835, the edge of the moosmai fall has receded at least 10 feet, and ample evidence remains of the recession to take place next rains. this simple undermining will suffice for the formation of ravines, which are formed by their sides merely slipping down without being carried away, this last only occurring in the immediate vicinity of the strength of the torrent. all the different stages may be easily seen. the edge of the table land i take to have been originally at mahadeb. the time that has elapsed between the falling of the first cataract over its edge, and the formation of the edge over which the waters at present fall, must be immense, since that edge has now receded several miles. allowing the annual recess to be 5 feet, and the distance 5 miles; the time occupied would be 5,700 years: that the time has been great, is proved by the sides of these places being clothed with large tree-jungle to the base of the scarp. _october 25th_.--i went in search of the fossil marine beach, (found during our first visit in 1835,) but passed it, and my journey ended at the site of the jasper beds: this occupies a ridge where roads strike off leading to the orange villages, so called from the groves of orange trees by which they are surrounded, and from which they derive their name. from this spot, 3 villages are seen occupying sheltered situations, none much above 2,000 feet in elevation. luckily i was accompanied, (although going down i was unconscious of it,) by a boy who had been with mcclelland when he originally discovered the fossil remains, so i recommenced the ascent, after digging in many places without any success. the site is scarcely 1,000 feet below mamloo, which is 3,153 feet; it is below the ridge along which the road is visible from the village, and is about 100 yards farther from it than the second square stone erection. one would imagine that one was passing through rocks presenting nothing interesting: the rocks are in many places very hard, particularly when they have been long exposed to the atmosphere, in which case they are less red than when sheltered by vegetation, when they are soft and of a reddish colour: the fossils are by no means frequent, the cylindric _tubes_ appear to occupy the outer or rather upper surface of the sandstone, in the interior of which medusae or cyrtomae are most frequent, accompanied by shells, some of large size, the largest bivalves resembling _scolloped oysters_; the next in size looking like oblong cockles: for only in one position did i see a conglomeration of minute shells; this occurred above the others and nearer the jungle. i brought away with me, two boxes full. owing to my presuming that i should meet with water near, i omitted the precaution of taking some with me, so i could not ascertain exactly the height of the place. all the fossils are easily friable. {172} from the jasper, which is scarce 1,800 feet in elevation, the following plants occurred nearly in succession--holmskioldia, this is scarcely found above 2,000 feet; porana in abundance, gradually diminishing above; callicarpa arborea abundant, continuing to about 2,200; triumfetta, urena lobata, arundo the same as above, melica latifolia, panicum plicatum, and one or two other species; a polygonum, andropogon, small commeline, leea, erythrina are very close to the spot, and the only churra plant, except the arundo and wendlandia is a labiata, geniosporum? so is composita arborea; indeed the vegetation is almost decidedly tropical. the following plants are then seen--tetranthera, flemingia as at mahadeb, vitis, drymaria, panicum eleusinoides, eurya, panax foliis decompositis inermis, pogonatherum crenitum, wallichia, which occur before one has gained an ascent of 2,000 feet: osbeckia nepalensis descends to this but in small quantities; then i remarked bidens, aetheilema, caricineae, rottlera, didymocarpus, begonia, cheilanthes dealbata, stemodia ruderalis? scutellaria, impatiens bracteata, rungiae sp. sida, elephantopus sp. and bambusa, gordonii occurring there at an elevation of about 2,100 feet. then centotheca lappacea, deeringia, panicum _centrum_, gouania, caryophyllus, which last occurs on all the chain of himalayas, and which i have seen as high as 6,000 feet in the mishmee mountains, latitude 28 degrees. panax foliis palmatim partitis, clerodendrum nutans, ficus feruginea and f. hispida, foliis cordatis, serrato-dentatis: then saurauja micrantha; before 2,300 feet were reached. there oxyspora sp. paniculis cernius ramis ascendentibus, frutex, croton of old, ruellia persicaefolia appeared, and about 2,400 feet, the 1st quercus appeared. here, as at mahadeb, ruellia neesiana became common, and linum trigynum, uncinia, etc. grasses commence to preponderate at about 2,800 feet, but not the grasses of churra. holcus, airoides, etc. not being found, but panica varia, and rottboellia which ceases above this. at the raised marine fossil beach, a queer cephalanthus? legumenosa arbuscula fol. pinnatis impari (pongamiae) legumenibus secus suturam quamque alatis, mangifera indici, anthistiria arundinacea are found, and an arbusculous mimosa, but unarmed. shortly above this, holcus, andropogons, etc., begin to preponderate, and thence the vegetation is nearly that of churra. the woods of mamloo consist of bucklandia, oaks, chesnuts, panax, hyalostemma, eurya, and oleineoe; epiphytes are very common. the most remarkable tree is one foliis alternis bistipulat; corymbis denis, calycibus hinc fissis, petalis 5-albis, antherae sinuosae columna terminans, et ovarium et stigma occultantes? fructibus pendulis stipilatis ovato oblongis, carpellis 5-latere marginatus. this has some affinities apparently with sterculiaceae; the flowers are perhaps polygamous. here cypripedium insigne, venustum, and various other fine orchideae may be found. the only bird i saw was a bucco, which in voice resembled the green one of the plains. the elevation of mamloo is 3,153, the temperature being at 7 a.m. 63 degrees. the large metal thermometer rose at the boiling point to 206.25 degrees: wooden one to 206.5 degrees: centigrade 96.7 degrees: small metal 200 degrees. one of the most curious places about churra is situated over the ridge in which the coal is found; on surmounting this, which is steep and perhaps 400 feet high, one soon commences to descend gradually until you come to a water-course; on proceeding along this a short way you come to a precipice. the water falling over this, has cut a deep well in the limestone: the road to the bottom is precipitous and dangerous. on reaching the water-course again no signs of the well are observable, access to this is gained by subterranean passages, of which two, now dry, exist. the scene inside is very striking; you stand on the rugged bottom of the well which is 70 or 80 feet deep, the part above corresponding to the fall, being of about the same depth; the water now escapes through a chasm below the bed of the well, the other fissures or passages being above, and probably now rarely letting off the water. after a severe fall of rain the scene must be grand. _november 4th_.--nonkreem 6.5 a.m., thermometer 31 degrees: hoarfrost. marched hither from surureem. vegetation the same until you reach the boga panee, when delphinium, anemone, and ranunculus make their appearance. on the high ridges before reaching boga panee, found an astragalus; at nonkreem, a scrophularia. nonkreem is a curious place, the village of no great size in a valley: the sides of the valley are covered with boulders; those at the entrance from churra of huge size, and thrown together with great confusion. pines at this place occur of some size, but they are distinctly limited in this direction to the granitic formation. the downs have now assumed a withered wintry appearance. nonkreem is a great place for iron; this is found in coarse red sandstone, or it may be fine granite, forming precipices; this is scraped or pushed down by iron rods, it is then washed by a stream turned off on to it: the stream is dammed up, and the irony particles by their weight fall to the bottom: they are very heavy, of a dull blackish appearance. all the streams are of a whitish colour, and the rocks are covered with caelogyne wallichiana. the elevation of nonkreem is 4,578 feet, the temperature of the air being 52 degrees. the large thermometer indicated boiling water 203 degrees: centigrade 96.5 degrees: wooden 204 degrees: small 197 degrees. in the nonkreem jheel, alisma, villarsia! and potamogeton occur. _november 5th_.--the march to suneassa continues over high downs, the vegetation being precisely as before, viz. cnicus, carduus, prunella pedicularis, gaultheria, gnaphalia, bromoid acroideum, tussilaginoid andropogon, sphacelia daucas, hypericum, hedychium, polygonum rheoides, smithia but rare, tradescantia clavigera, parnassia collina, pteris aquilina, euphorbia, dipsacus, salix, osbeckia capitata, aethionnia, eriocaulon, knoxia cordata, and campanula. in short, the higher ridges have the vegetation of those between the kala and boga panee, the less elevated, that of surureem. along the watercourses pyrus, betula, corylifoliae, and eurya. as one approaches suneassa the ravines become wooded, and the aspect of country more diversified. the woods consist of a castanea, 2 oaks, rhododendron arboreum and r. punctatum, panax, eurya, thebaudiaceae variae, no less than 4 or 5 of these, one is a gaylussacia; saccharum megala makes its appearance at suneassa. this is a small straggling village, on the brow of the ravine of the same name; it is like moflong, each house being hidden by hedges composed as usual of buddleia, colquhounii, solanum spirale? erythrina, ficus, and rhus. sugarcane, but of poor quality, is here cultivated, as well as capsicum, but this is also of inferior quality; the houses are worse than usual. near this place several nunklow plants appear, as plectranthus caeruleus, labiata foliis verticillatis of suddya. its elevation is 4,362 feet, the temperature being in the air, 59 degrees. big thermometer boiling point ditto 204 degrees: wooden ditto 204 degrees: small 198 degrees: centigrade ditto 96 degrees. pines occur here and there towards suneassa, but of no size and no abundance. _november 6th_.--left suneassa and proceeded down the ravine which is probably 1,200 to 1,500 feet deep. the scenery is very pretty, the sides being much wooded; the woods open, consisting chiefly of pines, which are of moderate size, gordonia, castanea, and quercus: mimosea occurs, also saurauja. the grasses are as before, except that the anthisteria of nunklow appears, with volkameria, verbena primulacae, and osbeckia capitate, foliis lineari oblongis, floribus carneis. towards the foot, the scenery still improves. the woods consist of pines and a quercus foliis castaneae cupulis echinatis, arbor mediocris; the slopes as well as the valley are cultivated chiefly for rice, this last often assuming the terrace fashion. the river is of considerable width, 50 to 60 yards, but of no depth: two here flow together, and at the end of the valley a still larger stream not fordable in the rains, at least where i crossed, meets it. on the streams at the base of the suneassa acclivity, salix, ligustrum, ficus frutex humelis, and a fine indigofera occur. moving thence along the valley the vegetation becomes tropical, although pines descend nearly to its level. pontederia the small one of bengal, ditto sagittaria vandelliae, poae 3, apluda, cyperaceae, saccharum megala, and spontaneum, elytrophorus, ammannia, erianthus, cnicus! artemisia as before, arundo exalum, cirsium, carduus! scitamineae 2, panicum curvatum, setaria glauca, swertia angustifolia! volkameriae sp., ranunculus hirsutoideus! zizania ciliaris. those marked with (!) have probably straggled down. the cultivation is chiefly of rice, eleusine, coix, and the edible seeded labiata. grasses abound; in addition to those above several new ones occur, rottboellia exallata, anthisteria of nunklow, arundinaceae, andropogones several, saccharum fusco-rubum, 25 species might certainly be collected. fine pines occur on the other ascent from its base to apex. here also occurs phoenix pumile, which as well as the rottboellia, which i think i have seen in the mogoung valley (during the journey to ava), and buddleia neemda. the ascent gained, the country appears level, covered with the usual grasses. the ravines are well wooded, but few pines occur, although they may be seen here and there. the woods appear the same as those of churra. pandanus sp. altera? occurs. in one ravine gathered a new thebaudiaceae allied to t. variegata, differing in its short greenish flowers and its smoothness. [gradient nonkreem to amwee: g176.jpg] amwee is situated on an undulated plain or table land; the undulations are gentle, separated by marshy tracts: no steep ravines occur, the face of the undulations is covered with grasses, among which are seen most of the churra plants, the sides are covered with fine woods with defined edges, consisting chiefly of oaks, chesnuts and bucklandia. the aspect of the country is pretty, resembling some woodland scenery in the south of england; close to amwee is a fine stream 40 yards wide, this winds through the valley, and on its upper part fine cascades occur. no fish are to be found besides those of churra. the river is crossed by a stone bridge consisting of pillars of single slabs of large size, one measuring 20 feet in length by from 4 to 5 in breadth. the temperature varies from 50 to 68 during the day in an open verandah. fogs are not so common, nor is the rain so heavy as at churra. the space being much greater, and the country more level, it would be better as a sanatarium than churra, besides which, its access is as easy, it being reached in one day from jynteapore. there is, however, a toorai about jynteapore, which is unhealthy. its altitude is 3,500 feet, or nearly 500 below churra. the vegetation is nearly the same as about churra, some new castaneae and an elaeocarpus occur, and pandanus of large size in the woods. epiphytical orchideae abound; nepenthes occurs here. altitude from three observations 3,530 feet: 1st observation 3,439: 2nd 3,597: 3rd 3,624. _november 10th_.--joowye: this is north from amwee, and about 8 miles distant. two valleys have to be descended, one rather steep. the country alters immediately after the 1st ascent, the woods nearly disappearing except in the more favoured spots. pines soon commence. in the second valley, the stream of which is large, and of which pretty views are to be obtained, the pines reach on the south side to the bank of the stream, on the north scarcely any are to be seen. in the woods about amwee, eugenia is very common: noticed on the route lonicera. joowye is the largest village i have seen, it is of great extent but straggling; near its entrance is a breast-work now nearly complete. the houses are of a better description than those generally met with. they are surrounded by wood, especially fine bamboos, in habit not unlike b. baccifera. they are also surrounded by excellent timber palings. the people are different from khasyas proper--perhaps they are not so fine a race. their features approach more to those of bengallees, particularly the women, who dress their hair like those of assam, indeed the dress generally of both sexes assimilates to that of assamese, although their language seems to be bengallee. in the wood surrounding this place curious features of vegetation occur, and beautiful lanes and pathways. one may see a beech now naked of leaves, standing out in graceful relief close to the elegant foliage of a bamboo. bamboos surround all the houses--sugarcane, kuchoos, mustard, hemp, musa, ricinus were observed. the plants are beech, which is common and of large size. pyrus of moleem, pinus rare, marlea begonifolia! betula corylifolia common. verbena chamaedrys, rubi 3 or 4, tetrantherae? rubia cordifolia, morus, cerasus, panax 3 species, gleicheniae 2, eurya, juncus, ranunculus, viola, verbesina of moflong, sida, clematis _pubescens_, caricineae, myrica, gordonia, polygonum 3, among them rheoides engeldhaardtii common, viburna 2, wendlandia, osbeckia capitata and nepalensis. the grasses chiefly andropogons; mussaenda, bucklandia, saurauja, hiraea, dipsacus rare, camellia oleifolia, and c. axillaris, begonia laciniata, ficus, vitis, sonerila, plectranthus azureus, randia, mephitidia, psychotria, galium, clerodendrum infortunatum, pyrus or crab, fragaria, potentilla, urena lobata. the diversified nature of the vegetation, both tropical and temperate, is at once evident. the altitude is 3,553 feet--temperature of the air 62 degrees; large thermometer boiling point 205.5 degrees: wooden ditto 206.75: centigrade ditto 96 degrees: small ditto 199.5 degrees. the higher ground about the place is about 4,000 feet: joowye being situated in a hollow. viola and peristrophe occur. _november 11th_.--the march to nurtung occupies about 6 hours. the country is level, or merely undulated, with no considerable descent, the steepest being that to the river on which nurtung is situated. the vegetation continues the same, the trees except in the ravines almost exclusively pines, those on the ravines consisting of oaks, rhododendra, betula corylifolia, betula moroides, solidago, verbena, primulaceae, othonna, occur; anthistiriae, _both_ those of nunklow are common, rottboellia manisuris in low valleys: here and there phoenix pumila is common. the country just before nurtung is uninteresting, scarcely any thing but grass being visible in some directions. indeed it falls off on leaving joowye. rhinanthus, corolla infundibulif. subbilabiat. lobis 2, superioribus minoribus, stam. ascendent. stigmati inclusi decurvo. _november 12th_.--nurtung is a large place for these hills, perhaps next in extent to joowye, it occupies principally both sides of a sufficiently sheltered hill. the lanes adjacent to the place are narrow, often very wet, and always very dirty. the gardens are enclosed with wooden palings and are screened still further by bamboos. the houses, at least the better order, are still better than even those of joowye. the exterior is of the same construction as all khasya houses, but the lawns and the comparative cleanliness of the front makes them look much better. the market, which took place to-day, is outside the village and close to our bungalow: it is well attended, but the amount of persons could not exceed 100 to 200, and these form a considerable amount of all the persons capable of bearing burdens from the neighbouring villages. the luxuries exhibited are all khasyan, consisting of stinking fish, some other things of dubious appearance and still more dubious odour, millet and the inferior grains, and the fashionable articles of khasya clothing and the adjuncts to that abominable habit pawn eating. there was plenty of noise, but still order prevailed: no other rupees than the _rajah's_ were taken, and even pice were refused. iron implements of husbandry of native manufacture were vended, in short all the various luxuries or necessaries of a khasya are obtainable. this place bears evidence of having been ruled over by some chief pretending to hindooism. this is observable in the large fig trees in some of the buildings, in most of the houses in the presence of some brahmins, in the tanks, and in a sacred lake. at any rate it is attended with bad effects, and to see a khasya attempting the formalities of a rigid hindoo is ridiculously absurd. it must be a wealthy place, many of the natives are well off; and i saw a _lady_ of a decidedly superior nature to the khasya women, clad in snow white, reclining in oriental fashion on a platform. the _vegetation_ of this place forms a curious melange around our huts: rhus bucki ameli, two artimiseae, anthistiria arundinacia, pteris aquilina, callicarpa _lilacina_, eurya, bombax, osbeckia nepalensis and linearis, marlea begonifolia, pyrus, pinus, urticia fructibus aurantiaceus capitulatis, polygonum rheoides, rubi 3, swertia angustifolia, polygonum globuliferum, valerianae, cacalia, randia, gnaphalia nervosa, and g. revoluta, smilax, plectranthus azureus, trichosanthes, leea, tradescantia clavigera, geniosporum, _butea_, hypericum, knoxia cordata, rice cultivation. along the path to the village are to be found, carduus, myrica crotalaria, _hacyoides_, cariceneae, panicum curvatum, arundo, mentha verticillata, cyperaecae usual, zizania ciliaris, panax, wendlandia _salvinia_, isachne bigeniculata, betula corylifolia common, pontedera, tetranthera, erythrina, celtis, salix, buddleia, gordonia, calamus abundant, juncus, arum macrophyllum, cordiaceae, urena lobata, cynoglossum canescens, bambusa, verbesinea, _lavinia_, magnolia of myrung, camellia oleifolia, gualtheria. about the village, porana, musa, verbena, xanthophyllum, xyris, urtica herophylla, sambucus, etc. the cultivation consists of rice, millet, soflong? pumpkins and tobacco; guavas and oranges, are also to be seen. daphne cannabina occurs here, as well as loxotis obliqua, the cardaminum, plantago, and martynia. from a fresh observation and taking the mean, i find the elevation of nurtung to be 3,302 feet. on enquiry i find that rulung is one march off, that the country is similar, and that pines grow there to a large size. from this place to koppilee river it is said to be nine marches. a fuqueer from cutch said several, six to ten--and as the distance is nearly fifty miles and the ground difficult, he was probably right. you then come to the meekir country. to get into tooly ram's country would require at least nine days, but with loaded people probably twelve or fifteen. the station between rulung and the koppilee is hush koorah. thermometer varies here from 45 to 85 in the sun, in shade from 52 to 74. _november 13th_.--left for the borpanee. the country traversed is easy, consisting chiefly of undulations covered with grassy vegetation. there are no steep ascents nor descents; and the only obstacle is the borpanee. the march is of about six hours' duration. butea suffruticosa is very common about nurtung, but ceases soon after leaving its environs. all the valleys near this place are cultivated: the ground being now inundated in proportion. dipsacus valeriana continued, and a short distance from nurtung pines become very common. thence the country became more undulated and scarcely a tree was met with: hedysarum gyrans commenced shortly after leaving nurtung: a sure sign of decreasing elevation. the country subsequently improved, being more diversified with wood: firs became abundant, callicarpa arborea commenced. about nonkreen, a small village to the east, close to our path the trees became mostly different. kydia appeared, a tree like the mango, and some others unknown to me. bauhinia, randia, phyllanthus embelica, and a stunted arboreous symplocos, anthistiria arundinacea common, with chesnuts (castaneae). close to this, gordonia, pines of some size, anthistiria arundinacea and cassioides. the grasses continued the same, but two new andropogons and a small rottboellia appear; holcus, airoides, etc. of churra have ceased: the other are sacchara and various andropogons. on approaching a considerable descent the woods became open, consisting at first entirely of pines, betula of joowye, etc. then of pines, quercus castaneoides which attains a large size. it was here that the pines became large, one felled measured sixty-nine feet to the first branch, most are straight, the greatest diameter not two feet. gordonia occurred here of large size, the woods are really delightful, reminding one much of england. here myrica occurs but rarely, lematula, flemingia, elephantopus, vanda, quercus callicarpifolius commences, biophytum appears a short distance hence. also, liriodendron, dipterocarpus, bambusa, pinus but of smaller size, engelhaardtia, dioscorea, castanea, quercus callicarpa, which is very common. here bombax appears somewhat lower, with it castanea, kydia, gordonia. no pines now occur except on the neighbouring heights. the descent to the borpanee is not great, say 400 feet; on its banks thunbergia grandiflora commences, but the castanea castaneoides of large size, camellia oleifolia, daphne cannabina, rhododendron punctatum variety. engenia wallichii (which commences), quercus castaneoides, etc. may be found along its banks. this is a large stream, not fordable at any time, nor passable in the rains; both banks are high, rocks of course break the stream, which is gentle at the points crossed. breadth is 50 to 60 yards, the elevation of its bed is 2,508 feet, water boiling at 207.5 degrees: temperature 74 degrees. the ascent of the north bank is great, on surmounting it one returns to grassy undulations, the vegetation of which is the same as before, rottboellia of suniassa as well as manisuroides here occur. the village madan is very small, the people, of course, as they have scarcely ever seen a white face, very polite and obliging: it is situated on a hill, but is still below the north bank of the river. its altitude is 2,753 feet--temperature of the air 67 degrees: boiling water 207 degrees. [gradient nurtung to madan: g182.jpg] the birds, as well as those of the nurtung river, are the water-ouzel, the greyish-blue water-chat, the red and black ditto with a white headtop, and the black bird, _durn-durns_ or bird producing that cry occurs, but not in great numbers. pea-fowl at madan. elephants are abundant, especially towards the descent to the borpanee. _fly wheel_ (?) insect is here common at kokreen, a small village close to nonkreen. equisetum occurs along the boga panee as well as a new species of podostemon, p. fronde profunde lobato, lobis liniaribus simplicibus vel lobatis saxis arcti adpressis, floribus marginalibus distiches. polygala occurs at 3,000 feet and continues higher. _november 14th_.--the march to mengtung occupies about six hours, it is by no means difficult, and the only ascent of any length is that before descending on nungtung. throughout the 1st part, all the bottoms of the valleys are cultivated, thence all is jungle, either of high grass or of trees. near madan, arundinaria bambusifolia may be found, although at an elevation of 2,800 feet, volkameria is common. the same grasses continue. in the rice field butomus lanceolatus, herpestes, jussaeia, juncus, eriocaulon, zizana ciliaris. we then came after traversing such low swampy ground for sometime to a wood composed of quercus castaneoidea, of large size; its bark is thick and somewhat corky, its diameter three feet. quercus callicarpifolius appeared soon after, with polygala linearis, scitamineae are common in the valley. in similar low places, impatiens graminifolia of churra was seen, and hedysarum gyrans. oolooks {183} and parrots are both found: cnicus floribus roseis, gerardia, apluda, senecio pubescens, were found in similar spots. after traversing a low valley with gentle undulations presenting the usual grasses, we came to a wood presenting many tropical features. oaks and chesnuts still continuing to be the usual trees. much underwood, consisting of acanthaceae, laurineae, anonaceae, rubiaceae, among which poederia triphylla and mephitidia were common. centothca sp., sarcopyramis, garcinia, triumfetta were observed. thence we came to pines. then a low valley, the altitude of the stream of which was 1,979 feet, the thermometer being in the air 82 degrees, boiling point 208.5 degrees. then a wood. in it castanea ferruginea continued common, quercus dalbergioides, daphne cannabina, acanthus leucostachyus (1st appearance), oxyspora and polypodium wallichii were found; ascending a few feet, say 60, randia microphyllum, aneilema aspera, and pines appeared in the woods, with straight trunks and high branches, occasioned by the abortion of the lower branches, sometimes dichotomously forked, bark grey, and scaley, branches horizontal, approximated; cones inclining towards the axis. the descent occasioned a loss of pines, oaks and chesnuts continuing, orthopogon, pederia triphyllum. this wood was of great extent, the path running along the precipitous or steep edge of a very wet water-course. castanea ferruginea very common, cyrtandracea. begonia malabarica, achyranthes, tradescantia flagellifera, phlogacanthus, acanthaceae, sarcopyramis, magnolia, eupatorium arboreum, laurineae, gleichenia minor. pinus subsequently appears but is rare, eurya. daphne involucrata, gaultheria arborescens, knoxia cordata, polypodium arborescens, thibaudia, viburni sp., vareca, leucas galea brunacea. then still gradually ascending, open woods occurred. pines, q. castaneoides. thence the ascent is still through open woods of pines. castanea, quercus castaneoides and callicarpifolia, polygala here appears, knoxia linearis, flemingia, aeschynomene. on the top no pines. oaks, chesnuts, and gordoniae appear. thence a second but small ascent, pines re-appear with birch, scutellaria, erythrina, melica latifolia, epiphytes common, especially on gordoniae. the altitude of the summit before descending on nungtung was 3,359 feet: thermometer 75 degrees, boiling point 206 degrees. the altitude of nungtung is 2,862 feet, temp. 64 degrees. big therm. in boiling water 206.5 degrees, ditto wooden 207 degrees, small ditto 201 degrees, centigrade 97.75 degrees. [gradient madan to nungtung: g185.jpg] nungtung is a small village not containing more than 12 houses; these are on michaowns, {186} and are built entirely of bamboos. the doors of curious construction, consisting of bamboos strung longitudinally over a transverse one, so that they can be only opened by pushing on one side. the pigs have similar doors to their houses and appear well acquainted with the mode of ingress and egress. tobacco flourishes here. here also i saw sesamum and ricinus, sure signs of increasing temperature, labiata edulis. the first part of the march lay through an oak and chesnut wood; then through the valley which is under rice cultivation; then through part of an oak and fir wood; i then turned off to nne. traversing undulated hills entirely covered with grass; here and there an oak and chesnut wood occurred; this continued until 1 p.m., when the path joined the great road as it is called, but which is nearly as bad as the nungtung one. the marching was very disagreeable, owing to the path being choked up with grass, particularly in the swampy valley just before onkreem. in this valley wild elephants were first seen. after leaving the halting or resting place under a large oak (q. castaneoides) at onkreem, the path improved and is only rendered bad by the swarms of elephants, by which animals we were disturbed twice; it continued until 6 p.m., over undulated ground becoming lower and lower until we arrived at the large valley of onswye, which is even now at this advanced period of the season, the middle of november, considerably swampy. oaks and chesnuts continued, but pines ceased about half way between onkreem and onswye. [gradient nungtung to onkreem: g187.jpg] [gradient journey towards assam and bootan: g188.jpg] [gradient from onkreem to onkreem: g189.jpg] [gradient journey towards bootan: g190.jpg] [gradient descent into assam: g191.jpg] onswye is a small village, seated on a low hill, and entirely hidden by trees: the access to it is pretty. its elevation is 1,632 feet, temperature 63 degrees. water boils at 98.75 of centigrade, small ther. 202.5 degrees, big ditto 208.75 degrees, wooden ditto 210 degrees: taking 209 degrees as the mean. it is a lalung village. these people have distinct habits and language from their neighbours: their dress is like that of the khasyahs. they approach to hindoos in not eating cows. they inhabit the lower northern ranges of these hills, but do not extend further east, nor into the plains at the foot, and are far less civilized than the khasyahs. they have religious houses or places of worship, deo-ghurs, in one of which i slept, having it first cleansed, and the deity appeased by some most villainous music, and a procession of men with knives. at this village carica, ficus elastica, ficus cordifolius, ricinus, artocarpus intigrifol, tamarind, guava, musa, solanum melongena, tobacco, etc., are cultivated. caryophyllea scandens, desmochaeta, plumbago, plectranthus azureus, phlebochiton, cassia tora, orthopogon, adhatoda, mangifera, croton malvaefol, hastingsia, torenia asiatica, caricinea, leea, prunus! congea! antidesma, rottleria, clerodendron nutans, calamus, xanthochymus. mesua ferrea, garcinia cowa, leea arbuscula, dalhousia, roxburghia, are found on the ascent which is moderate and pretty. the heavy tree or bamboo jungle does not begin until you attain 12 or 1,500 feet, up to that, the ridges present the former grasses. rottboellia, andropogons, erianthus, saccharum, anthistiria, and the trees are scattered consisting of arborescent leguminosae, sterculia, cedrela, semicarpus continues to the tree jungle, but rarely. the road to the village runs through heavy woods, the plants forming which i have already mentioned, it is in good order. the village is a lalung one. at dullagong, which is situated in the plains of assam, at the foot of the range the temperature being 66 degrees, 8.5 a.m., water boiled at 211.1 degrees in the large thermometer. 100 centigrade, and above the boiling point in the wooden. 205.5 degrees in the small metal thermometer. between this and goba, the path is generally through grass or tree jungle. i noticed exacum, careya, butea arborea, ficus, cinchona, kydia, saccharum megala fuscum masus, spathodea, alstonia, bombax, semicarpus! aegle marmelos, emblica, panax, elephantopus, and lagerstraemia reginae succeeds about goba: and between this and dhumria, the country being low and highly cultivated, presents generally the appearance of one sheet of rice. in this march i observed one or two instances of the absolute enclosure of dicotyledonous trunks by fici. this enclosure arises entirely from the excessive tendency to cohesion between the roots and radicles of some of the species of this genus. with these, an expert gardener might produce any form he likes; the tendency exists in all to throwing out additional roots; in few only to excess. in the generality it is limited to the trunk and often to its base. nobody can understand this genus who cannot study it from living specimens. cardiopterus is very common along the foot of these hills: it abounds with milky juice, and in habit and some other points approaches nearer to chenopodiaceae than sapindaceae. _december 7th_.--returned from jeypore, whither i had been to report on the caoutchouc trees. {193} these trees appear to be limited to the belt of jungle or toorai which commences towards the foot of the aka and duphla hills, and which in the part in which i examined them is about 8 miles wide. they are said to be found likewise among the neighbouring villages, but i saw no instance of this. they occur solitarily, or at most in groups of two or three. they appear to be more frequent towards the immediate base of the hills, and to prefer the drier parts of those humid and dense forests called toorai. they are frequently of vast size, and by this as well as their dense head, may be at once recognised even at a distance of a few miles. some idea of their size may be formed from the following measurements of a large one: circumference of main trunk, 74 feet ditto, including the supports, 120 " ditto, of space covered by crown branches, 620 " height, ditto ditto, 80 to 100 " the roots spread out in every direction on reaching the ground; the larger running along the surface, their upper portion being uncovered: occasionally they assume the form of buttresses, but never to such a marked degree as occurs in some other trees, such as the simool, herietiera, etc. the supports are only thrown out towards the base of the principal branches, not as in the banian at indefinite distances. the trunk is a compound one, formed entirely by the mutual cohesion of roots; not as in almost all other trees by the growth of parts in an ascending direction. its aspect is picturesque and varied, occasionally putting on the appearance of sculpture. it is, i think, doubtful whether this as well as some other species of the genus are not to be considered as genuine parasites, at any rate they generally cause the destruction of the tree on which they originally grew. if this be the case the parasitism is the reverse of that which occurs in cuscuta, in which the plantule draws its first nourishment from the earth, relinquishing this when sufficiently developed to enable it to draw its supply from other plants. i may here observe, that parasites are common on the peepul, contrary to the statement of m. decandolle. the destruction of the foster-mother takes place by the mutual interlacement of the roots, which descending irregularly, form at first a strong net-work, subsequently becoming a cylindric binding, in the strongest possible way to the trunk, and preventing all lateral distinction. the hollow occupied by the trunk when dead may become filled up, when this has passed away, by other roots. the adhesion of the roots commences by abrasion of the bark, the union subsequently becomes of the most intimate kind. the supports are perfectly cylindrical; they become conical only towards the earth, on approaching which they divide into roots: they are strictly descending growths, and as such, under ordinary circumstances, they never produce leaves, etc. roots likewise issue from every section of the bark of sufficient depth to reach the outer layer of wood, with the outer fibres of which they are obviously continuous. to such an extent is this carried, that transverse sections of young supports assume the appearance of coarse paint-brushes or tails. the lenticells, which are very numerous, have nothing whatever to do with their production; if the bark remains entire, no roots are thrown out except by division of the apex. the branches ascend obliquely, the outermost running nearly horizontally. the juice is obtained from the larger; that from young parts is less thick: an exposed semi-denuded root, is selected for transverse incisions through the bark, from which alone the juice flows, a small hole is made in the ground immediately beneath the incised parts into which a leaf, generally of phrynium capitatum is placed: it is collected in this simple manner in a very clean state, far more so than that which can be collected from the tree in any other situation. on issuing, it is of a very rich pure white; if good, of the consistence of cream: its excellence is known by the degree of consistence, and by the quantity of caoutchouc it contains. this is ascertained by rubbing a few drops up in the palm of the hand, which causes the watery juice to separate (probably by evaporation) from the caoutchouc which remains in the form of small, oblong, or round portions; and by kneading this in the hand, and striking it sharply once or twice with the fist it acquires elasticity, so that an additional test of excellence is at once pointed out. many incisions are made in one tree, the juice flows rapidly at first, at the rate of sixty drops a minute from an ordinary incision, but this soon becomes so much diminished that it dwindles to eight. the bleeding is continued for two or three days, when it ceases spontaneously by the formation of a layer of caoutchouc over the wound; and it is to the commencement of this that the rapid diminution in the number of drops is perhaps to be attributed. the quantity obtained from one tree has not exactly been ascertained; by some it is stated to be as much as four or five maunds, while others say that a moderate tree will only yield one gurrah full, or about ten seers. from the slowness with which it flows, i should consider half a maund to be a fair average for each bleeding. the juice is, however, said to flow faster at night, but this demands verification. the operation is repeated at the end of eighteen or twenty days. in seven miles of jungle we observed eighty trees, by far the greater portion of which were of large size. lieutenant vetch has made a calculation, (on the assumption that they are equally plentiful throughout chardowar,) that the number in this district alone is --trees. i calculate the number to be about 20,000. there is no reason for supposing that they are not equally abundant throughout noadwar, nor in fact on any line where toorai prevails between goalpara and bishnath; beyond this, however, the increase in latitude may occasion their decrease both in number and size. on the southern side of the valley there is every reason to believe it to be equally common. the general geographic range may hence be said to be in latitude 24 degrees, to 26.5 degrees in longitude. it has been stated by mr. royle that it does not extend beyond pundua, jynteapoor, and churra punjee, but on no other authority than that it had not been found elsewhere. taking the number of trees at 20,000, and the produce of each from four bleedings at two maunds, the annual supply that may be obtained from durrung may be estimated at 13,000 maunds of the caoutchouc itself, assuming dr. roxburgh's proportion of one to three to be nearly correct. some idea may be formed of the extent to which it is procurable, when from the mere outskirts of the forest, 300 maunds of juice may be collected in one month. on the excellence of the assam product as compared with that of america, it does not become me to pronounce. if strength, elasticity, clearness, and perfect freedom from viscidity, be tests of excellence, then this product may be considered as equal to any other. it has been pronounced by persons in calcutta to be excellent, but no details have been entered into except by mr. bell, who objects to its snapping: if by this we are to understand snapping on being pulled too much, in contradistinction to breaking, it only proves its excellence. it is declared to be inferior to the american by mr. mccosh, evidently on examination of the worst possible specimens. the size of the trees as they generally occur in the limits above alluded to, entirely precludes all idea of any great liability to be destroyed by the extraction of juice, the amount of which must be so minute, compared to that of the whole tree. still it may be considered desirable for the security of the tree to limit the bleedings to the cold months, and this is rendered more necessary by the inferiority of the juice during the season of active vegetation. and if it be possible to limit the number of bleedings of each tree to four or five during the above period, i consider that the present 3,000 stock cannot fail to be kept up. but to venture on still larger supplies, to meet the demand for this most useful article, a demand to which limits can scarcely be assigned, the formation of plantations should be encouraged, the sites chosen to be near the villages bordering on the line of the natural distribution of the tree. propagation by cuttings or layers cannot fail to be of easy and rapid application; and if we consider that the tree is the most valuable receptacle of the lac insect, there is every reason to suppose that the natives will readily enter into such views. the jungle in which the tree occurs is of the usual heavy description, presenting in fact no one feature in particular. the trees are all of a tropical nature, except towards the foot of the hills, when two species of chesnut and one of alder begin to shew themselves. chapter xi. _journey from assam towards bootan_. left gowahatti on the 21st and halted at ameengong ghat. _december 22nd_, _1837_.--left at twelve and proceeded to hazoo, which is nearly due west of ameengong, and distant thirteen miles. road, through grassy plains; much cultivation throughout the greater part. passed several villages, and forded one stream. hazoo is at the foot of some low hills, on one of which is a temple of great sanctity with the booteahs. the hills above this, as well as between this and ameengong, abound with cycas, many of which were once dichotomous; on these hills a fleshy euphorbia likewise occurs, a sure indication of barren soil. peafowl abound. the light-blue jay figured in hardwickii, sterna, haliaetus pondicerianus, chat, butcher-bird, edolius, plovers, hoopoe, and ardea indica, were met with. _december 23rd_.--hazoo, a large village, extending nearly north and south, all the houses surrounded by trees. areca bamboos, ficus elastica, f. indicoides, f. religiosa, sapotea (mimusops) arborea, erythrina. country to the east very jheely, and one huge expanse of paddy cultivation. fine loranthus, hingtstha repens. _december 24th_.--nolbaree, seventeen miles nearly, n. by w., throughout the latter half of the way, the country consisted of highly cultivated plains, intersected by bamboo jungles, etc. villages very abundant, surrounded by trees, especially bamboos. the hedges are made of a dwarf pandanus. crossed four streams, two not fordable. grallatores and water-birds innumerable throughout, but especially after passing the borolia, bec ouvert or anastomus coromandelianus, pelicans, water-hens, divers, ibis bengala, cigoines (ardea pavonia) syras, mangoe-bird, large king-fisher, hawks abundant, of which we observed five species; this is, generally speaking, one of the richest parts of assam i have hitherto seen. _december 25th_.--dum dummia, distance ten miles, direction north, country very open, in parts less cultivated than before, scarcely any jungle towards dum; this is a straggling place on the banks of a small stream called noa nuddee. the bamboo continues common, as well as pandanus, pterocarpus marsupium, bombax, diospyros ebenum, which are the most common trees. villages are very numerous, but as usual, entirely concealed from view by jungle. _december 31st_.--up to this morning we remained at dum dummia, and had the booteas alone been consulted, we should have remained there till tomorrow. it is a very uninteresting place, the country consisting of one extensive plain, diversified only by trees wherever there are villages. there is a good deal of cultivation, chiefly however, of rice; some sugarcane is visible, but it is of inferior quality, and evidently not sufficiently watered. sursoo is considerably cultivated. the river noa nuddee is about seventy yards wide, with a stream of three miles an hour; it is full of sand-banks and of quicksands, and is crossed with great difficulty on elephants; by men it is easily fordable. the only shooting about the place is floriken, which are very abundant, ten or twelve being seen in one day. we left for hazareegoung, a bootea-assam village to the north. we passed through a similar open country not much cultivated, but overrun with grassy vegetation. the path was of the ordinary description, and not kept at all cleared: crossed a small stream twice, with a pebbly bed and sub-rapids, a sure indication of approaching the hills. these, in their lower portion, have a very barren appearance, but this may arise from the cultivated patches: land-slips are of very frequent occurrence. the grasses of the enormous plains, so prevalent every where in this direction, are kagaia, megala, vollookher, saccharum spontaneum, this is soft grass, and affords an excellent cover for game, cymbopogon hirsutum, which is more common than the c. arundinaceum, erianthus, airoides, rottboellia exaltata, arundo, (?) anatherum muricatum, apluda, trizania cilearis, is common in the old rice khets. among these occur a tall knoxia, plectranthus sudyensis, and p. uncinatus. i observed vareca, grislea, about dum dummia. elytrophorus is common in rice khets. towards hazareegoung we came on a high plain, covered principally with s. spontaneum. among this occurred lactuioides, premna herbacea, grewia, with here and there pterygodium. i observe here bootea bamboo baskets made water-proof by caoutchouc; this is a practice much adopted by the booteas: and the trees are here. the large coloured stipulae are peculiar to the young shoots cultivated, they are often a span long. the young fruit is enveloped by three large coloured scales, which originate from the annuliform base; this is hence a peduncle, not a bracte, as i before supposed. january 1st, 1838.--halted. _january 2nd_.--marched to ghoorgoung, a small village, eight miles from hazareegoung and nearly due north. we crossed similar grassy tracts: the country gradually rising as we approached the hills. very little cultivation occurred. crossed the mutunga, now dry, but the breadth testifies to its being a large stream in the rains, as the boulders do to its being a violent one. the same plants continue; small jungle or wood composed of simool. trophis aspera, cassia fistula, bauhinia, butea scandens, byttneria, underwood of eranthemum, and another acanthacea. about this place cnicus and arundinaria occur, and a small santalaceous or olacineous plant, with the habit of a polygala. merops apiaster is very common. _january 3rd_.--to dewangeri, distance eight miles. our route hither lay for the greater portion up the bed of the durunga, the stream of which makes its exit about one mile to the west of ghoorgoung. after ascending its bed for some time, the ascent becomes steep, for perhaps 800 or 1,000 feet, when we reached a portion of dewangeri, but two or three hundred feet below the ridge on which the village is situated. the hills bounding the watercourse are very steep, many quite perpendicular, owing to having been cut away; generally they are of decomposed granite as at dacanara, in some parts of conglomerate. the torrent contains but little water, and very few fish, the banks are wooded tolerably well, as soon as the lower barren ranges are past. at the base cassia fistula, leguminous trees, artemisia, simool, spathodea, bignonia indica, sterculia, caesalpinea, phlogacanthus thyrsiflorus, paederia faetida, eugenia, rhamnea, croton malvaefoliis are found among the usual grasses, which form the chief vegetation. these continue along the sandy bed for some time, but afterwards the usual small andropogons usurp their place. anthistiria arundinacea continue longest; with some of the large saccharum, rubus moluccanus soon appears, with melica latifolia, and a species of rhus. _leptospartion_ is very common up to 1,000 feet, pandanus 3-500 feet, but soon ceases; the higher precipices abound with an elegant palm tree, habitu cocos. fleshy urticeae and aroideum become common at 300 feet, along the shaded watery banks, and continue so long as shade and humidity are found. equisetum commences at 300 feet, arundo, saurauja, pentaptera, which last ascends to 1,000 feet, as does dillenia speciosa, castaneae feorox commences at 500 feet. between this and the choky, polypodium, wallichianum arboreum, davallia grandis, oxyspora, musci, goodyera, and composita arborea are found. at the choky, the elevation of which is 965 feet, oesculus begins. wallichia,* oeschynanthus, urtica gigas,* derngia,* govania,* anthistiria arundinacea, alstonea, angiopteris, are found. grislea is found as high as 1,000 feet. ficus obliquissima is found at 300 feet, and ficus altera species as high as 700 feet. at 1,200 feet rubi sp., panax, cordia, are found, and on the steep ascent, hastingsia,* gordonia, eurya, corisanthera, griffithia. at one place the jack fruits, ficus elastica, compositi arborea, panax altera species. dewangeri occupies a ridge 200 feet above our halting place, the elevation of which is 2,031 feet. the view to the north is confined to a ravine of 1,500 feet deep, at the bottom of which runs a considerable mountain torrent: to the sw. plains are visible, to the east and west the view is hilly. the village itself is a poor one, containing perhaps sixty houses, but these are divided into three or four groups; the houses, with the exception of three or four stone and lime ones, are of the usual build, viz. of bamboo, and raised on muchauns. filth and dirt abound every where, and the places immediately contiguous to the huts are furnished plentifully with various ordures. along the ridge three or four temples occur, these are of the boodhistical form: they are composed entirely of slate, are white-washed; none are of any size, and the workmanship is rude in the extreme; on each face of the square basement, slabs of slate with inscriptions are visible, and in one instance many of these are ranged along a longish wall. the pagodas are surrounded with long banners, with inscriptions fastened longitudinally to bamboos. on the west side of this the view is remarkably pretty, embracing all the temples, part of the village, and the rajah's house. the hills adjoining being considerably diversified and remarkable, and for india over picturesquely wooded. the pucka houses are ungainly structures, the height being out of all proportion to the width, the walls are very thick, and composed of slate slabs, the roof is choppered with projecting eaves, the windows are very narrow. each has three stories, the middle one being occupied by the owner, this is divided into several rude compartments, each of which has one or two balconies. the steps are rude and awkward, consisting of notches cut into large blocks. the cooking is carried on, on the ground floor, much to the edification of the residents above. dirt abounds in every direction. the doors are rudely constructed of wood. _january 4th_.--to-day was occupied by moving up into the village, in which we occupy a pucka house. _january 5th_.--visited the sooba or rajah, his house is very picturesque, reminding me much of the pictures of swiss cottages: it is white-washed, with a red belt. the interior is capacious; the state room has hangings, which are decorated with native pictures on cloth. at the east end is a recess in which are some well-executed chinese statues, the chief figure is of large dimensions, and is intended to represent the durmah rajah, whose statue is supposed to give infallibility. two bells were suspended, one from the centre, the other from the balcony, the tongues of which were long, of ivory, and moved by a string. the rajah received us in state, amidst discordant sounds of horns, pipes, and drums; his followers for the most part were badly clothed, the few decent looking persons being only decent externally. he was seated on a raised dais and was well dressed. he is a stout chinese looking man, about 50 years old, and his deportment was certainly easy and dignified. the meeting was very friendly, but it is evident that we shall be delayed here at least seven days. the central room in the rajah's house is used as a guard house! arms were fixed round the walls, but they seemed to consist chiefly of spears, swords, and bucklers. _january 6th_.--i walked this morning to a village, a mile to the west, in which there is a picturesque pucka house of religion. what pleased me especially was a specimen of a juniper, of extreme elegance, with drooping branches. the house itself was of the usual form, and one end was occupied as usual by an ornamental window and balcony. i noticed in addition ulmus and quercus. the vegetation hitherto seen about this, consists of mango trees, several species of fig, among which were ficus indica, elastica, terminalioides, papyrifera, etc. two with cordate leaves occur. ulmus, quercus, bombax, juniperus and pinus, both cultivated. aralia or panax, four or five species, croton malvaefolium, justicia, adhatoda, peristrophe, amaranthaceae, artemisia, urtica urens? and heterophylla, pogostemon, triumfetta, (these occupy the old cleared spots,) castaneae sp.? artocarpus integrifolium, erythrina, sambucus ebulus, rubi, three species, solanum farinaceum, engeldhaardtia, pandanus, leptospartion, calamus, nauclea, euphorbia carnosa, foliis ligulatis, artocarpus chaplasha, the fruit of which is eaten, phlebochiton extensus, sedgwickia cerasifolia, callicarpa arborea, porana, randia, sugarcane, citrons, tobacco. the fauna contains two or three squirrels, one of which is the small one of upper assam, trocheloideus, the lesser edolius or drongo minor. mainas, two kinds, carrion crows, bucco, muscipeta flammea, and one or two other species, parus, two or three species, kites, large tailor-birds, sparrows. the black-bird of the torrents, and the usual water-birds, black pheasants; bulbuls very common, bucco barbatus, parroquets, barking deer. the temperature being 58 degrees 61', water boiled at 208 degrees. the mean of two observations accordingly gives the altitude as 2,165 feet above the sea. the number of houses is about 130, but these form two or three detached villages. the population is considerable, and there is no want of children. the people are stout and very fair, with ruddy cheeks, but abominably dirty. some of the men are six feet in stature. we had one opportunity of witnessing their practice with the bow, but only two or three of the dozen candidates were decent shots. the mark was a very small one, and the distance 120 steps, but none hit it during the time we looked on, nor even the circular patch of branches, on which the slab of wood of this form was placed. the practice was accompanied with the usual proportion of noise and gesticulations. there is very little cultivation on the hills around, so that this people are, at least about here, evidently dependent on the plains for their supplies. the cattle are a good breed, and totally different from those of the plains. ponies and mules are by no means uncommon; there are likewise pigs and fowls, both of which are abundant, and of fine description. _january 16th_.--every thing leads me to conclude that the booteas are the dirtiest race in existence, and if accounts be true, they are equally deficient in delicacy. although much beyond other mountain tribes inhabiting either side of the assam valley, in the structure of their houses, in their clothing, in their language, and probably in their religion, they are inferior to them in other points. thus their looms are perhaps really primitive, and of the most simple construction; neither in their weapons of defence are they at all superior. on the 14th i ascended a peak to the eastward, and certainly 1,000 feet above the village: on the summit of this, where there were the remains of an old clearing, i observed pyrus, acer, rhus, tetrantherae, three or four species, bigonia species picta, carex, composita arborea, pteris aquilina, kydia zyziphifolia, saurauja, eurya, maesa panax, artemisia, hedyotis scandens, callicarpa arborea, camellia, caelogyne, oberonia, otochilus fuscescens, ficus, cinnamomum, aeschynanthus, pholidota, cyrtandra, piper, citrus, corysanthera, hypoxis, tupistra, bambusa. sanicula appeared at 2,500 feet with bartramea spectabilis, and a small ophiorhiza, acer at 2,800 feet, as likewise rhopala; at 2,000 feet, costus and abroma, thunbergia grandiflora. _january 19th_.--i find that large quantities of mungista or madder are sent to the plains from this, where the plant is very common; it is exchanged for ill preserved salt-fish, one bundle of madder for one fish. this fish is of an abominable odour, and probably tends to increase the natural savour of the booteas, which, considering their total unacquaintance with soap, is sufficiently strong. p. tells me that the kampo country is situated north of this, and that it may be reached by a kampo, in twenty-six days. the language of the people we are now among, is distinct from that of assam, as will be observed from the names given to the common grains cultivated in both countries, their principal grain is barley, which is of a fine description; very little cultivation being carried on here, the people drawing all their supplies from the plains. the following is a list of grains cultivated: those marked * are cerealea:- _assam_. _bootea_. 1* lalkonee dhan, yungra, )panici sp. 2* legaid ditto, ditto, ) 3 _boot_, tel, hnam, a sesamum. 4 _cultivation_ in upper assam, braime, (polygonum fago (pyrum, grains (very large. 5* bhobosa, khongpo, eleusine sp. 6* goomdam, peihnam, zea mays. 7 gellei-ma, linjee, phaseoli sp. [gradient bootan: g204.jpg] the palm from the cliffs on the road hither is evidently a species of phaenix, pinnulis inferioribus spiniformibus reticula copiosa, pinnulis liniaribus acuminatissimus, apicem versus canaliculatis reticulo copioso, the height must be about that of a moderate areca. no specimens of the trunk, none of flowers and seeds have been brought to me. the temples here have a good deal of the burmese shape, but the dome is more like that of a mussulman mosque. _january 22nd_.--yesterday evening mr. blake's khidmutgar died rather suddenly, he had been ailing for some days, but apparently not serious; his indisposition was owing to over-loading the stomach with radishes, etc. in which all partook too freely during the protracted halt, thus causing a good deal of sickness. this place is so straggling that it is difficult to make a guess at the number of the houses, the greater number of the people are temporary residents and mostly are natives of kampo,{205a} they are more dirty than the booteas, and seem to have an especial predilection for begging. when wishing to be very gracious they bow and gesticulate awkwardly, shewing their tongue at the same time. their principal dress is coarse woollen clothes, and in lieu of turbans they wear caps or hats. their beasts of burden are principally asses, which are perhaps, from bad treatment, undersized: they likewise use goats, and largish animals between goats and sheep in appearance; of these we saw one male only, it had _once_ _spiral_ horns. even a little black kid was not exempt from carrying its share, this was ornamented by woollen tassels of a red colour, fastened through a hole in the ear. pemberton tells me, that most of these people come hither with the view of going to hazoo, a place of pilgrimage in assam; some remain here as a security for the return of their brethren in three months, the period during which leave is granted by our friend the rajah of this place. their language is totally different from that of the booteas. the day before yesterday an edict against catching fish, being taken off as i supposed it would be on shewing the rajah some flies, blake and i went down, and repeated our visit yesterday; the bed of the river at the debouchment of the path leading towards tongsa, is elevated 1,431 feet, (70.209.8), {205b} it is of no great size, and is generally fordable; the fish are almost exclusively bookhar. {205c} i saw one or two sentooreahs, {205d} and caught a long thin bola, {206a} beautifully banded with purplish-blue. the bookhars as usual take a fly well, especially red hackles; the largest was caught by blake, and must have weighed nearly three pounds. very little worth noticing occurred in the vegetation. sedgwickia is common and of very large size, 2,400 feet above the river, as well as tree ferns. equisetum occurs in the bed of the river; in some places at the same level a species of ranunculus, aroidea, succulent urticeae were common; along the edges or in the small churs, that have established themselves here and there, and which are covered with the usual sacchara, but of smaller size; erythrina, leptospartion, sambucus, boehmeria tomentosa, kydia calycina, grislea, tupistra, leea occurred, ficus elastica is not uncommon, one specimen presented itself, which had sprung up on another tree, fifty feet from the ground; this it had destroyed, and the appearance was singular enough. the juice is used for water-proofing bamboo vessels. the general rocks are slate, and this was the only one we saw _in situ_; the vegetation is rather barren. near the bed of this river, which is called the deo panee, i found a curious menispermous genus, columnea, clypeae perianthia uncialata, ore integeriuscula, a myrtacea, uncaria, abroma augusta, etc. on ascending, murraya exotica, magnoliaceae, paederia faetida, and bignonia, occurred at low elevations, lobelia baccata, wulfenia obliqua, costus, chloranthus, justicea orchidiflora below 600 feet, eurya occurred scarcely below 1,800 feet with millingtonia simplicifolia. the cattle here are really noble, particularly the bulls; they are much like the mishmee methuns, but are distinct, {206b} they are very quiet. _january 23rd_.--left at twelve, and arrived late at rydang on a nullah, distant eight miles. passed no villages, but passed a bridge erecting over the deo nuddee, at which place a lam gooroo or high priest was employed: vegetation continued the same, and only two new plants occurred, a stemodia with large yellow flowers, and a begonia, with branched stems. rydang is 2,404 feet above the sea (55.208.5.) {212} _january 24th_.--started early in the morning, (at 8 a.m.) the coolies mostly leaving at daylight. yet although the distance was only eleven miles, we did not reach till 5 p.m. and many of the coolies did not arrive till late at night. the fact is the ascent was nearly uninterrupted during the day, the highest point traversed being about 6,000 feet. we then descended slightly to khegumpe, our halting place, the altitude of which is 5,395 feet (46.202,) at the highest point fahr. thermometer stood at 42 degrees at 1 p.m. the first part of the road lay over grassy sparingly-forested hills, until we reached 4,000 feet. here or a little below this the change in the vegetation commenced, the first elevational plants being serissoid; gaultheria, and rhododendron commenced at about 3,600 feet on dry rocky eminences, which it always prefers. on the 1st eminence, 600 feet above rydang or 3,000 feet above the sea, quercus, castanea, sedgwickia, polypodium wallichii, lobelia, pyramidalis, composita arborea, gordonia, pteris aquilina, anthistiria, gramen airoides, callicarpa arborea, artemisia, tephrosia, flemingia, govania, and these continued up to 4,000 feet. we here met with kampo tartars with their laden sheep, the children being generally placed cradle-fashion on the top of the loads, each in its own basket. itea macrophylla occurred at 3,200 feet, with clematis, hastingsia, bignonia, euphorbiacea, briedleia. at 3,300 feet kydia zyziphifolia, rhopala, composita arborea, hypericum,* triumfetta, smilax, indigofera.* at 3,600 feet, the same with panax, wendlandia, myrtacea arborea, l. melica latifolia. at 3,800 feet, hedychium, gaultheria, habenaria, serissoides, gnaphalium, gordonia, here very abundant, covered with lichens and epiphytical orchidea, phyllanthus, emblica. at 4,000 feet, rhododendron arborea, eugenia, l. gaultheria arborea, echinanthus, bambusa, microphylla.* the same trees continue. at 4,200 feet, hedychium, briedleia, pyrus, ficus,* and rhododendron in flower, gordonia, itea macrophylla, pteris aquilina, osbeckia nepalensis, artemisia major, airoides, flemingia. at 4,500 feet, myrica, callicarpa arborea, verbenaceae, buddlaeoid,* ardisia, maesa, panax, piper, styrax, camellia,* polygonum rhaeoides, cyrthandra common, mimosa arborea, betula,* ficus, foliis cordatis hispidis, kydia calycina, inga, rubus moluccanus. anisadenia, begonia, otochilus latifolius, tussilaginoides, neckerae, urtica, gaylussacia, lobelia, panax, aeschynanthus venosus of churra,* lycopodium of surureem,* smilax ruscoideus,* liparis, rhododendron arboreum verum, bucklandia of vast size. hoya fusca, ophiopogno, viola, hymenophyllum, croton heterophyllum, convallaria oppositifolia, plectranthus roylii, begonia picta, isachne, cerastium, spiraea, hedera, hypericum, peliosanthes, carex gracilis rupium, which commenced at 5,500 feet, bambusa microphylla. the forests here were damp and tropical so far as herbaceous underwoods were concerned, the trees were loaded with mosses chiefly pendulous neckerae and hypnea, as well as the rocks, epiphytes were common. we then continued along ridges about the same elevation, ranunculus, hemiphragma, thibaudia buxifolia, polygonum rheoides, pyrus indica. gnaphalium common, pteris aquilina, airoides, artemisia on sunny spots, gaultheria, galium of churra, arundo. the trees were about this all scraggy, but of picturesque appearance. choripetalum, panax, laurineae,* piper, cissus, photinia and gleichenia major, thibaudia myrtifolia,* potentilla, calophyllum,* hydrangea arbuscula,* thalictrum majus,* crawfurdia speciosa,* macrocapnos,* daphne papyrifera.* our march now wound round a huge hill with rocky head, lowering several hundred feet above us, the road being narrow, rocky, overhanging vast precipices. all the trees were scraggy, stunted with tufted grasses. here about dipsacus of churra occurred, buddleia, phlomoides, lonicera, rosa, _jubrung_, cheilanthes dealbata of brahmakund, asparagus, urticea arborea floribus faem. capitulatis aurantiaces, spiraea bella, hymenopogon, saxifraga ligularis,* on the rocks primula,* in the crevices, with hydrocotyla, thalictrum renatum, umbelliferae,* scirpus, stemodia, compositae, hypericum, didymocarpus contortus of oklong, erianthus, gymnostomum, all these on the bare rocks. along the path, codonopsis, cnicus, valeriana, hardwickia, lobelia. hence we passed along nearly at the same elevation through romantic paths, the vegetation being european, and comparatively open: the trees covered with moss, with grassy swards here and there: the scenery was beautiful, the descent hence to khegumpa was gradual and easy, along similar paths. noticed the following trees, etc. in the following order: tetranthera, gaultheria arborea, tradescantia cordifolia,* acer, polygala, deutzia, tradescantia, jasminum triphyllum, plectranthus azureus, macrocapnos, rubia cordifolia,* cucurbitacae cissampeloid, then forests of rhododendron, on the paths swertia, potentilla, fragaria, alnus acer folius palmatum lobatis oppositis, porana. this day i gathered about 130 species, the march was really delightful. the plants marked thus * indicate elevation. madder is furnished by both rubia munjista and r. cordifolia, these species are quite distinct, the latter affecting greater elevations than the former, scarcely descending below 4,000 feet. scarcely any water occurred on the route; from just above khegumpa, a beautiful valley is seen to the left, with a good deal of cultivation. no large villages were seen. [gradient rydang to khegumpa: g210.jpg] _january 25th_.--khegumpa. this is a pretty place; but the whole country has a wintry appearance from the trees having mostly deciduous leaves; it is a small village, not containing twelve houses. pagodas with the inscription-bearing walls occur as usual; on a small hill rising from just below the village, a large house with out-houses belonging to a lam gooroo, is the prettiest bit of architecture i have yet seen. we put up in a small house, of the usual poor construction, capable of containing four or six people, the roofs are of wood, the planks being kept down by stones. the evening was very cold, but the thermometer did not fall below 44 degrees. here a solitary specimen of pinus was seen. a beautiful tree, with pendulous leaves and cones, which resemble those of abies, occurred. rhododendron is common here. around the hut i observed lobelia, rumex, quercus, ranunculus, plantago, leucas ciliata, gnaphalia, rubus, urtica urentior, rubi 2, pteris aquilina, geranium, galium, artemisia major, fragariae, betula? ramis pendulis, foliis lineari lanceolatis, _jubrung_, phlomoides, in flower, spiraea bella, tetranthera, daucus, gleichenia major, oxalis corniculata, dipsacus. the trees were covered with lichens; the only cultivated plants i saw, and of these only straggling individuals, were tobacco and bhobosa. in a wood at the base of the hill on which the lam gooroo's house is situated, saurauja hispida, and s. arborea,* woodwardia,* rubia cordifolia, oaks, spiraea bella, decomposita, stemodia, cerasus, curculigo, pogonatherum,* carduus, polygonum rheoides, panax, bucklandia, berberis asiatica and porana, occurred. our march, after passing this hill, commenced by a descent through a damp wood of oaks, eurya. here swertiae 2 occurred on banks. clematis verbesina, gordonia, erythrina, myrica. thence we passed along a ridge, the forests being stunted and wintry, abounding with rhododendron and oaks. myrica, and pendulous lichens occurred in abundance, but grasses predominate, chiefly airoid and andropogons. from this to the right was seen a beautiful valley with a moderate-sized village and picturesque houses, with considerable and very clever cultivation. thence we crossed to the other side of the ridge, descending a little and then continuing through forests of oak, consisting of a species found on the khasyah hills, and approaching q. robur: as all the leaves had fallen, the whole appearance was that of winter. here i shot the jay figured in royle's work: continuing to descend very gradually, i observed epilobium,* neckera, fissidens, brachymenium, nerioideum in fruit and half buried in the fallen leaves; a pretty gentiana, ruta albiflora, potentilla. after passing along this for some way we commenced a sharp descent. at about 4,800 ft. vitex simplex, occurred. indigofera re-appeared, with saccharum rubro nitens of churra, the other grasses being andropogons, 2-3, and orthopogon, hedychium, gordonia soon re-appeared: to the east, cultivation was visible, and to the north, pines were visible in every direction stretching away far below us to a considerable torrent. about one-third of the way down this steep ravine, at the bottom of which a torrent was heard roaring, wendlandia, spiraea bella, hedychium, gaultheria arborea, aspera rhododendron, pteris aquilina, artemisia, saurauja hispida, indigofera, eurya, mimosa arborea, maesa angustifolia of yesterday; osbeckia nepalensis, viburnum, tetranthera, ficus, gleichenia minor, crawfurdia speciosa, polygonum rheoides, were found. hitherto the woods had been dry, or rather so, but on turning to the east, we came into damp woods presenting many tropical features, along which we continued descending gradually for some time: at the commencement in this, callicarpa arborea, a weeping beech, dipsacus verbesina, and the alnus, of thumathaya occurred, arbutoideus, hydrangea, urtica heterophylla, neuropeltoid aromatica. then below we came on piper, deeringia, cerasus, sanicula, cyrtandracea, cheilosandra gracilis, and fleshy urticeae. underwood, herbaceous forms of acanthaceae, ferns, as davallia, asplenium, all more or less succulent. darea, glycine, buchanania, saurauja ferruginea, thalictrum majus, pothos, etc. hypericum, begonia, panax terebinthaceus, magnoliacae, garciniae, valeriana cordifolia.* passing on at the same elevation, we suddenly rounded a ridge, and in one moment came on dry, sunny, rocky, grassy ground, the trees being exclusively rhododendron, oaks and a few gordonias with airoid, andropogons, pteris aquilina: we then came on the brink of the ridge up to which pinus longifolia ascends; the elevation of this was 4,132 feet (60.204.5.) {212} from this all around pinus is visible in profusion; we then dipped to the south, this face being occupied by thick forest, having rhododendrons on the skirts. from the above spot saleeka was visible, with a fine grove of pines, it is 1,500 feet, at least above this. the descent was steep, we soon came on callicarpa arborea, celtis megala, pogostemon, stemodia grandiflora; this was about 4,300 feet, where a clearing had been commenced: close to this i observed martynia, pteris, composita arborea, desmodium vestilum, flemingia, and gathered at 4,000 feet a verbenaceous shrub, looking like a plumbago, and a boehmeria; continuing, without descending much, i came on pinus, rhododendron, gaultheria. loranthus was here a common parasite on pinus, oaks occurred but the species was changed; this had small leaves, white underneath; and descending we continued through pine woods, artemisia minor, together with the usual grasses and aspideium macrosomum. here we travelled along a hill just above a ravine. either side of this was covered with grasses and pines, the ravine being crowded with oaks, etc. panax, and composita arborea occurred. a little below this, hastingsia, common, desmodium hispidisum, artemisia minor, briedelia, mimosa, and several compositae: we continued descending very steeply, and observed holcus elegans, melica latifolia, erianthus apludoid circium. at 2,600 feet, came on scutellaria; pines had ceased, but on the opposite side of the nullah, they descended lower. knoxia scandens, kydia calycina, hastingsia, hedyotis linearis, ficus pedunculis radiciformibus pendulis, leguminous trees as dalbergia, triumfetta; boehmeria, asparagus, buchanania again, solanum, 10-dentat., urtica urens,--l. (66.208.5.) {212} the altitude of the bed of the cameon nullah is here, 1,937 feet, its banks are formed by hills cut away and hence precipitous, those to the east are covered with pines, oaks descend to this. here arundo karka, leptospartion, erythrina, artemisia major, solanum farinaceum, black pheasants of which i shot a male. ficus dumooriya, grislea, rhamnoid scandens, pandanus, boehmeria torrentum, urtica pendula, barleria prionites of dgin, sida cuneifolia, dalbergioid. thence we ascended 100 feet or thereabouts, and descended to another and larger torrent. anonaceae, phlogacanthus thyrsifloris here occurred. the bed of this stream is 70 to 80 yards wide, but the volume of water is inconsiderable. the hills forming the opposite bank are lofty, not under 4 to 5,000 feet; their bases and the nullah above alluded to have the vegetation of dgin, otherwise they are clothed with the usual grasses and noble pines. the brown bird with crooked bill was heard here. at 500 feet above the torrent menispermum, bidens albiflora, megala, leptospartion, verbenacea, plumbaginea, mucuna, desmodium hispidum and ficus were seen as before: phyllanthus, emblica, and grislea occurred at 800 feet: grewia at 1,000 feet: and osbeckia linearis occurred at 1,200 feet in rocky places; with poa, cynosuroides of churra, and bassia at 1,300 feet, with emblica, labiata sudyensis, osbeckia nepalensis, ficus. on rounding the ridge to the east, which is 200 feet above this place _sassee_, we came on a forest of oak, rhododendron, viburnum, pothos pinnatus. _january 26th_.--sassee. our coolies left us here, they are not very good ones, not equal to khasyah, they are however merry, and whistle or sing when tired, their feet are generally naked, but occasionally they wear leathern sandals. thermometer 60 degrees: water boiled at 204.5 degrees: altitude 4,109 feet. about this place i first met with thlaspi bursa pastoris, malva rotundifolia also occurs, ligustrum, adhatoda! euphorbia ramis 4-gonis, foliis? in spinis abeuntibus! bambusa, urtica urentior, geranium, rumex of khegumpa, pancratium or crinum! peristropha triflora, holcus elegans, pteris aquilina both artemisias, panicum cynosuroides! stemodium ruderalis! callicarpa arborea! cerasus, pyrus indica and malus, barleria prionitis! ervum, hedychium coronarioides! in wet places, buchanania, peperomia, moschosma! dendrobium! thibaudia myrtifolia, gordonia, dioscorcae! tetrantheroid arbor magna, pinus longifolia, quercus, 2-sp. rhus, citrus also is found. thus the mixture of forms is nearly excessive, those marked ! thus indicate usually low elevations. rubia cordifolum. the whole four leaves of this plant are petiolate, but one pair is perhaps always unequal, one occasionally abortive, i look upon this as a proof that the so-called stipulae of stellatae are real leaves. there is this difference then between rubiaceae and stellatae, the one has covered buds, the other not. the development of the lamine before the petiole is particularly conspicuous in this plant. buck-wheat with trisulcate seeds, and cannabis sativa are found here; barley is cultivated. _january 27th_.--sassee: temperature 58 degrees, big metal thermometer. tomato found here; leptospartion ascends woody ravines as far as this; of birds, the larger dove is abundant; verbena officinalis. _january 28th_.--on walls about this a lobelia, and stemodia ruderalis occurred. sassee is a ruined village, said once to have been large, now containing not more than five or six houses, an equal number being in ruins. _january 29th_.--commenced to descend almost immediately, until we reached the giri nuddee, we then ascended again 5,600 feet, and continued over excessively precipitous rocky ground, until we reached the nullah again. the same vegetation continued until we had descended some hundred feet. pinus, quercus, rhododendron, viburnum, indigofera, osbeckia nepalensis, desmodium, gaultheria arborea, rubus, deltoidifolius, conyza, saurauja ferruginea, crawfurdia speciosa, labiata sudyensis, dipsacus occurs but is rare, gordonia, rubus idaeus, gleichenia minor, pendulous lichens, galium asparagus, engeldhaardtia, smilax. the descent was steep. thibaudia myrtifolia, peperomia, stemodia grandis, airoid, otochilus linearis. at 300 feet composita arborea, and penduliflora, polygonum rheoides, flemingia, and a cleared spot with zea mays. 400 feet pteris aquilina, rubus moluccanus, aspidium polypodioides, lygodium, aspidium macrosorum, moschosma, mimosa arborea, millet, cerasus, hedyotis, plectranthus, roylia, knoxia scandens, ruta albiflora, rottlera, commenced at 500 feet. stemodia, hovenia, cerastium, 4-ovulatum, carex. [gradient khegumpa to sassee: g216.jpg] carex, kydia, jujubifolia, randia, hovenia, occurred at 600 feet, with rhopala, panax, ficus obliqua. then shady jungle commenced, underwood of ferns, acanthaceae, urticeae, andropogons, stemodia secunda occurred at 700 feet. {217a} hastingsia, pogostemon, kydia calycina, glypea, curculigo, 750 feet, with clematis cana, cerasus, quercus robur, this came down a ridge. rhus acidissima. scleria, lycopodia, maesa, sterculia balanghas, and kydia jujubifolia, at 900 feet. {217a} phlomoides, acanthacea specicosa, pothos pinnatus, choulmoogrum, malpighiacea, at 1,000 feet. {217a} buchanania, magnolia, achyranthes, murraya exotica, sedgwickia, urtica gigas, chloranthus inconspicuus, peliosanthes, phaenix pygmaea, hedysarum acenaciferum, at 1,200 feet. {217a} the altitude of the bed here is 3,112 feet (64.206.2: of woollaston, 6.4.3) {217b} and along its banks cissus, woodwardia, megala, polygonum rheoides, mimosa arborea, curculigo, woodwardia, andropogon fuscum, conaria, potentilla, rumex, rubia cordifolia, drymaria, and begonia occurred. the ascent was steep, leading over several land slips, the same vegetation continuing. oaks, pines, rhododendrons occupying the more exposed faces, and the usual humid jungle characterising aspects not so much exposed. pinus longifolia strays down to within 100 feet of the nullah. we passed a pretty cascade discharging a considerable body of water: here at 200 feet {217a} above the nullah, i observed crotalaria juncea, the betula of thumathaya, quercus lanatus, leea crispa, panax terebinthaceus, indigofera, scutellaria, clematis, cana, panax altera, mimosa, porana, arundo karka, flemingia, conyza, aspidium macrosomum. at 400 feet, {217a} itea macrophylla, ficus, composita arborea. the woods are dry, but little occurring underneath the trees, except the usual grasses, andropogons and airoides. at 500 feet, {217a} thibaudia myrtifolia, triumfetta mollis, composita penduliflora, lysimachia, pinus, rhododendron. the ground now became excessively rocky, the road winding along at the same elevation, not more than a foot wide. at 600 feet, {217a} desmodium vestilum, artemisia, acanthacea lurida, gentiana, as before. gordonia, bambusa, microphylla, arum viviparum, tussilaginoid, wendlandia, thibaudia, _variegatoides_, and a myrtifolia; sedum, rocks strewn in every direction covered with sedum and epiphylical orchideae. on rounding a ridge with a north-east aspect we came without altering our elevation, on a humid jungle. pothos pinnatus and red, ferns, acanthaceae, choripetalum, calamus, acrostichea, blakea, grammitis decurrens, moschosma. we descended through similar jungle with pandanus also occurring until we again changed our aspect, when the oak woods, etc. reverted with rhododendron and thibaudia myrtifolia; again changing, we returned to an intermediate jungle, gradually assuming all the humid characters of those places passed before. here i observed tupistra, asplenium nidus, at 200 feet above the bed of a nullah. rottleria, mimosa arborea, crawfurdia, speciosa, zanthoxzlon triphyllum. along the bed of this nullah, crawfurdia speciosa, potentilla, choripetalum, eurya, ranunculus, cardamina, juncus! oxyspora, saurauja hispida, occurred; some in a sort of marsh, with thibaudia variegatoides. the places along which torrents formerly flowed were occupied by typha elephantina, kujara, megala, arunda, the alnus of bhailseeree, artemisia major, rubus deltoidifolia, (corysanthera hispida with juncus;) here anthistiria arundinacea, artemisia minor, bucco grandis (bird), polygonum rheoides, baehmeria torrentum, gaultheria deflexa, indigofera, oaks, gordonia, holcus elegans, conaria nepalensis in flower, and erythrina occurred along the bed, up which we proceeded about a mile. we then ascended among pines and oaks, callicarpa arborea, and others, ascending up the humid ravines, which in the rains give exit to torrents--at 300 feet noticed a different pinus, which is observed in abundance on a mountain on the opposite side, up which it ascends 2 or 3,000 feet. callicarpa azurea, buddleia neemda, eugenia, serissoides, and the saccharum of churra, occurred here. the ascent was continual but gradual, rounding the almost precipitous face of the hill, the path was stony, often loose and frequently not above a foot wide, with a precipice lowering above and yawning beneath. the vegetation had, with the exception of the pines, oaks, and rhododendrons, all been burnt, so that the ascent was uninteresting. as we neared the summit it became bitterly cold, a strong biting wind nearly cutting us in two: we reached bailfa, which is on the summit but sheltered, at 6 p.m. conaria occurs at the top! being more advanced in flower than below; in one instance with young capsules. i noticed pogonatherum, didymocarpus contortus, serissoides, gaultheria fruticosa, polytrichum fuscum, gathered at 7,000 feet, previously: at 1,200-1,500 feet above the nullah, indigofera reaches the top. in a sheltered place here i found a beautiful gaultheria; a small campanula occurs on the rocks at from 1,000 feet upwards. bailfa or _bulphai_.--this place is 6,808 feet above the level of the sea, yet on the east and south are mountains towering far above it. snow is said to fall in february, but sparingly--the hills around are bleak, thinly vegetated, except those on the south of the geerea, which are more wooded. there are only a few houses. turnips and barley are cultivated here, and in these fields may be found a cruciferous annual, and probably a small species of lamium. the chief cultivation is visible in the valleys below. buckwheat is among the number. _january 29th_.--to-day i sallied out a few hundred yards to the west, on turning over the ridge, the south side of which is so bleak, thinly covered with q. lanata and rhododendrons, i found myself in a thick shady jungle, the chief tree being a species of oak, widely different from q. lanata. the trees and shrubs are loaded with mosses, especially pendulous neckerae, daltoniae, hypne; hookeria, fissidens, etc. occurred on the ground. i imagine, i gathered twenty-five species of mosses here. ferns were likewise abundant; i noticed daphne papyracea, berberis asiatica, conyza nivea, smilax ruscoides, oeschynanthus venosus, hedera, ophiopogon linearis, o. latifolius, cymbidium viridiflorium, ardisia crenata, carex, piper! clematis, gordonia, spiraea decomposita, composita volkamerifolia, cissus, smilax, bambusa microphylla, viburna, as before. gaylussacia serrata and microphylla, the former in fruit. thibaudia lanceolata, buxifolia, gaultheria of yesterday. on the exposed face santalacea, gentiana, hypericum decussatum of moflong, leucas ciliata, ischaemum pygmaeum, on rhododendron, loranthus obovatus. the mosses of this side were brachymenium, tortula, famaria, trichostomum, neckerae, polytrichum fuscum, zygodon? dendrobium and otochilus, occur here. a stray and small abies occurs on the ridge itself. about the village of bailfa, occur urtica urens, artemisia major, saccharum aristatum, rubus triphyllus, senecio scandens, rumex, chickweed, stemodia ruderailis, lactucoidea murorum, carduus, phlomoides, rubus deltoidifolies, achyranthoid, densa. _january 30th_.--thermometer at 7 a.m. 40 degrees. the houses here are roofed with split bamboos, and they are tied on by rattans, a precaution rendered necessary by the boisterous winds which prevail. the place is very cold; the thermometer varying from 40 degrees to 52 degrees; mean temperature of the day 46 degrees. in the barley fields i noticed fumariae sp., potentilla and cynoglossum. erythrina ascends to this! pyrus malus and spiraea bella occur. _january 31st_.--our march this day commenced with an ascent of a ridge lying to the north-east of our halting place, this occupied us some time, and at last we reached a pagoda, visible from bailfa, and which is nearly 1,000 feet above that place. thence we descended about a hundred feet, through a well-wooded situation. emerging thence at about the same elevation, we crossed barren bleak downs; the ravines being alone wooded, and hence the woods had that rounded, defined appearance, so remarkable in some parts of the khasya hills. thence the descent was continued to roongdong, the march is an easy one, about seven miles. the first new plant that occurred was an allium on rocks, but it had been dried up by the fires which had bared the surface of the hill of every thing, except the trees and stouter shrubs, capable of resisting its action. toward the pagoda, on the summit of the ridge, pendulous lichens were abundant, epiphytes were common, consisting chiefly of orchideae, with the 2 gay lussacias, rhododendron punctata, hymenopogon parasiticus, orthodon, tussilaginoid, alnus occurred at 7,300 feet. the other vegetation continued. at 7,400 feet, a new quercus appeared, this, which has in its young state, leaves much like those of the holly, and may therefore be called q. _elicifolia_! andropogon, viburnum caerulium, neckera, bambusa microphylla, fragaria, potentilla, conyza nivea, scabiosa spiraea decomposita, gillenioides, smilax ruscoideus, hyperica of moflong, campanula, swertia, dipsacus. at 7,500 feet, epilobium, rosa, vaccinium cyaneum! rhododendron coccineum, tetranthera. at 7,800 feet, abies pendulifolia, hemiphragma. at the pagoda, and about it, grimmia was found on rocks, with the usual pendulous neckerae, q. ilecifolia, vibura, hypericum. abies brunoniana, a large solitary tree, with pendulous branches, tetranthera, laurineae, smilax gaultherifolia, ilex, on the wooded side of the ridge. ferns and mosses were abundant, ilex! daphne papyracea. eurya, panax rhododendrifolia, rhododendron arborea, minus et majus. the tree of thumathaya foliis ad apicem ramorum aggregatis, petiolis colorat., celastrinea euryifolia, tetranthera another species without leaves. in the more moist places a small urticeae, lonicera as before, on the exposed side stunted q. ilecifolia, dipsacus, gnaphalia, vaccinium cyaneum, and gramineae, hemiphragma, potentilla, campanula, tussilaginoides. long tailed grey monkeys. the ridge we crossed, runs up into a bleak ridge on which are houses, and which cannot be under 9,500 feet high, about the descent through the wood, which did not extend many hundred yards. i noticed galium, valeriana, crawfurdia fasciculata, sphaeropteris betula corylifolia, hypericum, spiraea gillenioides, rubus cordifolius, senecio scandens, juncus effusoideus, in wet places, rhododendron majus, coming into flower, (flower white) cerastium bacciferum, arborea, canescens, cissus, rubus moluccanus, elaeagnus, rubus potentillifolia, plantago, ligustrum, berberis pinnata and asiatica, which last is generally covered with lichens. xanthoxylum, lilium giganteum! polytrichium fuscescens, trichostomum anielangioides, pohlia, on walls and rocks, adoxa! in wet places under banks, with a fleshy urticea: about this was observed the brick-red and black bird. {221} along the naked ridge and on the downs, which had a most wintry appearance, and where it was bitterly cold, the lycopodium of surureem was found, also vaccinium cyaneum, gnaphalium, pteris aquelina stunted, hypericum of moflong, swertia stunted, hemiphragma. the defined woods are formed of oaks and stray abies pendulifolia, panax rhododendrifolia, berberis asiatica, and b. pinnata. mespilus microphyllus, rhododendron minus, and r. arborea, (euphorbia, and juncus on the swards.) eurya, gaultheria arborea, stauntonia. from this ridge a village near benka is visible, as well as a large stream, the goomrea, and several villages. the one we now inhabit, being the best looking and occupying a deep valley, is surrounded with much terrace cultivation. descending still farther we left the downs, first coming into the scraggy woods of oaks, rhododendron, quercus, chiefly q. robur. about here we met abundance of people going to hazoo from kampo; they were accompanied with asses chiefly carrying burdens of one maund weight; few goats; one yak was seen of a black colour; a low compact animal, much resembling, except in the absence of a hump, the bison: it was not a handsome specimen. we also passed a village to the left, containing about twenty houses, here a nai gooroo, or person of rank, resides, and here i also got fruit-bearing specimens of abies pendula. noticed, as i descended, pyrus, cerasus, magnoliacea, gaultheria arborea and frutex, pteris aquelina, quercus sclerophylla of bulphai, viburnum caerulescens and angustifola! rhododendron minus, ilex! aspid. nidus, gordonia, q. lanata, woodwardia, rubia albiflora, gleichenia major, pyrus indica. then we came to a pretty temple built like a house, with a fine specimen of cypress pendula, altitude of the place 7,000 feet. from this a fine view of roondong is obtained. still descending a short distance came to another temple, with a dome of the ordinary form, and a large square terraced basement, and inscribed slabs in the recesses. hence the ascent was very steep. erythrinum, buddleia! indigofera! spiraea bella, artemisia major! polygonum rheoides! rubus deltoidens! curculigo, conaria nepalensis, thalictrum majus! asparagus, jubrung! oxalis corniculata, clematis cana, eurya ferruginea! santalacea australas, pyrus malus! elaeocarpus! maesa salicifolia. we then crossed a small torrent, and ascended about 100 feet to roongdong; noticed stemodia grandiflora! spiraea bella, conaria, erythrium, elaeagnus spinosus, salix? buds with velvet or woolly hairs, martynia! hedera! citrus! woodwardia. the transitions of the flora were this day well shewn. the plants which indicated the greatest elevation are, vaccinium, abies brunoniana, saxifraga, or adoxa, q. ilecifolia, rhododendron formosum, r. arboreum majus, sphaeropteris, ilex, eurya acuminata? panax rhododendrofol., berb. pinnata and b. asiatica, mespilus, microphylla, juncus. the occurrence of the urticea at such elevation is curious, the proofs of the wonderful effects of humidity, and non-exposure were particularly shewn, between the exposed south face of the bulphai mountain, and the north-east face which was wooded. from scarcity of grass, horses were here seen to feed on boughs so high as to be obliged to stand on stones, to get at their food. they are likewise fed on maize and tares; the poultry is of a large brood. the cocks are atrociously noisy, two in particular had such lengthened, cracked or quavering voices, that they were quite a nuisance. we put up in the house of the dumpa or head man. it is situated on the top of a stony, and a bitter cold place, exposed to the four winds of heaven. house very large, and our host a little man with great airs, and a red coat or wrapper of coarse english cloth, drinks intensely. during our stay at this place he invited pemberton and blake to shoot pigeons; the poor man thought that they would not be able to hit them, on finding out his mistake, he put an end to the sport. atriplex is cultivated here, mooreesa of assam, hempstee of the booteas, though seeds are used as well as the leaves. the loads of salt brought down by the tibetans on asses are packed up neatly in coarse cloths, and weigh upwards of forty seers each. [gradient bulphai to roongdong: g224.jpg] _february 1st_.--our march commenced by descending gradually at first, then very rapidly to the dimree nuddee: crossing this at the junction of two streams, we ascended a little and then kept along the side of the ridge forming the right bank of the nuddee, until we came over the monass: thence proceeding about one and a half mile, we reached tassgong or benka which is situated on this river, and about 1,000 feet above it. this we crossed by a suspension bridge. but little interesting botany occurred to-day: chenopodium sp. occurs in fields at roongdong. the terrace cultivation here had just yielded a crop of rice, and was now planted with wheat. agriculture would appear to be at a low ebb, and if the country is populous, the people must be half-starved. water was abundant throughout the route: the monass is a large stream, but not generally very deep, although from its rapidity it must discharge even at this season a great body of water. composita penduliflora descends to the dimree, the altitude of which is about 3,000 feet, so in fact did most of the plants found about roongdong. pyrus continues halfway, rhododendron to the bottom. hovenia at an altitude of 5,000 feet, randia--as also tetranthera oleosa, and a new flemingia. at 4,900 feet, _jubrung_ occurs.--clematis cana, luculiae sp., conyzoidea nivea, kydia calycina, mimosa arborea, began at 4,800 feet: gaultheria, arborea, gordonia, descend to the bottom: crawfurdia speciosa, oxyspora, aspidium, macrostomium, and polypodioides, saurauja hispida, hypericum, spiraea bella, gillenioinis, quercus, rubus, and viburnum caerulescens. a tree yielding lac, which had lately been cut, and meliaceae, rhus triphyllum. hence some snow was visible on a lofty ridge above our heads, at least 9,500 feet, the snow descending a considerable way down ravines. of birds, bulbuls and bucco, were here observed. at --feet, leguminosa arborea, loranthus scurrula, kydia wendlandia, celtis, osbeckia nepalensis, a vitex, grislea, pteris aquilina, indigofera! acanthacea caerulea. at --feet, triumfetta mollis, composita arborea, pterospermum, fructibus 10-valvibus, valvis lobatibus, sem. alatis. santalacea australasica, here a large shrub. at the nullah, fici sp., saccharum megala, verbenacia? foliis apice craso lobatis. on the opposite side, pinus longifolia, to within 200 feet of the nullah, phlebochiton extensus! solanum farinaceum! achyranthes densa! a plumbaginacea which is a paederioid rubiacea, and another ficus, hastingsia, bassia, labiata sudyensis, grislea, very common, emblica, ficus obliquus were found along the road, after crossing the nullah. the ridge of the mountain was rocky, barren, covered chiefly with grasses, the butea of nurtung, artemisia minor, umbelliferae, desmodium vestilum, kalanchoe, also occurred. at the few houses below our path, we saw plantains! and bamboos as well as mangoes! the terraces here are fronted with stones: lemna occurred in water; linaria on rocks; conaria and a fleshy euphorbia, this last, about villages. the occurrence of plantains and mangoes here is curious, and a sure sign of mild climate, as kalanchoe is of dryness; nothing could well exceed the barrenness of the road, from crossing dumria to benka. benka is a straggling place, built on a ridge overhanging the monass, and on exceedingly rugged ground, the north face of the ridge being nearly equally steep; the southern face, contains about fifty houses, all of which are small and a few in ruins. the only large house is the rajah's, which is said to be of chinese construction. this day the rajah paid us a visit; a tent was pitched for his reception on the open ground before our house, consisting of a small silken pall, with two high silken parti-coloured kunnauts. he arrived about eleven, preceded and succeeded by followers amounting to less than a hundred. on reaching the ground, he was carried or shuffled off his horse and deposited in the tent amid most terrific screechings. he took an immense time to arrange for our admission. we found him seated on a shabby throne, with a head priest, a coarse looking man, on his right, on a less elevated seat. brass cups, etc. were arranged before him. our chairs occupied the left; a present of fruits, onions, etc., the floor. the meeting was friendly, and he promised us coolies in two days. he is a youngish man with a square face, and was well dressed. after we had taken leave, he feasted his attendants and the spectators with salt-fish and rice. he departed about 2 p.m. the procession was as follows, both going and returning-a large, black, shaggy dog led by a chain. a drum and drummer; a gong with a melodious sound; a clarionet played by an old and accomplished musician, rivalling in its strains that beautiful instrument the bagpipe; a man bearing a wooden painted slab on a pole, on this was an inscription; a banner looking like a composition of rags; a white flaglet; fifteen matchlockmen; fifteen bowmen; the dompa of roongdong; five horses and one mule led. the household; natchees; guitar; sundries. personal attendants, looking like yeomen of the guard in red cloth dresses, variegated with yellow; the rajah wearing a chinese copper hat. lastly, the priests, of whom there were about six. these were the best clothed and best mounted, and evinced satisfactory tokens of being corporeally well off. their dress consisted of a sombre jacket with no sleeves, with either a yellow or red silk back, over this is a sombre scarf. they are great beggars, and the headman was well pleased with a present of four rupees. in return, he gave p. two, b. and myself each one paper of salt, similar to those given to the lookers-on. the ponies were all poor, excepting two or three of the rajah's own, which were handsomely equipped; these had their tails raised on end, exactly like hobby-horses. in addition to this, each was supplied with supernumerary yak tails, one on either side. the whole people collected did not amount to more than 300. the arms, at least were wretched, consisted of culverins, which went off with an enormous report, and matchlocks with short rests, like the end of a pitchfork. the bows were long and good. the helmets were worn on the head when going and coming, but were allowed to sling on the back while resting here; they are rude iron things, like bowls, but covered for some way up the sides with cloth in a most unbecoming way. dirt and noise were predominant; the dancing women, evidently not what they should be, had clean faces, but horridly dirty feet, and were very plain. the dancing was poor, consisting chiefly of ungraceful motions of the hands and forearms; the singing pleasing, harmonious but monotonous. a peculiar kind of spirit called _chonghoons_ is in great requisition: this liquor is pleasant, perfectly clear like whiskey and water, with a small matter of malt in it. fumaria is found here much more advanced than that at bulphai, drymaria ovata. they cultivate one sort of legume, perhaps more; mangoes, jacks and pomegranates; all these trees bear fruit towards the end of the hot weather. a young mango tree was observed with opposite leaves, uppermost pair one abortive nearly: thus the mariam of burma, may probably present the normal form of foliation. _adoee_ fish {227} found in the monass. bheirs, papia, tobacco, banyan, of these last, poor specimens may be seen here. the place is miserably poor, and as it is reckoned one of some importance, its condition shows the barrenness of the country. the rajah's house is a large one, apparently consisting of a quadrangle with an elevated story. news arrived yesterday to the effect that tumults still prevailed: the deb it was said had been deposed by treachery: that a new one had been permanently appointed: but that the usurper did not wish us to come on. tongsa, however, said that after we have come so far, we should advance, and that we may settle our plans at his place. _february 5th_.--left: descended immediately from the town to the bridge over the monass. the descent is steep but winding, the face of the hill being nearly precipitous. close to the river we passed a small field of cajanus, used for feeding the lac insect. the bridge is a suspension one, the chains, one on either side, being of iron in square links; the curve is considerable, in the form of the letter v, the sides being of mat. hence it is difficult to cross, and this is increased by the bridge swinging about considerably: it is seventy yards in span, and about thirty above the monass. the monass is 1,300 feet below benka, it is a large river, the banks being about eighty yards apart, but this space is not generally filled with water. its violence is extreme. we continued along this river some time, gradually rising from its bed until we ascended nearly 1,000 feet. we continued at this elevation until we reached nulka, to which place we descended a little. the whole march was through a barren, rocky, burnt-up country. the monass was in sight nearly the whole distance. passed two villages, both small, one on the right and one on the left bank of the river. no change in vegetation occurred except that we came upon pines, p. longifolia about a mile and a half from nulka, coming into flower. i am almost inclined to think this is different from the khasya species, kurrimia, indigofera pulchra, desmodium, buddleia sp., were the only plants of a novel nature that occurred. the hills are chiefly clothed with andropogoneous grasses, very little cultivation was observed, but there seemed to be more on high hills to the east. [gradient benka to nulka: g229.jpg] chapter xii. _continuation of the journey in bootan_. the following table affords the result of observations made with the view to determine the relation between temperature and altitude, in these parts. difference of difference of value in height of temperature elevation 1 degrees of temperature benka and monass, 13 degrees fahr. 1,222 feet 94 feet benka and nulka, 4 = 406 = 01-5/10 benka and khumna, 13 = 1,110 = 85-5 khumna and nulka, 16 = 1,516 = 89-3 monass and nulka, 9 = 816 = 90-6 monass and khumna, 26 = 2,332 = 89-9 --------- 6)550-8 ---------mean value of 1 degrees of fahr. as indicated on the barometer 91-8 second series of observation benka and monass, 13 degrees fahr.1,193-4 feet 91-8 feet benka and nulka, 4 = 367-2 = 91-8 benka and khumna, 13 = 1,178-1 = 90-6 khumna and nulka, 17 = 1,557-0 = 91-10 monass and nulka, 9 = 826-2 = 91-8 monass and khumna, 26 = 2,386-8 = 91-8 --------- 6)549-8 --------- 91-6 the monass is called goongree by the booteas; its bed is very much inclined, and tranquil pools are of rare occurrence: it is not fordable in any place, although many of the rapids are not very deep. the singular bridge is said to be of chinese construction, and that it serves the purpose of a chief thoroughfare, is a proof of the extremely small population of the country. onions grow at nulka, plantains, sugarcane, tobacco. bheirs are common. weeping cypress occurs, but stunted. the entrance to this village on the north-side, is through a square building, the ceiling of which is painted, and the walls decorated with figures of deities, white and red. [koollong bridge: p230.jpg] _february 6th_.--we descended immediately to the monass, keeping along its banks throughout the greater part of the march; rising however, over one or two spurs that dip into it. this river varies a good deal in width, its bed, however, is generally confined, and the stream fierce; occasionally, however it spreads out and becomes here and there more placid. we continued along its banks, crossing one or two small streams until 12 o'clock, when we reached a large torrent, the koollong, up which we proceeded three or four hundred yards, but at some height above its bed. we crossed this by a wooden bridge of similar construction with that over the deo panee, and the idea of which is ingenious. it is nearly fifty yards wide, and about twenty above the torrent. it is in a bad state, and unprovided with railings throughout the central level part. the houses into which the inclined supporting beams are fixed are strong, and built on rock. the fastenings are altogether of cane, and the whole presenting the appearance given in the annexed drawing. hence we ascended a black, rocky, burnt-up mountain until we reached khumna, the ascent amounted to nearly 2,000 feet, and occupied more than an hour. but little of interest occurred, in fact i never saw a more barren country. we passed a small village of two or three houses, and two good patches of rice cultivation, one just below nulka, one at ghoomkhume, the small village just alluded to. pinus longifolia descends nearly to the bed of the monass, which below nulka is about 2,200 feet above the level of the sea. along this i noticed hiraea, eugenia, vitis, jasminum, paederia foetida, ficus, loranthus, scurrula, desmodium, aerides, vanda, flacourtia, kalanchoe, leguminosa, _vanillidora of solani mookh_, ceanothus, bergera, dischidia bengalensis, leguminous trees, euphorbia, bassia, cheilanthes of brahmakoond common, coccoloba cyanea. in rice khets at ghoomkurrah, i found lemna, cardamine, rumex of khejumpa, cirsium decurrens, gnaphalia, datura, simool in flowers; spathoidea, oxalis coriculata, cannabis, verbesina. i observed water-ouzels, bucco, water-wagtails, bulbuls, ordinary and yellow-rumped. [gradient nulka to khumna: g232.jpg] passed cotton cultivation in two places, one close to the monass, and one to the koollong, both equally bad, and observed begonia edule, which they call sheemptsee, and which they eat. the road to-day was generally good, overhanging in one place the monass at a height of forty yards above, and below scarped precipices. the road here was constructed or supported artificially. distance six miles. _february 7th_.--to phoollong. left at 9.5 a.m., and immediately commenced ascending. the ascent was at first steep, then gradually wound round the khumna mountain, which was most barren throughout. the ascent continued but very gradually until we came near phoollong, to which we descended, and then ascended about 1,000 feet. about half-way, and when we had ascended perhaps 1,000 feet, we came on new vegetation, oaks, rhododendra, etc. as before, and this continued improving in denseness until we reached the village. the distance is five miles, ascent about 1,500 feet, but so gradual, that one would not imagine it more than 800 feet. at khumna, i noticed pinus longifolia, pyrus malus, achyranthes dense, cirrus, urtica urens, tobacco, musa, datura, artemisia major. hogs are fed here in large circular platters made of stone scooped out. commencing the ascent, i observed ficus cordata of bhamru, rhus pendula, indigofera _elatior_, conaria, pteris aquilina, cerasus commenced at 5,000 feet. then desmodium vestilum, artemisia minor, conyza laculia, rubus deltifolius, labiata sudyensis, acanth. caerulescens. quercus robur commenced at about 5,200 feet, but stunted flemingia secunda, then gaultheria arborea, gnaphalium nivea. here there was a high ridge to the right, crowned with a wood of q. robur, all the leaves of which had fallen. myrica, rhododendron, jubrung, didymocarpus contortus on rocks, cnicus, clematis cana, polygonum rheoides. at a village here, which contained ten houses, observed cupressus pendula, citrus, wheat, bambusa, then juncus. primula of the khasya hills. q. robur abundant, composita penduliflora, saurauja hispida, equisetum, rubus caesius, alnus of thumathaya, elaeagnus spinosus, e. macrophyllus 5,300 feet: plantago, coriaria, erythrina, rhus acidum, cerastium coenum, dipsacus, viburnum microphyllum, rubia cordifolia, barleria, tetranthera oleosa, hedera, gentiana, myrsine, blasia, fleshy urticea, q. robur, gordonia, adamia, neckera jungermannoides and laeta, primula in abundance, acorus, calamus, scirpus kysoor of churra, gram. latifolia, andropogonoides of suniassa. coming on a well-wooded ravine close to phoollong, the first i have seen since leaving balphai, found quercus 2, castanea, gordonia, spiraea decomposita, and s. bella, hydrangea, rhododendron, thalictrum, quercus, curculigo, viburnum caerulescens, indigofera elatior, gnaphalium niveum, sempervivum on rocks, panicum eleusinoides, thibaudia myrtifolia, swertia major, alnus as before, rubus moluccanus, salix lanata, primula simsii, phlomoides, orthodon. throughout the march we observed many detached houses on the mountains forming the right bank of the koollong, and much cultivation, all of the terrace sort. passed one village beneath us about 700 feet, containing twelve houses, and the one mentioned above; as usual, ruined houses occur. cattle furnished with litters of leaves; a curious low was heard, like that of an elephant. booteas work their own cotton, much of which is cultivated along the rivers at low elevations. higher land, certainly 11 to 12,000 feet high, was visible to the north side: on this a good deal of snow was visible. [gradient khumna to phoollong: g235.jpg} _february 8th_.--towards the morning it commenced to rain; snow has fallen on both sides the koollong: it has fallen on the road we came by yesterday, and on the hills above to within 200 feet of us, or in some places to the level of this. exemption in favour of this place is to be attributed to local causes. the trees in the neighbourhood are completely covered with it, and it is said to have fallen here twice during the night, the bootea houses are ill calculated for rain, they leak all around as indeed might be expected, from the nature of the roofs, which consist of boards, kept _in situ_ by stones. it would be curious to ascertain the temperature under which snow does not fall, and if possible the temperature here and among the snow. in the morning, sleet with a few flakes of snow fell also, but only occasionally. snow continued to fall throughout the day, and steadily too: it commenced slightly: as the cold increased it ceased to melt on reaching the ground, and at length all around was a sheet of white. the variations of the thermometer were considerable and frequent, the wind blowing pretty steadily from the south-east. at 10 a.m. 37 degrees snow commencing. at 10.5 a.m. 36 degrees south-east wind. at 10.75 a.m.40 degrees wind from the north, snow rather heavy. at 11.75 a.m.37 degrees south-east. at 12 noon 35 degrees ditto. at 12.5 p.m. 36 degrees ditto. at 2.5 p.m. 37 degrees ditto. at 4 p.m. 39 degrees ditto. at 6 p.m. 37 degrees ditto. at 9 p.m. 38 degrees ditto. fine moonlight night. view to the north beautiful; every thing silvered with snow; the deep and black ravine of the koollong is particularly conspicuous, and on some cultivated spots the pendulous cypress with its sombre head and branches covered with snow, was also remarkable, altogether a beautiful scene. larch-like firs were visible 500 feet over the road leading to this from khumna. _february 9th_.--fine sunny morning: thermometer at 7 a.m. 35 degrees: at 8 a.m. 42 degrees. hills around covered with snow. high ridge to south plainly visible, a good deal of snow visible. went out at noon over to the south-east, in which direction a pine wood was visible; this i ascertained to consist of pinus or abies pendula, which has much the habit of a larch. the altitude of this above phoollong is certainly 1,000 feet; snow covered the ground in all sheltered spots. the woods here are formed chiefly of q. robur, q. ilecifolia also occurs here and there, gordonia, cerasus, rhododendron minus. mosses and jungermanniae abound, and were in high perfection owing to being saturated with moisture. polytrichum, neckera, brachymenium, dicranum, weissiae, fissidens, hypnum, didymodon, diastoma, orthodon, were found in perfection. the only new plants were a campanula and a chimaphila, which last was found at 7,000 feet. berberis asiatica scarcely occurs below 6,000 feet, hedera. the birds seen were the jay, barbet, red-and-black-headed, variegated short-wing, large ditto of khegumpa, orange-breasted trochilus, brown fringilla, green woodpecker, black pheasant, and small squirrel of assam was also found. from the fir wood, tassyassee was distinctly visible, bearing nearly due south, distance 10 or 12 miles. koollong was also seen: all the high ground between that and bulphai was covered with snow. the high range to the south is, i think, the same as that which runs up behind from the pagoda above bulphai. a few plants of the assam indigo, ruellia indigofera, are kept here, and preserved with care, but stunted and obviously unsuited to the climate. montario, our taxidermist, says that it is the fourth plant he knows from which indigo is procured. first, indigofera--second, the custard apple, _shereefa_--third, a climbing plant used in java, etc. probably marsdenia tinctoria--fourth,--? _february 10th_.--fine weather: thermometer at 7 a.m. 40 degrees. started at 9 a.m., and reached tassyassee at 3 p.m.; the distance being nine miles. we continued throughout nearly at the same elevation, rounding the hill on which koollong is placed. about three miles from this we descended about 500 feet to a nullah, which we crossed over by means of planks, thence we ascended about the same height, and continued at nearly our former level until we descended to the koollong, which we crossed by the usual form of wooden bridge. thence we ascended 400 feet to the village, which is chiefly constituted by the rajah's house, a very large edifice. the koollong is still a considerable stream, but appears to be fordable, at least in the present season. the vegetation continued the same almost throughout. in ascending from the nullah above mentioned, we came on plenty of pinus longifolia, and on getting still nearer tassyassee the abies pendula became more and more common, until it forms on the opposite bank of the koollong opposite this, a large wood; pinus longifolia disappearing. the hills continue openly wooded, the woods consisting of oaks, chiefly q. robur and rhododendrons. in the ravines which are thickly wooded, oaks, chesnuts, cerasus, rhododendron arborea, mosses; panax two or three species, among which is a new one, _p_. _aesculifolia_, arbor parva armati, foliis 7 digitatis, paniculis nutantibus. hydrangea, viburnum caerulescens, and microphyllum, galium, ferns abundant, bucklandia likewise occurred here and there! tetranthera, valeriana, scabiosa, conaria, holcus elegans. in the broken ground before reaching this, gaultheria nummularifolia, primula minor, in crevices of rocks. in some places erythrina was very common, gentiana, dipsacus, sedum and didymocarpus contortus on rocks, saccharum aristatum, salix lanata, woodwardia, primula minor, which grows in shade on the khasya hills, is found here in sunny wet places. the scenery in some places is very romantic, and occasionally grand; the valley of the koollong being closed far to the north by a high ridge and beautiful peaks, all heavily snowed. the rajah's house is visible from a considerable distance. as we approached, some parts were rugged and bold. water abundant throughout. [gradient phoollong to tassangsee: g239.jpg] _february 11th_.--went out at 1 p.m.; descending to, and crossed the koollong, then ascending along its banks for about a mile. the bridge over this is about thirty yards wide, abutting from two houses of ordinary structure, built on solid rocks: the river is underneath the bridge apparently of great depth; above it is a succession of rapids, it is even at this, the driest season, a considerable river. the path leads in a winding direction either over rice cultivation or on precipitous banks. i noticed berberis asiatica, pinnata, a pomacea spinosa, foliis spathulatis, stauntonia latifolia, hedera, gaultheria two or three, thebaudiaceae, artemisia major, erythrina, primula stuartii in abundance, juncus, alnus, myrsina, prunella in grassy spots, rumex of khegumpa, daphne papyracae, peperomia quadrifolium, spiraea bella, viola, ophiopogon linearifol., hypericum, smilax, elaeagnus, conaria, lonicera villosa, epilobium sericeum, a common plant in all watery places, cardamina swertia, viburnum microphyllum. rhododendrum arborea and minor, leucas ciliata, thistles, pteris aquilina, neckerae, osbeckia capitata of churra, oaks, catharinea, xyris, gordonia, fragaria, potentilla two, festucoidea, cupressus pendula. the greatest acquisitions were a beautiful pink farinaceous ascapous primula, and a new genus of hamamelideae. this plant i have long known, and called _betula corylifolia_, as i had only seen it in fruit, and not examined it; it is found on the khasya hills at elevations of between 4,000 and 6,000 feet. it will be worth dedicating it to some distinguished geologist, thereby associating his name with that of bucklandia and sedgwickii. no fly-fishing is to be had in this stream, nor indeed in any at such elevations. the adoee is found, but always keeps at the bottom, the structure of its mouth pointing out its grovelling habits. the bookhar does not, i think, ascend more than 2,500 feet. water-ouzels, white-fronted sylvia occur. observed for the first time the religious vertical revolving cylinders, these revolve by the action of water, which runs on the cogs of the wheel by means of hollowed out trunks of trees. flour mills are common here, the grindstone revolves on another by means of vertical spokes, which are set in motion by a horizontal wheel, and moved by a stream let on it in the same way. funaria heygrometrina abounds in the larch wood here. this is a very cold place, although 550 feet below phoollong: it is much colder than that place: thermometer at 7 a.m. 34 degrees. snow still remains on the height around; heavy snow on the lofty ridge to the north; strong south-east winds prevail here. [tassgong from the koollong: p241.jpg] _february 12th_.--tassyassy, which is also called tassangsee, is a small place apparently consisting of one large house, belonging to the soobah, and some religious edifices, the other houses belonging to it are scattered about among the adjoining cultivation. the soobah we have just learnt is absent at tongsa, so we have no opportunity of comparing his rank with that of the tassgong man. his house is however, much larger; it is situated on a promontory formed by the debouching of a considerable sized torrent into the koollong. the bridge is at the foot of this hill, which is about 400 feet high: the house is accessible to the north and west only. half-way up a high hill to the north-west is a fort! and between the foot of this hill and the rajah's house there is a wall with a tower at the north-west end, and a house at the south-east. in the afternoon the weather threatened snow, but it ended in very slight rain. _february 13th_.--thermometer at 7 a.m. 33 degrees: at 9 p.m. 31 degrees: cloudy. observed conyza nivea, composita penduliflora, agrimonia, stemodia grandiflora, a species of alopecurus in inundated rice fields, fragaria, in the wood, arenaria, gymnostomum on the terraces. an arabis in cornfields with a viola, probably v. patrinia, gaultheria deflexa and gerardia of churra. the fir woods are comparatively bare of mosses and lichens. shot an alauda, a fringilla, and a curious climber with the tail of a woodpecker, at least so far as regards the pointing of the feathers, plumage of yunx, and beak of certhia. fine cypresses were seen opposite tassangsee. _february 14th_.--left tassangsee, diverging from the koollong at that place, and following the nullah, which falls into that river below the soobah's house. the march was a generally, continued, gradual ascent; we crossed two considerable streams by means of rude wooden bridges, and the whole march was a wet splashy one, owing to the abundance of water. snow became plentiful towards the latter end. the direction was west, the distance about seven miles. we passed two or three deserted villages. we commenced ascending through woods of stunted oaks, rhododendrons, gaultheria arborea. the chief under-shrubs being daphne papyracae, gaultheria fruticosa, primula stuartii, lycopodium of surureem, thibaudia myrtifolia continue, the alnus of beesa occurred plentifully along the bed of the nullah. spiraea decomposita, valeriana simplicifolia, conaria, scabiosa, fragaria, potentilla, geranium, artemisia major, spiraea bella, hedera, viburnum caerulescens, q. robur, crawfurdia speciosa also occurred. ascending, the oaks and rhododendrons became more developed the latter being the smaller species, bambusa microphylla, gordonia, sphoeropteris, antrophyum trichomanes, oxalis major! commenced. larches on the opposite side, saccharum aristatum, gillenioides, gleichenia major, hemiphragma, abies brunonis commence. at 6,500 feet smilax ruscoides, senecio scandens, lilium giganteum. the rhododendrons here are large, forming with oaks, open woods, mosses and lichens, very abundant. here we came on snow, with it commenced eurya acuminata, rhododendron formosa, majus, rhododendron fruticosa on ruins, pyrus malus, dipsacus. at 6,800 feet, q. ilecifolia, q. glauca, dalibarda, bambusa very common, sphagnum abundant, rhododendron formosa, majus, quercus ilecifolia larger and more common at 7,000 feet, gaultheria nummulariodes very abundant, daltonia, lomaria of khegumpa, gaultheria flexuosa, thibaudia acida, tetranthera nuda, lycopodium of surureem, primula stuartii, hyperici sp., also _h_. _moflongensis_, are found up to 7,400 feet, with hemiphragma, elaeagnus spinosus, microphyllum, juncus, alnus of beesa, saccharum aristatum. the village is a ruined one apparently, and never contained more than four or five houses, situated on an open spot, surrounded by woods. this spot is covered with sward, a fine q. ilecifolia occurs about the centre of the village. its altitude is 7,983 feet. the vegetation is the same, abies pendula, oaks, rhododendron formosa, majus, the other has disappeared, bambusa microphylla, thibaudia acida, primula stuartii, juncus. [gradient tassangsee to sanah: g243.jpg] _february 15th_.--we started very early; the coolies were all off by 6.5 a.m. our march was first over undulating ground, either sward or through green lanes. we then commenced ascending a steep hill visible from sanah, the face of which was covered with sward; at the top of this, snow lay rather thick, especially in the woods. the ascent continued, soon becoming very steep, snow laying heavily on the path, until we reached the summit of the second ridge; thence we descended a little, soon ascending again very steeply until we surmounted the highest ridge. the descent from this was at first most steep, the path running in zigzags, and being in many places very difficult. about 1,000 feet below, we came on sward, with wood on the right, along which we descended, diverging subsequently through a thick wood, until we reached sward again. here the coolies who had come up had halted, refusing to go on, as it was already dusk. learning that pemberton and b. had gone on, i hurried on likewise, expecting that the coolies would follow, and continued along the swardy ridge, the path running occasionally between patches of wood, the descent being gradual; the path then struck off into wood, and the descent became rapid. i continued onward, until it was quite dark, and finding it impossible to proceed, and meeting with no signs of b. and p., i determined on returning. i reached the coolies about eight, covered with mud, the path in the wood being very difficult and excessively slippery. i had nothing but broken crusts to eat; i procured some sherry however, and my bedding being up, i was glad to take shelter for the night under the trees. next morning on overtaking p. and b., i found that they had remained all night in the wood without any thing to eat, and without bedding, and that no habitation was near. we reached the village about 9.5 on the 16th, fatigued and dispirited. nothing was at hand, and we had no meal until 5 p.m. except some tea, and an egg or two. many of the coolies came up late on the 16th, and some have not yet arrived (17th.) the distance was fifteen miles, to the halting place about twelve. the amount of ascent about 4,500 feet, and descent 6,100 feet, the road being difficult and very slippery: snow was heavy throughout, and the elevations between 9 and 12,400 feet; icicles were frequent. the trees were all covered with frost, and the aspect was wintry in the extreme; luckily there was no wind, and no snow fell. the summit of the ridge was 12,477 feet high. no views were obtained throughout the 15th and 16th; the weather being cloudy and very disagreeable. no bad effects were experienced from the rarefaction of the air; we all suffered of course from colds owing to exposure at night, at an elevation of nearly 9,500 feet; the servants bore it tolerably well. at sanah, the altitude of which is 7,983 feet, (pemb.) i observed quercus ilecifolia, on it neckerae, anhymenium, senecio scandens, rhododendron arboreum, majus, juncus effusus, swertia, pendulous lichens, dipsacus, artemisia major, primula stuartii, berberis asiatica, bambusa microphylla, lycopodium of surureem, orthotrichum! at 8,000 feet, smilax ruscoideus, senecio scandens, woods of oak and rhododendrons, the ground and the trees covered with mosses. gnaphalium, daphne papyrif., mespilus microphyllus! gaultheria nummularioides, spiraea gillenioides, and s. bella, hypericum, gnaphalium lanceolatum, trivenum, sambucus! but withered, tetranthera nuda of bulphai, abies brunonis which is probably a podocarpus. at 8,300 feet, tussilaginoides of churra, primula stuartii common on swards with swertiae, etc. as before, funaria and weissia templetonia common, sphaeropterus! quercus ilecifolia, abies pendula, rhododendron arboreum, majus! dalibarda, rubus, ilex dipyrena! rhododendron undulatum! at 8,400 feet, the road running along, and above a ravine, rocky ground to the right, eurya acuminata! composita penduliflora. thibaudia rotundifolia, and in a swampy sward a small dwarfed very narrow-leaved bamboo, primula stuartii, gnaphalium densiflorum, swertia monocotyledonea, prunella in the woods, salix lanata, and panax rhododendrifolia. just above this, 8,500 feet, the first abies cedroides appeared, soon becoming very common, and extending up to 9,500 feet, its habit is like that of a cedar, and it is a tall handsome tree, rubia* cordifolia! geranium scandens, baptisioides. crossing a nullah, we commenced a steep ascent, thibaudacae rotundifolia, abies cedroides, lomaria of khegumpa, crawfurdia speciosa, andropogon, gaultheria nummulacifol. ilex, epibolium vaccinium cyaneum! here a sward commenced with vegetation as before, the summit of this ascent was 9,050 feet. here ilex, daphne papyracae, rhododendron, scleria, lomaria of khegumpa! primula pulcherrima! spiraea bella, gnaphalium trivenium, rubus moluccanus, thibaudia, ericinea orbiculens, spiraea decomposita, gaultheria, nummulariod., scutellaria prunella, gaultheria flexuosa, scandent composita, cerastium bacciferum. the trees covered with mosses, neckerae, dicranum, daltoniae, abies pendula ceased, its limits visible below. hence the ascent was gradual at first: snow became heavy at 9,100 feet. hemiphragma, rhododendron abundant. at 9,500 feet, much the same vegetation, abies densa commenced, cedroides ceased. woods entirely of a. densa, with a small baccate-like deciduous leaved tree. hydrangea! spiraeacea! urticeae?! pedicularis elatior. at 10,000 feet, some trees all covered with frost; snow very heavy, quite crisp, juncus niveus, cerastium inflatum! bamboos, other plants of 9,500 feet, continue. old cretins! at 11,270 feet, thermometer 39 degrees, the same trees, scarcely any thing but abies, arenoid, dicranum macrocarpus, orthotrichum, lichen pendulum atratum. thence we descended a little, soon to re-ascend. at the same elevation parnassia, epilobium monus, gnaphalium densiflor., vaccinium pumilum, gentiana, polygonum(?) at 11,000 feet, icicles were common, and snow, very heavy. woods of some abies, a species of rose very abundant, a shrub of four feet high; other plants continue as before. from this to the summit the ascent was very steep; abies continues. rhododendron(?) very common, with rose, parnassia, saxifraga, composita arenoid, gentiana, polygonum(?), pedicularis dwarfed, triticoides, aroides. many pines dead as if blasted. summit nearly bare of trees, which appear confined to slopes, rhododendron very common, umbellifera crassa, figured in royle, lilium unifloria. at 12,000 feet, after descent, commenced hymenophyllum, xyris on rocks, pyrus at 11,500 feet, rhododendron ellipticum common, summit strewed with rocks, rhododendron pumilum. at 10,000 feet, the spilus microphyllus, polygonum, as well as on ascent gaultheria nummularioid., swards abounding with gramen nardoides(?), dipsacus minor, epilobium parnassia, swertia, umbelliferae, primula scapigerc. floribus in globum densum, pedalis, habenariae herminioid. at the halting place 9,700 feet, berberis ilecifolia, daphne papyracae, thibaudia myrtifolia, baptisia, dipsacus, major, swertim pedicularis, andropogones, ilex dipyrena, rumex of khegumpa, betula, euonymus cornets, abies cedroides, and brunonis, geranium scandens, pyrus, hypericum moflongensis, hemiphragma, mespilus microphyllus, panax rhododendrifol., rhododendron obovatum. at 9,500 feet, rhododendron arborea, majus, abies cupressoides, gaultheria nummularioides flexuosa, thibaudiacea rotundifolia, primula stuartii, stunted juncus. at 9,000 feet, q. ilecifolia, rhododendron undulatum, primula pulcherrima, tetranthera nuda, chimaphiliae! andropogons, rhododendron arbor, majus, common, which varies much in size of leaves, dalibarda, smilax ruscoideus. at 8,500 feet, berberis pinnata, asiatica, buddlaea purpurea; eurya acuminata. at 8,000 feet, gnaphalium trivenium, baptisia, spiraea, (gillenioid) bella, artemisia major. 7,500 feet, rhododend. minus arborea, leucas ciliata, and woods of q. robur, as usual deciduous. [gradient sanah to linge: g248.jpg] all the plants above 10,500 feet, had perished, not a single one being found in flower. the descent was so hurried, that it was impossible to note down more plants; and the same applies to the descent to this from the halting place. starvation being to be added to discomfort. of rhododendrons, the species observed, may be characterized as follows:- _floribus in racemis umbelliformibus_. 1. r. _arboreum_, arboreum, foliis oblongo obovatis, subtus argenteis. 2. r. _ferrugineum_, arboreum, foliis obovatis, supra rugosis, subtus ferrugineis.--no. 654. 3. r. ----fruticosum, foliis oblongis, subtus ferruginea lepidotis.--no. 652. 4. r. _ellipticum_, fruticosum, foliis ellipticis.--no. 653. 5. r. ----fruticosum, foliis ellipticis basi cordatis subtus glaucus reticulatis.--no. 659. 6. r. ----fruticosum, foliis lanceolato oblongis, sub-obovatis, subtus punctatis.--no. 655. 7. r. _undulatum_, fruticosum, foliis elongati lanceolatis, undulatis subtus reticulatis.--no. 656. _floribus solitariis_. 8. r. _microphyllum_, fruticosum, lotum ferrugineo lepidotum, foliis lanceolatis parvis. _february 17th_.--snow has fallen during the night all around, but not within 1,000 feet of us: this will make the snow line here about 7,300 feet, the village being 6,335 _supra marem_. mildness of climate would appear to be indicated by the abundance of rice cultivation round this place, chiefly, however, about 1,000 feet below. in every direction ranges of 9 to 12,000 feet are visible: villages are very common, especially so in a hollow on the western side of the ravine of the kooree, in which i counted sixteen or eighteen; one containing between thirty and forty houses. the space alluded to is one sheet of cultivation, chiefly rice and wheat. linge itself is an ordinarily sized village, containing about twelve houses. the wooded tracts cease for the most part, about 1,000 feet above this. the face of the country, where uncultivated, being clothed with harsh andropogoneous grasses, salix pendula, thuja pendula, pyrus malus, erythrina, quercus, juncus effusus, porana of churra, plantago, barleria, polygonium rheoides, stellaria media, rubus deltifoliis, cnicus, rhodod. arboreum minus, but rare, smithea occurs also. _february 18th_.--our march commenced by a steep descent on the south face of the hill, the coolies proceeding by a more direct one to the north, but which was said to be difficult. we continued descending in a westerly direction, until we came in sight of the kooree river which flows along the ravine, and which is a large stream, one-third less than the monass. we then turned to the north following the river, the path running up, about 800 feet above it. we then came to another ravine, and descended to the torrent, which we crossed by a rude wooden bridge: then followed again the kooree, to the bed of which we descended, and along which we continued for some time. we then ascended where the banks were of such a nature as not to allow a path, descending again here and there. then we came on the khoomun, a large torrent, which we crossed by a wooden bridge about 100 yards above its bed; re-descended to the kooree, reached its bridge; and thence descending rather steeply, and for about one and a half mile to ling-ling, or lengloon, which is plainly visible from the bridge over the kooree. after turning to the north along the kooree, and indeed after passing the cultivation below linge, which chiefly occupies a sort of plateau, we passed through a most miserable country, the hills being rocky, nearly destitute of trees, and chiefly clothed with the usual coarse andropogoneous grasses, especially lemon-grass, occurred between linge and lengloon. at 5,000 feet, observed desmodium, santalacea australasia, gaultheria arborea, indigofera, as before, clematis cana, acanthacea caerulescens, pteris aquilina, viburnum caerulescens, oxyspora, panicum eleusinoides, anthistiria, conyza, ficus cordifoliis of bhamree, labiata suddiensis, corearia, rhus pendula, airoides major, flemingia secunda and major. at 4,800 feet, desmodium vestilum, stunted, q. robur, dipsacus, epilobium, elaeagnus microphyllus, spinosus. at 4,600 feet, sedum, campanula, osbeckia capitata, citrus in villages, emblica, artemisia minor. at 4,000 feet, paederia cyanea, lemon-grass, panax, terebinthaceus, pinus longifolia, here and there, ficus obliqua, grislea, cirsium. at the bed of the torrent 4,000 feet, bassia. over the kooree, euphorbia antiqorum, a sure sign of aridity. didymocarpea contorta, d. canescens, which differs from the other in being hirsute, menispermum, holcus elegans. along its bed, sedum of phoollong, eugenia, achyranthis, ingoides arborea, aspidium polypodioides, briedleia obovata; desmodium of nulka! arundo, buddlaea neemdoides, jasminum of benka, composita, involucri squamis ciliatis. rice fields, in these gnaphalium aureum, phleoides of tassangsee, but in full flower, lysimachia majus, rugosus, oxalis comiculata, hieracioid, composita, lactucoid purpureseus, ammannia, bidens alba, drymaria. then along the wooded banks, wendlandia, _pomacea_? mimosa arborea, camunium, butea suffruticosa, pterospermum of bhamree, luculia, ulmus, as before, pinus longifolia, rottlera, melica latifolia, young plants of q. robur on rocks, along with it goodyera articulata, urticoid rhombifolia, carnosa; on rocks up khoomun, orthotrichum corcalypta. at the bridge over this, a myrtaceous tree and the simool occur. the plants occur during the ascent, as in the descent. water-wagtails, blackbirds, tomtits, were observed, as also white-pated and white-rumped water-chats. _february 19th_.--ling-ling or lengloon. _february 20th_.--to-day we visited the soobah, who is a young man, certainly not more than twenty years old, with a good humoured countenance. the meeting was cordial but unattended with any state, and judging from appearances only, this soobah is inferior to the others we have seen, and especially to him of tassgong. no armed men were present, and the whole bystanders scarcely amounted to 100. it was agreed that we remain here until the baggage, now in the rear, arrives. tonsa is, we hear, only four or five days journey from this. the meeting took place in an open plot of ground below the soobah's house and on the skirts of the village, the ground was matted and a space enclosed with mats: we sat in the open air; the soobah under a silken canopy. altogether he seemed a person of no pretensions, crowds, speaking comparatively, of priests attended as usual, they were the slickest looking of the whole, and the greatest beggars. a hideous party of _nachnees_ were in attendance, and ready to perform any more pleasing duties they might be required; they were however so ugly, that not much self-denial was required in declining their offers. they were dressed in red, with abundance of cumbrous silver ornaments, and dirty leggings; one was additionally ornamented with incipient goitre. sugarcane (but stunted), almonds, or peach, oranges, castor-oil, datura, pear, simool, may be found here. oranges are poor enough, the pear no better. pinus longifolia, cupressus pendula, are almost the only trees: the hills being barren, covered with coarse grasses. _february 23rd_.--marched to tumashoo: our march commenced with a steep ascent, but which may be avoided by going through the village, it commenced and continued throughout in the direction of linge, opposite to which place we found ourselves on our arrival, but on the right bank of the river. the highest part reached, before we descended to this village, was 6,350 feet, or about the height of linge. the march was nearly six miles, it was easy, the road being throughout excellent and apparently more frequented than any we had hitherto seen. generally we moved along through open rhododendron woods, frequently very much stunted, at 6,000 feet. these were intermixed with quercus tomentosa. the only spot well wooded, occurred in the ravines, giving exit to small streams. the first ascent from leng-leng, gave the same vegetation, scarcely any trees being visible. tradescantia clavijera of churra on rocks, galium of churra, santalacea, desmodium vestilum, indigofera canescens, artemisia major and minor, oxyspora, luculia, conaria, sambucus in wet places, lobelia pyramidalis, spiraea bella and decomposita, thalictrum majus, gaultheria fruticosa, woodwardia, saurauja hispida, rhododendron minus, and lemon-grass, occurred in the order of ascent. turning hence along the ridge at the same elevation, gaultheria arborea, quercus tomentosa, rhododendron minus, hedychium, holcus elegans, leucas ciliata. in wet wooded spots gaultheria duplexa, bucklandia, viburnum caerulescens, polyg. rheoides, erythrina, gordonia, porana, neuropeltis aromatica, catharinea, thibaudia myrtifolia, in open massy woods of rhododendron minus and quercus tomentosa, rosa, cnicus, pyrus, gleichenia major, agrimonia occurred at the same elevations. from one spot seven villages were visible, on opposite bank of kooree and between linge and the khoomun. a few stunted p. longifolia: one or two of abies pendula, occurred 100 feet above the highest point of the former: at 6,350 feet, woods of the deciduous q. robur, were observable. on the descent at 6,000 feet, mimosa spinosa, primula stuartii, rhus, juncus, and others, as before. we passed several villages, some containing twenty or thirty houses, and on halting found ourselves towards the edge of the cultivated tract alluded to, as seen from linge. cattle are here kept in farm yards which are well littered with straw; as in other places they are noosed round the horns: they are fed, while tied up, on straw of a coarse and unnutritious description, which they do not seem to fancy much. pigeons abound, but they are of no use as they cannot be caught; they may help to feed the sparrow-hawks, which are generally found about the villages, and which are very bold. _february 24th_.--left at 8 a.m. after the usual trouble about coolies and ponies. we ascended at first about 1,000 feet, passing over sward with woods of p. longifolia on either side, crossing the ridge through a hollow, we then commenced a steep descent to the west, until we reached a water-course, the elevation of which is about 200 feet below that of tumashoo. we then struck off, again to ascend, and continued to do so until we attained 7,800 feet, from which point we descended gradually at first, then abruptly to our _mokan_. the direction was nearly west, the distance 11 miles, the march pretty easy, as the road was good, and the ascent gradual. up to the ravine and indeed throughout, nothing new occurred in the vegetation. the hill up which we ascended to again descend, was bare, covered with the usual coarse grasses, campanula linearis and c. cana, foliis undulatis, desmodium vestilum, santalacea. in the ravine gordonia, photinia, pothos flammea and another species, maesa, polygonum rheoides, ficus of bhamree, and in the khets hieraceoid, gnaphalium aureum, ajuga, and veronica occurred. up the first ascent and at about 5,500 feet, there was a field of peas, in very luxuriant condition. our road lay through open dry woods of oaks, either q. robur or q. tomentosa, principally the latter, rhododendron minus, and pinus longifolia preponderated in some places, but few trees of abies pendula occurred. the march was so far interesting as establishing nearly the limits of q. robur, q. tomentosa and q. ilecifolia, which last only commenced, and then in a small state, at 7,300 feet, i should say that q. tomentosa was to it the next indication, as well as q. glauca. but it must be understood that only full grown trees are now considered. mosses were common in the woods on reaching 6 to 7,000 feet, principally dicrana, hypna, orthotricha, pendulous lichens frequent; about 7,000 feet, primula stuartii in its old situations between 6 to 7,000 feet, hypericum of moflong, 7,000 feet. we crossed several small water-courses, along these, the dry woods ceased, and the usual humid jungle made its appearance; mosses very numerous. [gradient longloon to tumashoo: g254.jpg] the above plants continued throughout, after reaching an altitude of 6,000 feet, the woods consisting of oaks and rhododendrons. the route for the most part wound along the course of the kooree, but considerably above, we left this track about 3 p.m. on the river turning to the southward. linge was in sight nearly the whole day; we have been six days (including a halt) performing what might with ease be done in one, for there probably is a road in a direct line between this part and the opposite bank of kooree. the small-crested finch, and red-beaked and red-legged fare occurred, the former is a noisy bird, inhabiting chiefly woods of q. robur, the flock were loth to leave one particular spot, so that we obtained five specimens: the finch occurred at 7,800 feet. various temples and walls were passed en route, and a few villages, with one exception of average small size, were visible in various directions. _february 25th_.--our route hence continued for some time at about the same level, when we descended rather rapidly, until we reached a considerable stream, the oongar, which is crossed by the ordinary wooden bridge; about 200 yards further, it is again crossed by means of a rude bridge, and the remainder of the march is a steep, long, and unmitigated ascent. i reached the tent about 5 p.m.; we passed one village situated near the larger bridge, with this exception the country seemed uninhabited: very little cultivation was visible in any direction. the vegetation was the same, for the most part, the drier faces of the hills being covered, i.e. at about the level of oongar, with oaks and rhododendrons, the wet ravines being more densely, and more variously wooded. on sward about oongar, i noticed a pedicularis, artemisia major, stellaria angustifolia, berberis pinnata in woods at the same elevation, plantago, crawfurdia speciosa, rubus deltoideus, alnus of beesa, otochilus, gordonia, lilium giganteum, bucklandia. in one spot near this place mosses were very abundant. on one rock i gathered, weissioides, orthodon, pohlia, brachymenium bryoides, weissia, bartramioides, didymodon, daphne papyrifera, and eurya acuminata, this being about the lowest elevation at which i have seen this plant. in cultivated spots crucifera, ervum, and at a temple about a mile from oongar, cupressus pendula, and a juniper, arbor parva, of aspect scraggy, trunco laevi, cannabis, cerastium canum in cultivated places. the most common oak was q. robur. the jay, larger brachypodium, which always goes in large flocks, orange-breasted trochilus and blackbird, were likewise seen, as well as the brown finch, which was seen feeding on rhododendron minus. on rocky ground i procured a really fine acanthus, leaves all flesh-coloured, subscandens, spic. maximis lanato-ciliatis, tetrastich. on this the black cattle appear to be fed, as large bundles were brought in at oongar. in the woody ravines panax curcasifolia was common, in these i noticed cerastium scandens, elaeagnus, clematis, tetrantheroidea habitu, sedgewickiae! orthotrichum pumulum! phlomoides, and in wet spots are epilobium. the descent shewed nothing remarkable: towards the nullah i noticed engelhaardtia, tree fern, and gaultheria deflexa. obtained a beautiful woodpecker at 5,000 feet, with the chesnut-pated lesser tomtit, yunx, and speckled brachypodium in woods here; this last has the habit and manners of the crooked bill of dgin. the wood between the two bridges was very pretty and open; the trees covered with mosses. the ascent shewed nothing remarkable until 2,000 feet had been surmounted, the plants forming the vegetation below this were q. robur, rhododendron minus in abundance, thibaudia myrtifolia, gaultheria arborea, saurauja hispida uncommon, viburnum caerulescens, conyza nivea, oxyspora towards the base with paper plant, and bambusa microphylla. about 5,000 feet, a daltonia, d. hypnoides, was found in abundance both on rocks and trees. the change takes place about the situation of a spacious open sward; here the jungle is thick, the trees consisting principally of q. glauca, which is a noble tree, with immense lamellated acorns, pendulous lichens are here common, hymenopogon parasiticus, lomaria of khegumpa! berberis asiatica! hemiphragma, gaultheria nummulareoides, panax rhododendrifol. at 7,500 feet, rhododendron majus appears, the wood preserving the umbrageous humid aspect, eurya acuminata, hydrangea, and about this snow commenced sparingly, but soon became thick. at 8,000 feet, rhododendron undulata, tetrantheroides baccis nigris. at 9,000 feet, rhododendron ferrugineum. the evening now became so misty that it was impossible to discern any thing; in addition, it was snowing: these circumstances added to fatigue made me press on for the halting place, before coming to which i passed through heavy snow. _pemee_, where we put up, is a miserable hut, is upwards of 9,000 feet above the sea, situated on an open sward, now densely covered with snow, the accommodations being of course very miserable. icicles of large size were seen here; and we had nothing but snow for water. _february 26th_.--leaving this, we commenced a long and at last very steep ascent, the snow increasing in thickness as we increased our elevation, the march commenced with undulations, but soon passed off into an excessively steep ascent, in some parts indeed precipitous. we crossed at twelve and a half p.m. the pass of rodoola, on which are some slabs, with mystic characters, but even here the ascent did not terminate, but continued, although very gradually for perhaps two miles more. before coming to the summit, a small hut is passed. the descent was at first very rapid, then we proceeded along the side of the mountain for a long way, at nearly the same level through woods of abies densa. on recommencing the descent, swardy patches commenced, surrounded by fir woods, these increased in frequency. at length we reached extensive fir woods, from whence a valley was visible, percolated by a large stream to which we descended over open country with beautiful patches of firs, and at length over extensive swards. i reached the village at 5 p.m., after a march of nearly nine hours, the direction was west, the distance eighteen miles. the road was very bad; in one place our ponies escaped with difficulty, the road having apparently fallen in, and the only footing being afforded by the thickness of the snow: one pony was saved by placing branches under him. the highest portion of the pass near the peak was good enough. snow was heavy on the road, until we descended into the open fir-wooded country, it became scanty at 9,500 feet. the day was gloomy and misty, for a moment, the sun appeared while i stood on the summit, disclosing deep ravines, one formed by the valley in which we now are, surrounded in every direction by equally high land, as that on which i stood, and certainly not under 12,000 feet. nothing visible but dense forests of firs. the highest point crossed was 12,035 feet, estimating the summit to be 300 feet above the pass itself, which is so narrow as scarcely to admit of the passage of a loaded mule. in the open spot around the hut, tofieldioid, which continues as high as 10,500 feet, cerastium inflatum, labiata species, conecis, which, as on dhonglaila, continues up to 12,000 feet, dipsacus, prunella, gaultheria nummularioides, pteris aquilina, stunted, juncus niveus, gnaphalium. no firs were visible, but the trees were so covered with snow, that i was not able to distinguish them. at 9,800 feet, along an open ridge, spiraea belloides, buddlaea, b. purpurasae, khasyanae affinis, andropogones, mespilus microphyllus, hydrangea, taxus, swertia, gnaphalium, thibaudia orbicularis commences, continuing up to 10,500 feet, brachymenium bryoides, bambusa very common, forming frequently the chief bulk of the forest, even up to 10,500 feet, acer arbuscula foliis palmatum lobatis!! pyrus arbor magna fol. obovat. serratis subtus albus, fructibus cerasi magnitudinum. at 10,000 feet, composita penduliflora! hemiphragma, lobelioides, brachymenium bryoides, rhododendron minus ferrugineum, arboreum vel arbuscula, rhododendron obovatum, foliis subtus albus, rhododendron hispidum, rosa microphylla, bambusa, spiraea of former ascent. at 10,200 feet, polygonum, rheum, hydrangea! spiraea belloides, hydrangea, betuloides. at 10,500 feet, abies densa, but sparingly, rhododendron ellipticum, foliis basi cordatis, hypericum, rhododendron microphyllum. at 11,000 feet, no firs: nothing almost but rhododendrons, r. ellipticum, and r. ellipticum foliis basi cordatis. at 11,500 feet, vaccinium, foliis ovatis spinuloso-dentatis, atratus fructex pygmaeus repens. towards the pass, the face of the mountain became more and more rugged, the vegetation more scanty, consisting of nothing but rhododendrons. at 12,000 feet, eriogonum minus, polygonum, rheum, rhodod. microphyllum and ellipticum foliis basi cordatis. about the pass, trichostomum, _xyris_, abies densa, one small plant, rosa, eriogonum minus, rhododendron microphyllum and ellipticum foliis basi cordatis. on the more level ridge between this pass and the summit, rhododendrons still were most frequent, triticoides umbellifera of royle, eriogonum majus, woods of abies densa occurred a little below the path, gentiana maxima, 4-pedalis folliculis bipollicaribus, lilium uniflorum, potentilla common between this and 9,000 feet, rosa microphyllum, juniperus, epilobium minus of dhonglaila, rheum. large black crow, pedicularis, saxifraga, umbellifera alia, compositae, spiraea. at the summit, no woody vegetation was visible, except rhododendrons; the firs being confined below. the descent at first through rhododendron, then for a long time entirely through vast woods of abies densa, most of the larger trees of this are apparently blasted, it has a tabular form, and very sombre appearance, and can be recognized even at great distances by its black columnar palmlike appearance. at 11,000 feet, acer sterculiacea, rosa microphylla, ribes, which ceases below 10,000 feet, it is confined to the a. densa woods. at 10,500 feet, saxifraga, two species on moist banks, a. densa woods, small umbellifera. the sward commences at about 10,000 feet, and is common at 9,500 feet. it is clothed principally with the small bamboo noticed in similar places above sanah. berberis spathulata commences. it is with this sward that a new fir, with a larch-like look, which i call temporarily abies spinulosa, commences, and continues down to the nullah, becoming more abundant as a. densa becomes less abundant, and finally usurping its place entirely. rhododendron microphyllum continues to 9,600 feet, at which point baptisoidea commences. the vegetation hence to bhoomlungtung consists entirely of abies spinulosa, intermixed with a species very like abies pendula, this appears at about 9,500 feet. the sward consists of small grasses, juncus niveus, gnaphalium, hypericum of mollong, suffrutex incertus. juncus effusus at 9,000 feet, with prinsepia utilis. the marked indicators of great elevation are a. densa, polygonum, rheum! eriogona! rhododendron microphyllum, ellipticum, and ellipticum foliis basi cordatis, epilobium, triticoides, holcoides, umbellifera of royle, saxifragae, ribes, juniperus. the most marked peculiarity is the comparative absence of a. densa on the east side of the mountain, and its excessive abundance on the west. this valley may be justly called the valley of pines, for in no direction is any forest to be seen but those composed of pines. the change indeed is extraordinary, in other respects as indicated by the presence of a new rosa and prinsepia utilis. another peculiarity is the appearance for the first time of a. spinulosa. the range of which is between 8 to 10,000 feet; this is a beautiful tree, and disposed in beautiful groups. the valley altogether is a beautiful one, and actually repays one for the trouble endured in getting access to it. the temperature in crossing the ridge was below that on dhonglaila, and below the freezing point at times. no inconvenience was felt by us from the elevation, but many of our servants suffered probably as much from fright as cold. _february 27th_.--halted. _february 28th_.--this valley is certainly the prettiest place we have yet seen, the left bank is particularly level, but neither are of much breadth, the hills adjacent present rounded grassy patches, interspersed with beautiful groves of pines. the level space, as well as the more favourable sites on the slopes of the hills, are occupied by wheat cultivation, which is carried on in a more workman-like manner, than any of the previous cultivation i have hitherto seen. the fields are occasionally surrounded with stone walls, but generally only protected from the inroads of cattle by branches of thorny shrubs strewed on their edges. they are kept clean, and above all, manure is used: it is however dry and of a poor quality, apparently formed of animal and vegetable moulds. in some of the fields the surface is kept very fine, all stones and clods being carefully removed and piled up in various parts of the field, but whether these masses are again strewed over the ground. the plough is used, and penetrates to about four inches. hoes and rakes are also used, but the angle of the handle is much too acute. radishes are grown with the wheat: no rice is cultivated here. the village bhoomlungtung, at which we are stationed is on the left bank of a branch of the bhoomla nullah, a river of some size, but fordable in most places, its bed being subdivided. it is 8,668 feet above the sea. the houses are ordinary, but they are surrounded with stone walls. our's, which is a portion of the dhumpas or headman's, has a court-yard, surrounded by a stone wall, and the entrance is defended by a stout and large door. the natives invariably wear dark clothing, the colour being only rivalled by that of their skins, for i never saw dirtier people. the bhooteas hitherto visited, were quite paragons of cleanliness compared to those we are now among. half ruined villages are visible here and there, although otherwise the appearance of the valley is prosperous enough. the valley is surrounded on all sides by hills of great altitude, the lowest being 10,500 feet high. snow is plentiful on the ridges, but it does not remain long below, although falls are frequent. no fish are to be seen in the river, which is otherwise as regards appearance as beautiful a trout stream as one could wish to have. the birds are the common sparrow, field-fare, red-legged crow, magpie, skylark, a finch which flies about in large flocks, with a sub-forked tail, raven, red-tailed stonechat, larger tomtit, syras, long-tailed duck, and quail, which is much larger than that found in assam. the woods are composed entirely of abies pendula, a few a. spinulosa occur, intermixed, but the woods of the latter species are scarcely found below 9,500 feet. the ridges are clothed with the columnar abies densa. in thickets a smaller rosa, rhododendron ellipticum, foliis basi cordatis, rhododendron elliptica, foliis subtus argenteis, rhodod. gemmis viscosis. berberis asiatica, hamamelidea? bambusa microphyllum, philadelphus, thibaudia orbicularis, mespilus microphyllus, taxus or abies brunonis, ilex dipyrena, occur. the sward shews small grasses, all past flower, hemiphragma, thymus, dipsacus, juncus niveus, gnaphalia 2, 3, potentilla. the fields have crucifera lamium and verbascum, a late biennial species, caule simplici, hemiphragma. the marshy spots abound with juncus effusus, and shew also a primula out of flower, and a xyris past flowering. along the bed of the river, hippophae is the most common plant. lastly, a few trees occur of q. ilecifolia, which assumes a very handsome character, looking much like a conifera at some distance, one group occurs near the village, and a solitary tree or two elsewhere. the other woody vegetables are rosa fructibus hispidis, cycnium, pomacea arbuscula, and one or two other deciduous shrubs. the willow tree is also common. _march 1st_.--marched to byagur, we were told that the march was a short one, and that we should continue throughout along the bhoomlungtung river, which is called tung-chiew. we did keep along this for about two miles, when we struck off into the hills passing through a village, we continued rising for perhaps 1,000 feet, when we descended to a small nullah. leaving this we commenced an ascent, and a very long one too, and continued to ascend until we surmounted the ridge overlooking the river, on which byagur or iugur is situated. to the place we descended, the march was fourteen miles, direction westerly. highest ground traversed about 9,500 feet high. road throughout winding round and up hills, through woods of abies pendula: nothing of interest occurred. magpies, crows, chatterer feeding on pine cones, common in woods at 9,000 feet. passed two or three villages, all containing ruined houses. direction we pursued was that of the tung-chiew river, until we reached the ridge guiding the byagur river to it: their junction takes place two or three miles below this place, cycnium occurred on the road in plenty, also sarcococea. horseshoe curlew, the same as we shot at daimara, common in the tung-chiew, along which the chief shrubs are hippophae and elaeagnus, particularly in the islets which are not uncommon in its bed. the common water wagtail also occurs. i find that the root of the common potentilla is used here, as about nunklow, as a substitute for _sooparee_, it is unpleasantly astringent. observed rhododendron microphylla on the loftier ground; very high land, 18,000 feet visible to the south along the course of tung-chiew, covered with heavy snow: abies pendula is occasionally a beautiful tree, 100 feet high, and in appearance something like a cedar, the finest occurs at a monastery under a bluff rock, about one and a half mile from bhoomlungtung on the tung-chiew; daphne papyriferae occurred at 9,000 feet. the heaps of earth piled up in the fields before sowing, consist of burnt rubbish, the ashes are subsequently spread out. the manure consists entirely of vegetables: here i find that the pine leaves are piled up, and formed into manure by fermentation. _march 2nd_.--byagur, the soobah's house is about 500 feet above us, and is a huge rambling edifice. we are in a village situated in a rather capacious valley, percolated by a large river, twice the size of the tungchiew, which is crossed by an ordinary bridge, the river runs close to the hills, which form the left bank, the right is a sort of plain, occupied by wheat cultivation, and which has apparently at a former period, been the bed of the river. in this valley other villages are visible, but they are small, and nothing indicates either fertility or prosperity. the valley is surrounded on all sides by high mountains, those towards bhoomlungtung being lowest. to the north-east very high land is visible. the ridge which separates us from tongse is, in the highest parts, certainly 12,000 feet, and covered with snow. the people are dirty to an excess. crow, sparrow, alauda, are the birds here. saw a fox, an animal of some size, with a beautiful brush. the botany is poor, the hills are clothed with the usual grasses, abundance of abies pendula. the khets or fields present the old lamium and crucifera. the only trees are one of q. ilecifolia, and one or two of salix lanata. _march 3rd_.--cycnium is found here, but is put to no use. the crops which are now springing up are very poor, the soil being extremely bad, they are irrigated by means of canals, but terraces are not in use, the ground being too level, the embankments are much smaller than those used in rice cultivation. the place is bleak in the extreme, and here, as often on the western face of the himalaya, at this season a fierce diurnal wind rises directly the sun gets power, which always blows up the ravines or against the streams draining these, it dies away towards evening, generally. it is cold in the extreme, and must check vegetation extremely. syras, common here, as at bhoomlungtung. the ridge above this which is crossed coming from bhoomlungtung, is 9,947 feet high, yet no snow was on the ground. the contrast between it and pemee in regard to snow and vegetation is remarkable; there the woods were thick, luxuriant, and varied, here nothing is to be seen but abies pendula. i consider this a proof that a. pendula is a native of places below much snow, and that where snow abounds, it will not be found to extend above 8,000 feet. the dwarf bamboo of sanah is common here, covering large patches of ground, lamium of bulphai in the vicinity of temples, and enclosing pagodas. the people here evince great skill in figures, but none in architecture. the soobah's house, a castellated heterogeneous mansion, spread over much ground, the defences on one side reaching nearly to the level of the valley. the kumpa dogs are fierce and handsome, with the bark of a mastiff, they are not apparently deterred by threats, but rather the contrary. a woman with dropsy, wrapped in filthy clothes, presented herself and evinced great anxiety to have her pulse felt, but the dirt of her clothes was such, that i made excuses. manure for the land consists of pine leaves, etc. mixed with cow-dung. the cattle are well littered; and grass is here of rather better description: all cattle are however in wretched condition notwithstanding, and the cows give very little milk. the houses of the poorer orders, are unornamented, but those of the better classes are always ornamented with a belt of red ochre outside. there are no large boulders in the river here, although it runs with violence. this is owing to the softness or tenacity of the rocks. _march 4th_.--our march commenced with a steep ascent up the ridge, forming the west boundary of the valley, surmounting this we proceeded on for some distance at about the same level, and thence descended rapidly to a nullah. we then ascended slightly, and subsequently descended to the valley, in which the village jaisa is situated. the distance was nine miles; the march was pretty, almost entirely through fir woods, three villages were visible in a valley to the left, which is in fact the termination of the jaisa one, but beyond the valleys no cultivation whatever was visible. the first part was up a barren grassy slope, after which we entered fir woods, these at first were almost entirely constituted of abies pendula. at 9,000 feet chimaphila, berberis spathulata, abies pendula, bambusa microphylla of sanah, mespilus microphyllus, rhododendron elliptica, foliis basi cordatis subtus argenteis, philadelphus lycopod. of surureem, gaultheria nummularifolia, rhododendron viscosum. at 9,300 feet, abies spinulosa becomes more common, rosa hispida and microphylla! pinus cedroides commences, dalibarda, daphne papyracea, thymus, gnaphalia, mespilus and berberis, as before, potentilla. at 9,500 feet, snow lying on the path in sheltered places, euphorbia, gaultheria arboreoides, hypnum rubescens, scolopendrioids, pteris aquilina, melianthus, rosa, frutex erectus ramis hispidissimis, ramulis subglabratis, fructibus pendulis glabris, tubo-ovato, sepalis lanceolatis. salix arbuscula, gemmis rubur glabris, foliis lanceolatis subtus glaucis, amentis faeminies pendulis, bupleurum, hydrangea, spiraea densa belloides! prunella, pinus cedroides common at potentilla. at 9,700, 9,800, to 10,000 feet, abies densa, a few trees, as usual many blasted, from lightning confined entirely towards the summit, acer sterculiacea, aruncus, thibaudia orbicularis, a. spinulosa very common, a. pendula ceases, or at most only stunted plants occur, mespilus microphyllus, berberis spathulata, baptisia, these were very common on west face, which is level enough and open. here also pedicularis, bupleurum, stunted pteris aquilina, polygonum, rheum! avena! pendulous lichens luxuriant. along the level tracts, the woods consisted entirely of abies spinulosa, a minute gentiana common on the sward. the descent was steep to the ravine; half-way down a. pendula commenced to flourish, and towards the ravine it was more common than a. spinulosa; rhododendron microphyllum was seen on this face at 9,500 feet, verbascum at 9,200 feet, but most of the plants seen on the east face were not found on this. acer sterculiacea, however occurred at 9,800 feet, otherwise pines were the most prominent feature. at the nullah, dipsacus, elaeagnus, salix lanata, artemisia major, daphne papyracea, rhododendron viscosum, mespilus microphyllus, rosa hispida, spinus acutissimis, bambusa of sanah, plectranthus a large suffruticose annual species, common in all the same altitudes, were observed. the subsequent descent was through woods of a. pendula, with a few of a. spinulosa intermixed. the limits of a. densa, a. spinulosa and a. pendula, melianthus, acer sterculiacea, thibaudia orbicularis, a. cedroides, rosa microphylla, pedicularis, hydrangea, baptisia, berberis spathulata were well determined. they may be expressed as follows: a. densa, 10 to 13,000 feet, a. spinulosa, 9 to 10,500 feet, a. pendula, 6 to 9,000 feet, melanthus, 9,500 feet, acer sterculiaceum, 9,800 to 10,000 feet, thibaudia orbicularis, 10,000 feet, a. cedroides, 9,000 to 9,800 feet, rosa microphylla, 9,800 to 13,000 feet, pedicularis, 10 to 12,500 feet, hydrangea, 4 to 10,000 feet unless two species are confounded, baptisia, 9 to 9,800 feet, berberis spathulata, 9 to 10,000 feet. _jaisa_ is a good sized village for bootan, and the houses are rather large. we were lodged in the castle, a large building, with a capacious flagged court-yard, surrounded by galleries: we were housed in the grand floor of the higher portion fronting the gate. a good deal of wheat cultivation occurs around. the village is situated in a small nullah, surrounded on all sides by pine-clad hills. the vegetation is precisely the same as at juggur, with the exception of a ligustrum, which is common along the nullah. larks, red-legged crows and ravens, abound here. _march 5th_.--our march consisted of a progress along levelish ground up the river, occasionally rounding small eminences: we then commenced the ascent of a ridge, the summit of which we reached about half pasttwelve. snow is common above 9,000 feet. the descent was steep and uninterrupted from about 2,000 feet, when we reached a small river. thence we ascended a little to descend again, we continued over a ravine at nearly the same level, for some time proceeding over undulated ground: on reaching the debouchure of the ravine into a larger one running north and south, we commenced to descend rapidly until we came to an elevation situated above tongsa, to this place the descent was excessively steep. the march was thirteen miles long, the direction west. at a temple near jaisa found the juniper of oongar in flower, and arboreous, attaining a height of about 40 feet. the whole march up, nearly to the summit, was through pine woods, a. pendula and spinulosa being intermixed for some time. i noticed primula globifera, eucalypta, thibaudia orbicularis, aruncus, rosa ramis hispidis, dipsacus, prunella, potentilla, gnaphalium, sphagnum, daphne papyracea, tofieldia, gaultheria nummularoides, as we approached the base of the ridge or rather the spot at which the ascent commenced. at this place abies cedroides commenced, and abies pendula became uncommon. on a bank here, i gathered abundance of mosses, bartramia, dicrana, etc. and some jungermanniae. the ascent was through precisely similar vegetation, in one place it was exceedingly pretty, consisting of sward with pines. here snow was lying on the ground in sheltered places to the depth of several inches. the ground hence was levelish, but between this place and the summit a rise of a hundred feet took place. between these places abies densa, cedroides and spinulosa, occurred, but this was uncommon, rosa ramis hispidis, salix of yesterday, bambusa of sanah, stunted pteris aquilina, betuloidea, hydrangea, hypnum rufescens, scolopendrioid as well as below: spiraea belloides, rhododendron obovatum, which varies on the same plant with ferruginous and white leaves, sphagnum, thibaudia orbicularis. on sward gentiana minima. as the snow increased, abies cedroides became less, abies densa more common. at the very summit parnassia, polygonum rheum, composita penduliflora, rhododendron hispidum, berberis spathulata, which had occurred previously, vaccinium pumilium, ciliatum, gentiana minima, swertia, cnicus, compositae frequent, labiata spicata of dhonglaila. the descent was at first open, through swardy places: here acer sterculiaceum, geranium scandens, avena, abies densa, juniperus fruticosa, raro arbuscula. at 9,800 feet, rhododendron foliis lanceolato-oblongis subtus ferruginea tomentosis, arborea, became very common, forming large woods, abies densa interspersed, juniperus, betuloidea which has six or seven layers of bark, the _boj-putah_ of hindoostan according to blake, rosa microphylla, hemiphragma, daphne papyracea, dicranum stratum, etc. at 9,500 feet, clematis, berberis asiatica, commences, betula, common andropogoneous grasses. at 9,300 feet, primula pulcherrima, abies cedroides very common, abies densa ceasing, buddlaea purpurescens, aruncus, bupleurum. at 9,200 feet, lonicera villosa, vaccinium cyaneum, bambusa alia, abies densa ceasing. at 9,000 feet, the jungle now became humid, gaultheria flexuosa, mespilus microphyllus, quercus ilecifolia, tetrantheroides baccis nigris, gaultherium nummularifolia common, rubia cordifolia! hydrangea. at 8,900 feet, junipers cease, woods of q. ilecifolia and pinus cedroides, rosa microphylla, shrubby rhododendrons, that which was arboreous previously now becoming shrubby, berberis asiatica, taxus or abies brunonis! lomaria of khegumpa, rhododendron foliis oblongis subtus punctatis ferrugineis, rubus, primula stuartii! quercus foliis, castaneae, ilex, betuloid, continues. at 8,500 feet, panax rhododendrifolia, thibaudia obovata, taxus ophiopogon angustissimus, rhododendron formosum majus! smilax ruscoideus vel gaultherifolia! primula pulcherrima, very common. at 8,200 feet, spiraea decomposita, thibaudia obovata very common. no firs, woods of oaks and rhododendron majus, panax rhododendrifolia and another species; bambusa. at the nullah, same vegetation, tetranthera nuda, primula pulcherrima, valeriana violifolia, eurya acuminata, daphne papyrifolia, fragaria, potentilla supina, rumex of khegumpa, poa annua, stellaria media and angustifolia, rhodoracea deflexa! at 8,000 feet, the woods at this elevation have the same characters, rhododendron argenteum becomes common, q. ilecifolia and castaneae facies, both very handsome and large trees, covered with pendulous mosses, sphaeropteris, saxifragea viridis, fleshy urticea, oxalis major on sward at the same elevation, vaccinium cyaneum, mespilus microphyllus, artemisia major, gnaphalium, dipsacus, elaeagnus in woods, tetranthera nuda, taxus, gaultheria flexuosa nummularifolia, vaccinium cyaneum, lomaria, lonicera villosa, paper plant, thibaudia orbicularis, hedera. at 7,800 feet, towards open barren hills, indigofera canescens, q. robur, spiraea decomposita, anthistiria minor, composita penduliflora, alnus of beesa, juncus effusus, viburnum caerulescens, xyris, scripus fuscescens of tassangsee, gaultheria arborea and fruticosa, polygonum rheoides, smilax auriculata, saccharum aristata, lobelia pyramidalis, stauntonia latifolia, salix lanata, deutzia. at 7,500 feet, quercus tomentosa commences, between this and tongsa, berberis asiatica is very common, rosa sp., quarta, cyaneum dycopod. of surureem, ilex dipyrena, tuipus, kysoor of churra, apple, gleichenia major, rubus deltoideus. in wheat fields, 7,500 feet, crucifera, thlaspa, lamium, ervum, are found, vaccinium cyaneum continues to 7,000 feet, this mespilus microphylla, berberis asiatica, cycnium, lycopod. of surureem, ilex, daphne papyriferae, are the only elevational plants found between 8 and 9,000 feet, and which continue low down. all the others ceased with the jungles. _march 13th_.--_tongsa_: this, although the second place in the kingdom, is a poor wretched village, the houses, always excepting the palace, are poorer than ordinary, abounding in rats, fleas, and other detestable vermin. our reception would seem to be uncordial: we are miserably housed in the heart of the village, which is a beggarly one. on descending the hill some people in the pillo's house behaved very insolently, roaring out, and making most insolent signs for me to dismount, of which of course i took no notice: sparrow-hawk was seen at 8,000 feet. there is but little cultivation, indeed the adjoining hills are barren in the extreme. the little cultivation there is of barley, which is now in the ear, and decent enough; the crops being much better than any we have yet seen, although in many fields it is difficult to see any crop at all. the village, including the houses on the surrounding adjoining heights does not contain thirty houses. there is one flock of sheep, which are in good condition, some small shawl-goats, and a few cattle, but of a lighter breed than the mithans, from which they are very distinct, and which we have scarcely seen since crossing dhonglaila, the first high ridge. there is some rice cultivation along the nullah or torrent, on which the village is situated. pears, peaches likewise occur, and are now both in flower. the hills around are bare, nothing but shrubby vegetation being visible, the tree-jungle not descending below 7,500 feet, except on one spur to the south-west, on which it reaches nearly to our present level. the shrubby vegetation consists of hamamelidae, salix, gaultheria fruticosa, rosa, rubus, pomacea, elaeagnus, berberis asiatica, among which artemisia major occurs on sward. primula stuartii, potentilla and p. supina, oxalis acetoseltoides, juncus, bartramia, polytrichum glaucum, fragaria vesca. in the fields lamium, crucifera, thlaspi, gnaphalium aureum, prenanthoid, fragaria indica, viola, ranunculus, oxalis acetosella, poa annua. urtica urens, and urentior occur about the houses, cupressus pendula and a magnoliaceous tree, with exquisitely fragrant blossoms. the palace is a huge, long, straggling piece of patch-work, of ordinary construction, and less imposing than that of byagur, which the pillo makes his summer residence on the bhoomlungtung; it is however ornamented with three gilt umbrellas. it is situated on the bank of the nullah, and defended by some outworks, 6 to 700 feet above it; to the east, these might, from their situation, be easily demolished by stones. the palace itself is commanded in every direction, particularly by the hill, along which we came from jaisa; indeed a person might jump from the summit of this on to the outpost, and thence on to the palace; so precipitous is the descent. the people, above all those hitherto seen, are dirty in their persons, uniting curiosity with no small share of obstinacy and impertinence in their manners. the birds are the blackbird, a black mina, the house-sparrow, sparrow-hawk, larger crow, domestic pigeons, kites, and hoopoo. the red-legged crows i have heard once, but far above, nor do i think that they ever visit this. the productions being essentially different from those of the elevated valleys we have lately quitted. can those valleys be the _steps_ to the table-land of thibet to which they must be near, and which is reached sooner in that direction than any other? the idea of the high valleys in question being steps to tableland is perhaps corroborated by the fact, that the table-land is said to be within two days' journey from byagur. our interview with the pillo took place on the 15th, it was conducted with some state, and with some impertinence. the latter was indicated by delaying us at the door of the audience room, the former by the attendance of more numerous and better dressed attendants than usual. two pillos were present. the incense as usual was burning, and the pillos, both old and new, were seated before some large chinese-looking figures. the only novel ceremony was the praying over a mess of something which i imagine was meant for tea; in the prayer all joined, when finished the beverage was handed to the pillos, who, however, were contented with merely tasting it. before this some was strewn on the floor in front, and some to the right of the chieftains. the castle was in places crowded with people, no less than 5 to 600, but all were as dirty as usual. none but the immediate attendants appeared armed. the new pillo is a dark low-looking man, with an incipient goitre, the old one a more decent aristocratic looking person, good-looking and very fair. the presents were of course beggarly, consisting of indifferent oranges, wretched plantains, sugarcane of still worse quality, and ghee of an abominable odour. march 17th.--we still remain here, and do not expect to leave for two or three days. the weather is unsettled, and the sun increasing in power daily. the new soobahs left to-day for their appointments, with the exception of the dewangur one. pigs are here fed on boiled nettle leaves: old ladies may be seen occasionally busily employed in picking the leaves for this purpose, and which they do by means of bamboo pincers or tweezers. a few plantains may be met with here, but in a wretched state. rice may be seen 500 feet above this, on the north of the castle, the slope of a hill being appropriated to its cultivation; the terraces above, owing to the inclination, are very narrow, and from the paucity of straw, the crops must, i should infer, be very poor. _march 22nd_.--to-day we took our leave of the pillo, who received us in a room to the south of the castle. he was friendly enough, but begged for presents unconscionably. he was surrounded by a considerable number of more mean-looking persons than ordinary. on the previous meeting he talked openly of being at enmity with the present deb rajah, but on this occasion he said little on the subject. the castle is an ill-built, and worse arranged building, the windows and loopholes being so placed as to afford every facility for shooting into the air. in a court-yard, several tiger skins brought from the plains, are suspended. it now appears that this pillo, who said previously that the new deb was never installed, is himself an usurper, previously handing the old deb from the throne. this latter personage appears to be by far the more popular of the two. the pillo must now have great influence, as all the posts in his division, are either held by his own sons, or by his more influential servants. the sons by the bye are, so long as they remain in the presence, treated like ordinary servants. joongar is held by one of his sons, a lad of about eighteen, of plain but pleasing appearance and of good manners. he visited us yesterday, and his newly acquired rank sat easily on him. the old pillo no doubt owes his rank to his having been the father of the lad chosen to be dhurma rajah, he is himself very evidently low-born and low-bred, and compared with the former one, so poor a specimen, that the greater popularity of the former is not to be wondered at. from all we have heard, they are contemptible rulers, as they appear to do nothing but intrigue for power among themselves. changes are hence excessively frequent, and were they attended with much bloodshed, the country would be depopulated. this evening we had ample proof that the bhootea houses are not waterproof. heavy showers occurred with thunder and dense clouds from the south-west. _march 23rd_.--we left tongsa, proceeding through the castle, and thence struck down to the river mateesun. the descent was very steep, and amounted to about 1,200 feet. the river is crossed by an ordinary bridge, it is a large and violent stream and contains fish, some of which, seen by blake, were of large size. crossing this, we continued throughout the remainder of the march, gradually rising along the ridges bounding the tongsa river. we continued rising until we reached our halting place, taseeling. in one or two places, the road was completely built up; ascending by zig-zags up, in some degree, perpendicular cliffs. the distance was seven miles. proceeding to the bridge, observed rubus deltoideus, pomacea, quercus tomentosa, artemisia major, cycnium, gaultheria arborea and fruticosa, buddlaea, quercus altera, indigofera cana, gaylussacia serratoides, hedera, thibaudia myrtifolia, pomacea sauraugifolia, viburnum caerulescens, quercus robur budding, pterogonium, fragaria, duchesnia. the remaining hills were much similar, generally very bare, clothed with partial woods of q. tomentosa, rhododendron minus; the oak changing to q. robur, as we increased our elevation. near the bridge noticed bucklandia, erythrina, which is likewise found at tongsa, maesa salicifolia, urena lobata, cnicus, mimosea! arbuscula inermis, senecio scandens in flower, araliacea subscandens, didymocarp. contort., a solenia, betuloideus, panax curcifolia, alnus, arundo, anthistiria arundinacea, cerasus, tricerta unisexualis, at 6,000 feet. at about the same elevation rhododendron minus becomes common, primula stuartii, dipsacus, verbenacea exostemma, scleria, valeriana, tradescantia on rocks, with saxifraga ligularia in full flower at 6,500 feet. about this, 6,500 to 6,800 feet, spiraea decomposita, hamamelidea here a tree, occasionally but small, erythroxyloides, conyza nivea and communis, gleichenia major, parochetus communis on wet dripping rocks, woodwardia, clematis ternata. at 7,000 feet, berberis asiatica, q. tomentosa ceased, its place being supplied by q. robur, verbascum, juncus, gaultheria nummularioid, mespilus microphyllus, scirpus fuscus of tassangsee, thibaudia gaultherifolia, rubia cordifolia, azalea, and daphne capitulis pendulis, ranunculus uniflorus, hydroctyle. taseeling is situated about 2,000 feet above the mateesun, on a nakedish hill; about it there is some cultivation, and one or two villages, one towards tongsa and above taseeling of some size. the place itself consists of a large house, with some fine specimens of cypressus pendula, the east face of the house has the red stripe, indicative of rank. its elevation is about 7,300 feet, close to the house i observed the lamium of bulphai, bursa pastoris, oxalis corniculata, cnicus out of flower, artemisia major, fragaria vesca, daphne pendula and papyracea, hemiphragma, composita pendulifolia, lycopod. of surureem, hypericum, berberis asiatica, juniperus; barley cultivation, and a pomaceous arbuscula, armat. ovar. 5-discretis. the red-legged crow occurs here, and a thrush much resembling our english one. the raven of course occurs. a curious opening occurs in the hills at taseeling, affording a prospect of the bag dooar plains, seven days' journey distant, but the road is bad. _march 24th_.--leaving taseeling we commenced to ascend until we rounded a ridge, when we turned to the west, we then commenced to descend, but slightly, winding over undulated surfaces of barrenish hills. after some time we reached heavy tree jungle, the road proceeding in the same undulating manner, so that it was impossible to say whether we had risen or descended. about one we came on the river, up the ravine of which we had been advancing ever since turning to the west. this stream is of some size, very violent and rapid, but fordable. near this is a large pagoda, built after the old boodhistical style, and the only respectable one we have yet seen, its site is pretty, and it is ornamented above with eyes and a fiery-red nose. leaving this we ascended along one bank of the river, until we reached chindupjee, our halting place; this was distant from the pagoda three miles, and from taseeling twelve. this latter part reminded me of bhoomlungtung; firs being the prevailing trees, and the valley having more pretensions to the name than usually happens. we encamped in a beautiful spot, the house being situated on fine sloping sward, surrounded by picturesque trees of q. ilecifolia, a few tall cypressus standing up in the centre. the village is a few feet above, and of average size, although it looks from a little distance to be of considerable size. the march throughout was beautiful, especially after entering the wooded tract; this reminded me of the march near khegumpa, the woods were here and there very picturesque, glades and swards abounding, water was very abundant here, and this no doubt causes the development of so much vegetation. at 7,800 feet, thibaudiaceae very common, rhododendron two species, gaultheria flexuosoides, thibaudia obovata, caudata myrtifolia, hydrangea, which i find to be a climber, rhododendron majus, commencing, pine wood; chatterers heard here. hills naked or covered here and there with stunted wood; marshy places common. at 7,600 feet, lomaria of khegumpa, tetranthera nuda, sphaeropteris, pear and apple, q. tomentosa, magnolia grandiflora begins, polygonum rheoides, daphne pendula, which is used, as well as the other, both here and in nepal in the manufacture of paper: brick-red black-pate. at this same elevation farther on, rosa hispida! gillenia, juncus, rhododendron deflexa, smilax gaultherifolia, spiraea bella, dipsacus, spiraea decomposita, ilex, vaccinium cyaneum, magnolia grandiflora very common. the country now becomes more wooded, the woods being confined to moist ravines, and in other situations where water is very plentiful, the woods throughout become continuous, and forming the large forests before mentioned: having the open spaces between the woods covered with sward, on which gentiana pygmaea, and fragaria are very common. [chindupjee: p272.jpg] as we approached the wood or forest, pinus cedroides commenced, and towards the valley of chindupjee this species became very common, rumex occurred throughout in wet places, also at taseeling. geranium is common also in wet places, stauntonia latifolia, potentilla, duchesnoides, tussilago of churra, on the confines of wood and on it. here the orange breasted trochilus occurred. the mass of the wood is formed of a fine quercus, resembling q. glauca, it is a beautiful and a shady tree. next to it in abundance is rhododendron majus, now in full flower, and forming a beautiful object, rhododendron minus ceases with the barrener tracts. magnolia is very conspicuous; pinus cedroides common towards the pagoda; eurya not rare, gaultheria nummulifolia continues throughout, valeriana violifolia, oxalis acetoselloides, bryum, butia purpurea, sambucus, saxifraga of bulphai, and another species, bambusa microphylla, swertia, luzula, thibaudia orbicularis, primula stuartii, occurred between the commencement of the ascent and the pagoda; at between 7,300 to 7,600 feet, magnolia odoratis. at the pagoda and village, pinus cedroides, p. pendula, bambusa of sanah, mespilus microphyllus, magnolia grandiflora, berberis asiatica, q. anthoxylia, coriaria, rosa altera of bhoomlungtung, elaeagnus, salix and allium of bulphai, occur. chindupjee is situated on a rivulet close to the confluence, with a larger stream. around it, or at least between the village and the larger stream, picturesque patches of sward bordered with a very picturesque oak. q. ilecifolia occur; this tree predominates all about the village, it is certainly the prettiest place we have yet seen. some cultivation occurs around, chiefly of barley, with a little portion of radishes. the valley is surrounded by comparatively low mountains, most of which are rather bare, many are transversely furrowed on the surface, this may arise from their having been at some former period under cultivation.--the prevailing trees on the surrounding heights are firs, pinus pendula and cedroides. no fish are to be seen in the river. the birds are the raven, white-necked starling, _bullfinch_, crimson and yellow shrikelets, blue tomtits, lesser ditto with two stripes on the head, white-rumped waterchat, red-tailed chesnuty sparrow. the plants are q. ilecifolia, magnolia grandiflora, laurinea, hamamelidioides, castanea aromatica, pinus cedroides and pendula, bambusa microphylla, and b. of sanah which may be a variety depending on its marshy sites, rhododendron minus, salix, mespilus microphyllus, gaultheria nummularoides, elaeagnus, marchantia, swertia, rumex, daphne papyracea, dipsacus, artemisia major, berberis asiatica, rosa hispida, rubus caesius, stauntonia latifolia, tofieldioid of sanah and pemee, taxus, mespilus microphyllus, ilex dipyrena, oxalis acetoselloid, thymus, lycopodium of surureem, juniperus. bamboos split and inverted, and then placed in the ground, are used to scare away beasts from the cornfields. _march 26th_.--left at seven and a half and proceeded along the river which runs by chindupjee, the path running over the spurs of the hills, forming its right bank. after proceeding about four miles, we crossed the nullah, changing our direction, and proceeding up a tributary, until we reached a prettily situated, and rather large village, thence we commenced to ascend over naked slopes with intervening woods, until we reached the base of the chief ascent, which is not very steep, although of good length, chiefly over naked hills. on reaching the summit, which is about 10,000 feet high, we commenced to descend, and the descent continued uninterruptedly and steeply until we reached rydang, where we halted. we passed only one village, which is about five miles from chindupjee, and of similar size; but we passed in the more elevated places two temporary ones, apparently intended for the residence of the herdsmen of yaks or chowry-tailed cows, as a herd of these animals was seen feeding near each place. the march throughout was beautiful, in the more elevated and drier portions, winding over swardy slopes or through woods of fir trees: on the descent from 9,000 feet downwards, passing through beautiful forests, chiefly of oak, and diversified in every possible way. the long-tailed pie was met with in the first portion, about 7,800 feet, the speckled chatterers at 8,500 feet, red shrikelet at 7,800 feet, and a new hawk at 8,300 feet. i observed the water-ouzel again as high as 8,000 feet. the new plants were a carex, 6,500 feet, a sileneous plant past flowering, from the _same_ limestone formation. at 7,800 feet, and not far from chindupjee, pinus spinulosa again re-appears, it becomes common towards the village alluded to, and continues throughout the ascent, up to 9,300 feet, p. cedroides was uncommon during the first part of the march, its place being occupied by p. spinulosa, afterwards it re-appeared, and continued abundant up to 9,300 feet, it re-appeared on the descent about the same elevation, and continued to about 8,000 feet. abies densa commences at the base of the chief ascent: at 10,000 feet, it is the only fir to be seen, it descends but a short way on the rydang side. in the higher portions it occurred mixed with a juniper, which in proper places becomes a small but elegant tree. at the village on 7,000 feet, observed rosa hispida, ligustram of jaisa, philadelphus, pinus spinulosa common, as also pinus cedroides, bambusa of sanah very common. near this, larks were heard soaring high above us. at 8,500 feet, pendulous lichens becoming plentiful, lonicera villosa. at 9,000 feet, abies densa appears, acer sterculium, betula, bogh pata, rhododendron fruticosa, foliis ellipticis basi cordatis. at 9,300 feet, abies densa common, p. cedroides rare, spinulosa 0, pendula 0, rosa hispida, gaultheria nummularioid, which as usual continued throughout, hypnum scolopendroid, sphagnum, bogh pata very common, rhododendron foliis ellipticis basi cordatis subtus argenteis, which i found on the descent as low as 8,000 feet. at 9,500 feet, bogh pata very common, trees covered with pendulous lichens, bambusa of sanah, abies densa everywhere. at 10,000 feet, abies densa, juniperus, rhododendron obovata, foliis subtus argenteis; i am not sure whether this is a variety or not, but it indicates greater elevation than the ferruginous one, rhododendron gemmis, viscosis, foliis lanceolatis, supra venosis subtus subargenteis very common, gnaphalium, mespilus microphyllus, rosa hispida, swertia, berberis spathulata, orthotuck, cerastum inflatum, hemiphragma, bogh pata, primula globifera, pedicularis, dicranum nigrescens, etc. limonia, laureah. daphne papyraceae occurs at the same elevation, chiefly on the side of the descent. from this place an opening is visible to the north west, occupied by low hills. juniperus very fine occurs, compositae abundant. snow lies in the hollows and sheltered woods. at 9,600 feet, lonicera villosa, rosa microphylla, buddlaea purpurescens! berberis spathulata, spiraea belloides, hydrangea! rhododendron foliis lanceolatis, etc. as above, forming thick woods, abies densa, bogh pata, bambusa, limonia lanceolata. at 9,400 feet, prunella, cerastium inflatum, labiata spicata, baptisia! high ground 14 to 15,000 feet, is seen forming a lofty heavily snowed ridge to the north. at 9,000 feet, pinus cedroides re-appears, bogh pata, rhododendron as before, daphne papyraceae, thibaudia orbicularis, limonia lanceolata, dalibarda, polygonum rheum! at 8,800 feet, rhododendron hispida, abies densa ceased, limonia lanceolata common, lonicera villosa, rebus triphyllus, acer! taxus! primula stuartii! rubia cordifolia!! at 8,500 feet, chimaphila, rhododendron obovata-ferrugina! pinus cedroides, here and there, of immense size, diameter of one-six feet, lycopodium of surureem, bogh pata, gaultheria flexuosa, q. ilecifolia, also a very large and tall tree. at 8,400 feet, taxus very common, smilax gaultherifolia, olea, sarcococea very common, thibaudia orbicularis, laurinea, hamameloides. beautiful glades here occurred, trees covered with mosses: another fine oak, q. castaneoides commences, daphne papyraceae very common, composita penduliflora, hemiphragma, rhododendron elliptica, foliis basi, cordatis subtus punctatis, ilex! berberis intermedia, laurinea uniflora, large umbellifera of rodoole descent. at 8,000 feet, acer, primula stuartii, rhododendron majus! r. argentea commences. at 7,500 feet, cedar ceased, rhododendron majus very common, taxus diminishing, sphaeropteris, ericinia soloraefolia, lomaria of khegumpa, thibaudia orbicularis ceases. at 7,300 feet, berberis pinnata, spiraea bella, cycnium, apple tree. here we emerged on open space in front of a hill, on which several detached houses stood, around which pinus pendula was very common. barley cultivation. several small villages visible around, and to the north, in front of the snowy ridge, a curious truncated mountain was seen, its apex covered with snow. magnolia! conaria! cycnium, viburnum canescens! gaultheria arborea, berberis intermedia very common, fragaria. at 7,200 feet, q. tomentosa! the others have ceased, gaultheria fruticosa, rhododendron arborea, minus and argentea, in fine flower, eurya aecuminata, smilax, gaultherifolia, thibaudia caudata, q. robur, gleichenia major, salix as before, artemisia major, rumex, valeriana violifolia, rosa, berberis asiatica, ervicia crucifera, thlaspi, callitriche, calamus. the curious features are, the absence of thibaudia obovata on the descent, and of mespilus microphyllus, the substitution of thibaudia orbicularis, and its low descent, the abundance of taxus, size of the cedar and q. ilecifolia, the re-appearance at same elevation of magnolia grandiflora, occurrence of rubia cordifolia, at such an elevation, etc. _rydang_ is prettily situated towards the bottom of a rather narrow valley. there is a good deal of barley cultivation about it. i also noticed cycnium, celopecurus, acorus calamus, corydalis! fragaria, cardamina, rosa, berberis, ilex, plantago, rumex, viola, artemisia major, daphne papyraceae, gentiana pygmaea of khegumpa, houttuynia! pomacea, callitriche, dipsacus, berberis pinnata, elaeagnus, q. robur, ilecifolia. of birds the long-tailed pie! is common. berberis asiatica, viburnum, caneun, apple, quercus microcarpus, orthodon, pteris aquilina, ophiopogon, angustis, valeriana violifolia, urtica urentium, stellaria media, eurya acuminata, betula. _march 27th_.--our march commenced with a steep descent to the gnee, a river of average size. we then continued descending along it for some time, crossing it once on our way: we then diverged up a small nullah, and then commenced a very steep ascent, of about 2,000 feet. after attaining this, we proceeded through woods, or over sward at about the same elevation, still continuing along the gnee. we subsequently commenced to descend at first through fine oak woods, then over barren naked hills. we reached santagoung, about three and a half miles distance in a direct line, but fourteen miles by the road, highest point traversed 8,000 feet; lowest reached 6,000. during first part of descent, noticed one or two straggling cedars and taxus, primula stuartii, the woods were formed by quercus robur, tomentosa, gaultheria arborea, rhododendron minus, scabiosa reappears, clematis nova species, sambucus, rubus cresius, composita pendulifolia, etc. as at rydang. along the gnee, the beech became plentiful, as also two viburnums, both trees, together with the cupulifera of tongsa was here common and in fine foliage. juglans, incerta of boodoo, gaultheria, mimosa arborea, cupressus pendula, conaria, berberis racemosa and pinnata, quercus microcarpus, woodwardia, thibaudia myrtifolia, marlea! cucurbitaceae menispermoides, alnus of beesa, polygonium rheoides, mespilus microphyllus! gentiana pygmaea, salix, pyrus. the birds were the usual water birds, viz. ouzel, slaty-white rump, slaty-red tail, white-pated chat. on the smaller nullah bucklandia, viburnum microphyllum, bucklandia! the ascent was at first through dry woods of rhododendron minus, q. tomentosa, gaultheria arborea, a taxus or two occurred at 7,000 feet, indigofera cana, rosa, gaultheria fruticosa of sanah aristatum. at 7,000 feet, the same vegetation continued, rhododendron minus very common, pendulous lichens commencing. at this elevation, in more moist spots, woods thick, differently constituted, quercus glauescense, castaneoides ilecifolia, here and there rhododendron majus, magnolia grandiflora. gaultheria flexuosa, pinus cedroides rare, vaccinium cyaneum, rosa hispida! saxifraga! thibaudia orbicularis and caudata, mespilus microphyllus, azalea, ilex, symplocos, tussalago of churra, acer, thibaudia obovata, pendulous mosses abundant. the remainder of the vegetation afforded little of interest; consisted of stunted oaks, q. tomentosa, gaultheria arborea, rhododendron minus: serissoides reappears near santagoung, pinus longifolia, plantains. the valley to the left towards santagoung is on the left side well populated and cultivated. _march 28th_.--santagoung, a small village 6,300 feet above the sea, situated on bare hills, between two loftier ridges. country around well inhabited and well cultivated in the terrace style: villages numerous. pinus longifolia, rosa, azalea, etc. occur here as before. a lake or jheel was observed 500 feet below the village, of some extent, formed in a natural hollow, abounding with scirpus trigueter of churra, and hydropeltis. water-fowl, snipe, and red pie-like peewit or plover. the march commenced with a steep descent, which continued until we reached the river. crossing this we ascended 1,000 feet, and then proceeded in an undulating manner over naked hills until we reached thain, distance six miles; the greatest descent was about 1,800 feet, ascent 1,000 feet; the country naked; no forest. the hills for some extent towards thain appeared from some cause very red. but little interesting vegetation occurred: noticed a huge cypressus pendula, half-way to the gnee. vegetation otherwise much the same as towards tassgong, valeriana violifolia, azalea, campanula linearis, rubus deltoides, aspidium macroser., artemisia major, pinus longifolia straggling, only plentiful near thain, anthistiria minor! primula stuartii, mimulus, gentiana pumila, alnus, flemingia secunda, morus rubeseoides, salix, quercus, viburnum microphyllum. at the river caesalpinia! ficus obliqua! desmodium, salix, indigofera cana, arundo, luculia. on the ascent holcus, elaeagnus, santalacea, clematis cana, senecionoides, conyza vulgaris, emblica, schaenanthus, phyllanthus ruber, q. tomentosa, desmodium vestilum, briedleia obovata! nerium canum, euphorbia antiquorum, jasminum of benka, ligustrum conaria, mesp. microphyllus (are these two species confounded by me, as the larger-leaved one never descends so low?), lerissoides, osbeckia linearis, euphorbia, gordonia, gymnobotrys. red-legged crow; in descent altitude 5,800 feet, the most common plant is a species of berberis very nearly allied to b. asiatica. rain in the afternoon. _march 29th_.--mimulus, acorus calamus, quercus robur, rhododendron minus, p. longifolia, gymnobotrys, campanula linearifolia, rosa tetrapetala, gordonia, salix, verbena officinalis, majus, rugus, lemna, gentiana, hypericum japonica, indigofera cana, schaenanthus, senecio, buddlea of nulka, pyrus, wheat, ervum, vicia, potentilla, q. tomentosa, cypressus, ficus, berberis, phyllanthus ruber. blackbird, sparrow-hawk, and hoopoe about houses; it has a curious hoop, varied with a grating chirp. the blackbird frequents houses here; its voice is very discordant and singular, sparrow-hawks were seen to pursue wounded pigeons. houses few, built of unbaked and large bricks or rather cakes of mud. the village of wandipore is visible to the south-west, about one and a half mile. snow on ridges to west, all which are lofty. the country around wandipore is tolerably populous, though not so much so as about santagoung. we were compelled to halt at phain or thain, until the 1st instant, owing to the admirable management of the bhooteas. it appeared at first as if the zoompoor or governor of wandipore was determined that we should not be gainers in time by not going through his castle, but subsequently it turned out that the deb had, with infinite consideration, wished us to remain in order to rest ourselves after our long journey. this may have been merely said to shelter the wandipore man, who had the impudence to send one evening to us saying, that the deb and durmah were coming to wandipore next morning, and that we were to meet them there, and return the same evening to punukha. this turned out untrue. pemberton was at last compelled to write to the deb, and the consequence was the arrangement for our advance next morning. _april 1st_.--the march to punukha extended over a most barren dried-up country, the features presented were the same as those about phain. we proceeded at first in the direction of wandipore, then diverged, proceeding downwards in the direction of the villages. the remainder of our journey extended either just above the base of the hills, or along the valley: the distance was nine miles. the march was an uninteresting one; the only pretty part being the river that drains the valley, and it is one of considerable size, fordable in but few places; the rapids are frequent, but the intermediate parts flow gently. we were all dreadfully disappointed in the capital, the castle even is by no means so imposing as that of tongsa or byagur; the city miserable, consisting of a few mean houses, and about as many ruined ones. the surrounding cultivation is chiefly poor wheat; the hills the most barren conceivable. on arriving near the palace we made a detour, to avoid exposure to the usual regal insolence: our plan was effectual. from some distance i had espied our quarters, and although our mission is one sent by the most powerful eastern government, yet we had allotted to us a residence fit only for hogs. it consisted of a court-yard, surrounded by walls, and what had evidently been stabling; the apartments were numerous, but excessively small, the roof of single mats. the place swarmed with vermin. in this we determined not to stay, and so proceeded to the city, (for sure there cannot be a capital without a city,) and there, after some delay, procured two houses, in one of which the present tongso pillo had lodged before his present exaltation. but imagine not that it was a palace. the two houses together furnished three habitable rooms. i imagine not that the houses were procured for us by the local government. we only obtained them by pemberton's liberality was well known. the sepoys' lines were transported hither not by bhooteas but by our own people. in addition the people are in many cases insolent, and it was only after a peremptory message to the deb, stating what the consequences would be of such a system of annoyance, that we got any assistance. _april 3rd_.--we have heard nothing of the mutaguat. it appears that the country is unsettled now. the old deb having possession of tassisudon, and the people here declaring they will stop all supplies if the deb does not, according to custom, repair at the usual period to tassisudon. a deewan here, who has held office under four rajahs, says, that the present truce is owing to the hot weather; bhooteas only admire fighting in the cold season, in conformation of which, he says that in the cold season the contest will be renewed. there will then be an additional bone of contention for the present. nor should i much wonder if the paro pillo then comes forward and takes the debship and all away. the deewan's account of the past fighting, places the bhooteas in a most contemptible light: it appears that when they fire a gun, they take no aim, their only aim being to place their bodies as far as possible from the weapon; the deadly discharge is followed up by the deadlier discharge of a stone. at plunder they are more adroit. the following plants may be found about this place; ligustrum, salex pendula, valeriana orolifolia, campanula linearis, senecionideae, viola, jasminum, rosea, conaria, mangoe one tree in the gardens, citrus two or three species in ditto, jubrung, diospyros, acorus, veronica, ranunculus, sclerossophalos, alopecercus, agrostides, bombax, stunted weeping cypress, pinus longifolia, punica, dipsacus, potentilla, potamogeton 2, hypericum japonica, lysimachia, chenopod, ajuga, anisomales. birds--great kingfisher, diver snappet, white-pated rumped chats, no ouzels. part of the gardens extend from the palace up the river to the village; the breadth is fifty to seventy yards, the length 200. they are surrounded by a dilapidated stone fence. although an assam malee or gardener resides in them, they are kept in miserable order: the soil seems good, the trees flourishing, mangoe, diospyros, jubrung, oranges, citrons, pomegranates, are the principal trees. the south side has a streamlet running along it outside the fence, for the supply of water. this streamlet abounds with acorus calamus. _april 9th_.--our interview with the deb took place. we dismounted at the boards over the streamlets above mentioned, and then proceeded over the wooden bridge across the patcheen, which is here a wide and deep stream: the bridge was partially lined with guards, in different dresses, few in uniform; it was besides armed with shoulder wall-pieces, capital things for demolishing friends. we then crossed a sort of court-yard and then ascended a steep and extraordinarily bad flight of steps to the door of the palace. here we found the household troops all dressed in scarlet with two door-keepers, one seated on either side of the door: this led us into a quadrangle. the citadel being in front, the side walls were rather low, although viewed externally they appear of good height, but the ground of the interior is much raised. we crossed this diagonally, passed into the opposite quadrangle on the west side, and thence ascended into a gallery, hung with arms, and filled with followers, from this we passed after a little delay into the rajah's room. this was handsomely decorated with scarfs, the pillars were variously ornamented. the rajah was seated on an elevated place in the corner, and appeared a good-looking well-bred man. he received the governor general's letter from p. with much respect, getting up from his chair: the visit was a short one, and entirely of ceremony. the presents were deposited on a raised bench in his front. communications were kept up by the deewan and the zimpay, formerly joongar zoompoor or governor. on retiring we were presented with fruits, oranges, walnuts, horrid plantains, ghee, eggs and rice. the whole business went off very well, no attempt at insolence. the concourse of people was greater than i expected. swarms of gylongs, the more curious of whom received whacks from leathern straps, wielded by some magisterial brother. _april 10th_.--yesterday we saw the dhurma, to whom we had to ascend by several flight of steps, which are most break-neck things, the steps overlapping in front, and being often lined with iron on the part most subject to be worn. we found him in the south room of the upper story of the citadel. we waived our right to sitting in his presence as the question was put to us with respect and delicacy. the rajah is a good looking boy, of eight or ten years old: he was seated in the centre, but in an obscure part of the room, and was not surrounded by many immediate attendants. the balcony was filled with scribes with handsome black, gilt, lettered books before them. two other scribes were likewise engaged on our right, noting down what passed, but they seemed to be very bad writers. the visit went off well. the room was tastily, but not so profusely ornamented with scarfs as was the deb's. on returning we found the household guard drawn up in front to prevent our passing out without paying a fee. this matter was soon settled forcibly, and the durwan, or door-keeper, lost by his impudence the present he would otherwise have had from p., besides being in a great fright lest the affair should be reported to the rajah. _april 11th_.--the rains appear to have set in: the sky is constantly overcast, and showers are by no means unfrequent. one of our dawks arrived opened: this no doubt took place in the palace, although the deb strenuously denies it. messengers are to be sent to tassgoung, where the accident is said to have happened. the cause of its having been opened, is no doubt the report that there was a letter in it from the old deb. _april 14th_.--a violent squall unaccompanied by rain, came on yesterday from the west: roofs were flying about in every direction, and many accidents occurred from the falling of the stones by which they were secured. part of the palace was unroofed. the storm has stopped all our amusements, particularly as the gylongs attribute it to our firing. the kacharies, our servants, were likewise requested not to play any more on the esplanade. this is just as it has been in every other place in bootan, nothing is said against amusement until the presents have been received, and then we are requested to do nothing, and the authorities become disobliging! the potters fashion their earthenware entirely with their hands, the upper half is finished on a flat board; the lower being added afterwards; the finishing is done chiefly by a wet rag, the operator revolving around the pot. the vessels chiefly used for carrying water are oval, these are covered with black glaze. some didymocarpi very fragrant, one near chindupjee most grateful, resembling quince and sandal wood; the odour is permanent, and appears to reside in the young leaves before their expansion: iris, hypericum, viola, ligust., ranunculus, verbasena, gymnostomum, serratula arenaria, veronica. chapter xiii. _return of the mission from bootan_. _may 9th_, _1838_.--we left punukha at twelve, having been delayed throughout the morning, on account of coolies. we crossed the palace precints, and the two bridges unmolested. our road lay in the direction of our entering punukha for some time, but on the opposite bank of the river. we gradually descended throughout this portion. then at about eight miles turning round a ridge, we followed a ravine to the west, some distance above its base, gradually descending to the watercourse draining it. thence we ascended in a very circuitous route to talagoung, the castle of which is in a ruinous state: it is visible from the place whence one turns to the westward. up to this point, which was certainly 1,200 feet above punukha, no change occurred in the vegetation. the country remained barren, the ravines in favourable places being clothed with underwood, and as we increased our elevation, with trees. noticed a bupleurum, viburnum sp., ficus obliqua. at 3,500 feet, sambucus, bupleurum sp., potentilla as before, gentiana pinnata, serissoides, campanula. at 3,800 to 4,000 feet, pinus longifolia more common though still a stunted tree; emblica, paederia cyaneum, q. tomentosa, primula stuartii, parochetus, pogonantherum, this is a most common grass about here, it becomes more stunted as we proceed lower, and its extreme elevation does not exceed 6,000 feet, acorus very common, adhatoda! at 4,000 feet, simool, dipsacus as before, aspidium, macrodon, rhododendron minus re-appears. on rounding the ridge, although we did not increase our elevation, the country became more wooded. in some places q. robur, gordonia, pyrus were common, others and the greater portion were composed of pinus longifolia, bucklandia re-appears at 4,500 feet, azalea, saccharum aristatum, hedera, didymocarpus contortus, on rocks. towards the nullah we passed a village with some wheat and buckwheat cultivation; plantago, ranunculus, thymus, were interspersed. along the watercourse symplocos styracifolius, which becomes a middling-sized tree, was seen, and stellaria cana, petalis albis profunda partitus, as well as s. media. our section was as follows: [section page 285: m285.jpg] _telagoung_ is a middling-sized, dilapidated castle, in which it is settled the first blood is to be shed in the forthcoming contest, it is occupied by the old deb's men. up to its walls, thickets abound, and the fragrant rose was very conspicuous. its elevation is about 5,600 feet, yet a ficus may be seen planted by the side of cupressus pendula, and punica thrives. the change in temperature was very great. birds abounded throughout; a new sombre-coloured dove was shot by p.: the most common birds were the orange-billed shrike of towards tumashoo. _may 10th_.--we left telagoung at 7 a.m. and descended instantly to a small nullah, from which we re-ascended. the ascent continued without intermission, occasionally gradually, but generally rather steep for three or four hours. the descent occupied about as long, and about threefifths the distance, following nearly throughout a small nullah. woollakkoo, our halting place, is a good-sized village, and fourteen and a half miles from telagoung. to the nullah i observed stellaria cana, berberis asiatica, which has reappeared, erythrina, rubus deltoid, which is very common all over these parts and whose fruit is palatable, uvularia, swertia plantaginifolia, caesalpinia, mimulus, and urtica foliis apice erosis. the ascent commenced through woods of q. robur, the shrubs consisting of gaultheria fragrans and arborea, a myrsinea, thibaudia serrata, whose inferior limit is here, rhododendron minus, but not very common. a good deal of wheat cultivation and of better quality occurred at 6,500 feet, assuming telagoung as 5,600 feet, pteris aquilina common throughout and up to 10,000 feet. at 8,000 feet, taxus re-appears, with baptisia in flower, thibaudia orbicularis, luzula of chindupjee, smilax gaultherifolia, thibaudia obovata, fragaria vesca, which continues throughout, and has a range of between 3 to 10,000 feet, bambusa microphylla, and acer sterculiacea appear, woods of q. ilecifolia, up to 7,200 feet, chiefly of q. robur, gaultheriae two common ones, occur commonly. at 8,500 feet, the woods composed chiefly of q. castaneoides and glaucum, q. ilecifolia less common. no q. robur, path-like glades and rather open, pythonium ecaudata, up to 9,000 feet, primula pulcherrima very common. at 8,500 feet, saxifraga of khegumpa and of chindupjee, mitella,! luzula, carex, viola reniformis, lomaria of khegumpa, hedera, ilex, mercurialis, grey lichens. taxus, quercus, rhododendron, another species foliis subtus ferrugineoargenteis floribus rosaceis. smilacina, ophiopogon, urtica carnosa decumbens, limonia laureola, pythonium ecaudatum. at the same elevation and indeed below us, but on other ridges, cedars were seen in abundance: hydrangea and hydrangeacea calyptrata, epilobium sp. withered. at 7,800 feet, aristolochia novum genus, tritium glaucum, thlaspi, arabis cordata, loranthus, symplocos sessiliflora. at 7,900 feet, lardizabalea. at 8,000 feet, hamiltonia? at 9,000 feet, crucifera floribus amplis albis, on mossy banks, with mitella, spiraea densa. acer sterculiacea in forests, cerasi sp. common. betula, ribes, arenaria, lilium giganteum, laurinea, chimaphila, acer. at 9,300 feet, rhododendron hispida and rosaceum, taxus, pythonium filiformia, trillium album, salvia of royle, rhododendron ferrugineo and obovata, smilacinia densiflora, sarcococea, daphne cannabinum, here in flower, anemone, prunella, hemiphragma, cedar, but rare. at 9,700 feet, primula stuartii in flower lower down, but here quite past, corydalis linetta, viola, juniperus, viburnum floribus magnis albis, rhododendron deflexa, in flower. acer: 1, vel. 2, cerasi sp. altera, paris polyphylla, and from 7,000 feet, iris foliis angustis, cerasus apetalus gathered below here a shrub, very common, osmundia alia, berberis ilecifolia and integrifolia, rosa microphylla, spinis latis, baptisia, corydalis altior floribus luteis, aconiti sp., papaveracea succo aqueo, ferrugineo hispida, capsula siliquosa, 3-valvis, replis totidem, stigmata radiata, 5-lobo. prunella, betula, ranunculus minimus, carex, mimulus! sambucus of below, salvia of royle, polytrichum rubescens. from the ridge the view to the south is pretty, the country undulated, either naked and swardy, or clothed with firs. abies spinulosa commences: and is soon succeeded by pinus pendula, which, as we proceeded lower, soon became the chief tree; rhododendron obovata finely in flower, lilium giganteum common. trillium stratum, ribes lacineat. q. ilecifolia re-appears 500 or 600 feet below the ridge, pinus spinulosa common, with a salix, grey pendulous lichens. at 6,000 feet, p. pendula, mespilus microphyllus, larix, rumex, which has occurred throughout, salvia alia viscosa foliis subhastatis trilobis, cycnia, astragaloides! bracteis subvaginant magnis, rosa latispina becomes very common. at 8,800 feet, hedera, hamiltonia re-appears, galium sp., juncus, oxlip, clematis, salix, very common. at 8,500 feet, a village is seen to the right; q. ilecifolia is the chief tree, with p. pendula, azalea, baptisia, pomacea of rydang, rhododendron arbor. minus. red-legged crow, pine chatterers. at 8,000 feet, baptisia continues; all alpine vegetation ceased; rhododendron minus continues, q. ilecifolia, but no corydalis, anemone, iris, etc. although oxlip does; salix continues. the descent to the halting place is marked by return to the old vegetation indicated by re-appearance of elaeagnus fragrans and rosa tetrapetala, valeriana violifolia. baptisia rotundifolia and oblonga, this last a tree very common, pinus pendula chief tree, pomacea celastufolia, elaeagnus fragrans, rosa tetrapetala, very common along the nullah, baptisia continues low down, as oxlip, stauntonia alba, viburnum, _asteroides_, jasminum luteum, tussilago, spiraea bella, found about the level of this. all the monocotyledons have a defined elevation; smilacina cordifolia is the lowest, except uvularia, lilacineae and trillium, are the highest, not being found much under 10,000 feet. there is an osmundia likewise on the ridge, the fronds below are not contracted, it is ferrugineo-tomentosa. hemiphragma has a wide range, between 6 and 10,000 feet: salvia nubigena of royle, confined to 10,000 feet, aconitum, corydalis lutea, lenella and caerulea, prunus penduliflora, papaveracea, juniperus, rhododendron obovata, silacinea, cerasus apetala, ribes 2, are sure signs of elevation. if the mimulus be the same as that from punukha, it has a very wide range, as also lilium giganteum, pythonium filiformeis, limited, as well as ecaudata, crucifera, anemone, laurinea, polytrichium, were all definite. mitella ranges between 9 and 9,500 feet, it is strange that the chief variety in vegetation occurred on the telagoung side, on which springs are rare. no thibaudias occurred on the other side, euphorbia was confined to the woollakkoo side, as also primula, etc. etc. the chief cultivation about woollakkoo is of wheat, but from the mode of cultivation the plant is evidently adapted for irrigation; rice is also cultivated. this is perhaps its maximum height. the hills around are covered here and there with snow, and must therefore be above 10,000 feet high. the highest were to the north-west. the river is of moderate size, fordable in most places, but still well supplied with wooden bridges. fish, in shoals too, were seen here and there. _may 11th_.--our march continued down this river throughout: we left its banks once or twice owing to ascending some hundred feet above its bed, occasionally it spread out, but generally was confined between the rocks. its banks in some places were planted with weeping willows. the vegetation throughout was much the same. the most common plants were rosa, this literally abounds, pinus pendula, viburnum grandiflora, a symphoria! crataegus 2 species, mespilus microphyllus, lantonea, jasminum luteum, berberis asiatica and obovata, plectranthus canus, elaeagnus fragrans, stellaria cana, colquhounia, _indigofera_ sp. altera, baptisia did not re-appear, euphorbia continues, as does the celastrus noticed yesterday, which commences at 8,500 feet. cycnia re-appears, it is in fruit, the cotyledons are not conduplicate. in the fields stachys, potentilla (common), brumus, lamium of khegumpa, cynoglossum, thlaspi, datura in waste places, conaria, rare, imperata! scabiosa of bulphai. a low shrub abounded on the road sides and walls, having all the characters of plumbago, a lantonea likewise abounded, fragaria, swertia, taraxacum, cardamina lilacina, herminu sp., marchantia, astragalus, ranunculus; carex, potentilla supina, potamogeton, clematis grata, poplars were seen; of these, taraxacum very common. quercus robur reappears towards lamnoo, as well as juglans and populus. weeping cypresses about villages, hordeum hexastichum is commonly cultivated, a. buddlaea floribus lilacinis noticed yesterday was found, its range is 8,500 to 7,500 feet, zanthoxyla here. a cuckoo was shot; this bird would seem to be as in europe attended by the yunx, at least a cry very similar to that of that bird was heard. lysimachia of punukha, campanula re-appears. the most common bird is lanuis. the sombre-coloured dove too is rather common. the wheat cultivated here is poor, a good deal of the bromus occurs with it. astragalus is common on the borders of the fields, and in some of them ervum, lamium and vicia. the whole upper surface of the column of aristolochia of telagoung, is viscid and stigmatic, and likewise the margins of the depressions in which the anthers are lodged, it is certainly akin to rafflesiaceae. _may 12th_.--proceeded to chupcha, our march to, and indeed beyond panga, seven miles from lamnoo, was through exactly similar country. the hills naked or clothed with firs, the path lay along the river teemboo chiefly, but occasionally we met with one or two stiff ascents. on reaching panga it was determined to push on to chupcha, which was said to be but a short way off; we started, and descended after some time to the river, above which panga is elevated about 1,000 feet. we continued along the river until we commenced to ascend towards chupcha, this ascent was very long and rather steep, the road tolerably good. we found chupcha to be ten miles from panga, and 8,000 feet high, the greatest height we crossed being 8,600 feet, and this day we were told, that all our climbings had ceased. the road was generally bad, and well furnished with rocks: in one place we passed from 100 yards along the perpendicular face of a cliff, the teemboo roaring underneath, the road was built up with slippery slabs of stone. the country was generally very pretty, the scenery along the river being very picturesque. we passed a waterfall of considerable size, which is turner's minzapeeza. after leaving panga we came on an uninhabited country, nor did we see more than one village, until we reached the ridge immediately above chupcha, 1,000 feet above this, there is a very large village inhabited by gylongs, the bare summit of the hill rising an equal height above it; snow visible to the south. the greatest distance we descended was 6,500 feet, the greatest height 8,500 feet. the distance seventeen miles, the longest march we have yet had. the vegetation was nearly the same up to the time we turned off towards chupcha, it was characterized by a profusion of rosa, among which the crataega, symphorema, (which is less common than towards woollakkoo,) rhamnus, viburnum grandiflorum, pinus pendula, thymus, cycnium. in grassy banks of fields between panga and lamnoo, astragalus, ervum, vicia, aster major, rumex, agrostia, in fields hieraciae sp., caricia sp., lactuca, bromus. salix pendula about villages. after leaving panga we came on to a place called minzapeeza, here adiantum, aspidium? hamamelidea, cedrela? rhus, galium, tussilago, saxifraga ligularis, valeriana violifolia, smilax flexuosa, aruncus, sarcococea, azalea. rhododendron minus recommenced after leaving the river towards panga, a straggling cedar or two occurred, populus rotundifol. very common, gaultheria arborea. about panga, lithospermum, oxalis corniculata, umbellifera, from the flowers of which _moud_ is made, rubus, arabis, taxacum, dipsacus. beyond the waterfall the quercus robur became common, forming beautiful woods, it continued throughout until we re-descended to the river, range 7 to 7,500 feet. in these woods formed likewise by pinus pendula, convallaria cirrhosa appeared, rubia cordifolia, hispida, paris polyphylla, aralia cissifolia, mitella, ribes! spiraea, asparagus, epipactis, avularia, houttuynia! arum viviparum on rocks, duchesmium, populus oblonga occurred also, coriaria! hedera common, benthamia common. on rocks along the river, peperomia, 4-phylla, populus oblonga, acer sterculiacea! symphoria alia! indigofera, salix, cedrela, sassafras, arbor facie, gordonia, vitis, syringa, serissa, buddlaea, sedum on rocks, eriophon ditto, campanula cana, pinus pendula, rosa, convallarium cirrhosa, polygonum robustum, foliis cordatis. the ascent up to 7,500 feet, was marked by similar vegetation: up to this point the prevailing shrubs gradually disappeared, they were never so common as about panga. quercus robur having ceased, was succeeded by quercus ferruginea, which is much like quercus ilecifolia, and has very coriaceous leaves, this again at 7,500 feet, was succeeded by quercus ilecifolia, dipsacus up to this, pteris aquilina, gaultheria arborea. at 7,600 feet, rhododendron oblonga, a most beautiful species, calyce discoideo commenced, as also rhodora deflexa and rhodoracea ochrolenea, which is, i think, that i before noticed as r. elliptica, foliis basi cordatis subtus argenteis et punctatis, euphorbia occurs also here, as also the rosa, berberis asiatica. at 8,000 feet, the trees were covered with grey lichens, and assumed the usual highly picturesque appearance: noticed primula stuartii in flower (symphoria! ceased), euphorbia, gaultheria nummularifolia commences, artemisia major, crataegus odoratus continues, saxifraga ligularis common up to this, ribes commences, gaultheria of bulphai, galum, hyperici sp., lilium giganteum, clematis grata, populus species, do not ascend above this. at 8,500 feet, rhododendron minus, rhododendron oblonga, ochroleucum, coccineum appears, ribes, smilax sanguinea, gaultheria of bulphai very common, arborea stunted, limonia major, clematis grata! rhododendron hispida, potentilla, pteris aquilina, berberis asiatica, mespilus microphyllus, gnaphalium, swertia, viola, patrinum! elaeagnus fragrans! thymus, which ranges from 6 to 10,000 feet, euphorbia, pedicularis, cycnii sp., mimulus, rhodora deflexa, pinus pendula, quercus ilecifolia, both stunted, pteris aquilina. the descent to the village was about 500 feet, arenarium on rocks, mimulus, viola, rumex, juncus, acorus veronica, anagallis, pythonium of blake, euphorbia, pedicularis, carex, mespilus microphyllus: pine chatterers throughout, at least above 7,000 feet. the summit, which was certainly 9,500 feet, was completely bare: pinus pendula ascends a long way. chupcha--hordeum hexastichor in beautiful order, the chief cultivation. red-legged crow; larger dove. the form of the country traversed is as follows:[teemboo to chupcha: m291.jpg] at diglea we had an opportunity of seeing the mode of building in this part of bootan; the houses are made of mud, which is trampled and beat down by men, who perform sundry strange evolutions while so employed; the mud is beat down in a frame-work; it is from the different layers formed that the lines seen outside finished houses result. the mode is slow, but must give great firmness. _may 14th_.--ascended to the gylong village, above chupcha, and then to the naked ridge. the village may be estimated as being 8,700 or 8,800 feet above the sea, and that part of the ridge to which i ascended as 9,800 or 10,000 feet. the ascent is uninterrupted up to the village; it winds through a fine fir wood, after diverging from the road to panga, after that it is quite open, scarcely a shrub being met with until the ridge is surmounted. on turning to its northern face, woody vegetation becomes pretty abundant, and 500 feet below, woods occur. this is contrary to what usually happens; the south faces of mountains being supposed to be better wooded than the others, but in bootan the difference would seem to be due to the piercing winds blowing from south, or up the ravine of the teemboo. the scenery was very pretty, both in the woods before reaching the village, and from the ridge: vast quantities of snow visible to the north and north-east. i ascended to within 1,000 feet of snow, and i think that at this season, an elevation of 11,000 feet is required _in open places_ to secure the presence of snow: it is obvious that local circumstances, such as shelter, etc. may cause it to descend nearly to 9,000 feet, and it is as obvious that snow will descend lower down a mountain of 15,000 feet high than one of 12,000; the difference in the beds of snow causing a greater reduction of temperature in the one than in the other. in an isolated mountain, an elevation of 11,000 feet will be required for the presence of snow in may. at 8,000 feet, baptisia, viburnum canum, umbellifera toxicaria, colquhounia, deutzia, the symphoria of teemboo. at 8,200 feet, salix, abies spinulosa straggling, rhododendron microphylla commences, the bruised has a terebenthaceous odour, ilex, gaultheria flexuosa, parus major: variegated shortwing, papilio machaonires. at 8,300 feet, saxifraga ligularis. at 8,400 to 8,500 feet, limonia, viburnum grandiflorum or canum, berberis asiatica, mespilus microphyllus, populus oblonga, rhododendron ochrolena, clematis grata viola lutea,* epipactis, hemiphragma. at 8,700 feet, rhododendron microphyllum very common, ribes, bupleuri sp.,* rosa fructibus hispidis,* rubia hispida, sambucus, berberis integrifolia, an vero distincta. at 8,800 feet, viola pusilla, fragaria vesca and lutea, baptisia, rosa, sphaerostemma, clematis grata, pinus pendula, etc. at 9,000 feet, commencement of sward, no trees, except stunted shrubs of pinus pendula, mespilus microphyllus, baptisia, gnaphalium pedicularis,* rosa, bistorta,* leaves with margins not united to the margins of pitchers of nepenthes and cephalotus, pteris aquilina, prunella, rhododendron microphyllum, euphorbia, taxaxacum, potentilla, thymus, primula stuartii. at 9,100 feet, hyperica brachiata of moflong. at 9,300 feet, morina wallichiana, osmundioid, dipsacus, scabiosa? capitulo nutanta, verbascum, juncus, epilobia sp. at 9,400 feet, salix shrubby, cyperus fuscescens of tassangsee, dwarfed larix. at 9,500 feet, anemona aurea commences, covering in some places the sward; it straggles down in favourable places with iris angustifolia, to 9,300 feet, primula stuartii, rhododendron microphyllum, gnaphalia, euphrasia. at 9,800 feet, southern face of ridge bare, northern thickety, consisting of rhododendron fruticosum, foliis ellipticis basi cordatis punctato lepidotis, salix, berberis, pyrus aria, bambusa, tetranthera. in wet sheltered spots, iris angustifolia, aconitum, foliis aconitoideum, on the sward euphorbia radians. below this a little, woods commence chiefly of bogh pata, cerasus, salix, rosa fructibus hispidis, acers, abelia? viburnum niveum, hydrangea arbuscula, non-scandens, berberis integrifolia. the woods are open, the open spaces occupied by remains of last summer's vegetation, as compositae, umbelliferae, aquilegium, a plant five or six feet high, folii aconitoidie, etc. epilobium. among these in the woods, trillia sp., saxifraga reniformis, liliacea brodidoid, viola, primula purpurea, a lovely species, aconiti sp., papaveracea hirsuta foliis, aconitoid very common, orchideae, ribes sanguina, composita penduliflora, arenaria pusilla of above telagoung, polygoni sp., pusilla repens hirsuit foliis cordata ovatis, vel reniformibus subtus purpurescent, salvia nubicola? euphorbia coccinea. abies densa appears, as also close to the gylong village, from this elevation upwards, it is common. abies spinulosa common on north face at 9,000 feet, abies pendula ascends on south side as high as 9,300 feet, but is stunted beyond 9,000 feet, it does not exist on north face. primula stuartii throughout, very abundant. the plants most limited were papaveracea, aconitum folium aconitoideum, saxif. reniformis, primula purpuria, euphorbia radians, rhododendron cereum, mentioned above, and another at 9,800 feet with similar leaves, but normal flowers, abelia, cerasus, trillii sp., anemona, iris, bistorta, ribes, a. densa. the most dispersed are euphorbia coccinea, salix, bogh pata, mespilus microphyllus, cyperus fuscus, primula stuartii, rhododendron microphyllum. hordeum hexastichum gives fine produce here; nothing can exceed it in appearance, oats also occur mixed with it, but is not sown, at least, it occurs rarely on walls, arabis, magus stolonifer, juglans in villages, (ribes juniperus in the gylong village), acorus, carex, stellaria cana, media, caltha, and thlaspi. the temperature is delightful, thermometer 46 degrees at 7 a.m., 52 degrees in the middle of the day. _may 15th_.--left chupcha for chuka, distant seventeen miles. our march commenced by a very steep and indeed almost precipitous descent to the nullah, at the foot of chupcha, of 1,800 feet. thence we ascended gradually until we reached a temple visible from chupcha, at which place we returned to the course along the teemboo. the remainder of the road undulating, varying in level from 6,000 to 6,500 feet, until we commenced the descent to chuka, which was long and tedious: we reached this at 5.5 p.m. the road latterly was very bad, we passed punukha, a small village, about 300 feet below our path. the mountains closing in the teemboo continue lofty, at least 9,000 feet. iris, cedars, and abies densa, were common on the loftier parts. we passed some beautiful places, indeed the march throughout was pretty. the vegetation was beautiful, owing to the quantity of water on the road, a stream occupying each hollow, round many of which we wound. glades and pieces of green sward were not uncommon. the lamium of bulphai is found about chupcha. on the descent to the nullah the following plants were found. at 7,000 feet, iris commences, with a species of lychnis, ground bare and rocky, umbellifera cana, umb., from which _moud_ is prepared, common. at 6,800 feet, quercus ferruginea commences, on rocks here stemodium ruderalis, santonica of panga, etc., convallaria cirrhosa. at 6,500 feet, hedera common, aristolochia tetrarima, berberis obovata, viburnum caerulescens, filix ferrugineo tomentosa, pteris dealbata. iris common to 6,500 feet, continues lower down, but scarce. along the nullah, which is a middling-sized torrent, rhus, cederela toone, acer sterculiacea, hamamelis, fici sp., scandens, rhus, juglandifolia! populus oblonga, sassafras, on the ascent to the temple, populus of very large size, and the above trees. fraxinus floribunda, osmundia in profusion, aristolochia tetrarima, scabiosa of bulphai, prunella, fragaria vesca, duchesnum, sarcococea, elaeagnus fragrans, galium of panga cascade, corydalis, which continues to chuka, but is scarce below 5,000 feet, deutzia, lilium giganteum, uvularia very common, primula stuartii, woodwardia (scarce), pythonium pallidium, campanula cana, panax herbacieae 2 species, rhododendron agaleoides of ridge above chupcha, buddlaea cana, ranunculus of taseeling, benthamia, anemona ranunculacea, buxus, delphinum sp.? common, gaultheria nummularifolia, jasminum lutium, conaria. this ascent was about 500 feet. long-tailed pie seen here, redbilled shrikelet, first met with towards tumashoo, common now as far down as 4,500 feet. on passing the temple, or rather before coming to it, we changed the vegetation which became of the ordinary _dry_ character. woods of q. ferruginea mixed with pinus pendula, benthamia, pteris aquilina, viburnum caerulescens, conaria, polygonum of teemboo, rhododendron minus, gaultheria arborea. the remainder of the march consisted of a series of winding round spurs: at about an average elevation of 6,000 feet found a pythonium foliis pedalis, spad. apice filiformo recurvo, vel erecto, spathe viridi, didymocarpea odora contuso terebinthaceo, solanum nigrum, succulent urticeae, scabiosa of bulphai, gnaphalium, polygonum globiferum, scirpus eriophorus, hippocratia angulata, mitella, in damp spots, cycnium, but rare, sarcococea, impatiens two species, one at 6,500 feet, with a creeping plant, foliis ranunculaceis floribus solitariis hypocrateriform albis. no buxus or delphinum was observed, in any other glens than the first crossed. alnus became common soon, the pines disappeared, osmundia common, primula rotundifolia, paris polyphylla, bletia as of churra at punukha, sphaeropteris. in some places rhododendron minus common, and with it quercus ferruginea, rubia hirsuta, not uncommon throughout as far as 15,000 feet, thalictroides majus, houttuynia, betula. in glades, smilax gaultherifolia, in a wood round the marsh a pomaceous tree: on the march, swertia, peloria, carex stricta, and of chupcha, spiranthes rubriflora, berberis pinnata, saxifraga of bulphai occur here. still further on, the forest assumed the appearance of those towards khegumpa. q. robur, recommences, cedars straggle down; pinus pendula, more common, arenariae sp., lomaria of khegumpa, hottoneoides ranunculofolia common, luzula, sedi sp., sambucus common throughout in shady spots, radsurae sp., daphne papyracea, rare, acer sterculiacea common, sabia, hydrangeacea calyptrata, hamiltonia, this last common to 4,500 feet. on wet rocks hutchinsia, arenaria, succulent urticea. in woods cucurbitacea cessifolia, ajugae sp., polygonum rheoides. on open spots, benthamium in flower, gaultheria arborea, here of large size, pines cease without changing the elevation, q. ferruginea ceased, this is limited to dry spots. the first change indicated by the appearance of laurineae, and symplocos among oaks and chesnuts. the woods continued thick for some time, but on commencing the descent, which is gradual, especially at first, q. robur is common, gaultheria arborea, rhododendron minus. at 5,500 feet hottonia, rubia hirsuta, hydrangeacea calyptrata, phytolacea, also at 6,500 feet, and as low as 4,000 feet, senecio scandens, verbenacea of dgin appears, uvularia, duchesnia, polygonum rheoides. umbellifera gigantea, potentilla supina appear, pythonium recurvum, rhus, dipsacus of churra, alnus, pomacea macrophylla, stauntonia angustifolia, photinea parviflora, benthamea disappears, in flower at least, didymocarpea, rhamnus, and also at 5,000 feet, fragaria vesca, in fruit! paris, curculigo pygmaea appears, sedum continues and ceases at 4,500 feet, ranunculus of taseeling found also as low as 3,600 feet, daphne nutans appears. this found first near taseeling, found as low as 4,000 feet, primula stuartii, rhododendron minus, viburnum caerulescens continue, thibaudia myrtifolia, rubus deltoideus appears. at 4,500 feet, a malvaceae sidoides, erythrina, rosa fragrans, pythonium sp. majus, spadicis apice filiformi 2-pedali, incerta of taseeling, ribesioides, quercus ferruginoides, indigofera major, berberis obovata, in fruit. at 4,400 feet, cuscuta, hamiltonia, hottoneoides, daphne pendula vel nutans, impatiens, mimosa, menispermum tropaeolifolia, celastrinia sp., panax crucifolia, hypericum japonicum. at 4,300 feet, conyza nivea, q. robur, indigofera major, of tassgoung, etc. gaultheria arborea, hedychium appears! buddlaea of nulka, maesa salicifolia! at 4,200 feet, thibaudia lanceolata appears, ranges between 4,200 and 2,000 feet, sanicula, cynoglossum, zyziphi sp. along the bed of the river, zizyphus arborea, urtica, foliis apicae erosis, berberis obovata, erythrina, artemisia major, elaeagnus fragrans, and stellaria cana, occur, the last ranges between 3 and 6,000 feet, thlaspi, polygonum globifera, dendrobium pictum, verbenacea of dgin, clematis, petiolis basi connatis demum induratus majus, magnolia, randia of punukha, liriodendron tulipif., apocynum nerufolium. at chuka, ficus elastica, but not flourishing, musa, salix pendula, phytolacea, buckwheat, crucifera cordifructus, sanicula, stellaria cana, thibaudia lanceolata, cynoglossum, vandea, parkioides common. the most limited plants are iris, silene, aristolochia tetrarima vix infra 6,000 feet, buxus, delphinioid, fraxinus non infra 6,000 feet, epipactis ditto, hutchinsia, lomaria of khegumpa, mitella, carex stricta of chupcha, _petunia_, smilax gaultherifolia, osmundia non infra 5,500 feet, hydrangeacea ditto, cucurbitacea cissifolia, found about suddiya, etc. the most diffused, hottonia, q. robur, gaultheria arborea, 5 to 3,500 feet, corydalis. the subtropical forms, mimosa, impatiens, occurrence of fleshy urticea, ficus elastica, but not flourishing, musa, salix pendula, buckwheat, urtica urens, peaches, stellaria cana, crucifera cordifructus, panax curcifolia, andropogon arbusculoid, rubia cordata. _may 16th_.--the fort of chuka not being whitewashed, is not conspicuous: its situation is strong, and against bhooteas would be impregnable. it occupies a low hill arising from the centre of the valley, one side of which is washed by the teemboo or tchien-chiw. the room we were lodged in was a good one. the village is a mean one, and consisting of three or four houses. we crossed the river by a suspension bridge much inferior to that of benka, and then rose gradually and inconsiderably, following the teemboo. to this we subsequently descended by a most precipitous road built for the most part on the face of a huge cliff: we reached the teemboo at its junction with a small torrent; the tongue of land here was strewn with huge rocks, and bore evidences of the power of the torrents, for it evidently had been once a hill, such as that we had just descended. thence we continued ascending, following the river, from which however we soon diverged to our right, but not far. the road was rugged beyond description. as we approached murichom, it improved somewhat, but was still very bad. we reached this place which is visible for some distance at 5 p.m.; the march being one of eighteen miles. no villages occurred en route. the hills were densely wooded to the summits and much lowered in height than those to which we had been accustomed. passed two waterfalls, one less high, but more voluminous than the other, is the minzapeeza of turner; both these occurred on the left bank of the river. minzapeeza, is a fall of great height, but the body of water is small. the vegetation to-day partook much of the subtropical character, almost all boreal plants being left behind. we ascended and descended between 3,000 to 4,500 feet near chuka, parkioides, mimosa arborea! and m. frutex. magnolia! rubia munjista, impatiens! cucurbitacea! oxyspora latifolia! rosa fragrans, incerta ribesioides, piper! urtica heterophylla! wendlandia! phytolacea, daphne nutans, rottleria! curculigo orchediflora, acer, eurya pubescens, rhus, alnus! adamia, gordonia! q. robur reappears at a lower elevation than before seen: dipterocarpioides arbor vasta trunco ramoso! smilax auriculata! pothos pinnatifid! briedlia oblonga! corydalis, dipsacus, acanthaceae common, rubiaceae of a tropical character, such as ophiorhizae; celastrus! pythonium majus, tetranthera macrophylla! quercus coriacea! gaultheria arborea scarce, deutzia on the descent to the teemboo, macrocapnos, sterculia platanifolia, melica latifolia! arundo! achyranthes densa! labiata spinosa of khegumpa or phlomis, labiata, quercoides. the rocks on the river side are covered with epiphytical orchideae; saurauja sterculifolia, pythonium pallidum, elaeagnus fragrans. along the banks of the teemboo, pandanus! rhododendron azaleoides, r. pulchrum, lyellia, begonia picta, composita arborea! ficus! on ascent above its banks, dioscorea! elaeocarpus! acrosticum atratum! convallarium oppositifolia, thibaudia loranthiflora! pogostemon of dgin! leea! the only northern plant a species of viola; otochilus linearis! entada! kydia! mussaenda! macrocapnos altera of yen, callicarpa arborea! panax aculeato palmiformis supra decompositae of dgin! solanum farinacium! urena lobata! marlea, panicum plicatum! before ascending to murichom we made two descents to two streams, crossed by common wooden bridges: that nearer murichom being the largest; elevation at 2,500 feet. here treefern; pythonium majus, duchesnia, lysimacha, begonia of punukha! caryophyllea scandens, urtica gigas! modeceoides exembryonata! commelina! combretum sp.! baehmeriae! piper spica caudata pendula and another species!! euphorbia! galina of panga, croton malvifolius! bambusa major! bauhinia! engeldhaardtii! although we subsequently ascended 1500 feet, very little change occurred: no re-appearance of tropical forms, sterculiacea novum of moosmai, adamia, volkameria! serrata, triumfetta mollis! briedlia ovalis of chilleeri! gortnera! corydalis! hydrangeacae! melastoma malabathrica! the march was very tiresome, some of the ranges passed were high and well clothed with firs. those marked thus* are subtropical or tropical, and one glance will show their predominance: only corydalis straggles down. the woods were in many places damp, in others dry: it was obvious that less rain had fallen between chupcha and chuka, than in other situations: a large proportion of laurineae and acanthaceae appeared in the woods, with gordonia: the oaks and chesnuts when they did present themselves bore a tropical form, pointed out by their coriaceous undivided or merely serrated leaves. i certainly never saw such a predominance of tropical forms, at such an elevation as 3,500 or 4,000 feet. for lyellia i had been hunting for three years, but never thought of looking for it at low elevations; as it was i believe given out to be a native of high places. of birds, bucco, picus intermedius, green pigeon, azure shrikelet, occurred. _may 17th_.--murichom is a small village of eight or nine thatched houses, it is well and prettily situated: about it maize and wheat are in cultivation, ficus, hoya, dendrobium, croton malvaefolius, meliacea, cedrela toona, orange, verbesina, datura, artemisia major, echites, in fact it would be difficult to point out an elevational plant. the same remark applies to the march to gygoogoo, distant twelve miles, and situated 500 feet below the road, but still it is about the same level as murichom. the march commenced with a steep descent, followed by a steeper ascent, then winding along, in and out, at an average elevation of 5,000 feet. the road was very bad, rocky and rugged as usual, p. and b. passed the village, and pushed on to buxa, a distance of twenty miles, which place they reached at 7 p.m. at murichom, ficus cordata, fructibus pyriformibus, clerodendron infortunata, adamia, spilanthes, melastoma malabathrica, bignonia, pentaptera. the oollook or simia hylobates, of upper assam. scarcely any thing worth noticing occurred; the vegetation being precisely the same. no oaks or chesnuts, at least comparatively few: elaeocarpus, rhus, gordonia are the most common trees; pythonium common, hoya rotundifolia. gygoogoo, a small village of two or three houses, was passed. _may 18th_.--marched to buxa, ascending from gygoogoo over a wretched rocky road, winding in and out. no water was to be had until we reached a ridge from which to buxa is one continued descent. this ridge is between 5 and 6,000 feet, and yet there is scarcely a change in the vegetation. pythonium abounded, especially p. majus, which literally occurred in profusion. the trees towards the top of the ridge were covered with moss, but all appeared subtropical; a few chesnuts, e. spinosissima occurred, bambusa nodosis, verticillatis, and spinosis. en route thither, pholidota imbricata, thib. loranthiflora, aralia terebinthacea, rottleria foliis peltatis, ranunculus of taseeling, meniscum majus, byttneria ferox, caladium foliis medio discoloratis saepius atratis, gnetum, ixora, choulmoogra, phlogacanthi sp., corisanthes of sudya, acer platanifolia, croton foliis oblongis irregularis dentato-lobatis occurred before, between 2,500 to 3,500 feet, calamus, wild plantains as before, gordonia, rhus, mimosa, rottleria, wallichia, sida cuneata, tradescantia cordata, aeschynanthus fulgens, et altera, tupistra, lobelia baccifera, costus, tree-fern, as high as 5,000 feet, bambusa fasciculata; of birds, the large bucco. at 5,000 feet, thibaudia serrata, and on this side, as low as 2,500 feet, myrtifolia, gordonia, pythonium majus and medium, cinnamon, piper, acer platanifolia, mucuna, angiopteris, saurauja ferruginea. at 5,300 feet, polygonia pinnatifolia, hookeria macrophylla, aralia scandens, etc. as before. on descent nothing remarkable, except steepness: same vegetation. pythonium majus not below 3,000 feet, guttiferae at 3,000 feet, acanthaceae, carduaceus 2,800 feet. at 2,500 feet, buchanania undulata, hyalostemma undulatum, roydsia. what can be the cause of this tropical elevation at such altitudes? buxa is hot enough for any tropical plants, as jacks, mangoes, cactus, etc. are found in fine order. it is not attributable to a gradual rise, as the ascent from this to 5,500 feet, is excessively steep. it must be owing to local causes modifying the climate: at 5,000 feet on the dgin route, there are many elevational plants, indeed more than of subtropical. it must not be forgotten that no pinus longifolia exists on this route after leaving telagoung. buxa is a rather pretty place, but as usual poor: the doompa's house is the only decent one in the place, the others, amounting to eight or ten, are common huts. the big house occupies an elevation in the centre of the pass, being cut off from the neighbouring hill on either side by a ravine, one of which is now quite dry, the other affords a scanty supply of water. the hills are covered with jungle, the only clearing being about buxa, and this, except the flat summit of the hill, is overrun with bushes, capparis modecea, croton malvaefolia, menisperma tropaeolifolia. bergerae 2 species, ixora, brucea same as of the plains, atriplex, tournefortia of plains, maesa macrophylla, mimosa scandens, ficus elastica in good order, jacks, mangoes, oranges, plantains, tabernamontana, calamus, cedrela toona, are found. black pheasants, bulbuls, drongoles, oorooa, bucco, green pigeons. longtailed blue-crested shrike, etc. are found here. the doompa, or chong soobah, is a man of no rank, and the place itself is of no importance, except as the pass or entrance between the mountains of bootan and the plains of bengal. the descent from buxa is gradual at first and not unpicturesque: after passing a small chokey about half a mile from buxa, sandstone of a coarse nature commences. the descent is very steep, and continues so until within a short distance of a place called minagoung, at which the bullocks are unladen at least of heavy baggage. the remaining descent is very gradual, and continues so for several miles. the march throughout and until the level of the plains is reached, was through tree jungle. the underwood being either scanty or consisting of grass. on reaching the plains, the usual assamese features presented themselves, viz. vast expanses of grass, intersected here and there with strips of jungle. reached chichacootta about 3 p.m.: distance eighteen miles, of which about fifteen were over either level or very gradually sloping ground. no villages occurred, and only one path struck off from the buxa one. we passed two or three halting places. the vegetation throughout was subtropical. at the same elevation as buxa, noticed cassia lanceolata, torenia the common leucas, bheir, solanum quercifolia, banyan, alstonia, styrax, caryota, elephantopus, osbeckia linearis, herminioides, wedelia scandens. at 1,500 feet, celastrus guttiferoid, malvacea digyna, of which i found flowers on the path, koempfera terminal, antidesma, anthericum, echites arborea, careya, mimosa scandens, pavetta, rubiacea alia, lepidostachys, lagerstroemia grandiflora, leea crispa, costus, thunbergia grandiflora, gordonia, commelina, phyllanthus, briedlia, dioscorea, cassia fistula. as we approached a lower level, the same plants continued: a dillenia very common, urena lobata, hedera terebenthacea: the root is in some cases like figs, spathodea, nauclea, sterculia carnosa, foliis palmatis, dalbergia, panax, semecarpus, rhaphis trivialis, cymbid. alvifolium, sarcanthus guttatus common, apocynea fauce, 10-glandulata, ixora, etc. saul was not common, nor did i see one tree of any size; it commenced about the margin of the toorai. among the grasses forming the underwood of the toorai and the grassy masses clothing the plains, sacchara were the most common and the most conspicuous: next to these a species of rottboellia. sciurus bengmoria occurred, hemarthria, greweia edulis, leea crispa, crinum in the toorai, viburnum of sudya, millingtonia pinnata, volkameria serrata, labiata sudyensis, mussaenda erecta, humilis, cinchona, premna herbacea, phoenix pumila. arrived at chichacootta, a small village, situated in an open grassy plain, miserably stockaded; and lodged in a good well elevated house. the following day started and reached cooch behar territory, after crossing a considerable but fordable stream. the contrast between the desolate territories of bootan, and the sheet of cultivation presented by cooch behar was striking. the same contrast continued until we reached the company's territories, and its less cultivated portions along the bed of the brahmapootra. the only plant worth notice on the route, was a species of swertia; the vegetation being almost precisely the same as in upper assam. _rangamutty_, _bhooruwa_. [meteorological observations 303: t303.jpg] [meteorological observations 304: t304.jpg] [meteorological observations 305: t305.jpg] [meteorological observations 306: t306.jpg] [meteorological observations 307: t307.jpg] [meteorological observations 308: t308.jpg] [meteorological observations 309: t309.jpg] [meteorological observations 310: t310.jpg] [meteorological observations 311: t311.jpg] [meteorological observations 312: t312.jpg] chapter xiv. _journey with the army of the indus_. _from loodianah_ _to candahar through the bolan pass_. i reached loodianah on the 10th december 1838, after a dawk journey of fourteen and a half days. after passing the rajemahal hills, the country presents an uniform aspect, but becoming more sandy as one proceeds to the northward. the hills alluded to, form a low range, the only one of any height being that called pursunath. they are well wooded, the undervegetation being grassy. undulating ground bare of trees, but provided with shrubs, is passed before coming on the wooded tracts, the vegetation of these present much similarity with that of even 31 degrees n. the _dhak_, pommereulla, zizzyphus, occurring. the _mahooa_ occurs in abundance on the hills, but does not reach much beyond cawnpore. the country from the hills upwards, is almost entirely cultivated; very few trees occurring, and those that do, are almost entirely mango. the borassus does not extend in abundance much beyond benares, but the _khujoor_ is found everywhere in sandy soil. loodianah is situated about five miles south of the sutledge, in the midst of a sandy country, very bare of trees. the fort and capt. wade's house are situated on a rising ground, at the base of which runs a nullah, a tributary of the sutledge. there is much cultivation about the place, chiefly of grain, barley and wheat, bajerow, cotton, the latter bad, but there is much land uncultivated. the surface is often flat and somewhat broken; in such places there is much of a low prickly _bheir_, much used for making fences. this and _dhak_ jungle, which occurs in strips, form two marked features, the _dhak_ occurs in patches. the grasses, which occasionally form patches, are andropogoneous; anathericum, pommereulla, and eleusine occur. sugar-cane occurs; it is cultivated in thick masses, it is poor, and always fenced with the _bheir_. the most common trees are the mango, parkinsonia, _babool_, acacia altera babooloides, a leguminous mimosoid tree, tamarisk, a middling sized tree and very pretty, ficus. the hedges about the cantonments, etc. are formed by prickly pear; much ricinus occurs in waste places, and it appears to me to be different from that to the south. the most varied vegetation occurs along the nullah, but consists entirely of aquatic or sub-aquatic plants; among these the most common are two or three scirpi, particularly a large rush-like one, a large sparganium, a very narrow leaved typha, hydrocharis! a pointed leaved villarsia, potomogetons three or four, one only natant; chara, naias, ceratophyllum, ulva, valisneria, marsilea, herpestes, jussieua repens, fumaria common in fields. the town is a large bustling place: the houses low and regular, and of a somewhat picturesque style, built of brick, the streets are wide and regular, having been laid out by our officers. there is a good deal of trade, and the place is filled with cashmereans, who may be seen working their peculiar shawls, and producing very beautiful dyes. _january 22nd and 23rd_.--violent south-east winds during the day; abating at night. _february 4th_.--arrived at hurreekee, having halted on the previous day at mokhoo, a small village, with the usual style of mud fort. the marches were as follows: from loodianah to ghosepoora is eight miles; to boondree, eight miles; tiraia, ten miles; to durrumkote, ten miles; to futtygurh, ten miles; to hurreekee, ten miles. thus hurreekee is at least eighteen miles from durrumkote, although we had been told it was only five. the country near loodianah, and, perhaps as far as durrumkote, is occasionally very sandy, but beyond that it is easily traversed by hackeries. being much less cultivated and overrun with grasses, among which andropogons are the most numerous and conspicuous, these grasses are either coarse and stout or wiry and fine, should afford excellent cover for game, which however, does not seem to be very abundant. very few trees are visible in any direction, and although neither very much cultivation nor many villages are visible, it would appear from charts that the country is very populous. the most interesting plant was a species of fagonia. durrumkote is the largest of the villages we passed, and has a respectable looking mud and brick fort. inside the village is filthy; the houses wretchedly small, and the streets very narrow. it is much the same sort of village as other seikh ones. in the bazars cocoanuts were noticed. all the seikhs eat opium, and very often in a particular way by infusing the poppy-heads, from which the seeds have been extracted by a hole in the side; great numbers of these are found in the bazars. hurreekee is on runjeet's side. i crossed the sutledge, which is between 400 to 500 yards broad with a sufficiently rapid stream, by a bridge of boats built by the seikhs, under the superintendence of mr. roobalee. it contained 65 boats, placed alternately up and down the river; the boats were moored to posts: over them were placed, both lengthwise and across, timbers, then grass, then soil; many elephants passed over, until it gave in, but was quickly repaired, and since many more hundreds of camels, horses, and thousands of people have passed. the right bank is thirty feet high, the left low and sandy. the country where uncultivated, is clothed with grasses, and the only trees visible are perhaps the pipul; the _jhow_ occurs but not the parhass; a few bukeens are visible, ricinus, salvadora, which is occasionally a climber, especially at tiraia. the river rose suddenly on the night of the 6th and carried away the bridge. the himalayas had been seen very distinctly throughout the day, so that the rain must have been local: the height of the rise was three feet. we left hurreekee on the 8th at 10 a.m., the river up to this time (9th) presents the same monotonous appearance--sandy banks clothed with grasses, intermixed with _jhow_ here and there, and occasionally aeschynomene, and typha. very few villages have been passed, nor does the rare occurrence of topes indicate that there are many near it. the channel has been throughout much subdivided, and flats are of frequent occurrence. yesterday we passed two busy ferries, at which two or three boats were unceasingly employed, and there was an obvious demand for more. black partridges were heard frequently, black-bellied tern, herons, cormorants, etc. the stream averages three miles an hour. parkinsonia was seen near hurreekee. reached ferozepore at 12.5 on the 9th; it is a very busy ghat, more so than that of hurreekee: two large godowns were passed on the company's side. the river is wider by 100 yards than at hurreekee. _10th_.--reached mamdot at 9.5 a.m. the fort appears of good size, with high walls: it is about half a mile from the river. the country continues the same. some wheat cultivation, in which fumaria, anagallis, medicago are abundant; calotropis hamiltonii common; some grapes; _doob_ grass wherever there is or has been cultivation. the only trees i see are babooloid, but not the true _babool_, which has very odorous flowers, and is always an arbuscula, a shrubby _bheir_, spina una erecta, altera recurvo also occurs; among the fields, lathyrus, aphaca, and a compositae which has the leaves of a thistle, are common. halted at buggeekee, which is, i imagine, the pajarkee of tassin's map. _11th_.--continued passing down, breakfasting at attaree: few signs of villages, but a good deal of cultivation. persian wheels not unfrequently employed in raising water from the river: a short channel having first been cut in the bank, and the banks, when loose, propped up. wheat, radishes, etc. grasses appear to be much less common, while the _jhow_ is increasing much. the river is much subdivided, and the actual banks are scarcely discernible owing to the want of trees. the soil and current remain the same: no impediments have been met with by our boats, nor have i yet observed any to tracking, the grass jungle being easily overcome, and very unlike that of the brahmapootra, and the _jhow_ not reaching that height necessary to make it troublesome. the nawab of mamdot visited the envoy today, accompanied by a small party of horsemen. only two alligators have been seen thus far: no game even to be heard, and but few living creatures visible. _12th_.--the river becomes even less interesting than before; the channel is occasionally much narrowed by sands, over one of which we found yesterday evening some difficulty in passing; it is much more spread out and subdivided, and from this circumstance, will occasion difficulty in tracking up. the banks are low and generally within reach of inundation: scarcely a village is to be seen; and _jhow_ is the most uniform feature. yesterday evening saltpetre was visible in abundance on some of the higher banks, and on these _phulahi_, _jhow_, a composita, and salsola? or chenopodium were observed. since the 10th, the few boats seen are of different structure from those to which we had been accustomed; they are flat, less wide, and much better fastened together, elevated at both ends; they are propelled as well as guided by the rudder, which is curved, so as to bring it within reach of the helmsman, who is on a level with the bottom of the boat. very little cultivation: tassin's map of but little use, as few of the names are recognised by the boatmen or villagers. paukputtea was passed to-day; it is the shrine of a _fakeer_, and one in great repute, as passing through a particular gate is supposed to authorize one to claim admittance into paradise. the moulavee consequently has proceeded there in full faith and extravagant joy: with natives of the east such absurdities are to the full as much believed by the educated as by the uneducated; indeed the former are much the more bigoted of the two. the _fakeer_ alluded to, not only lived for years on a block of wood carved into the likeness of a loaf, but subsequently suspended himself for several years in a well, without even the wooden loaf. he is then said to have disappeared, and is no doubt now enjoying all the pleasures of a mohammedan paradise. we were detained by strong winds at a small village opposite paukputtea, which is situated on rather high ground, as far as could be judged from the distance. _13th_.--the cultivation round this village consists of wheat, radishes, a sort of mustard cultivated for its oily seeds, and the mehta of hindoostan. among the fields i picked up a melilotus, a melilotoid, and a genuine medicago, which is also found at loodianah, both these last are wild, and their occurrence is as curious as it is interesting; the latter being a decidedly boreal form. in connection with these annuals i have to observe, that most flower about january or february, at which time the mornings and nights are the coldest: also observed lathyrus cultivated, a chenopodium was also found, calotropis, a large saccharoid, amaranthaceae, were the most common plants, gnaphalium, lippia; _purwas_, occurs scantily. _14th_.--detained till 12 p.m. by bad weather. sissoo not uncommon but small, _babool_, the true sweet scented sort. the colocynth seen in fruit much like an apple, not ribbed; it has the usual structure of the order, viz. 3-carpellary with revolute placentae, so much so, that they are placed near the circumference; seeds very numerous, surrounded with pulp, not arillate: no separation taking place; oval, brown, smooth. in fields here, a wild strong smelling umbellifera occurs, called _dhunnea_, used as a potherb, and esteemed very fragrant by the natives. besides the absence of an arillus, there is another anomaly about the above colycynth, which is, that between each placenta a broad partition projects from the wall of the fruit, usually provided with 3-septa, so as to be divided into two chambers, these contain seeds, the funiculi passing completely through them; seeds are also contained between the outermost septa and the placentae themselves. passed two or three villages. the persian wheels continue in vogue; their site is always on a sufficiently high and tenacious bank. i observed some wells, communicating with the river by an archway in the bank. most of the cattle are blinded by the conical blinkers or hoods over the eyes. _15th_.--halted at a village partly washed away, surrounded by a good deal of wheat and radish cultivation. the mango tree and moringa also occur here with the larger _babool_, which invariably has long white thorns. the small sissoo still occurs. snake bird seen, black crowned tern. the river remains most uninteresting; the banks are low and covered chiefly with _jhow_. in many places recent shells are very abundant, but do not appear to be composed of more than three species. reseda, oligandra in fields. _16th_.--no change in the country. heavy fog yesterday morning; to-day strongish north-east winds. grass and _jhow_ about equal. _17th_.--cloudy, drizzling, raw weather; river more sluggish; more villages and more cultivation: phascum, and gymnostomum common on tenacious sand banks. _18th_.--weather unsettled; windy and rainy. _jhow_ and grass jungle continue, tamarisk, _furas_ fine specimens, fumaria continues in fields, capparis aphylla, which has something of a cactoid habit, and whose branches abound with stomata, reseda. _19th_.--weather finer but still cloudy, north-east wind still prevalent, and impeding our progress in some of the reaches very much. salvadora, capparis aphylla, _phulahi_, _bheir_, large _babool_, _furas_, ranunculus sceleratus: _jhow_ and grass jungle are the prevailing features. current much the same, only occasionally sluggish. pelicans, black-headed adjutants, (ardea capita,) wild geese, ducks very numerous in the jheels formed by alteration in the course of the river; the country is more cultivated, but as dreary looking as imaginable. phoenix becoming more frequent and finer, p. acaulis? likewise occurs occasionally, rather young _khujoors_. we passed khyrpore about 3 p.m., it seems a straggling place, stretching along the bank of the sutledge; there are a great many _khujoor_ trees about it, and indeed about all the villages near it. a little below this large tract, the banks were covered with a thick _sofaida_ shrubby jungle, which looked at a distance like dwarf sissoo. the country is much improved, and there is a great deal of cultivation, especially on the left bank. _20th_.--continued--the river is very winding, and its banks present the same features: the immediate ones being covered with short _jhow_ or grass, or both intermixed, the extreme ones well wooded, and well peopled. _khujoor_ very common. yesterday near khanpore, caught a glimpse of the descent, and to-day again the ground appears uneven, and almost entirely barren. it must be within a mile of the sutledge. the left bank continues well cultivated. in some of the fields i noticed medicago vera, anagallis, fumaria, chenopodium cnicoideus, prenanthoid, the _furas_, larger _babool_, and calotropis hamiltonii continue. radishes very common, as also _teera meera_. _21st_.--halted about 8 coss from bahawulpore. the khan's son, a boy of 8 years, came to see mr. macnaghten, and saluted him with "good night," he was attended by about twelve indifferent pony _suwars_, or horsemen. the river is very tortuous, both banks a good deal cultivated; there appear to be a good many canals, which have high banks owing to the excavated soil being piled up: they are 8 or 10 feet deep, and about 20 feet wide, at this season they are nearly dry, becoming filled during the rains. the same plants continue--_furas_, _jhow_, chenopodia 2, reseda, linaria, malva, boraginea, lactucoidea. the wheat throughout these countries is sown broadcast. irrigation is effected by means of small ditches, and squares formed in the fields--each partition being banked in, so as to prevent communication; when one is filled, the water is allowed to pass off into its neighbour, and so on. irrigation is entirely effected by persian wheels; the cattle are hoodwinked in order to keep them quiet: besides from not seeing, they are led to imagine that the driver is always at his post, which is immediately behind the oxen and on the curved flat timber which puts the whole apparatus in motion. saw a man cross the river by means of a _mushuk_ or inflated skin. the very common bushy plant with thorns and ligulate leaves which commences to appear about hazaribagh and continues in abundance throughout the sandy north-west, is, judging from its fruit, which is a moniliform legume--a papilionacea; the fruit are borne by the short spine-terminated branches: the stalk of the pod is surrounded for the most part by a cupuliform membranous calyx. i have only seen however withered specimens. reached bahawul ghat at 1 p.m. the khan visited mr. macnaghten in the afternoon, his visit was preceded by one from his hindoo minister, and another man, imaam shah, who is a very fat ruffianlylooking fellow. the khan was attended by numerous _suwarries_; he is a portly looking, middle-aged man. _22nd_.--we returned the visit to-day, the khan having provided us with one horse and two bullock _rhuts_: we traversed the sandy bank of the river for about a mile before we reached the town, the suburbs of which are extensive, but very straggling, and thinly peopled. the inner town seemed to be of some extent, the streets narrow, the houses very poor, and almost entirely of mud; there were a number of shops, and the streets were lined with men and a few old women. there is very little distinction in appearance between the khan's residence and any other portion of the town, and i did not see a defence of any kind. the khan received us on some irregular terraces; near his house, the street leading to the private entrance was lined with his troops, as well as that leading to the terrace, and this was surrounded with his adherents, variously and well-dressed. the troops, for such appeared, were decent, and those forming one side were dressed in white, in imitation of our sepoys, and the other side were in red and blue, _more proprio_ i imagine: they were armed with muskets; the red ones for the most part having muskets of native workmanship. a royal salute was fired when the meeting took place, which was on the terrace, and as we proceeded up the street, a band made a rude and noisy attempt at 'god save the king.' having had a private consultation, mr. macnaghten withdrew with similar honours, presenting arms, etc. the presents were a handsome native rifle, with a flint lock, and the fabrics of the city, some of which called kharse, were very creditable. there are a good many trees about the place, indeed these form the chief mark when seen from the ghat: the principal are mangoes, _khujoors_, moringas, oranges. the natives are rather a fine race, but dirty: some of the women wore the _patani_ veils, or hoods, with network over the eyes. continued down the river; though much delayed by strong south-east winds. the vegetation, etc. continue the same, potentilla sp. in flower, phascum very common. _23rd_.--nothing new has occurred: the current is stronger than above bahawulpore: the channel continues very winding, and sandbanks very frequent. _furas_, salvadora, _phulahi_ very common. the boats accidentally separated, and we went without dinner in consequence: came into the pungnud. the mouths of the chenab seem to be two, both apparently of no great size, yet the pungnud is a noble river, and although much subdivided by sand banks, is a striking stream, the waters are very muddy, and when agitated by a strong wind become almost reddish. the jungle continues much the same: the sissoid jungle again occurred today, the natives call it _sofaida_; it has a very curious habit, and is gemmiferous, the gemmae abounding in gum. quail, black-grey partridge, hares, continue; a goat-sucker (caprimulgus,) was seen. _24th_.--the boats joined early this morning: we were delayed the whole day by strong north-east winds; the whole country was obscured by the dust. _26th_.--the wind abated towards evening, and occurred again in gusts during the night. this morning we came in sight of the southerly portion of the soliman range, by which name however, these mountains do not appear to be known hereabouts; their distance must be forty miles at least, yet they appear to be of considerable height: the range runs north and south nearly. wheat is here sown in rows. _khujoor_, large _babool_, fagonia, continue, _jhow_ very common. towards evening we came to a subdivision of the stream following the smaller one in which the current was very strong; in some places, apparently six knots an hour. we came to for the evening at a village on the limits of the bahawul territory. _27th_.--we came on the indus early in the morning and stopped opposite mittunkote until 2 p.m., awaiting the arrival of mr. mackeson. the mouths of the attock river are scarcely more striking than those of the chenab; neither is the combined river immediately opposite mittunkote of any great size: certainly the stream we followed was not more than 800 or 900 yards wide, the extreme banks are at a considerable distance; and half a mile below mittunkote the surface of the water must be one and a half to two miles in breadth; the river is much subdivided by banks, and shallows are frequent, yet some of the reaches are of great extent. the banks are low and rather bluff, the vegetation continues the same, but _jhow_ is far the most common plant. _bheir_, _babool_, and the _seerkee_ saccharum continue; the cultivation is the same; calotropis hamiltonii. mittunkote appears, from a distance of two coss, a place of some size, with a somewhat conspicuous dome. immediately behind it are the soliman hills, of no great altitude; and, except at the bases, which are covered with black patches of forest, they appear uniformly brown, otherwise there is nothing to vary the monotony of the scene, scarcely any trees being visible. on stopping for breakfast, a general scene of embracing among the dhandies or boatmen and their friends occurred; women were also embraced in the usual way, but with apparently less tenderness or warmth than the men. the boats tracking up, have masts, but the goon or rope is seized with both hands, a plan far less advantageous than that adopted on the ganges and bramahpootra, where the principal tracking is exercised by a bamboo placed over the shoulder, farthest from the goon. _28th_.--no change worth noticing. the current continues rapid. the hills visible, running parallel to the river, and ending very gradually. typha is very common, and in some places arundo. _29th_.--we remain in sight of, and generally continuing in the same direction as the hills, which run out very gradually indeed. scarcely a tree is to be seen, and very few villages. the country continues to have some vegetation. the _sofaida_ is now found in flower, it is the _ban_ of the natives of these parts; the former name indicates in persian, a tree, said to be wild poplar, with which this has an obvious affinity. saccharum _seerkee_ very common, growing in tufts and covering extensive tracts. scarcely any cultivation is to be seen along the river, and altogether a very small proportion is rendered available. river very much subdivided: towards evening the sky is obscured to leeward by the smoke arising from burning jungle. waterfowl are very common along the indus; especially wild geese, which frequent open streams, whereas ducks, etc. haunt places which only communicate with the main streams during floods: myriads of _bogulas_, (the general name for herons,) were seen yesterday in a compact body. the soliman mountains are by no means rugged, and this only in one or two places, where they become peaked. in mr. elphinstone's account of a journey to cabul, the limestone said to be found in the desert contains shells; it would be most interesting to compare this with the limestone of churra more especially. mr. e. also mentions a wild rue as forming part of the very scanty vegetation of the desert; the chief plants being _kureel_, which is a capparis; phoke ---and _bheir_. mr. e. also says that the material of which the tope of manikyalah is built, resembles petrified vegetable matter, an observation to be kept in view. the mottled kingfisher occurs throughout, but is commoner in southern latitudes of india. alligators abounded to-day, and it was curious to see them basking in the sun with flocks of herons so close, that at a little distance they appeared to be perching on the backs of the alligators, or rather crocodiles. again saw a man swim the indus by means of a _mushuk_ or inflated skin: he swam very rapidly, and with great ease; half his body nearly being out of the water; he reclined on the skin and kept the aperture by which it is inflated in his mouth, carrying his clothes on his head. passed chuck about 4.5 p.m. the country appears populous hereabouts. _30th_.--we have seen a good many boats today employed in carrying grain to the camp; the smaller ones are not unlike bengal boats, having a high stern; all on the indus however have square bows and flat bottoms. the _jhow_ has increased in size in some places as has _sofaida_, which is occasionally a moderate tree, and it is now more advanced in flowering: the temperature having visibly increased. the river puts on the same features and is much subdivided; the channels by which we have come, are not above 400 to 500 yards in breadth, yet there is often seen to be a waste of low sand banks stretching to a great extent, and the extreme banks are very remote, so as generally not to be visible. _31st_.--arrived at uzeeypore about 9 a.m. here we found horses and camels for our conveyance to shikarpore. uzeeypore appears to be a well frequented passage of the river, although we did not see any ferry boats. bukkur is visible from it, apparently occupying a hill almost to the extreme right of a low range running south-west; it is seven or eight coss distant. we left for shikarpore about 2.5 p.m. and reached about 7 p.m.: the distance is said to be twenty-four miles; the road is generally very sandy, although the sand is not very deep; the substratum being solid. we passed some cultivation and a few villages, at one of which (khye) there is a neat sort of fortification; here we changed horses. the jungle throughout consisted of furas, tamarisk, salvadora, _phulahi_ parva, the prickly leguminosa, with the habit of fagonia, calotropis hamiltonii, saccharum. shikarpore is not visible until one reaches the clearing around the town; in the twilight it appears to be a very large place. _february 2nd_.--we do not proceed to larkhanu, as daily news from hyderabad is expected. i see nothing likely to interest me about this place; there is absolutely not a flower to be got any where. the jungles consist of _jhow_, small _furas_, _rairoo_, a small arbusculoid mimosa, _kureel_, and ukko, calotropis hamiltonii; _bheirs_ shrubby; one of the most abundant plants is the _joussa_ or prickly leguminosa, with the habit of fagonia; some of the saline loving compositae, no. 51, frutex 23 pedalis, foliis carnosis lanceolato-spathulatis, sessilibus. corymbis et cymi axillaribus et terminalibus pauci capitat. floscules inconspicuis, also occurs. near the shah's tents there is a grove of _phulahi_, all more or less demolished, and a good many _khujoors_. hares and grey partridges appear common. the changes of temperature are very great; in the mornings and evenings it is cold; in the afternoon the thermometer reaches as high as 82 degrees. _9th_.--shikarpore is getting hotter every day: thermometer ranges from 40 degrees to 85 degrees. _15th_.--the heat continued to increase until the 12th; the range of thermometer being from 50 degrees to 95 degrees; the evenings gradually became hotter, and the night although cool, had the peculiar thrilling coolness of tropical nights. on the 12th, the barometer commenced falling, and has since continued to do so. the visible signs of rain have been confined to cloudy mornings; the fall of the mercury is perhaps connected with the occasional strong northerly winds, which at times, as last night, blow nearly half gales. the range of thermometer is now from 55 degrees to 85 degrees. the change was sudden on the 9th or 10th; the nights were cold, thermometer at 5 a.m. 34 degrees 36'; and the days were only moderately warm. the weather now is pleasant. shikarpore is disagreeable _inter alia_ from its dust, every thing becoming covered with it. the suburbs of the city are well wooded, and all such portions are well provided with gardens. the _khujoor_ is the most common tree, the moringa, mango, _jamun_, _bheir_, _neem_, cassia fistula, sissoo, _peepul_, _furas_, _phulahi_, another mimosa and agati, occur; oranges in gardens, and a pomaceous tree from cashmere, which appears to thrive very well. the cultivation consists chiefly of wheat, _mahta_, mustard, radishes, _soonf_, coriander, beet, _bagree_. in these fields phascum, plantago, ispaghula, singee, chenopodiaceae 1-2, salsola lanata, and boehmeria, may be found; composita salinaria, stocks and wall-flowers in the gardens. the vegetation elsewhere is very scanty; consisting of _jhow_, _bheir_, _furas_, _ukko_, _joussa_, andropogon _seerkee_, _rairoo_, _kureel_, a low bush called ----, and a lycium? boehmeria albida. the town is miserably defended: the streets are very irregular and very narrow: the houses all of mud, of the usual scindian form, and completely irregular. the bazaars or arcades, are mere ordinary streets, covered in with timbers, over which tattered mats are placed: in these are situated the hindoo shops, and in some places darkness is completely visible. these hindoos have a peculiar elongated jewish aspect, and are reported to be very wealthy. grain and cloth are the principal articles in which they deal, and they say the streets are covered in order that the purchaser may buy with his eyes half shut. the city is a large rambling place, and each house deposits its own filth before it. the inhabitants, especially the hindoo portion, have a peculiar complexion, and by no means a healthy one. no one seems to have deserted the town on account of our approach, neither has fear hitherto prevented them from bringing their merchandise into camp. the weather has continued cool: yesterday we had a good deal of rain; today it is very cloudy. the range of the thermometers from 46 degrees and 48 degrees to 82 degrees outside. artificers are not uncommon, as carpenters and blacksmiths, but their tools are miserable: and there is no such thing as a large saw to be seen. wages are high, and from the slowness with which they work, it is ruinous to employ them. left shikarpore on the 21st and marched to jargon, 13.5 miles, one of the usual fortified villages of _kucha_ or unburnt brick. houses surrounded also with _jhow_ fences. the jungle and country precisely the same as that round shikarpore, road at first bad, but subsequently good enough: water is to be had very good: at no great depth. _22nd_.--to janidaira, 11.5 miles: road excellent throughout. country less covered with jungle: features mostly the same: a curious looking plant occurred plentifully, but to a limited extent near jargon and subsequently, as the country became more sandy, we had abundance of salicornia, of which camels are excessively fond, otherwise _jhow_, _furas_, very common, _rairoo_, _kureel_, _ukko_ throughout; near jargon, elrua very common, chenopodium cymbifolium throughout. the soil at first is very fine, finely pulverized, brownish as we proceeded onwards, becoming more and more sandy. hills of some height, apparently very distant, are seen ahead due north, and to the west. we passed one village to the left, two canals of small size, and some _bagree_ cultivation. a small ridge with a hillock occurred after passing the village, otherwise all was flat. and about this the jungle was thin, entirely of patches _kureel_, _rairoo_, and _furas_, peepul. we had a violent north wind yesterday evening with some rain. _23rd_.--to rogan, distance 11 to 12 miles: country generally flat, presenting here and there sandy undulations, generally bare of vegetation. salvadora, _jhow_, _furas_, _kureel_, _rairoo_, continue; _furas_ and _rairoo_ most common; a new chenopodium and a salsola, or a plant of the same genus as that met with yesterday, swarming in some places, both species were common in some parts, in others one of the two only occurred. road generally excellent, level and unbroken. two small ghurrees or forts occurred, with a large patch of cotton, and still larger of _bagree_: a small sedoid-looking plant with yellow flowers, and one or two other (to me) novelties occurred: heliotropium, fagonia, _joussa_, _bheir_. in those parts in which loose sand had become accumulated, it not only formed banks, but every bush was submerged in it. the fresh sand must be derived from decomposition of the hard level plain by the action of the air: yet there should be a regular gradation in size of the waves; those nearest the windward side of the desert ought to be the smallest. rock pigeon of loodianah seen. there are two ghurrees or forts at the halting place, both small; the water is tolerable. the chief trees are salvadora and _rairoo_. _24th and 25th_.--left in the evening and marched all night through the desert, which commences within two miles of rogan, and towards which place vegetation gradually becomes more scarce until it disappears entirely. this sandy waste is upwards of twenty miles in extent: in the direction we traversed it, nw. or nnw., it is almost totally deprived of vegetation; one or two plants, such as salsoloid, being alone observable near its borders. the surface is generally quite flat, in some places cut up by beds of small streams: the surface is firm, and bears marks of inundation: tracks of camels, etc. being indented. we reached bushore at 5.5 a.m.; the camels performed twenty-six miles in ten hours. we halted for four hours in the centre of the desert and tried to sleep but the cold was too great, striking up as it were from the ground. the camels marched through without halting, and we suffered only one loss amongst them next day. the occurrence of this peculiar desert is unaccountable, especially its almost absolute privation of vegetation; for many other places, equally dry, have their peculiar plants, such as salsola, chenopodium, _furas_, _rairo_, _ukkoo_, _kureel_. _25th_.--bushore is a miserable place, consisting of the usual mud houses and defences: the adjacent nullah does not invite attention; it is however the only seat of wells, which, as in all this country since leaving rogan, are of small diameter, from thirty to forty feet deep, and contain very little water, which also is rather brackish and well impregnated with sand. the surrounding country is so barren that it may be called a desert, while the desert itself may be called the desert of deserts. i should mention that this ceases first to the west, in which direction shrubs encroach on it. _phulahi_, evolvulus acanthoides, tribulus, _kureel_, etc. are found about bushore, but the prevailing plant is chenopodium cymbifolium. _26th_.--leaving bushore, we proceeded to joke, which we reached late, it being nineteen miles: we lost the road however, which is in a direct line only sixteen miles. we soon came on a nullah, or canal, which we followed to meerpore, a rather large double village, with a nice grove of _furas_, situated on the dry river naree, which is as contemptible in size as deficient in water, this is only procurable by digging wells of thirty feet deep, and even then in small quantity. before reaching it, we passed several villages, mostly deserted and ruined. the country is frightfully bare of wood; the chief plant is chenopodium cymbifolium, and along the canal lemon grass, _kureel_, _rairoo_, _joussa_, _ukko_, _bheir_, etc.; near meerpore a centaurea, and evolvulus acanthaceus. but along the nullah some wood may be found, stunted though it be, it is chiefly _rairoo_. we left meerpore and proceeded about one and a half mile from joke, following the nullah until we came on a canal in which, from a bund having been thrown across, there was a puddle or two of water. here we halted. much remains of cultivation is presented about this, chiefly _bagree_, which is perennial. durand tells me that the sprouts of the second year are poisonous to cattle, i.e. horses; but this report may have been given out purposely by the natives. along the river, _jhow_ and _furas_ occur, in the naked plains, chenopodium cymbifolium, _rairoo_, and a few _kureel_, but they are so naked as to afford little fodder for the camels: there is a little cultivation of mustard, and _taira meera_. the hills are about twenty miles off, and appear about 4,000 feet high, they are precipitous, but the outline is not rugged: they appear perfectly barren. those to the north which run nearly east and west are more distant. no new birds were seen; rock pigeons occur. the soil would be rich if water were abundant: in the _bagree_ fields it is of a cloddy kind. reseda, euphorbia, salsola lanata, chenopodium cymbifolium, evolvulus, panicum, and andropogon occur here. _jowaree_ sells at twelve seers a rupee, and _khurbee_ is very dear. a large plain occurs here covered with gramen panicum, which is in tufts, and has the appearance of being cultivated. _27th_.--halted at our camp near joke. the naree runs one and a half mile to the westward: its bed is fifty yards wide and about ten feet deep; the banks are well clothed with _furas_. there is a good deal of _bagree_ cultivation. _28th_.--to _oostadkote_, nine and a half miles. the road is not a made one for the latter one-third. crossed the naree about two miles from our encampment: the country appeared the same. on arriving near our halting place, green wheat fields, intermixed with much fresh chenopodium, gramen panicum, reseda were most abundant, chloroideum, sinapis, raphanus cultivated with _taira meera_, two cruciferous plants common, salsola lanata also occurs. water abundant in a channel of fifteen yards wide and three feet deep, clear and tasteless. _furas_ the most common shrub. no grass occurs but the remains of panicum. wheat is here sown in drills, in some places the crop is promising. the country is evidently occasionally overflowed, witness the indurated surface and the fissures, which away from the road, renders it bad for camels, being full of holes. there are several villages visible round our camp, all of the usual miserable description, and there is a good deal of _bagree_ cultivation. the water does not extend more than a mile; it is eight feet deep, and about twenty yards wide towards the head, where the bund is thrown across. _march 1st_.--to bagh nine and a half miles. the country is quite similar: the chief plants continue to be chenopodium cymbifolium, _kureel_, a _rairoo_, _ukko_, _joussa_, and salsola robusta, but occur in no great plenty, they and all the face of the country exhibit marks of inundation. bagh is visible a long way off from its being ornamented with a gamboge, or ochre-wash, otherwise its aspect is poor and muddy. we came on the naree about three miles from the town, and as it has been bunded, it is full of clearish blue water, to a good depth. we encamped about one and a half mile on the south side of the town. about the head of the bund there is a good deal of wheat cultivation, and some mustard. in these _khets_ reseda is very abundant, heliotrope is also common; i picked up a matthiola and a pommereulla. the banks of the naree are clothed with small _furas_, which in these parts are always encrusted with saline matter, or, as it would seem, pure salt. rock pigeons both sorts, loodianah rats, etc. bagh is celebrated for gunpowder; it is a largish, straggling, but poor place, though thickly tenanted. its latitude is 29 degrees 1' 20", and is placed thirty miles too far south in tassin's last map. sugar-candy from bussorah and cloth, are the principal articles sold. _4th_.--marched sixteen miles to mysoor: direction at first nnw. and latterly west, close to the brahorck hills. water is plentiful in bunds and river, but the country is very very bare, salicornia robusta uncommon, plantago canescens, poa, cynodon, _ukko_ is very common, otherwise _kureel_ is the predominant plant. a good deal of wheat cultivation, every thing depends on water: the wheat along watercourses is luxuriant, but where water is less plentiful, stunted: soil the same, a tenacious sandy clay when wet: fields very free from weeds. reseda very common, but very small, heliotropium ditto, crucifera hispida ditto. green wheat a maund for a rupee. the road or rather country, is intersected here and there by ravines. _5th_.--halted. the nearest range of hills are six miles off, they have a very peculiar irregular brown appearance. the higher ones also have a similar appearance; these appear quite precipitous, and have in some parts a curious crenated outline. the chief vegetation about this place is _kureel_, especially along the river and towards the bund, which last is well filled with water. _kureel_, _furas_, _ukko_, very common, cynodon, prenanthoid, poa minima, _joussa_, fagonia, saccharum, nerioid. in the water scirpus, cyperaceus, charae two species, potomogeton two species, valisnaria, typha. on banks, plantago cana, a curious _sileneacea_, a splendid orobanche, and a brassicacea. the birds continue the same: there is abundance of fulica, swarms of waterfowl, herons, plovers, etc.; starlings re-appear. some wheat fields well irrigated; most luxuriant _khujoors_, radishes. _6th_.--marched to nowshera, sixteen miles: five first miles across a plain scantily furnished with _kureel_. sturt tells me the country looks quite a desert to the eastward from one of the hills. thence we came on the hills, through which and the dividing valleys we proceeded for two miles, thence emerging into a narrow valley in which nowshera is situated, drained by the river of mysoor, which is an insignificant running stream. the hills are very curious, totally bare of vegetation, not more than two or three stunted chenopodium cymbifolium being seen on or about them. they do not exceed 300 feet in height; their composition is various; they are much worn by rain, and the outline although generally sharp, is often rounded. they present great variety, but chiefly are of a soft clayish looking substance, distinctly enough stratified, the uppermost strata being indurated and often quite smooth, and of a sub-ochreous appearance. the outer ridges on each side of the range slope gradually outwards, and the surface in these slopes is smooth. inside, or towards the inner part of the range, they are generally precipitous, but beyond the uppermost strata, the exposed face is not indurated, hence this can scarcely arise from exposure to the weather. in these places they look much like sandstone, the fragments at the base of the cliffs are clayey, mixed with brown angular masses, occasionally shingle, and indeed, a low ridge near the north side of the range is chiefly of shingle. the direction is nne., the angle of inclination of the slopes say 30 degrees. the hills are highest towards the centre, and here some of the strata are curved. the plain between this and the main range is much broken by ravines caused by rain; it is thinly covered with _kureel_, salsola robusta, chenopodium, etc. the vegetation along the river is the same as at mysoor. durand finds nummulites, but thinks them brought down by the river. the strata or rather debris of slips often intersected by nearly erect projecting lines of a fibrous dyke. there is some wheat cultivation in the fields, a new plantago, a ruta, silenacea, a curious composita, two boragineae, phalaris, phleum, avena, two or three crucifera, trigonella, and melilotus are to be found. the vegetation elsewhere is much the same, _rairoo_, _kureel_, _ukko_, chenopodium, lycium albidum re-occurs. _7th_.--proceeded to dadur, a distance of seven and a half miles, nearly north. the country is a good deal cut up by water: within two and a half miles of dadur we crossed the naree, a running stream, with small boulders, and high clayey banks. the country improves towards dadur, topes becoming more frequent. salsola lanata abundant: a good deal of cultivation occurs along the river. _10th_.--dadur is a good sized, and more orderly looking place than bagh, and is ornamented with well wooded gardens, among which the _khujoor_ holds a conspicuous place. an elegant and large _bheir_ and a mimosa, are two other trees of the place; it is situated on the left bank of the bolan river. the bed of this river until the levee bund was cut, had been dry, but there is now plenty of water in it. it is in some places much choked by bulrushes, etc., it is eighty yards broad, and is shingly. dadur stands nearly on the end of a good sized plain, surrounded on all sides by hills, of which those traversed to nowshera, run nne. and are lowest. the main range is four or five miles off. the greater part of this plain is uncultivated and covered with _rairoo_, _kureel_, _joussa_, sal. lanata, and chenopodium; but along the sides of the river, as well as near that crossed en route to this place from nowshera, there is a highly luxuriant cultivation of wheat, bearded and beardless, and barley. in some places near the town, are rich gardens of _sonff_, coriander, _mola_, cress, onions, carrots, beet, among which a few poppies and cannabis occur. these, as well as the fields, are protected with loose _bheir_ fences. there are a few small villages around, all of the same kucha or temporary construction, together with some remains of cotton, which in these parts is perennial. there are no wild trees to be found, excepting perhaps an elegant species of willow. the vegetation of the fields is highly interesting, consisting of many european forms, similar to those at nowshera--avena, phleum, polygonium, zanthoxyloid, erodium! anagallis in abundance, plantago, _pecagee_, cynodon two species, andropogon, melilotus, medicago, boraginea, malva, tetragonolotus, astragaloides, sperguloides, cruciferae. in the bed of the river nerium, paederioides, crotalaria, etc. of which the former is common every where: fagonia, viola found in the bed of the river crossed en route hither, a very curious plant. antirrhenoid was brought from the hills by capt. sanders, singular in the inequality of the calyx and the great development of the posticous sepal. altogether this spot is curious in regard to vegetation, for the mean annual temperature must be high, and the winter temperature by no means low enough to account for the appearance presented. the only novel birds are a jackdaw, with the voice and manners of the redbilled himalayan species, and which i have only seen at a distance, and a different sort of pterocles. _11th_.--proceeded to drubbee, eight miles from dadur, and about three within the range of hills, the plain towards which is rather elevated, and generally covered with boulders and shingle. the vegetation of this shingly plain is much the same, chenopodium, _ukko_, salsola, _kureel_, _rairoo_; the most common shrubby plant, however, is an elegant mimosa, much like the _babool_, with white thorns; nerium oleander is also very common along cuts. in some wheat fields i procured imperata, a new plantago, and a curious gnaphalium. the entrance to the pass is gradual; the hills almost entirely bare. i noticed _rairoo_, salvadora, _kureel_. the most novel plant is a curious, erect, bushy, thorny convolvulus, which is one of the most common plants farther in. the pass to drubbee is wide, say 300 yards; the only obstacle exists in the shingle, which renders the road heavy. no abutments are present, jutting out from the hills, the stream is considerable but easily fordable, and abounds with fish, the mahaseer, and two or three species of gonorhynchus. the hills about drubbee are not more than 500 feet high. they are generally of a coarse breccia, the component parts principally limestone; abundance of nummulites. the chief vegetation of the pass is one or two andropogoneous grasses, and apocynum nerioides. there is absolutely no fodder for camels, which however, take readily to grass. towards the mouth of the pass, paederia involucrata, villarsia, lycioid, stenophyllum and _ukko_ are common, but they are rare inside, although the last continues some distance up the hills and attains a large size, becoming quite arboreous. a crucifera, a rhubarby sorrel, a goodyera, and one or two grasses, were the only additional novelties met with. _12th_.--marched on eight miles, after five of which we turned to the right, and the pass became and continued narrow, until we reached our halting place, which is something like what we may suppose to be the remains of a mountain, still a good deal elevated above the bed of river. the mountains continued the same in the gorge, until we came to limestone cliffs, which afforded a peculiar vegetation, linaria retephioides, linaria alia pusilla foliis 5-gonis cordatis, floribus luteis minutis pubescens, specimen lost, one or two rubiaceae, a salvia, several very interesting grasses, among which is a stipa, a composita, santanoides, a curious capparidea, cassia, etc. etc. the hills have increased in height, in many places they were extremely picturesque, split and divided in every direction. the valley running off to south on our entrance into the gorge: river diminished somewhat in size. jheely spots, with very deep water common, surrounded with thick andropogon, typha and scirpus jungle. few fish were seen and none taken. can the mahaseer not reach this? gonorhynchus continue, but they never take a fly; ophiocephalus, _sowlee_; turtle caught by bearers, silurus. no less than twenty-three plants novel to me were gathered on the limestone, which looks as bare as the breccia; all its plants grew in small tufts or singly, and all adhered firmly to the rock. the only tree which continues is _phulahi_ or _rairoo_; convolvulus spinosus very common, a very curious chenopodioid, reseda with cruciferous qualities. _13th_.--proceeded to gurmab, eight and a half miles. country continues the same. the defile after crossing some rather broad water three feet deep, opened out into a rather large valley, near the south end of which gurmab is situated, and it is _ornamented_ with a good many _rairoo_ trees, of indifferent size and appearance. no change whatever in the vegetation; salsola prima occurs sparingly. _14th_.--halted at gurmab. the hills close to our encampment are of limestone, which is in many places very angular. oolite found by durand in a low range, standing by itself in the valley, it generally bears a vast quantity of nummulites and madrepores. a flat discoid organized remain occurs in abundance, and probably belongs to the same group. _ukko_, _rairoo_, _kureel_ rare, convolvulus spinosus, frankenioides, stipaceum gramen, euphorbia, polygonum rheoides, salvadora, may be found. along the water andropogonoides 2, typha, arundo, juncus, scirpus juncinus in abundance. in the water, a new naias, and conferveae. in a ravine near our camp, i found a cynoglossum and a curious periploceous plant, in habit approaching to certain aphyllous, true asclepiads. a few stunted dates are visible near gurmab, which is three miles from kirtah, and towards the deep water there is a ruin of a single house. _rairoo_, nerioid, and lycium albidum are the most common ground plants. there is only _rairoo_ for camels, who do not thrive on harsh grasses, although compelled by hunger to eat them. large flocks of doombah sheep and goats belonging to khelat men were met with. mahaseer in abundance, and very greedy after a red hackle of fish, macrognathus and opheocephalus occur also. of birds the white vulture, alauda cristata et alia, with a notched beak, a partridge which i had not previously seen, motacilla alia. _15th_.--proceeded to beebee nanee, nine and a half miles up the valley in which gurmab is situated. the road tolerably level and good; boulders not however common. the village of kuttah, is one mile to the right, consisting of one ruined house; near the exit from the valley a burial ground occurs, having flags, or banners, pointing out the graves, which are covered with heaps of stones. the exit from the valley is by a narrow pass through a low range of angular limestone, thence up another narrow shingly valley or narrowish gorge, and over a small stream of water of ordinary temperature, where we encamped: in the second valley two spots were observed covered with graves. immense flocks of birds were seen on the range to the west of the valley. in the first valley paederia involucrata and salsola prima, are the most common plants. on the limestone hills, convolvulus spinosus, frankeniacea, plantago villosa, and a curious composita, subacaulis, involucro foliaceo, of which the single specimen has been lost, a few _bheirs_. encamped in a small valley or pass leading to khelat, a marked one only a few hundred yards wide. to the west, the hills continue very barren. gurmab--this takes its name from the warmth of the water, which apparently rises in several sedgy spots; the united waters form a small stream abounding with mahaseer, barbus, etc. and falling into another stream, again meets the main river, which runs off to the eastward from the place where it is crossed towards gurmab. there is no sign of bubbling in the springs, although the water commences to run visibly from within a few yards. the temperature of one did not vary from 76 degrees, which must be about the mean temperature of the place, but the temperature of a deep body of water after the confluence of several springs was 82 degrees, so that some of them must hence be of considerable temperature: the highest examined was 81 degrees. of three springs examined--the first of these had a temperature of 82 degrees fahr.--the second of 77 degrees, these unite to form the streamlet that runs towards the east--the third spring had a temperature of 77 degrees: this is crossed on entering the valley from the south, it runs under a limestone range, and then bends off to the south-east to unite with the main stream. cyprinus fulgens and c. bimaculatus were found in the 82 degrees spring. from the variation in the temperature of the three, it is obvious that neither represents the mean temperature of the place. _16th_.--to abigoom, eight and a quarter miles, through a similar country up a valley in a nnw. direction; the valley is narrowed towards the middle, and is a plain of considerable inclination, the chief rocks passed are limestones. no fodder for camels, and little enough on the road for horses; the chief vegetation consisting of nerioides, paederia involucrata, and small tufts of _kuss-kuss_ grass; ruwash is common, lycium album; salsola prima are not common, and the _bheir_ is rare. a new and curious plant looking like _kureel_ was found, male flowers with large semi-antheriferous bearing disc. apocynum viminale not uncommon, and not ruined by cattle, prenanthoid albiflora, echinopsides, a fine begonia, b. punicoides, arbuscula; salvadora also occurred. the inclined valleys are very shingly and bouldery. the mountains as barren as ever. there is at beebee nanee a running streamlet, in which small mahaseer, nepuroid, gonorhynchus and barbus may be found; also a species of cancer. we were encamped close to the cliffy termination of a limestone range, in which linaria, trichodesma, cynoglossum, ruwash, labiata, and a most singular telepheoid polygalous looking plant were found. there is some fodder along the water for horses, but for camels scarcely any: we accordingly lose six to ten camels now daily. there was a curious echo from the cliff. _17th_.--to-day we halt at abigoom, which is at the extremity of an inclined plain, and 2,500 feet above the sea; some of the boundary hills are considerably higher, the valley is shingly and bouldery, covered with the usual plants, but more scantily: nerioid, paederia involucrata, lycium albidium, apocynum viminale. i went to some wheat cultivation yesterday afternoon about two and a half miles off, in a small valley to the south-east. the wheat was fine, all bearded, most of the dadur plant occurred in it with some curious novelties, boraginea, cynoglossum, compositae, cuscuta, and a new reseda. the melilotus and red anchusoid were not found, plantago, were among the most abundant. a single _furas_ tree and some _kureel_ were seen near the wheat. the weather unsettled; cloudy; rain fell at night and early this morning. a _cafilah_ or caravan from candahar with figs and raisins passed us. rock pigeon of loodianah and the small partridge were observed. there is a streamlet here. _18th_.--detained by bad weather, which threatened the whole of yesterday. the river came down during the night, flooded, and upset some of the tents, damaging many things, but not carrying off much. it rained smartly almost the whole night: we moved this morning to rather higher ground, but not so high as to preclude all danger should the river rise again. a dawk man arrived last night, bringing a handful of tulips which he said came from shal; it is a small species, foliis subtortis undulatis caule 1-flora, flore amplo aureo subodora. _19th_.--advanced to sirekhugoor, distance nineteen miles, ascent throughout on a considerably inclined plain up the bed of a river, shingly and bouldery; the pass is not much contracted, but a short distance from abigoom we parted from every thing like valleys. the vegetation continues much the same: _kureel_, salsola prima re-occurred near abigoom but sparingly, chief vegetation consists of clumps of withered coarse andropogons, nerioides, paederia, and lycium, but less common than before, while apocynum viminale, and convolvulus spinosus have increased. the bed of the streamlet is until near sirekhugoor, chiefly occupied by a large arundo just past flowering, in which typha also occurs sparingly: within 300 feet of the halting place, a solitary _khujoor_, and some wheat cultivation occurs, the latter much behind that of abigoom. in the fields polygala occurred with a galium; the most common plant being a sinapis found at dadur: some _bheir_ trees also occur here; a few compositae, labiatae, and cruciferae, similar to those at abigoom, are also found: the novelties were _peganum_ which continues throughout the pass, hyoscyamoid, and one or two compositae; while in water-courses close to it the first dripping rocks occurred covered with adiantum and fructiferous mosses, and a curious primuloid plant out of flower, with a curious clematis. the halting place is at the head of the stream, which gushes copiously out of a rock; the bed of the river or defile is 100 yards wide: the mountains immediately adjoining not exceeding 1,000 feet in height, but the second range is much higher, that to our north being plentifully sprinkled with snow. these mountains are barren, chiefly covered with convolvulus spinosus, which has a different aspect, with a sytisoid, handsome silvery shrub, a species of caragana and apocynum viminale: about the spring and in other places there are thick patches of a very dwarf palm, and a solitary fig tree, a lycium album continues: the bed occupied by tufts of coarse andropogons and apocynum viminale; about the spring adiantum, a small boraginia, white flowered small compositae, a withered hepaticum, two or three efructiferous mosses, and the primuloid plant. in the stream chara, conferva, peppermint, _beccabunga_, convolvulus, like c. reptans, arundo left behind nearly. on the mountains fragrant labiatae, compositae, and umbelliferae are commencing. the barometer stood at 25.669; thermometer 64 degrees at 11 a.m. many soft rocks occurred: passed a clayey looking one, with very elevated strata, containing veins of transverse crystals: the sides of the defile are often precipitous, these are generally formed of conglomerate. _20th_.--continued up the same defile, a gradual ascent, and about two miles from sirekhugoor entered the pass by pre-eminence; very much narrowed, precipitous cliffs on both sides: this continues for some time. the road good, shingly, but not very bouldery; very winding, and generally capable of strong defence; much cover exists from the rugged margins of cliffs, and windings of the road. the mountains, after four or five miles were passed, gradually receded and became less precipitous: at length we came to gradually rounded more distant mountains; then to a small valley; then ascended say 100 feet, over a low rocky range, and descended into a fine valley, surrounded by usual barren looking mountains: high ranges to the north and south covered with snow presenting a beautiful view--and now entered khorassan. we were accompanied by several bands of a gypsyish-looking people, forming parts of a _cafilah_. they were accompanied with numerous goats: and camels ornamented with trappings. throughout the very narrow portion of the pass the vegetation continues the same: at sirekhugoor a xanthoxylon appears and continues nearly throughout: this and an oleinous looking small tree are the only arborescent plants: apocynum viminale and the other plants of sirekhugoor continue, nor did i notice any new ones further than a sedum, and tortula. however fragrant labiatae and compositae increase in number, but none are in flower. as soon as we opened out from the pass, the vegetation almost entirely changed; the hills assumed a rounded form, covered with low bushes, and were much less rocky. umbelliferae, labiatae, and compositae abound, some of them deliciously fragrant: an astragaloid spinosus very common, a shrubby cerasus, thalictrum, hypoxis, and small cruciferae abundant. the chief vegetation consists of grasses in low round tufts; anemone, tulipa, etc. all small. after crossing a low range we came into the valley, which is almost entirely covered with an artemisioid odoriferous plant; no verdure was visible, even on the snowy ranges. we encamped close under a ridge about two and a half miles to the north of the summit of the pass. _21st_.--halted: there being some water collected in attempts to form a nullah from the last rain, it is quite brownish and opaque, but deposits no sediment, and makes good tea, although disagreeable to drink in any other form. i walked out in the afternoon into a valley to the west, close to our encampment, and thence ascended a hill 600 feet high at least. this valley like the one in which we are encamped is covered entirely by an artemisioid, a very fragrant plant, each shrub of which is distinct; mixed with it are tulips, several small cruciferae, and a fritillarioides. the same artemisioid is also the chief plant on all the hills: it is mixed, but in small quantities with cerasus pygmaeus, equisetoid, caragana, and one or two shrubby labiatae; and also especially above, with a curious astragaloid looking plant. the herbaceous plants are numerous, consisting of very fragrant umbelliferae, bursting into leaf; tulips, fritillarioides, trichostema, erodium, iris, thalictrum, senecio, boragineae 2, gilenacea, several tufted gramineae, berberideae, ranunculoides, myosotis, anemone cracea, asphodeloid, mesembryanthoids; of mosses tortula, grimmia. _22nd_.--proceeded to sinab, a distance of fifteen and three quarter miles, up two valleys, no ascents. these valleys are elevated towards the mountains and generally depressed in the centre: in some they stretch out a long way from the mountain to which they may be imagined to belong. the mountains seen from a distance jutting out from perhaps the centre of a plain, look curious. the vegetation is generally artemisioid, and very fragrant: the first valley in its depressed portions was covered with a salsoloid looking plant, to the exclusion of compositae, but these last recurred in the higher parts. with the compositae, swarms of small cruciferae occur; that with purple flowers and pinnatisect leaves being the most common. very rugged hills are visible to the north-east and north of our route, presenting a very different appearance from the usual aspect: they are steep to the east, and present inclined slopes to the west. _sunday_, _24th_.--halted this day. little new occurs in the valley, except a few trees out of leaf and flower, which, though trees here, yet the species are not so elsewhere. at this place are the heads of the river of pisheen, which appear to arise more artificially than naturally from _kahreezes_, or wells dug in a rude way, and communicating by subterranean channels; those nearest the natural outlet of the water being the shallowest. the vegetation is the same; there is a little cultivation, but nothing to indicate any descent. the amount of population is not great; and the hills to the west are covered with snow. the chief vegetation is _santonica_. in cornfields fumariaceae, adonis, cruciferae, pulmonaria, arenaria, hordei sp., tulipa lutea, and hyacinthus? may be found. the vegetation of the plains, inclusive of santonica, consists generally of three or four small cruciferae, tulipa lutea. i went to the west towards the snow, and found in the river here an aquatic ranunculus, foliis omnibus immersis, floribus albis, chara is common; gravelly slopes commence some distance from hills, covered with santonica, astragaloid spinosus, leguminosae, a spinous statice, cytisus argenteis, composita floribunda carnosa. the mountains are covered with masses of rock. one tree occurs with a fraxinus? a thymeleous looking shrub, cytisus, caragana. the herbaceous plants are very numerous, compositae, cruciferae, small leguminosae, berberideae, isopyroides, crocus? gentiana, onosma and other boragineae, umbelliferae, silenaceae, especially small arenariae; cupressus commences about 6,500 feet, near the cypress an arctium occurred, at least it has the habit of that genus, onosma, a curious boraginea calyce sinubus bidentigeris, demum plano! ampliato bilabiato! clauso, quasi hastato lobato, nucibus compressis, 2, sedums 4, arenariae, a fine gentiana, crocoides, iris, ornithogaloides or trichonema occurred, with many others. the greatest elevation attained was about 1,200 feet above the camp. chikor and the smaller partridge were seen. _25th_.--marched to quettah, eight and a half miles up the valley over a delightful road. the valley is cultivated, and many villages are visible with their orchards, consisting of mulberry trees, cherries, and apricots, surrounded with mud walls; the houses miserable, and all trees out of leaf: the crops under cultivation are more advanced, but depend on irrigation, some salad-bearing plant occurred cultivated in trenches like asparagus: the fields are clean, and sometimes well manured. a veronica allied to v. agrestis, 2 or 3 euphorbiaceae, a very well defined plantago, hyacinthus, and a pretty muscari, were among the novelties; juncus, chara, carex, occurred in some marshy spots. i was most struck with the occurrence of at least two species of lucerne, or trefoil: wells are common, and water abundant. the climate is delightful, temperature 49 degrees at 9 p.m. in a tent. _26th_.--i ascended towards a snowy range to the ese. of our camp, crossing a cultivated portion of the valley extending to the gradual slopes so universal between the level portion and the bases of the mountains, and which are always covered with shingle, and occasionally much cut up by watercourses. turning a ridge i ascended up a ravine, rather wide and easy at first, but becoming gradually narrow, and at last difficult. on coming to its head i rambled some distance higher among precipitous rocks, the ground generally covered with loose shingle, giving bad footing. the rocks too were treacherous, often giving way under the feet. i was still 1,000 feet from the summit, which is the second range between our camp and the snow but which is not visible from the camp. from it i saw the camp, and the valley of pisheen beyond the termination of the tuckatoo range. water boiled at 196 degrees 7', making the height about 8,300 feet, in my (new) woollaston instrument at 686; temperature of the air 46 degrees 5'. nothing occurred to repay me for the fatigue of the excursion. junipers or cypress form the chief arbusculous vegetation, but even these are scanty; they commence at 6,500 feet, and continue to the snow: fraxinus occurred about 7,000 feet, and another tree of which i could make nothing, it being out of flower and leaf. compositae were the prevailing vegetation; but of these, only the remains were found, which were very fragrant. a large thorny leguminous shrub out of leaf, etc. looking much like a rosa, equisetoides, etc.; of mosses, weissia templetonii, and tortula, so that in these there is very little variety; the debris of one hepatica occurred. at the foot of the mountains, the only place out of the valley where any vegetation is to be found, asphodelus, radicibus luteis, foliis triangularibus, a fine plant coming into flower, cytisus, caragana, narcissus? cruciferae, among them a small draba, cerasus pygmaeus, peganum, salsoloid of mumzil, trichonema, myosotis, gentiana of chiltera, buddlaea, carex; indeed the vegetation is precisely the same as at chiltera. the only novelty was bardana in flower, and it proves to be a cruciferous plant of large size. on the stony slopes, a shrubby spinous centauroid, foliis pinnatifidis glaucis, cytisus, caragana, asphodelus and cheiranthus are the prevailing plants. no santonica is found about here. a new iris occurs in abundance: near this in wettish parts of the valley a vicia, muscari, hyacinthus and others as before. the chief cultivation is wheat, irrigated in plots: the soil when saturated with water, forming a clayish, adhesive, finely pulverulent mass, which cakes on drying. a watermill for flour, having a horizontal wheel acted on by the stream as in bootan occurs; the grain drops in from a pyramidal cone fixed over the two horizontal stones, in the upper of which there is a hole. the apparatus is very rude. the height attained by me on the eastern ridge being about 8,300 feet; that of the 2nd range, will be 9,300 feet at least, and the height of the peak or highest ridge, cannot be less than 11,000 feet. 30th.--continue to halt. there is a good deal of cultivation about this place, but the crops will not be ripe before august: it is principally wheat; munjit is also cultivated on trenched ground: the young sprouts have a good salad-like flavour. the suddozye lora runs through the valley, about two miles from the town: it is a small stream, crowded here and there with bulrushes, sedges, etc. towards its banks there is a good deal of santonica, but elsewhere there is no good fodder, and wherever this is the case the camels eat iris, and destroy themselves. the valley is sprinkled over with villages and orchards, and is picturesque enough. in one spot, where water runs over the surface, it is delightfully green and velvety, covered with short grass and trefoil, carex, etc. in cornfields in this direction, berberidea ranunculiflora is very common, muscari, hyacinthus, taraxacum, plantago. of animals the jerboa, sent to macleod by mr. mackenzie, of the artillery, several specimens having been caught here: presenting affinities obviously with the hare, and analogies with the kangaroo. macleod has just given me, from his namesake of the 3rd cavalry, a tadpole-like animal, very similar to one from the khasiya hills. i fear it is a tadpole, but i keep the specimen lest it should be a lepidosiren. the orchards here consist of cherry, and a pomaceous tree which also is cultivated at shikarpore, and on the skirts occasionally of willows, which, were they unmutilated, would be handsome trees. the punjabi name of the pomaceous one is _sai-oo_, of the cherry or plum _aloochah_. senecionoid glauca is extremely common towards the river, but is not eaten by camels. in the streams arising from springs a myriophylloides is very common; as also in some places, ranunculus aquaticus, beccabunga, mentha piperitioid, a sicyoid, juncus, coniferae, and cariceae, all small. along the banks of the river, there is a good deal of a small thorny shrub with white bark and fleshy clavato-spathulate leaves. themopsis is extremely common, crucifera glauca ditto, peganum less so, achilleoides is very common. in damp spots a lotus (out of flower) occurs. the ground is covered in many places with an efflorescence of saltpetre. _quettah_.--the country was so disturbed throughout the greater part of the line, and attacks on followers so frequent, that i did not go out so much during the last few days as i otherwise would. the only plant that seems to a considerable extent local, is the larger asphodel, which is however found occasionally towards kuchlak. within the last few days vegetation has rapidly progressed; the orchards bursting into leaf, and the whole plain, where uncultivated, is assuming a greenish tint. i have nothing to add respecting the botany, except having found ceratophyllum and two species of chara, one a very interesting species from having the joints furnished with semi-reflexed, very narrow leaves, it is apparently dioeceous, there is also a naiad, much like that found at dadur. no lemnae occur among the vegetation: there is some sort of pea cultivated: but the chief object is wheat, then next to it in extent is lucerne, which is cultivated in plots; the ground being laid out as in wheat, so as to allow of irrigation. the climate is variable; rain generally falls every four or five days, before this happens it becomes hot and hazy, afterwards it is very cold and clear: the alternations are hence very great. from the thermometer immersed in the fount of a spring gushing out from a _kabreeza_, the mean temperature would appear to be 56 degrees. water running in cuts close to it, was 66 degrees. a tauschia occurs in abundance near the spot, and is remarkable for illustrating the nature of the leaves of the upper parts; it is curious that all such have a peculiar aspect. (for other plants of this neighbourhood, see cat. and icones.) the town although the third in khorassan, is a miserable place and has a deserted aspect, the houses are of the most temporary construction, and the hill is crowned by a poor half-ruined _kucha_ fort; the gates of the town are ornamented with wild goats' horns and heads. there is no trade, and the place is stated to be plundered often by caukers. orchards--apricots of large size, and very large cherry trees, a pomaceous plant with the habit of poplar, occurs; the ulmus of this place is one of the largest sized trees; no walnuts. _april 6th_.--left quettah for kuchlak. we traversed the sandy plain and then ascended the gravelly slope to the pass traversed before reaching kuchlak, the ascent and descent were about equal, but the former was long and gradual, the latter rapid and short. the features of the country are precisely the same; the pass is short, the descent to the ravine, which in the rains is evidently a watercourse, short and steep, not 100 feet. the mountains forming the sides are steep; and those to the left, bold and romantic, with here and there a small tree. the plain of kuchlak is like that of quettah, well supplied with water-cuts and one small canal, but miserably cultivated, and with very few villages. the hills forming its west boundary are low, rugged, and curiously variegated with red and white. tuckatoo forms part of its eastern boundary: no snow is visible on its face towards kuchlak: a few low rounded hillocks occur in the centre of the valley. the chief vegetation round the camp, is santonica. we encamped close to the western boundary of the valley, about two miles from the grand camp: total distance of the march thirteen and a half miles. the climate is very hot and variable; thermometer ranged to-day from 40 degrees to 86 degrees. the chief vegetation of the gravelly slopes is as marked as ever, and differs entirely from that of the sandy tillable portion; it consists of centaurea fruticosa, c. spinosa, anthylloides or ononoides, astragalus spinosus, and staticoides, another thorny composita occurs, but is not common, the herbaceous plants are cruciferae in large numbers, as well as compositae; of boragineae, a good many, some labiatae, a large salvia: towards the tillable lands or where gravelly places occur among these, asphodelus is common with cheiranthus; one or more fruticose dianthi occur in these places, and a curious shrubby polygonum. in dry watercourses cytisus is common, with a host of small cruciferae, boragineae, and compositae; papaveraceae are very common with glaucium. the novelties in the pass were ficus, lycium, some grasses, onosma. (see cat. from nos. 411 to 430,) marchantiaceae. _7th_.--proceeded to hydozee, distance eight miles. the country is very barren, diversified by curious low hills, of a red, white, or yellowish colour, divided by small bits of plain, which in some cases were a good deal cut up by ravines. passed immediately on starting, the sudoozye lora, here a sluggish muddy stream, knee-deep, twenty yards wide, and in addition to a bad dry cut, we passed likewise another little stream with a pebbly bottom and rapid current. the crops composing the very little cultivation seen before arriving, were backward and scanty: so were those at hydozee. the chief vegetation is santonica; here and there are gravelly spots with centaurea fruticosa, spinosa; statice, salvia, etc. re-occur. the commonest shrub along the watercourses is lycium, with another lycioid thorny plant. the low hills were in some cases stratified, the strata in others and perhaps in most were indistinct: most were rounded, but the outlines at a distance were very diversified. the novelties today were a fine vesicular calyxed astragalus, an isatidea, tulip of red, orange, and yellow, indiscriminately mixed, papaver rheas, cheiranthus lapidium, asphodels both sorts, but the second and larger one is uncommon, iris _stacyana_ very common in sandy places, iris agrestis, most common about suddozye, adonis, and ranunculus anemoides occurs. snow on north side of tuckatoo mountain as heavy as on chiltera; the valley of pisheen is here a miserable place, narrower than that of quettah. _9th_.--advanced to hykulzyea, distance twelve miles to the town, about eleven through a similar country with that previously noted, and until the expanded part of the valley of pisheen is entered the aspect is very barren; the road extends between low rounded hills. after crossing the valley of hydozyea, three streams are passed, none of any size. botanical features continue the same, santonica being still the prevailing plant. the curious frutex pluvinatus of sinab re-occurred, together with an additional subspiny astragaloid shrub and a small ruta. the hills are covered with distinct small shrubs, never coalescing into patches. peganum continues in addition to the other plants: glaucioides has aqueous juice, papaver rheas ditto, the other smooth-leaved one has it slightly milky. lycium and tamarisk 4-fida is rather common: hykulzyea is a far larger place than quettah, but miserably defended. the houses are very inferior, consisting of thatch and mud. the cultivation of wheat is rather extensive around. many villages are seen towards the hills to the north and nne.; also one or two forts, but not a tree is to be seen in the valley which is comparatively very large and very level. the hills to the north have the ordinary appearance; those separating us from the valley of hydozyea, more especially the lower ranges, are so confused that they look like a chopping sea, and present a red and white colour. the rock pigeon of loodianah is common about hydozyea. a few novelties occurred in the vegetation, the chief of which being a large salvoid labiata, a plant which is very common throughout khorassan from sinab in gravelly spots. leguminosae, boragineae, compositae, cruciferae, and labiatae, are the prevailing plants; salsola tertia not uncommon. birds as before, alauda cristata, and sylvioides being the most common; no red legged crows were seen. rock pigeons are abundant. _10th_.--march to berumby, distance thirteen miles, the road very bad in one or two places: the first difficulty being a rather deep ravine, the second a nullah, with water knee-deep, and very high precipitous banks, yet both these had to be passed. much of the baggage was not up at the encampment until 5 p.m., although we started at 3 a.m., but the nullah was literally choked up with camels. no change in the vegetation has appeared, except in the occurrence of large tracts of tamarisk, which tree reaches to nearly the same size as the _jhow_. very little cultivation is to be seen; the villages are tolerably numerous, especially near the hills forming the north boundary of the valley. _11th_.--entered the pass which is at first wide, with a gradual ascent, but which soon becomes narrowish, with a good though gradual and easy ascent: the mountains are of no height, and they are not generally precipitous: no limestone, but much clay slate occurs. the ravine up which we passed, or rather watercourse, was well stocked with xanthoxylon, some of large size as to the diameter of trunk, but very stumpy: water is found not far from the entrance: some cultivation also occurs and one large walled village, dera abdoollah khan, lay to our left. not much change in the vegetation: xanthoxylon is almost entirely confined to ravines, cerasus common, and one or two other prickly shrubs, and a ruta, onosma, linarea, coming into flower, are among the novelties. we encamped where the pass becomes narrow, and the ascent steep, and where water is plentiful, but the stream being soon absorbed does not appear to run down the main ravine at this season. _12th_.--halted, to make the road where the main ascent commences about 400 yards from our camp, and which is about 300 feet high; thence there is a descent, and afterwards an ascent to about 600 feet above the camp, whence the _low_ plains of candahar are visible, as well as the range to the north of which candahar stands. the road is good compared with places elsewhere to be seen, and for common traffic on camels may be easy enough; but for guns, it is steep and difficult. the way it has been made by the engineers is admirable and rapid; three other passes without roads, and in their rude natural state are as yet to be crossed. the pass here is narrow, none of the hills rise more than 1,000 feet above it, they are easily accessible, and are composed chiefly of clay slate. chikores are frequent. the cuckoo was heard to-day, as well as a beautifully melodious titmouse, with a black crown: a fine eagle, or falcon was seen. the hills are as usual barren, all the shrubs are thorny, and all the plants unsocial, never coalescing into any thing like groups. the xanthoxylon is found throughout in ravines up to nearly 7,000 feet, the utmost height of the pass. fraxmus of chiltera also occurs, cerasus primus, in abundance, cerasus alius, tertius, not uncommon, berberis! here and there in ravines, equisetoides, caraganoides altera; the most common shrubs of any size are cerasus primus. the other shrubs consist of the low customary compositae, and astragaleae, umbelliferae are common, among which last the nari, a species of assafoetida occurs? a beautiful iris is common, as well as tufts of berberideae, asphodelus major, and which is much eaten when cooked as a _turkaree_ by our hungry followers, eryngioides, aconitoides, a valeriana, three new small veronicae, small cruciferae, silenaceae, boragineae, and labiatae, form the bulk of the herbaceous vegetation. an arenarioid, muscoid, cruciferae, common at the head of the pass. a large acanthoid leaved umbellifera, a rheoides papillis verrucosum, this is a true rheum, and when cultivated becomes the _ruwash_ of the affghanistans; it is very common on the candahar face of the pass, particularly about chokey, where it is in flower. _13th_.--proceeded to chokey, not quite four miles. the top of the pass may be reached by three or four passes. i went by one to the right, which is easy enough, and the descent from which is much better adapted for camels than the made road, which is very steep, with two sharp turns, but soft. the descent thence is gradual, down one of the ordinary ravines, well clothed with the usual shrubs and xanthoxylon: our camels were a good deal fagged, but more from the halt at the pass, where some cathartic plant abounds and weakens them very much, than fatigue. the view from the top of the pass is very extensive: the plains are seen to have nearly the same level, and are divided here and there very frequently to north-east and north, by the ordinary mountains. _14th_.--halt; water here is not abundant, and is obtained from driblets and pools; around these, the surface is covered with a rich sward, which affords fine fodder for a small number of horses. in the swampy spots, _beccabunga_, anagallis, mentha, carex, glaux, apparently identical (so far as a memory of 7 years may be trusted,) with the english plant, the small variety of leontodon, medicaginoides, phleum, and the very small amaranthoid, polygonea, occur. the hills around chokey, and below it are rounded, those towards the pass being more steep. they are covered with centaurea fruticosa, and c. spinosa, a favourite food of camels when it has young shoots, santonica, statice, all of which grow precisely as before, boragineae, compositae, labiatae, and papilionaceae, are the predominant forms, and mostly of the same type: i observe a tendency among boragineae to have cup-shaped nuts. generally speaking, the plants are the same as those before found. rheas, papaver, glaucium purpureum, especially the two last are common, labiata salvoides, iris persica, and crocifolia (rare), trichonema, gentiana, alyssoides. the novelties were rheum, silena fruticosa, linaria, ruta, astragalina, 2 small silenaceae, iris, glaucium aureo-croceum, a beautiful boragineae with cup-shaped nut, lotoides, an hippophaoid looking shrub, scrophularia sp. singulous, malthioloids spiralis, allium, glaux, nitella, etc. (see catalogue 482 to 516.) graminea very common, rottboellia and anthistiria, 2 curious forms, the other more northern, umbelliferae common, nari much less so than on the south face. the vegetation of the summit which is nearly 7,000 feet, and of peaks which rise 600 to 700 feet above the pass, has no change, except the abundance of cruciferae and muscoides; cerasus is the chief shrub; thymelaeus frutex occurs at 6,500 feet. the prevailing rock is clay slate. _16th_.--marched to dund-i-golai, distance fifteen miles, we first descended gradually to the plain, and then traversed this until we skirted some low hills, about one and a half mile, from which a pool of water was situated, where we halted, and which was fed by a small cut coming from some distance. the road was very good throughout, the watercuts although not unfrequent, being either shallow or skirting the left of the road. the vegetation continued the same as about chokey, until the plains were reached, but the prickly shrub, habitu berberidioides, became more common in the water-cuts below than i had seen it before, while santonia, centaurea spinosa, and the plants of chokey, disappeared as we reached the plain, except some few herbaceous forms, which continued throughout. i was much indisposed during this march, and for the time we halted at dund-i-golai, a period of four days, was unable to go out, but capt. sanders and my people brought me many novelties, which i have not yet noted down. the chief vegetation of the plain is salsola tertia, the surface is level and firm, clothed with scattered salsola and a few stunted herbaceous plants, among which a yellow centaureoid, a crucifera siliquis junioribus clavati 4-gonis, were the most common, there was also a curious thiscoid looking plant. a considerable change commenced about the low hills, a thymelaeus shrub, some curious grasses, an erodium, a santonica, occupying the places of the former shrubs, and dipsacus or scabiosa becoming very common. the height of this place is about 4,040 feet, the climate most variable. fahr. thermometer 48 degrees to 105 degrees in single roofed tents. no cultivation seen, a pool of water is situated near the hill, and a little is reported as situated half-way between this place and chokey, this however i did not see. the country is much parched up, and bears every appearance of always having been so; no remains of tanks, villages, etc. visible. painted partridges were seen; and the eggs of a large bird like a plover? the wind inclining to be hot, but it is cool up to 7.5 or 8 a.m. alaudo cristata? and an alauda with the form of sylvia. _sunday_, _21st_.--proceeded to killa pootoollah, a distance of ten miles. the road was good over an open, dry, level country, but intersected with small cuts: some cultivation was passed, but no villages. some little improvement was observed close to the garrah hills, which are of the usual description, and of no great height: a curious slip of the strata exhibited itself, in which the upper strata are cut away in the centre as if there had been a watercourse there. vegetation continues the same. the thymelaeous shrub and iris, still occur in sandy spots, allium and a second species; centaureoides, yellow and pink, thesioides, a curious sand-binding grass, salsola tertia most common, and in some open firm places _joussa_ reappears as it did at dundi-golai: anthemis occurs, rheas, salvioides in stony places, otherwise few of the plants of the pisheen side are seen; grapes abundant about old and new cultivation, hordeum, bromus several species, triticoides, etc., in profusion. passed a deep well of considerable diameter, which had an open communication with a widish and deep canal, the only place i have seen that would hold a good deal of water; it was cut throughout in shingle, and was perhaps fifty feet in its deepest part. _22nd_.--left pootoollah for mailmandah, and on our arrival found some of the troops and the cavalry had passed through and made a double march to the river lora, a distance in all of twenty-four miles. there is a good deal of pure water at mailmandah running in a cut by the side of that, which is in the rains a considerable stream, also one or two _kabreezes_ about two miles further on, producing excellent water. the road first led up a ravine of some width, and swardy, and then over low hills, until we surmounted these to descend into the valley in which part of the army halted. the country continues mostly the same; although if possible it is still more barren than before: the mountains generally are more rugged: the ridges frequently toothed, and the sides precipitous; not a tree to be seen except a willow near some water, and a small arbusculoid fig. after passing the halting place we re-ascended an inclined plane, entered a gorge, and again issued out of it: after a short time again we entered into another valley drained by an actual river, _really_ _containing water_, and bounded to the west and north-west by curious red low hills, not unlike an embankment. the vegetation continues much the same: salsola tertia very common in some sandy places, centaurea spinosa, statice, santonia, etc. re-assuming their places on all gravelly slopes: some novelties occurred as (see catalogue, nos. 543 to 574 inclusive,) one or two new shrubs, cytisus, etc. the heat continues great; 102 degrees fahr. in tents in the middle of the day. we encamped on a flat ground about 200 yards from the river, which contains a good deal of water, and has a sluggish stream running to the north, surrounded by mountains, none of any height. wheat cultivation, arundo, vitex, prunus or cerasus abundant in the pass to the river, and yet the former does not indicate water as it ought to do, lycium, tamarisk, arundo on the banks of the river, and tamarisk in profusion in its bed. the cultivation on the opposite side of the river is remarkably clear of weeds, as compared with the cultivation at quettah, etc. achilleoides, veronica, iris crocifolia, phalaris, chenopodium, rottboellioides, hordeum vulgare, being the only or the chief plants cultivated. proceeded next to dai hap, thirteen miles, over a similar but even more barren country, the hills being destitute of all vegetation, except a few stunted small shrubs, such as statice. the usual plants recur with shingle and in sand, the chief is a _santonica_, {349} a few novelties occurred, among which is a curious plant, with large vesiculate petaloid connectiva. see catalogue, no. 576, et sequent. the hills continue with toothed ridges, near dai hap, where water is abundant, but not in the form of a river. thymelaea occurs in abundance, with a mimosea fruticosa humilis: a curious hairy-fruited polygonum et peganum, is among the most common plants. _25th_.--to khoshab, distance twelve miles, over a large level plain, either sandy, and then generally cultivated, or gravelly, and then uncultivated: road open: passed two dry beds of rivers: one must be of large size, but is very shallow. a new tamarisk occurs along it; no trees are visible until we approach candahar: vegetation continues much the same. _santonica_, (see above) centaurea spinosa, astragalina (ononoides recurs), staticoid, asphodelus, mesembryanthoid, peganum, are the chief plants, especially on gravel; most of the small cruciferae have disappeared, labiata-salvioides continues; a curious subaphyllous composita occurs, iris persica is not uncommon; another iris is found here and there in profusion, with gnidia in sandy spots, compositae, monocotyledons of abigoon are common in shingle. new rock pigeons. fine madder cultivation in _khets_. of birds the yellow hammer occurs. villages numerous, poor, and though built of mud and straw yet present abundance of small domes. in these dry hot plains the prevailing wind is westerly, blowing very strong in the heat of the day, and having a tendency to become hot: the thermometer is here 98 degrees. the cultivation of wheat is very general around our present encampment which is within four miles of candahar, the wheat is fine; lolioides occurs in it. _26th_.--halted: candahar is hid from us by some low hills, on the surmounting of which a large straggling place is obscurely visible, interspersed with trees, the valley is much smaller than that in which we are now, which is very extensive. munjit cultivation is conducted by deep trenches, it is a different species i think from that of the himalayas. the bed of the turnuk is now dry and very shallow: and the hills near us are extremely barren, the chief vegetation being paederioides vestila and staticoides cymosa, cheiranthus continues. the vegetation is very poor as indeed it has been since leaving the khojeb amrah, nor is there any appearance to be seen of a better autumnal vegetation. candahar is visible at a distance of six miles, from some low hills to the north of our camp. _27th_.--moved to candahar, skirting the low hills just mentioned and passed through two villages, a mile from candahar in a fine open plain. candahar has rather a pleasing aspect; it is situated close to a picturesque range of hills, and is well diversified with trees, barley and wheat fields. the slope on which the town stands is a parallelogram; towers occur frequently along the wall, which is however, of mud, and not strong; it is surrounded by a ditch utterly insignificant on account of its narrowness and shelving banks, this ditch is crossed by an insignificant causeway. the gate at which i entered is oblique, and is defended by a tower: it leads into the main street which is rather wide and not very dirty: towards the centre of this you pass under a middling dome, a street branching off to the right and left; the continuation of the main street or bazar leads to the _topekhanah_, or artillery ground, a small space quite disorderly, containing eight or ten guns, most of them melted at the mouth; one sheik 18-pounder of cast iron, another of english make, 140 years old. from the end of this space you pass over another similar ditch into the fort, the entrance to which is covered, affording two or three angles capable of good hand to hand defence. passing thence through some spaces occupied by low buildings, you reach khoondil khan's house, an extremely rude looking place outside, but very different within. it consists of two houses, one looking into a small square with a delicious reservoir of water, and some fine and very green mulberry trees; the ground being laid out as a garden with sweet-william, etc.; the water is supplied by a small cut, and is seven or eight feet deep. the garden fronts of both houses are prettily ornamented, one has a _tharkhanah_, delightfully cool; generally the rooms are small, coated with a pretty sort of stucco. the remaining sides of the square are occupied by offices; small rooms opening into the garden by lattice work evidently denote a portion of the _zenana_. altogether the khan must be a man of taste. the bazars of the city are well thronged, but the shops are by no means equal to those of buhawulpoor, and the manufactures, except those of earthenware, are utterly insignificant. tobacco, _atta_, _musallahs_, dried fruits, _aloo-bokhara_, figs, apricots, raisins, salt, sugar, a green fruit something between a plum and greengage, meat, onions, salads, _dhie_, _sherbets_, _kubabs_, wickerwork, singing birds, are offered for sale: also abundance of lucerne and some _bhoosee_. altogether it is a busy place, but not so busy as the road near the gate, which is thronged by followers, and dismounted europeans, who are forbidden access to the city without a pass. tea from khiva of good quality is procurable in small quantities. no women but old ones to be seen. the dress of the inhabitants very often, and in some cases very completely, approximates to that of the chinese. the features too of most are evidently of tartar cast, and some wear two tails of plaited hair. blue seems to be a favourite colour of dress. the chief trees about the city are mulberry, a few _khunjucks_, which is the xanthoxylon of bootan and the kojhlak passes, occur outside; willows are frequent, and generally appear to be cultivated, among these a weeping species here and there occurs. _may 3rd_.--the resources of the city are evidently small, the only things indeed that appear plentiful are earthenware and milk: grain is excessively dear, but is reported to exist in considerable quantities. khoondil khan having ordered all those out of the city, who had not provided themselves with six months' provisions. _atta_ or flour is now selling at two seers a rupee, or 6d per pound, and every thing is proportionally dear: wood excessively so, the chief fuel is derived from the _santonia_, which in some form or other appears to constitute a principal feature of the vegetation of central asia, and there is some other wood apparently derived from some tree i have not yet seen. some discontent prevails in the town owing to the high price of provisions, which is, no doubt, severely felt. the established price of grain is at the rate of eight seers the rupee, a rate established by the king, but on occasions like the present there can be no rule. water is very abundant, it is to be found within four feet of the surface, and some regiments have already supplied themselves from this source by means of temporary wells. the water is excellent. asses, ponies, and horses are common, the former are excellent, 150 rupees is a good price for one; they carry heavy loads with the additional weight of an affghan on their back; the ponies or tattoes are less valuable, but still they are strong. the horses are indifferent; good, generally speaking, but heavy, and with little spirit. excellent milch cows have been procured for twenty-five rupees, including the calf. goats are not easily procurable. sheep (_doombas_) are common, and afford excellent mutton, they vary in price from two to three rupees. tea from bokhara is procurable in small quantities; its quality is decent: it was originally eight rupees a seer but is now thirty. coarse russian cloths, and very inferior silks are also procurable. the great drawbacks are the want of wood, and above all want of inhabitants; from what i have seen of the cultivation, the soil appears to be very capable, and well adapted to barley and wheat; rice might also be raised as a summer crop. with regard to water, if there is a scarcity of this element, it is due to the indolence of the people. i have not yet seen any vestiges of buildings, topes, etc. to indicate that candahar has ever been a very populous place, the want of trees considering the ease with which they may be cultivated, is a strong evidence of the extreme laziness of the affghans, who appear to me remarkably low in the scale of civilization; and in personal habits, very generally inexpressibly filthy. poplars, mulberries, and willows are the principal trees: the poplar is very much akin to the _sofaida_ of the sutledge, it is a handsome tree, with a fine roundish crown. the fruit trees generally appear small in gardens; lettuces and onions are commonly cultivated, especially the latter, fields of lucerne are very abundant, and i believe clover also; a pony load of the former now costs five annas, but it is sufficient for a day's consumption of two or three horses. the pomegranate attains the ordinary size. in gardens two or three ranunculaceae, jasminum, pinks, sweet-williams, marigolds, stocks, and wall-flowers, are common, with a broad-leaved species of flag, the flowers of which i have not seen. the crops vary according to the mode in which they have been watered; if this has been properly done, they are rich. some of the fields are tolerably clean, others filled with weeds, among which a dipsacea, and one or two centaureae are very common. the villages are not generally defended: each house has its own straggling direction, is built of mud, and the roof is generally domeshaped, and it has its own enclosure within a mud-wall. the houses are very low, and indicate poverty, and want of ingenuity. the better order appear always with arched roofs, and none are without picturesque ribs and recesses. the vineries here are so well enclosed, that there is no way of access except by scaling the mud-wall: the vines are planted in trenches; a row on each side, and allowed to run over the elevated spaces between the trenches. in one garden pomegranates, a pomaceous tree, and mulberries, whose fruit is now ripe but quite devoid of flavour, occurred. a zygophyllum, a beautiful capparis, an anthemis, marrubium, centaureoides 2, occurred as weeds, with plantago, phalaris, cichorium. for an excellent register of the thermometer at this place, i am indebted to the kindness of dr. henderson; the range in the open air is from 60 degrees to 110 degrees!!! the variations in the wet bulb are due to the currents of air, which beginning about 11 a.m., pass into a rather constant strongish west wind about 11.5 or 2 p.m., and even almost become hot. the climate is excessively dry, as indicated by the effects it has on furniture, etc. the difference of temperature between a tent, even with two flies or double roof, and the open air in free situations, is by no means great; thus when the thermometer was 105 degrees in part of my tent, it was scarcely 110 degrees in the sun; in capt. thomson's large tent 102 degrees; placed against the outer _kunnat_, it rose to 105 degrees. hanging free with black cloth round the bulb, 112 degrees. but to shew the great heating powers of the sun, the thermometer with the bulb, placed on the ground and covered with the loose sand of the surface of the soil, rose to 141 degrees. black partridges occur in the cornfields here, but in no great numbers. much of the cultivation of barley, wheat, and rye, is very luxuriant, but the proportion of waste, to cultivated land is too considerable to argue either a large population or active agricultural habits. pastor roseus occurs in flocks; it is evidently nearly allied to the _mina_. the capabilities of this valley are considerable, more particularly when the extreme readiness with which water is obtained in wells is considered, as well as the nature of the soil, which is well adapted to husbandry. candahar, viewed from about a mile to the west of our camp, backed by the picturesque hills (one bluff one in particular), the numbers and verdure of the trees, the break in the mountains on the herat road, presents a pretty scene. _8th_.--the installation of the shah, which took place to-day on the plain to the north of the city, was a spectacle worth seeing on account of the grand display of troops; but there were very few of the inhabitants of candahar or surrounding villages present. mulberries and apricots are now ripening. rats, a viverra with a long body and short legs, tawny with brown patches, face broad, blackish-brown, white band across the forehead, and white margins to the ears which are large; storks were seen when alarmed. pastor roseus occurs in flocks; magpies, swallows, swifts, and starlings. there is a garden with some religious buildings, to which an avenue of young trees leads in a north-east direction from one of the cabul gates, for there are two on this face. the buildings are not remarkable; nor are the trees, which are small; a few planes (platanus) occur, the most common is the _benowsh_, a species of ash, (fraxinus) of no great size or beauty. the elegant palmate leaved pomacea likewise occurs, with the mulberry: the marigold is a great favourite. the fields are now ripening, this being the harvest-moon. wild oats occur commonly, although they are not made any use of; the seed is large, and ripens sooner than any of the others; from the size of the uncultivated specimens, i am sure that oats would form an excellent crop. in the fields cichorium is very common, and carduacea, centaurea cyanea, dipsaceae, and in certain low places an arundo, are the most common weeds; two or three silenaceae, and umbelliferae also occur. in the ditches typha, butomus, watercresses, alomioides, ceratophyllum, lemna _gibba_? confervae, gramineae two or three, ranunculus, potamogeton, one species immersa; mentha, sium. on the _chummuns_, which are of no extent, but which are pleasing from their verdure and soft sward chiefly consisting of carex, trifolium, juncus rigidus, santalacea, and gentiana likewise prevail. the fields of lucerne are luxuriant, but require much water, the price of which is very dear; one ass-load costs eight annas!! iris crocifolia is common in old cultivations. the city is situated at the termination of one of the shingly slopes, which are universal between the bases of the hills, and the cultivated portion of the valley. the ditch is hence shingly, whereas an equal depth in the cultivated parts would meet nothing but a sandy, light, easily pulverizable brownish-yellow soil, tenacious, and very slippery when wet. the tobacco crop is excellent. chapter xv. _candahar to cabul_. the good old _moolla_ of a mosque, to which we resort daily, gives me the following information about the vegetable products of this country, from which it would seem, that every thing not producing food, is looked upon with contempt. the fruit trees, are-1. _sha-aloo_, _aloo-bookhara_, (damson), which has ripe fruit in august, the same time as figs; _zurd-aloo_, (apricot), _aloocha_--apricot, _shuft-aloo_, another kind of apricot; _unar_, (pomegranate); _ungoor_, (grapes); _unjeer_, (guava); _bihee_, (figs); _umroot_, _toot_, (mulberry); _aloogoordaigoo_, _shuft-aloo_, all these _aloos_ being pomaceous. the elaeagnus is called sinjit: it produces a small red fruit, used in medicine as an astringent, it ripens in august, and sells at eight or nine seers the rupee; it is exported in small quantities; but the plant is not much esteemed. the _munjit_ is an article of much consequence; it is exported chiefly to china and bombay, some goes to persia; the roots are occasionally dug up after two years, but the better practise is to allow them five to seven: the price is six hindostanee maunds for a rupee. the herb is used for camel fodder. the affghan name is _dlwurrung_. the common artemisia of this place is called _turk_; the camels are not so fond of it, as they were of the sinab and quettah sort; perhaps this is due to their preferring joussa, which is found in abundance. the carrot is called _zurduk_; it is dug in the cold months, and sown in july; three seers are sold for a pice: both men and cattle use it. _turbooj_, (watermelon,) ripens in june; it is not watered after springing up; four seers are sold for a pice. but i have not seen much of this fruit. the wheat is watered according to the quality of the soil, the better the soil the less water is required, and this varies from four to eight repetitions of water. _jhow_ requires two waterings less. wheat is considered dear if less than one maund is sold for the rupee. one year ago, three maunds of barley, and four of wheat were sold for a rupee. iris odora, _soosumbur_; (the two kinds, and _datura_ has the same name) is indigenous. the timber trees, or rather trees not producing fruit, and which the _moolla_ thinks very lightly of, are the _chenar_, (plane), _pudda_, (poplar?), baid, _sofaida_. the fig trees are often planted in rows, they are very umbrageous, and look very healthy. these, and the mulberry, are the most common; next are the bullace and damson. neither are worth introducing to india, nor have i seen any thing yet in the country that is so. it is certainly the interest of the inhabitants to keep the army here as long as our commissariat places so many rupees in their hands. it may indeed be questionable whether with an overpowering army, the rates paid for grain and other supplies for the troops should not be established by authority rather than advancing money for grain at exorbitant rates, when the crops are entirely within the command of foraging parties. _atta_ now sells at two and three-quarter seers the rupee, a mere nominal fall, for the dealers will only give fifteen annas for a company's rupee. there is a curious _hazy_ appearance of the atmosphere over the city in the evening, occasioned by fine dusty particles from cattle, suspended in air; which, from their fineness, are long in subsiding. this curious hazy weather increases daily, yesterday evening was very cloudy, and this morning the wind rather strong and southerly up to 8 a.m.: and at 5.5 p.m. the sun is either quite obscured, or the light so diminished, that the eye rests without inconvenience on his image. in the morning the wind strengthens as the sun attains height and power. the old _moolla_ says that this weather commences in khorassan with the setting in of the periodical rains in the north-western provinces of india, and continues with them. from the direction of the wind it is probably connected with the commencement of the south-west monsoon at bombay, for the rains at delhi do not commence before june. the haze is so strong at times that hills within three to five miles are quite obscured; it tends to diminish the temperature considerably, especially between seven and eight of a morning; curious gusts of hot winds are observed, even when the general nature of the wind is cool. _21st_.--a fine and clear cold morning; thermometer 56 degrees at 7 a.m. in the tent. air fresh; thermometer 75 degrees at 9 p.m. a few drops of rain at 12; _cloudy generally_. _22nd_.--thermometer 48 degrees at 5 a.m. similar weather, clear and elastic: south winds continue but of less strength. easterly wind prevails in the morning up to 9 a.m., after which hour the westerly hot wind, variable in strength, sets in: the range of the thermometer is then somewhat increased, although in the house it does not rise above 90 degrees. the _moolla_ tells me, that snow is of rare occurrence at candahar; he mentions one fall in about four or five years. the rains last for three months, and happen in winter. during the winter all occupations out of doors are suspended, and people wrap themselves up, and sit over fires. clouds are of very rare occurrence, and then only partial. the clouds, if resulting from the south-west monsoon, ought to be intercepted by the paropamisus and hindoo koosh, and rain ought to fall along these and about ghuznee at this time. in the evening a cool wind sets in, indicating a fall of rain somewhere. rarity of dews in khorassan: as dews depend on a certain amount of moisture either in the soil or atmosphere, it follows that in a very dry climate no dews will occur. the occurrence of the dews here at this period, is another proof that rain must have fallen somewhere (to the southward), to which the coolness of the weather is attributable. yesterday and to-day, the thermometer at 5 a.m. stood at 48 degrees, 49 degrees; at 8 p.m. 75 degrees, 72 degrees, the daily range in the mosque is from 70 degrees to 80 degrees. capt. thomson suggests that the dews observed here are either confined to, or much greater in the _chummuns_, in which the water is very close to the surface, as indicated _inter_ _alia_ by the green turf. the kinds of grapes are numerous; those earliest ripe are the black, and a small red kind called _roucha_; which will be ripe in the latter end of this moon. _kismiss_ another sort, comes in july. the _tahibee_ is the best kind produced here, and the dearest. tobacco is cultivated chiefly along the arghandab; it is planted about this season, and gathered in two or three months, and requires to be watered ten or twelve times. the barley is now fully ripe, and is generally cut and thrashed in some places. pears in gardens are now ripe. candahar valley is of great extent to the westward, or south-west and ssw. the wasps, with large femora, i observe build their mud nests in houses. the rarity of lepidoptera, except perhaps some nocturnal moths, is curious; coleoptera are more common, but inconspicuous. ants are abundant in the mud walls. a small gnat with large noiseless wings, is very annoying, and the bite very painful and irritating. doves, and wild pigeons are tolerably common, as also crested larks, and swifts. abundance of lizards; a venomous snake of brown colour, having an abruptly attenuated tail. every thing that happens shows how credulous, and how unenquiring we are; and in all cases out of our particular sphere, how extremely apt most are to give excessive credit, where a moderate only is due. it is a generous failing which it is difficult to condemn, particularly with regard to our travellers in this direction. instance connolly, and certainly gerard whose acquaintance with burnes and its results demands attention. it is singular that his name scarcely occurs in burnes' book, although his scientific knowledge and mss. submitted to government, entitle him to be considered an observant, and well-informed traveller. pottinger is another instance of what i have said above. the general opinion is, and it is one which i have not discarded entirely, that he threw himself into herat, that he was throughout the siege daily employed in the front of the garrison, and that it is owing to his personal exertions that herat was saved. i hear however on good authority that he was at herat accidentally, and wished to leave it when the besiegers appeared, but was prevented by want of funds. so anxious was he however to get away, as his leave of absence had expired, that he was obliged to discover himself to yar mahommed, and request loans to enable him to rejoin india. the vizier at once secured him, took him to kamran, and hindered him from leaving, forcing him indeed to the dangerous elevation of british agent at herat. his merits, if this be true, rest on very different grounds from those generally supposed; his courage however has been proved of a high moral cast. the _joussa_, the _moolla_ tells me, is the _kan shootur_ or _shootur_ _kan_. burnes' account of the _turunjbeen_ or manna is correct, except perhaps in the limits he assigns to its production. it is at any rate produced here and sold in the bazar, its production while the plant is in flower is curious, and worthy of examination; it may however be deposited by an insect, in which case the probable period of its production would be that of inflorescence. there is some cultivation of indian corn here, the plants have now attained one-third of their growth. except in the immediate vicinity of the town, nothing can exceed the sterility of the valley, or rather its desolation: scarcely a plant, beyond the peganum and _joussa_, is to be found. _khaisee_, an excellent smooth skinned apricot, is now ripe, and is of light yellowish colour, sometimes faintly spotted; it is a product from grafts, the seeds are useless, as they do not continue the good qualities of the fruit: it is here grafted on _zurd-aloo_, _thulk_, potentilla quinquefolia. melons and grapes are now coming in; the former, at least those i have seen, have pale pulp, and are not superior. the grapes first ripe are the ordinary black sort: we tasted yesterday some very good ones in the _moolla's_ garden. the _kismiss_ are especially delicate, and another large sort of very fine rich flavour, both were rather unripe. those for packing are still unripe. the trenches in this garden are very deep: the vines are planted on the northern face only. gardens are very common to the south-west of the town. the valley of the arghandab is the most fertile part of khorassan i have yet seen. a strip of cultivation extends along the banks of the river, and from these last not being high, the stream is easily diverted into channels for irrigation. seen from any of the neighbouring hills, the valley presents one uniform belt of verdure, almost as far as the eye can reach, and the view up and down is of some extent. the chief cultivation is wheat, barley, and lucerne; _chummuns_ also occur. gardens abound, together with fine groves of mulberry trees, the former are walled in, and are verdant to a degree. there is a bluff mountain to the north of candahar, the disintegration of which is so rapid, that it is evident from the slope of the debris, it will in time bury the original structures. the hills forming the ridge separating arghandab from candahar, as well as all those rugged looking ones about candahar, are of limestone, they are much worn by the weather, and full of holes. they are very barren, the only shrubby vegetation of any size being ficus, which may be the stock of the _ungoor_, as it resembles it a good deal, centaurea spinosa, paederiae 2, echinops, pommereulla, one to two, other graminae, lemongrass, dianthus, peganum, cheiranthus as before, sedum rosaceum, gnaphalium, _hyoceyamus_, _didymocarpeae_, gnidia, etc. the arghandab is a good sized river, with channel subdivided: its stream is rapid and fordable; no large boulders occur in its bed; the temperature of its water is moderate. the fish are a cyprinus and a barbus, or oreinus with small scales, thick leathery mouth, and cirrhi; a loach of largish size, flat head, reddish, with conspicuous brownish mottlings, and a silurus. the hills forming the northern boundary of the valley are picturesque, and of several series, and perhaps the subordinate valleys are not so large and fruitful in this direction. between arghandab and candahar, two ranges occur; one interrupted: the other nearer candahar has first to be surmounted at a low pass; the pass is short, rugged and impassable for guns. the inner ridge is much closer to the cultivated part of the valley than the northern range. between it and the arghandab, at least six cuts occur: these are met with generally in threes, and are at different elevations; the inner one being close at the foot of the hills; great labour must have been required to make them. numerous villages, some with flat roofed houses occur. arundo, salsola, plantago, p. coronopoid, cnicus, juncus, veronica exallata, santalacea, mentha, lactucoides, chenopod. 2-3, panicum, samolus, ceratophyllum; salix occurs near the river; apricots, apples, pomegranates, damsons or plums, bullaces, pears, mulberries and raspberries in the gardens. the shingle found about all the hills in khorassan, can scarcely be derived from any source but disintegration, it slopes too gradually and uniformly for upheavement. if my idea is correct, the mountains will at some period be buried in their own debris, of course inspection of the shingle will at once point out whether this is true or not, more especially _in all those places where the rocks are of_ _uniform structure_. there is a curious desert to the south and southwest of candahar, elevated a good deal above the valley, quite bare, and stretching a long way to the westward: it is seen for forty miles along the girishk road. _curious reflection_.--observed in ghee used as lamp-oil, a bubble ascending from the surface of the water on which it floated, met by another descending; the deception of this is perfect. that it is due to reflection, is apparent from the variation of the length of the descent, according to the angle under which it is viewed. when viewed from beneath at a very oblique angle, the descent is complete, but if viewed parallel to the surface, no appearance of the sort occurs. the reflection is due to the surface of the ghee which appears to be more dense than the rest, probably more oily; this mathematical reflection may suggest others of a moral nature, touching our liability to mistaken views of things, from observing only one side. old candahar is about three miles to west of the new town; it is immediately under a steep limestone range, running about southwest, and not exceeding 500 feet in height. it bears marks of having been fortified, and at either extremity remains of forts are still visible. the fort of forty steps is at the north end of the range. the town is in complete ruins; indeed none of the edifices are visible except those that occupy the mound of stones, (with which they are partly built) probably the site of the citadel. on three sides, the town is fenced by two respectable ditches, the outer one about 50 yards wide; both are now, especially the outer, beds of marshes; they were supplied by cuts from the arghandab river. wells exist however. there is one white mosque in good preservation. the works were strong, and much better than the very indifferent ones of new candahar; and the walls of the town were prolonged up the face of the hills. about candahar, conical houses occur, probably for granaries. a curious mosque cut out of the rock in situ, is seen on the girishk road, with a flight of steps leading to it, cut in like manner out of the rock. there is also in the same quarter the fort of chuhulzeenat, or forty steps; a work not of very considerable extent; and as in other asiatic countries i have visited, troughs are cut in rocks for separating grain from the husk. but there is no work to be seen indicating vast labour or any genius. some remains of good pottery may be picked up; and the earth of which the works, etc. were made, is filled with remains of coarse pottery. _27th_.--moved four miles to shorundab, the country is very barren: not much _joussa_: the water is brackish at our present encampment, which is within sight of babawallee. _28th_.--proceeded to kileeyazim, ten and a quarter miles, marched at 2 p.m. and reached the place at 6 p.m., the camels arriving one hour afterwards: the ground is generally good, throughout stony, difficult in places and undulated, particularly in two situations occasioned from cuts. there is a square fort, situated at the halting place with a tower at each corner, and on north face two; as well as towers at the gate: but without windows. _joussa_ is abundant, as also grass along the cuts. salsola rotundifolia, a chenopodia, and a curious prickly, leafless composita and _joussa_ occur, the latter most common, artemisiae sp. also rock pigeons and the raven. halted one mile to the east of the fort. _29th_.--proceeded to the turnuk, near khet-i-ahkoond, distance fifteen and a half miles. the country continues the same, no cultivation to be seen before reaching the turnuk. the road tolerable, over gravelly or shingly ground: it was at first level, until we reached a mountain gorge, when it became undulated. passed the dry beds of two streams, the second the larger: its banks were clothed with vitex instead of tamarisk. at the entrance of gorge a fort similar to that of yesterday was passed. scarcely any change in vegetation. artemisiae one or two, centaurea spinosa, salsola cordifolia and aphylla? are the most common plants, euonymus and malpighiacea? polygonoides, occurred along the nullah, a pretty species of the plant, antheris globosis petaloideo-terminalis, in profusion in some places, literally colouring the ground: close to it another very distinct species, foliis connatis, floribus albis, a rubiaceous crystalline looking plant, another novelty; all the plants about the hills at candahar continue: dianthoid, statice, paederia villosa. cultivation along the turnuk, melons in small trenches, the crops are now cut, _jhow_ or _gaz_ along the bank: but there is not much water. the hills around are apparently of limestone, very picturesque, and presenting very fine cliffs. the valley of the turnuk is here very narrow, and the country very arid looking, completely burnt up. _joussa_ rather scarce, _doob_ grass occurs along the river, the water of which is discoloured. _30th_.--proceeded to shair-i-suffa, ten miles and six furlongs. the country continues the same. the road extending along the right bank of the turnuk, over undulating ground for one and a half or two miles, is bad, very narrow, and overhanging the steep bank of the river, scarcely passable for wheel carriages without preparation. vegetation continues precisely the same: little verdure to be seen even along the turnuk: the hills desperately barren; a high mound occurs in middle of the valley near our halting place, well adapted for a fort, but unoccupied. small fields of cultivation are now seen. a small species of mullet occurs in the river: thermometer 101 degrees at 1 p.m. in the tent. nothing can exceed the barren aspect of this valley, which is near khet-iahkoond, but at several miles distance, a few trees are visible in nooks: the only green along the banks of the river, is occasioned apparently by tamarisk: the hills are picturesque, rugged, varied with bold cliffs, the valleys are changed in structure, being now occupied by rounded undulated ground, instead of hollow basins. [river turnuk banks: m363.jpg] _july 1st_.--proceeded ten miles, and halted on the turnuk within one mile of the tower of tirandaz. the country continues precisely the same: the road at first is bad, owing to the inhabitants having tried to flood it. at a distance of six miles we ascended a small defile without any difficulty; the remainder of the march being over undulating stony ground: the valley then becomes narrow, and we again enter into the arable part, which is especially narrow. the hills present the same aspect. _joussa_ very abundant, and also artemisia, and a salsoloides flore ochroleuco. no villages are visible. we are unable to judge of the extent of cultivation, because the country, which seems uniformly dried up, is rugged and bouldery: on the right is the old bed of the river, consisting of dry sand. we crossed one small nullah, when an old fort became visible on a hill, in the centre of the valley. _2nd_.--proceeded to toot, a distance of eleven miles, through a similar country; the road dividing at the low hills approaching the river and forming its banks, which are in places precipitous; the greater part of the difficulties were avoided by taking the lower route, that along the hills being impassable for guns owing to the large rocks scattered in every direction, and detached from conglomerate hills. two or three nullahs were passed, one with a little water. the ground was besides a good deal cut up towards the centre of the valley, and a water-cut was crossed several times. owing to the delay in making the road, the troops did not reach the encamping ground before 8 or 8.5 p.m., the camels in some instances not before 12 p.m. an attack is reported to have been made on the baggage at the river where the road ascends the cliff: it was prevented by a party of the 13th, who shot two of the marauders. _joussa_ is plentiful, and mentha in flower. the turnuk river is 20 feet broad, the current rapid, and the water discoloured; the banks are sandy, 15 feet high: coarse grass, clematis scandens fol. ternatisectis pinnatis. _jhow_ is abundant. _3rd_.--from toot to ----, nine miles and four furlongs. road decent, over the usual sort of ground, except in one place, where the bank approaches the river; this defile is much shorter and much easier than that at tirandaz or rather jillongeer: a small river with a little water is crossed: here the road for a very short distance bends suddenly to a little west of north, but having crossed a narrow and deep ravine-like cut, resumes its original direction. the country continues precisely the same, the valley however becomes narrow and more undulating, while the peculiar limestone ranges appear to be fewer. reached the encamping ground in very good time, the vegetation almost precisely the same as before, but with some willow trees. many of the ravines are however, actually covered with thickets, apparently of the prickly yellow flowered dioica shrub of _chummun_; trees and these shrubs occupied by thousands of a hymenopterous insect or fly. _joussa_ very abundant: a village, the lights of one were visible _en route_. the water of the turnuk is still very much discoloured, its bed shingly, and the ground near it much cut up: a mill was passed on the river; the valley here not being 500 yards wide: the climate is more agreeable, though still very hot in the middle of the day; in the shade, the air continues pleasant up to 10 a.m. thunder not heavy, was succeeded by a squall from the ene.; little rain fell, but there were clouds of dust. _4th_.--reached khilat-i-gilzee, distance thirteen and a half miles, from our last encampment, direction ne. by e. as before: the aspect of the country is unchanged, the road became somewhat difficult about one and a half mile from camp, where a defile exists along the hills forming the bank of the river; it was however much easier than that of botee. thence we continued over undulating ground, leaving the turnuk river to the right, but reverting to it beyond the fort. half-way the deep and steep channel of a river presented a serious obstacle; the country gradually rises until khilat-i-gilzee fort is passed, from thence it descends somewhat. at this place there is a considerable expanse of irregular valleys; and to south curious low undulated ground occurs: to the southeast is a patch of table land, which is not an uncommon form in these parts; some cultivation here exists along the turnuk, which runs half a mile below the fort, which is in ruins, occupying a hill not commanded by any near ones. this is of no great height, and has two ramifications, and in the centre the remains of a tower. in the valley extending nne. two villages with castles occur, together with a good many low trees. vegetation the same: a curious antirrhinoid plant occurs out of flower, echinops, carduacea, and a curious centaurea. wet places abound in rumex and tamarisk along the river. horsemen were seen after passing the fort: two or three willow trees about the villages. _jhow_ or barley is selling for ten seers the rupee, _atta_ or flour at eight. _5th_.--khilat-i-gilzee is a very uninteresting place, with little appearance of cultivation. the vegetation of the undulated ground continues the same, asphodelus, mesembryanthemoides, remains of tauschia, and the former cruciferae. the turnuk discharges a good deal of water much discoloured, and forming a series of constant rapids. the most common plants are artemisiae two or three species, centaurea spinosa, salsola luteiflora, almond groves, iris crocifolia? vel sp. affinis, asphodelus, mesemb., salvioides, thermopsis, cichorium, _joussa_, and mentha recur, the two last in abundance. the new plants are a chenopodium, polygonum, lotoides, triticum, astragalus, scirpus, caesalpinioides, centaurea micrantha, and eryngioides: a spring occurs in the old fort of khilat-i-gilzee. indian-corn is just sprouting up, barley and other crops ripe. latitude of khilat-i-gilzee 32 degrees 7' 30"; altitude, bar. 24.740: the climate is disagreeable from the violent sudden extremes to which it is exposed. west winds during day, and east winds of a morning. _6th_.--proceeded to sir tasp, ten miles, north-east, road good over an open undulating country, the only difficulty in the way arising from a cut with deep holes in it. vegetation continues precisely the same: limestone hills less frequent, or at any rate much less rugged, and the country assumes a much more open character. artemisia most abundant, of large size, caesalpinia, euonymus dioica, centaurea spinosa, echinops, new plants two linariae, eryngium, verbascum. altitude 24.505, latitude 32 degrees 12' 22" north. _atta_ has risen in price to seven seers a rupee. _7th_.--arrived at nooroock after a march of nine miles; still extending up the valley in a direction north-east--direct on the star capella. the country is undulated; vegetation still the same. artemisia most abundant and of a larger size; road good: no fodder for horses, except along the river: the valley open, distant hills on either side with a fine range to the north of the camp, apparently composed of limestone, with abundance of junipers, and the iris of dund-i-golai very common. hares, rock pigeons, alauda. myriads of cicada, and the jerboa rat. the turnuk river is again occasionally in sight, valley apparently little cultivated. stipa very common, as well as iris, festuca vivipara, astragali sp., and artemisia. cloudy evening, followed by a stormy night; wind southerly. _8th_.--reached tazee, eight miles seven furlongs from nooroock: direction still the same, no change: the road good, extending over an undulated country, except one or two small nullahs with rather steep banks. a range of mountains seen to the north, called kohi-soork, continue forming a long line, the southern boundary of which is broken: we are encamped opposite a valley running east, presenting much cultivation: several villages indicated by distant _smoke_: some trees are seen here and there: the face of the valley is rather green, indicating more water than usual. vegetation is precisely the same; no _joussa_ or other fodder for camels than artemisia and spinous compositae. morning very cloudy and cold at 12 p.m. the plants met with are chara, naiad, polygoni 3, malva fl. amplis lilacinis, on banks of river. _9th_.--_shuftul_, five miles: the direction lay towards the star capella: road bad, requiring to be made over three difficult ravines, all forming beds of torrents descending from the koh-i-soork. the country otherwise presents the same features. the turnuk runs close under the southern boundary of the valley, and is here a pretty stream of considerable body. _joussa_ grows abundantly on its immediate banks, together with excellent grass and some clover, one or two new compositae, one of them a matthiola, otherwise artemisiae, stipa, centaurea spinaceis herb. astragalus, and peganum, are the most common; muscoides, plantaginacea reoccur, a curious _leaved_ composita? _10th_.--halted yesterday, and went out along the banks of the turnuk: where i found twenty-six species not obtained before. some cultivation was observed, but as usual weedy, abounding with two species of centaurea. in ditches two species of epilobium, sparganium, mentha, polygonum natans, ranunculus aquaticus, lotus, carex, astragaloid on swards, on the sandy moist banks of the turnuk: epilobium, two veronicae, several cyperaceae, 2 or 3 junci, cyperus fuscus. alisma abundant in swamps: small partridges: no chakor: hares, swifts, rock-pigeons. springs of beautiful clear water: temperature not changeable, 59 degrees; two small platiceroid fishes in it; tadpoles. temperature of the river 78 degrees. the fish of this river are the same as those of the arghandab, the large cyprinus takes cicada greedily. the vegetation of the hills is the same: cerasus pygmaeus and canus, common; the novelties were a fine composita, plectranthus, ephedra in fruit, artemisia, and astragal., formed the chief bulk; _joussa_ is common on the river sides. this place is 150 feet above the last, yet the increased elevation is not appreciable to the sight: the tents of the army at the tazee encampment are distinctly visible. _atta_ sold, at eight seers yesterday, barley sixteen seers for the rupee. where the sellers come from i know not. _atta_ was fifteen seers, but it was soon made eight by the approach of the army, and to-day it has risen to four and a half. _11th_.--proceeded to chushm-i-shadee, ten miles six furlongs, direction the same: road good, not requiring any repairs; it continues up the valley but at a greater distance from the river than before; the valley is enclosed in hills on both sides. koh-i-soork, the northern one, is not very high, but bold and cliffy, with very little cultivation: the country is less undulated. chushm-i-shadee is a beautiful spring, not deep, but extending some distance under ground; large-sized fish are found in it: apparently ophiocephali, but only parts of their bodies can be seen. indian-corn and madder are cultivated: a new asteraceous flower was found. passed a small eminence in the centre of the valley, about three miles from chushm-i-shadee. _joussa_ very abundant. temperature of spring 59 degrees. _12th_.--reached chushm-i-pinjup, six and a half miles, direction more northerly; keeping capella a little to the right: the country is precisely the same, the road good, one or two easy ravines; one with water in it. the valley is rather wider, soil much less shingly, and capable of cultivation; several patches of trees are visible in many directions, indicating villages. we encamped opposite the entrance or gap between the mountains forming hitherto the southern boundary, and a more lofty range is seen running parallel with them, about east and west. this range is of considerable height; presenting a _peculiar slope_ rising almost half-way up, and very conspicuous: four forts are seen in this direction; together with several patches of trees, and a good deal of cultivation, but nothing to what might exist. artemisia is the chief shrub; several good springs occur: clover, and good grass are both abundant for a small party; _joussa_ in cultivation. the mountain range to the north is very fine, and apparently of different formation from the others; here and there whitish patches occur. there is a very evident slope, which is very gradual from the northern range to the _peculiar_ slope of the southern. several springs of fine water occur: the temperature of which is 60 degrees. fish are abundant about the mouths of these springs, which are like caves; their waters form one of the heads of the turnuk, along them mentha, gramineae 2, plantago major, centaurea magnispina, compositae, trifolium. in the spring polygonum natans, and p. graminifol., chara, cyperacae. [peculiar slope: m368.jpg] _13th_.--gojhan, the distance to this place is 12 miles 6 furlongs: it is not within sight of the turnuk, though still up the valley of that river, with the same boundaries: a few ravines were crossed but they were not difficult: the road, otherwise level, turning most of them, and capable of easy transit. one small stream was passed, when we encamped on a small cut with excellent water: the banks as usual clovery and grassy; opposite this are two villages on either side of a gorge in the northern boundary, both apparently fortified; the one to the north of the gorge is of large size. the country is not shingly, but the soil is mixed with small pebbles; to our right is a bold hill; vegetation the same. _bicornigera_ planta is very common, and a good deal of madder cultivation occurs; wheat and barley all cut and thrashed or trodden out: _atta_ selling eight and a half seers the rupee. thermometer at day break 49 degrees, the west winds continue strong: they arise about 11 a.m. and continue till sunset, sometimes even a little later; they are not hot. this place, and its environs, is one of the most promising looking i have seen; the whole face of the country being perhaps capable of cultivation. no _joussa_ seen except perhaps among the cultivated fields; grass is plentiful enough for a small force, and _boosee_ likewise. quails were seen on the march at some distance: it seems to be a great country for potash, and perhaps for camphor, which is evidently abundant in one species of artemisia. _14th_.--proceeded to mookhloor or _chushm-i-turnuk_, twelve and a half miles; direction about nne. the country is the same, but the road is more raviny: certain passes occur about three miles from gojhan, presenting a fine defile, and some smaller ones afterwards. vegetation continues the same. artemisiae, astragali, and peganum, are most common; observed a new astragalus. the valley is much wider after passing gojhan; the southern boundary is not so distinct, owing to the haze: there is not much cultivation, which appears to be confined to the slopes under the hills. mookhloor is situated under a fine limestone cliff; and an excellent stream of water occurs here, and abundance of fine grass along the humid banks: along this water villages are abundant, they are all fortified. trees are plentiful, indeed after candahar and arghandab, this is the best looking place we have seen: the view is not distinct however, owing to the haze above alluded to: beyond the water, lies a vast and barren plain. fish are abundant in the stream, and vegetation luxuriant along its margins. this stream divides into two or three branches, which are all soon choked up with sedges, etc., a cut carries off the greater part of the water, the slope is to the south, or a little to the west of south. typha angustifolia occurs in profusion, mentha, cochlearia, epilobiae 2, calamus abundant, cyperaceae in profusion, ranuncul. aquatic, alisma ditto. the vegetation of the plain where we are encamped is chiefly artemisia. _15th_.--halted: and i here ascended the hills overhanging the heads of turnuk where many villages are visible along its branches, fifty may be counted, but it is not known how many of these are in ruins, the villages occur at little distances from each other; the valley is very broad. these hills, which are of conglomerate limestone, except about the upper one-third, which is simple limestone, have no peculiar vegetation. ficus is the only moderate sized shrub, asphodelus, lameoides, salvia alia, which must be a beautiful species, labiatae caespitosa, baehmerioides, pommereulla, and several grasses, compositae, linaria, senecionoides glaucescens of quettah, dianthoides frutex alius congener, staticoides alia, composita eryngifolia, eryngium, astragali 2, umbelliferae 2-3, hibiscus vel althaei, rutae sp.; frutex pistacioides, sedoides rosaceus, onosma, verbascum, dipsacea, cerasus pygmaeus, canus, scrophularia tertia, compositae, labiatae, and grasses, are all the most common plants. the novelties along the water are a pretty species of astragalus, in turf a triglochin and typha in flower, potamogetons 3-4, and ecratophyllum occur: barley is now selling at sixteen seers, wheat at eight seers for a rupee. _16th_.--reached oba-kahreeze, the distance of which from the last encampment being fourteen miles. the country is open, but very uninteresting; the boundary hills are scarcely discernible owing to haze: the road is good, and a few small hills occur here and there. vegetation is comparatively scanty; astragalus novus, common; the chief plants, however, is another artemisia of much more medicated qualities than those previously met with, that is, less fragrant, peganum common. water is plentiful enough, but fodder is scarce, and scarcely any _joussa_ occurs; but a good deal of cultivation was passed, consisting of madder, barley, and wheat. a few trees were observed here and there marking the sites of villages. the country is much poorer than that at mookhloor, but almost the whole expanse of plain is capable of good cultivation: soil pebbly. fowls a good many are procurable. apricots are also brought for sale, but very inferior: a striking boundary hill to the north presents a rugged, lofty aspect, not less in the peaks than 4,000 above the plain; several ranges occur, but those to the south are low, rounded, and small; rounded clumps of astragali are seen. _17th_.--proceeded to jumrat, 12 miles and 2 furlongs, our direction lying to the north of the star capella. the country continues to present a similar aspect: valley expanded, road tolerable, several ravines and beds of dry watercourses, with sandy bottoms; indeed as compared with yesterday, the soil is much more sandy and less pebbly. vegetation is the same, no more dense aggregations of artemisia fruticosa are seen, but the plants consisting of scattered artemisia of yesterday, barely suffruticose, peganum, astragalus, astragaloid muscoideus, and senecio glaucescens. a good deal of cultivation occurs on both sides of the slope towards the southern boundary, which is here lofty, presenting the usual limestone characters. many villages are seen, all fortified, and about jumrat there is the appearance of much population. jerboas, ravens, rock pigeons, and wild pigeons, are common; hares are uncommon. very few trees are to be seen, but there is abundance of good water and grass along the margins of the cut. sheep are also to be had, but they are small, and goats for one rupee each, large sheep two rupees: _dhal_, _atta_, barley procurable; and herat rugs. to-day the native troops were put on short rations of twelve _chatacs_; servants, etc. on eight. horsemen to the number of 100? came to meet the shah, all mounted on decent ponies, but quite incapable of coping with our irregular horse. barometer 23.305, thermometer 87 degrees, wooll. new thermometrical barometer 697.6, old 595.8. from 11 p.m. to 12 p.m. heavy rain; very heavy for about twenty minutes, with a threatening aspect in the horizon at 7 a.m. to south by east, from which direction the rain came: thunder and lightning; latter very frequent. _18th_.--entered the district of karabagh, distance to our present place of encampment from that we had left eight and a half miles. the road decent, traversing several watercuts, one or two ravines, and a small stream, indeed water becomes more abundant to-day than in almost any other march: our direction lay the same as before, but as we approached the low hills, separating us from ghuznee plain, we proceeded more east in order to turn them. the features of the country are the same, together with the vegetation, the only novelty being a genuine statice and a cruciferous plant, which i observed at mookhloor, and a composita, echinops spinis radiantibus continued. the medicated suffruticose artemisia: _joussa_ in old cultivation, and peganum are the most common plants. grass abundant along the cuts and streamlets, mixed with a pretty new astragalus, and the astragalus of mookhloor, _composita depressa_, etc. the valley narrowing, we halted at the foot of low hills, which we are yet to traverse; the ground about our camp stony and barren, producing astragalus, thorny staticoides, centaurea spinosa, verbascum, and thapsus. the soil of the plain good and deep, as instanced by ravines, and the deep beds of streamlets. cultivation is abundant, villages numerous, and, as usual, all walled; their form generally square, with a bastion at each corner, and often two at each face, in which there is a gate. the people are very confident of their own security in these parts, crowding to our camp with merchandise. the country continues bare of trees, except about some of the villages; northern boundary hills lofty; a curious snow-like appearance is occasionally produced from denudation of land slips, like a long wall running along one of the ridges: southern hills distant, presenting limestone characters. the articles sold in camp yesterday, were _atta_ (wheat) eight seers, barley sixteen _chenna_, sugar three to four seers. lucerne abundant, at one rupee four annas a bullock load, _soorais_, _kismiss_, three to four seers, _zurd-aloo_ twelve seers, dried _toot_ or mulberry one and a half seers for a rupee, but these are insipid, very sweet, but also very dirty, _pistacio_ nuts one seer: crops not yet cut, but ripe. _kupra_, cloth of common quality, as well as a black kind called _soosee_. barometer, mean of three observations (12 p.m., 1 p.m., 2 p.m.) 23.433, thermometer 85 degrees 6'. wooll. new therm. bar. mean of two observations, 699.1, old, 597.5. lichens abundant on black _limestone_? rocks. on hills about camp, labiata nova, and a curious tomentose plant were the only novelties. _19th_.--proceeded to argutto, distance nine miles, direction easterly, the country continues unchanged until we ascended gradually the end of the low ridge between us and ghuznee. the slope was very gradual: the road towards the foot generally sandy, and in some places very bouldery: on surmounting the ridge, which was not 300 feet above the plain, we descended a trifle, and encamped in an open space with hills to the north; this place slopes to the south into the valley up which we have come for some marches. the valley in this upper portion is not so fertile as the lower parts we have seen lately, still there are a good many forts, and some cultivation: one or two cuts were passed, and water is abundant at our halting place in cuts, or _kahrezes_, as well as in a small torrent with a shallow bed. several forts were seen on the north side, situated in the small ravines of the hills, they are however, mostly ruined. no change in the vegetation. jerboas not uncommon. an accipitrine bird, the same as that obtained at shair-i-suffer. horsemen, about thirty, were seen on the hills; they descended thence and skirted the base in number; when they were pursued by our cavalry, but escaped through a ravine which sturt says, leads into a fine plain with many forts. the 4th brigade joined with the shah's force. i observed today a curious monstrosity of an umbelliferous plant, in which the rays of the umbellules are soldered together; forming an involucre round the immersed central solitary female, the male flowers forming the extreme teeth of the involucre. detached thermometer 83 degrees 3', attached ditto 83 degrees 3'; barometer 23.262, mean of three observations: old therm. bar. 597.2, new ditto 696.9. abundance of villages throughout the part of the valley running east, and then north, and many trees. [ghuznee: p373.jpg] _20th_.--proceeded to nanee, distance eight to ten miles, bearing northeast; after descending slightly from the ground we encamped on, and turning the east extremity of its slope, the road is good, sandy and shingly, running close to low undulated hills. no change in vegetation. encamped on undulated shingly ground formed from low hills to the north, about half a mile off: ghuznee is thence visible, situated close under a range of hills, the walls high, having many bastions, and one angle on the south face. abundance of villages and topes or groves about the valley closing up with irregular barren mountains. picquets were seen about five miles from our camp, but no appearance of an army about ghuznee. the valley up which we have come since leaving mookhloor, runs opposite this place, from nearly east to north, and apparently, terminates beyond ghuznee; it is highly capable, is well inhabited and much cultivated. so are all the valleys that we have seen on surmounting the boundary ridges: the villages occupy each indentation of the valley, as well as its general level. barometer at 1 p.m. 23.336, thermometer 91 degrees: new thermometric bar. 697.1, old 597.2. latitude mean of three observations 33 degrees 24' 26" north. _21st_.--moved to ghuznee, ten miles six furlongs. cavalry in very regular columns on the left; infantry to the right, and the artillery in the centre; the park bringing up the rear: to the last moment we were not aware whether the place would hold out or not. the commander-in-chief and staff moved far in advance to reconnoitre until we entered a road between some gardens, at the exit of which we were almost within range of the town; here we halted; a fire was soon set up against us from gardens to our left, and somewhat in advance, but all the shots fell far short. on the arrival of the infantry, the light companies of the 16th, the 48th were sent to clear the gardens, which they easily did, although from being trenched vineyards, walled and _treed_, their defence might have been very obstinate. in the mean time the guns on the south face of the fortress opened on us, and our artillery forming line at about 800 yards range, opened their fire of spherical case and round shot in return; other guns in the fort then opened and a sharp fire was kept up on those in the gardens by _jhinjals_ and _pigadas_, who when hard pressed took refuge in an outwork or round tower. the fire from the south-east extremity was soon silenced _pro tempore_, the shrapnel practice being very effective. the howitzer battery on the extreme left of the artillery line was too great a range, and with the exception of one gun, all the shells fell short. in the _melee_, the zuburjur 48-pounder, was dismounted, and carried with it a considerable portion of the wall of the citadel where it is built upon a scarp in the east face. after some further firing, the troops were withdrawn almost without range, but sheltered by gardens and broken ground. from 9 a.m. the engineers with an escort reconnoitred the place, and having ascertained that the only practicable point of attack _with our means_ was the cabul gate, we were moved off, and marched to the new ground in the evening. owing to the difficulty of crossing a river and several cuts which intercepted the way, and formed the worst road for camels and guns i have yet seen, much of the baggage was not up till twelve next (i.e. this) morning. one european was killed, accompanying the escort. graves severely, and von homrig slightly wounded, a _golundauz_ lost his leg, and a few others were wounded. their gun practise in the fortress improved much towards the end, and against the reconnoitring party, was said to be good. _22nd_.--the ground we now occupy is the mouth of the valley, up which the cabul road runs: our camp stretches obliquely across this; the shah's camp taking a curve and resting by its left on the river. on our (i.e. the sappers) right, is a range of hills, from the extremity of which the town is commanded; between us and the range in question, the 4th brigade is stationed, and on the other side, the remainder of the infantry. we are it seems within reach of the long gun, which has been remounted, and occasionally directs its energies against the shah's camp. the night was quiet, the troops completely knocked up by the fatigues of the day, the distance we came (to the right) was certainly six miles, and that by which the infantry moved to the left, was still more. the gardens between us and the town are occupied by the enemy, but the village of zenrot on the ridge, is not. large numbers of cavalry are seen on the other boundary range of the valley, opposite our encampment, certainly 2,000; this is probably the other son of dost mahommud, who left the fort with the gilzee cavalry on the night of our march to ghuznee, for the purpose of attacking our baggage; they were easily driven from the ridge, which is now occupied by our horse. _23rd_.--ghuznee was taken this morning by a coup-de-main, the whole affair was over in half an hour from the time the gate was blown open; there was, however, a good deal of firing afterwards, and some of the inhabitants even held out throughout the day, and caused almost as much loss as that which occurred in the storm. the affair took place as follows: the guns moved into position between 12.5 and 2.5 p.m., and about 3 p.m. commenced firing at the defences over the gate: under cover of this fire the bags of powder, to the amount of 800 lbs. were placed against the gate by captain peat, the hose being fired by lieut. durand. in the mean time the road to the gate was occupied by the storming party, the advance of which was composed of the flank companies of all the european regiments. the head of the advance was once driven back by a resolute party of affghans, who fought desperately hand to hand, but a jam taking place, the check was only momentary. after clearing the gate, the enemy must have become paralysed, and both town and citadel were gained with an unprecedentedly trifling loss. none of the engineers, or of the party who placed the bags, were touched, although from the enemy burning blue lights they must have been seen distinctly: two, of a few europeans who accompanied capt. peat were shot; one killed. during the day a great number of prisoners were taken, among whom was dost mahommud's son; a great number of horses also fell into our hands. _24th_.--ghuznee: by this morning at 9 o'clock every thing was quiet, and the last holders-out have been taken; strict watch is kept at the gate to prevent plunder, dead horses are now dragged out, and dead men buried: the place looks desolate, but the inhabitants are beginning to return. it appears to me a very strong, though very irregular place, the stronger for being so: the streets are very narrow, and dirty enough, houses poor, some said to be good inside, it is a place of considerable size, perhaps one-third less than candahar. it is surrounded by a wet ditch, of no great width, the walls are tall and strong, weakest on the north-east angle immediately under the citadel; parapets, etc. are in good repair. the loop holes are however absurd, and even when large are carefully screened. the ditch is crossed at the cabul gate by a stone bridge. the zuburjur is a very large gun, but almost useless to affghans, who are no soldiers. every side of the town might have been stoutly defended. the view from the citadel is extensive and fine, the mountains to the north and north-west extremely so, and seem crowded in the view, while the river and its cultivation add novelty to an affghan landscape; many villages are visible in every direction, surrounded with gardens and orchards. there is a good deal of cultivation all round the town, which is situated on a sloping mound, separated by the ditch from the ridge forming the northern boundary of the valley, up which the cabul road runs; there is a small mosque on this ridge, and below it, within 400 yards of the ramparts, a small village, from which the attack was best seen. the gardens are as usual walled, and are all capable of irrigation, the plots being covered with fine grass or clover. apples, apricots, pears, and plums much like the orlean's plum, a sort of half greengage, bullace, elaeagnus, and mulberries, are the principal fruit trees; of these the pear is the best, it is small but well flavoured; the others are indifferent. there are many vineyards dug into shallow trenches: the plum is allied to the egg-plum, but altogether there are four kinds. the chief vegetation of the uncultivated ground is a small salsola, salsola luteola, this is mixed with peganum, santalaceae, senecionoides glaucescens, umbelliferoid bicornigera, composita, having the decurrent part of the leaves dislocated and hanging down. centaurea spinescens, linaria, _joussa_, and one or two astragali. the vegetation, with the exception of an artemisia indicae similis, a malvacea, and an orobanche growing on cucumis sp., is precisely the same as that met with from mookhloor hither, cichorium, polygonum graminifolium natans, and two others, rumex, mentha, epilobium micranthum, dandelion, plantago major, panicum. there are two kinds of willow trees; thermopsis is not uncommon, centaurea magnispina and zygophyllum of candahar are very common, sisymbrium, lophia, hyoscyamus, centaurea cyanea, tauschia. magpies, hoopoes, pastor roseus. corvus corax, etc., along the water-cuts. some fine poplars occur at a village, or rather a fuqeer's residence; about one and a half mile to the south-west of the town on the road to candahar, and about it, one or two carduaceae, one a fine one, to be called c. zamufolia, pomacea acerifolia, also in gardens: among the cultivated plants are maize, fennel, aniseed? solarium, bangun! madder, the beautiful clover of mookhloor, lucerne, melons, watermelons, cresses, l. sativum, radishes, onions, beetroot. there are no ruins indicating a very extensive old city. about our camp are the remains of bunds and old mud walls; near us, and between us and the city, are two minars, with square tall pedestals, of burnt brick, about 100 feet high, and 600 paces apart: there is nothing striking about them, although they bear evidences of greater architectural skill than any thing i have seen in the country, excepting the interior of ahmed shah's tomb. the base is angular, fluted, and equals the capital, which is but little thicker towards its base. they are brick, and derive their beauty from the diversity in the situation of the bricks. the one nearest the city is the smaller, and appears perfect, it is likewise provided with a staircase: the larger one is broken at the top of the capital. _26th_.--i went to see mahmoud of ghuznee's tomb, which is situated in a largish and better than ordinarily built village, about two miles from the cabul gate, on the road to cabul, at a portion of the valley densely occupied with gardens. the situation is bad, and the building which appears irregular, quite unworthy of notice; it is situated among the crowded houses of the village, and to be found, must be enquired for. at the entrance of the obscure court-yard which leads to it, there is a fine rivulet that comes gushing from under some houses, shaded by fine mulberry trees; in this court are some remains of hindoo sculpture in marble; the way there leads past an ordinary room under some narrow cloisters to the right, then turning to the left one enters another court, on the north side of which is the entrance to the tomb; there is no architectural ornament at all about it, either inside or out. the room is an ordinary one, occupied towards the centre by a common old looking tomb of white marble, overhung by lettered tapestry, and decorated with a tiger skin: over the entrance, hang three eggs of the ostrich, for which the natives have the very appropriate name of camel bird, and two shells, like the hindoo conches, but smaller. the roof is in bad order, and appears to have been carved. the doors appear old; they are much carved, but the carvings are effaced; they are not remarkable for size, beauty, or mass; and appear to be cut from some fir wood, although the people say they are sandal wood. the tomb strikingly confirms the idea that the putans became improved through their connection with hindoostanees, rather than the reverse; the tomb is unworthy of a great conqueror. i then ascended the ridge, and descended along it to the picquets on the flank of our camp. this ridge, like all the low ones from mookhloor to this place, is rounded, very shingly, and generally on the northern face, is partly covered with rocks, apparently limestone. the vegetation presents nothing unusual, with the exception of a very large cnicus, cnicoideus zamiafolius, capitulis parvis, an umbellifera, a scutellaria, dipsacus; otherwise they are thinly scattered with two or three astragali, two or three artemisiae, among which a. gossypifera is the most common, labiata fragrans of karabagh, senecio glaucescens, compositae, eryngioides, centaurea alia, magnispinae affinis, santalacea, leucades, onosma major, et alia, foliis angustis, echinops prima, sedoides, cerasus, canus pygmaeus, dianthoides alia. the view from this ridge is beautiful, it shows that three valleys enter the karabagh one about ghuznee, the largest to the eastward; then the cabul one, then that of the ghuznee river. the slope of this valley from the mountains to the river, presents a very undulated appearance. the cultivation is confined to the immediate banks of the river, which is thickly inhabited, and to most of the ravines of the mountains, shewing that water is generally plentiful. the river is to be traced a long way by means of the line of villages and orchards which follow its banks. the mountains are very barren, much varied in the sculpture of their outlines, and are by no means so rugged as those of limestone in the turnuk valley. the lofty one which presents the appearance of a wall near its ridge, and of snow, alluded to during the march hither on the 18th ultimo, is still visible. considerable as is the cultivation, it bears a very small proportion to the great extent of waste, and probably untillable land, untillable from the extreme thinness of the soil and its superabundant stones. cratoegus occurred near mahmoud's tomb, also centaurea cyanea. _29th_.--halted: nothing new; botany very poor; poorer than ordinary. _30th_.--moved to shusgao, distance thirteen and three-quarter miles, direction still the same, or, to the north of the star capella. the road extends over undulating ground, is cut up by ravines, but easily traversed, ascending and descending; then crossing a small valley, at the north-east corner of which the ghat is visible: the ascent to the mouth of this gorge equals apparently the height attained before descending into the valley. the pass is narrow, the sides steep but not precipitous; the hills are not very rugged, and they are generally thinly clothed with scattered tufted plants; the pass gradually widens, and has a ruin or remains of a small fort-like building as at the entrance. this ruin, or fort, looks down into a poorly inhabited, poorly cultivated, khorassan valley: road good, with a gradual ascent for one and a half mile from the exit of the pass, where we encamped, about five miles on the cabul side. the botany is rather interesting, the general features are the same as those of the hills round ghuznee; the most common plants senecionoides glaucus, plectranthus of mookhloor in profusion, a new densely tufted statice very common, verbascum, thapsioides, linaria, artemisia very common, cnici, two or three of large stature, astragali, two or three, asphodelus luteus, labiata of mookhloor, santalacea, dipsacus, _thymus_, lotoides, staticoides major. in the undulated ground before reaching the valley preceding the pass, a fine tall cnicus occurs, also plectranthus; peganum is very common. about our halting place the same small artemisia and composita dislocata occur in profusion; cnicus zamiafolius, dianthus aglaucine, _astragalus_, a peculiar prim-looking species. leguminosae, muscoides two or three, very large cnici, plectranthus, iris out of flower, astragali alii, 2-3. cultivation consisting of mustard and very poor crops, of which wheat is the principal: a few ordinary villages are seen with good and abundant supplies of water; the country notwithstanding is inferior, as compared with that about ghuznee. the soil coarse and gravelly, or pebbly. thermometer 47 degrees at 5 a.m. after descending from the gorge, the summit of which may be estimated at 400 to 500 feet, the ascent is considerable: barometer standing at 1.5 p.m. at 22.323; thermometer 86 degrees; so that the extreme ascent since leaving ghuznee has certainly been between 1,100 to 1,200 feet. the inhabitants are coming into camp with articles for sale, as lucerne, clover, coarse rugs, and sheep. _31st_.--proceeded to huftasya, eight and a quarter miles, direction about the same, continuing down a narrow valley with a well marked and tolerable road, extending over undulating ground, having a slight descent throughout: the centre of the valley is cultivated, villages extend up the ravines of the northern side. we halted near several villages, with a good deal of cultivation around, consisting of beans and mustard. but few trees are seen about the villages, and there is no change in vegetation: water abundant from covered _kahreezes_ or wells, which generally flow into small tanks. the slope of the southern boundary is undulated, that of the northern though generally flat and uninteresting, yet near us becomes very bold and rugged, but its ravines and passes are easily accessible. shusgao--the plants found here about the cultivation, are achillaeoides, asteroides, plantago major, hyoscyamus, tanacetoides, artemisia, trifolium, taraxacum, mentha, phalaris, rumex, the small swardy carex of chiltera, astragalus, calycibus non-inflatis, tomentoso villoso, this last with composita dislocata is common on shingly plains. on slopes of hills leucades, cerasus canus, pygmaeus rare, dianthoides, plectranthus very common, cnici 3 or 4, labiata of mookhloor, senecionoides glaucescens common, artemisia, sp. very common, staticoides of dhun-i-shere, anthylloides, verbascum. _hyoscyamus_. the circumcision of the capsule of this genus is apparently in connection with the peculiar induration of the calyx of the fruit; its relations to the capsule is so obvious that its dehiscence is the only one compatible with the free dissemination of the seeds, _the_ _calyx remaining entire_. _hence_? the induration of the calyx should be the most permanent if it is the cause, but to obviate all doubts, both calyx, fructus induratus, and capsula circumscissa, should enter into the generic character; the unilaterality of capsules, and their invariable tendency to look downwards, or rather the inferior unilaterality, may likewise reasonably be considered connected with the same structure of calyx, as well as the expanded limb of the calyx. the indurated calyx is the cause, because although circumscissa capsula is by no means uncommon, and in others has no relation to the calyx, yet in this genus it has such, and should have in every other similar case. _august 1st_.--hyderkhet, distance ten and a half miles down the same valley; the road is bad and after crossing the undulating terminations of the southern slope, very stony and bouldery; in several places it is narrow and uneven. the country is well inhabited, and very well cultivated, particularly towards the bed of the river, which is here and there ornamented with trees. numbers of villagers are seen on the road as spectators. beans very abundant, mustard less so, excellent crops of wheat; the fields are well tilled, and very cleanly kept: this portion of the valley, though small, is perhaps the best populated and cultivated place we have yet seen: the descent throughout is gradual: the boundary hills, at least lower ranges present a very barren character, covered with angular slaty fragments. some tobacco cultivation. _2nd_.--shekhabad, nine miles and six furlongs, direction north-east by east. the road throughout is rather bad, particularly in places near the schneesh river, which has a very rapid current. we left this on its turning abruptly through a narrow ravine to the south: towards this, the valley narrows much; we then ascended a rising ground, and descended as much or perhaps less until we reached the logur, a river as large almost as the arghandab, this we crossed by a bridge composed of stout timbers, laid on two piers composed of stones and bushes, and tied together by beams: the cavalry and artillery forded below, and above the bridge. crossing the bed which is low and well cultivated, chiefly with rice, we ascended perhaps 100 feet, and encamped on undulating shingly ground; we then passed much cultivation on the road: villages are plentiful, and often placed in very narrow gorges unusually picturesque for affghanistan; one scene was especially pretty, enclosed by the high barren mountains of the southern boundary, in the distance a village or two, and the schneesh, with banks well wooded, and willows in the foreground. the aspect of the hills, except some of the distant ranges, is however changed; quartz has become very common among the shingle, with reddish, generally micaceous, slate: the mountains are rounded, and easy of access: very poorly clothed with vegetation. the course of the logur is nearly north and south. there are some villages about this place, with lucerne, clover and bearded rice of small stature. the elevation of the country is here about 100 feet below our camp, which is about half a mile from the river. barometer 182, 23.362; thermometer 95 degrees; latitude 34 degrees 5' 30". _3rd_.--halted: the logur river discharges much water; the whole of the tillable portions of adjacent banks are not under cultivation, the rocky sides to the south composed of micaceous slate, are very precipitous; these mountains were originally rounded, but are now formed into cliffs; willows and poplars are abundant along the river. but the vegetation of the cliffy sides scarcely presents any change, except in a salvia, a ruta, a small withered leguminosa; the other plants are polygonacea frutex uncommon, senecionoides, salvia horminum common, artemisia two: the usual one very common, asphodelus, mesembryanthoides, and luteus, several compositae, two or three cnicoidei, a pulicaria, etc. of the same section, cuscuta, linaria angustifolia, stipa, several withered grasses, dianthoides, scrophularia, allium, cerasus canus, pygmaeus uncommon, sedoides, boragineae, boraginis facie common, leucades, astragali, three or four, onosmae 2, angustifolia and majus, scutellaria, equisetoides, ephedra. anthylloides, plectranthus common, peganum uncommon, staticoides major, compositae dislocata common. in the swardy and wet spots along river, the usual plants occur; the novelty being a hippuris out of flower, plantago, glaux, chara, alisma, tamarisk, salix, trifolium fragiferum, thermopsis, cyperacea, triglochim, equisetum. the _nuthatch_ found in the cliffs, cultivation occurs. to-day news arrived of the flight of dost mahommud to bamean, with 3,000 affghan horse. captain outram sent in pursuit. the shah joined us, attended by perhaps 2,000 horse, and people are said to be flocking into our camp from cabul. _4th_.--proceeded to killa-sir-i-mahommud, distance ten and a half miles, direction north by east, the park of artillery, etc. remaining behind, the road for the first half extending over undulating ground to the head of the valley, then becoming level and good with some inferior cultivation: the valley is dry and barren. we encamped on stony ground forming a slight eminence under a beautiful peak, certainly 4,000 to 5,000 feet above the plain, and hence 12,000 to 13,000 feet above the sea. the valley at the base of the hills is occupied by a few villages, but generally speaking little population exists in these parts. no change in vegetation; at the level part of the march the chenopodiaceae of karabagh is very common. the 2,000 dooranees who joined the shah yesterday dwindled down to 300 by the evening, and the camp was fired into at night. there is some cultivation about this, chiefly of mustard, carrots, millet and panicum, setaria. _5th_.--to maidan, distance eight miles? direction at first as before, but after crossing the river due north, we continued down the valley, passing some villages and cultivation consisting of beans, etc.; water being abundant about three miles from camp, forming a small brook, which falls into the cabul river at the end of the valley. before reaching this we crossed a low spur, and then descended into maidan valley: which presented a beautiful view; much cultivation, and trees abundant along the cabul river. crossing this which is a rapid current one foot deep, twenty yards wide, running south, or in the contrary direction to that which is given in tassin's map, we ascended an eminence on which a ruinous stone fort is built, we crossed this eminence between the fort and main ridge and descended into a valley again, keeping above the cultivation at the foot of the east boundary range, for about a mile, when we halted. the ruins of a stone bridge exist over the river, one arch remaining on the left bank. the valley is the prettiest we have seen, the hills to the west and north being lofty and picturesque; one to the latter direction presenting an appearance exactly like that of snow on its ridge, quite white, but not changing even at noon, nor occupying such places, as it would do if it were snow. the mountains, except those to the west, are not boldly peaked, the valley is prettily diversified with wood, all of the usual sombre cypress-like appearance, from the trees, especially poplars, being clipped. cultivation and water both plentiful: villages and small forts numerous, with very barren mountains. this was the place where dost mahommud was to have fought; he could not have selected a better, the ridge entering the valley, and the passage of the river, as well as that of the fort would have afforded good positions: a road however runs round the base of the eminence on the river side. by swamping the valley, or cutting a canal, and entrenching himself he might have caused great difficulties. apples are abundant here, rosy and sweet. cultivation of the valley consists of wheat, barley, cicer, not _chunna_, maize, rice, carrots, beans, peas. the river side is well furnished with willows and poplars, salix viminea also occurs; the villages are generally square, with a bastion at each corner, and loopholes. cyprinus microsquamatus, {383} common. _6th_.--arghundee, distance eight miles, direction for the first fourth of the way ne., then considerably to the eastward, when we soon left the valley and commenced with an ascent over a low ridge by a vile stony road over undulating ground. on reaching the ridge a similar descent took place, where the road becomes less stony, but much intersected by ravines. we encamped about three miles from the ridge, in a rather barren narrow valley. nothing of interest occurred on the road, except dost mahommud's guns, which are the best i have seen in the country. the hills to our north crowded closely together, the inner ranges are very high, with the appearance of snow. hindoo-koosh is dimly seen in the distance to the eastward. in some streams water birds, particularly the small kingfisher of india are seen. the hoopoe is common, merops, pastor, and ravens. new plants a boragineae floribus infundibuliformis, tubiformibus, loeta caeruleis, venosa roseis, melons. snow on the hindoo-koosh: rain in the afternoon, and at night a heavy thunderstorm to the north. _7th_.--kilah-i-kajee, lies one mile to the eastward: distance of to-day's march, nine miles? one continued but gradual descent over a bad, frequently very stony road, not much water. direction at first ene., then on descending into the first valley, due east or even to the south of east, we encamped in the centre of a well-cultivated valley; near dense gardens, having good apples; apricots indifferent. hindoo-koosh is here more distinctly visible with several ranges interposed; the outline is rugged, highest point presenting a fine conical irregular peak towards the south-east. _8th_.--halted: encamped close to gardens and rich cultivation. the fields are separated by rows of poplars, willows, and elaeagnus; scenery pretty from abundance of trees with rice fields interspersed among woods; the umbrageous banks of the rocky river of cabul, are quite of unusual beauty for afghanistan: extensive fields of cultivation lie in this direction, as well as across the valley in the direction of cabul, consisting of rice in great quantities, mixed with much of a panicum stagninum, lucerne, carrots, peas, quantities of safflower, which appears to me to be of a different species, wheat and barley both cut, the rice is just in flower. in orchards, hazel-nuts, apples, pears, etc. some of the fruit excellent, particularly pears, but generally they are coarse; apples beautiful to look at, but poor to the taste, excellent but too luscious plums, good grapes, excellent and fine sized peaches, melons as good as those of candahar, water melons, cherries of very dark colour. some change is to be observed in the vegetation, see catalogue, two or three labiata, an ononis, an aconite, tussilago? etc. among the most striking, ammannia and bergioides, remarkable as tropical forms, but it is now hot enough for any plant: rice fields crowded with cyperaceae and alisma. crataegus oxycantha, or one very like it. the poplar here grows like the lombardy one, either from cropping or crowding; its leaves (when young) are much smaller! and at this stage it might easily be taken for another species. heliotropium canus common. the large poplar when young, or even when matured, has its younger branches with terminal leaves like the sycamore. the pomaceae-foliis palmatis subtus niveis of quettah and candahar are nothing but this poplar in its young state!! nothing can exceed the difference between the two, both in shape and tomentum. _12th_.--halted since 10th at baber's tomb, situated at some fine gardens, or rather groves very near the summer-house of shah zumaun, and to the right of the entrance into the town. it is a delightful residence, and for afghanistan, a paradise. there are some tanks of small size, around one of which our tents are pitched under the shade of sycamores and fine poplars; the tank is fed by a fall from a cut above its level, and which skirts the range of hills at an elevation of fifty feet in some places from its base. the tomb of baber is poor, as also is the so-called splendid mosque of shah jehan, a small ordinary open edifice of coarse white marble. in the gardens, one finds beautiful sycamores, and several fine poplars both round the tank and in avenues. below them a bauhinioid fruit was found, together with abundance of hawthorn, roses, and jasmines. the view from this spot is beautiful, as fine as most woodland scenery. the view from shah zumaun's summer-house is also extensive, and not to be exceeded as a cultivated woodland scene; it is variegated with green swardy commons, presenting all sorts of cultivation; with water, villages, abundance of trees, willows, poplars, hedgerows, and by the grand but barren mountains surrounding it, the pughman hills, which must be at least 13,000 feet above the sea. the entrance to cabul on this side, is through a gorge flanked by hills; these to the left are low, those to the right reaching 1,000 feet, through which the maidan river, here called the cabul river, runs; it may be 100 yards wide. the river is subdivided, and crossed by a ruined stone bridge of many arches, one parapet of which (the outer) is continuous with the wall before mentioned. the gorge is occupied by cultivation of several kinds, having the city wall at its termination, running irregularly across the valley. a village is situated between the entrance of the gorge and the wall. there are no defences to the city worth mentioning: one enters immediately into narrow dirty streets, with here and there a fever-breeding stagnant sewer; while the streets are narrow, the bazars are good, of good breadth, well covered in by flat ornamented roofs: the shops are clean, and well laid out. shoemakers and leather-workers, and fruiterers, are the most common: there are armourers, blacksmiths, drapers and bakers. hindoos and mussulmen intermixed, form the population. there is great bustle and activity, everywhere profusion of fine fruit, especially melons, grapes, and apples are presented. _13th_.--i ascended this morning the ridge above us, up which the wall runs; the ascent is, after surmounting the summer-house of shah zumaun, considerably steep, and very rugged. the highest position of the wall is 1,150 feet above the city. it is eight feet high, and six or seven thick, composed of slabs of the micaceous slaty stone of the place, cemented by mud, with a parapet of two feet, generally of _kucha_, or mud, with loopholes, and bad embrasures. it is furnished with bastions, but is now in a ruinous state. it is a work completely thrown away. to the south, the wall bends eastward, and is continuous with the outworks of the upper citadel; to the north it dips into the gorge, and re-ascends the hills on the opposite side. from the peak, (which is not the highest point of the ridge, there being two higher to the south, on the nearest of which is a mound, and a small pillar) a beautiful view is obtained of cabul, its valley, and its mountains, together with the far more beautiful valley in which the army is encamped. the town itself presents an irregular outline, and is, with the exception of some gardens towards its northern side, some lucerne fields near its centre, and one or two open spots of small size, densely crowded with the usual terraced-roofed, _kucha_, or mud houses, which are so close, as to show no streets whatever. there is not a single conspicuous building in it, with the exception of the lower bala hissar and a mosque of small size on the right bank of the river, occupying an open space near a garden, which alone renders it distinct. the bala hissar occupies the eastern corner: its outworks are regular enough. it is surrounded by the remains of a wet ditch; its works have been lately improved. excepting the part occupied by the shah, etc. the space is crowded by houses exactly like the town. the fort to its south and commanding it completely, is the upper citadel, and is altogether out of repair; this continues the defence formed by the wall. the walls of the city themselves are not distinguishable, excepting those of the nearest quarter, occupied by kuzzilbashes. the river intersects the town, it is crossed by two, three, or perhaps more small stone bridges, and runs nearly due east, and may be traced almost to the foot of the eastern boundary range. from near the mosque a fine straight road runs nne. or thereabouts, with avenues of trees of small size near the town. two other roads are visible on the east side; one is continuous with that which runs along the north face of the lower citadel, it runs due east; and the other slopes towards this, and meets it about two or three miles from the city at the end of a low range of hills. the valley is not so well cultivated as ours, (i.e. the one in which the army is encamped) nor by any means so well wooded; it appears bare some way from the city, but this may arise from the stubble of the prevailing cultivation of wheat and barley. there is abundance of water, the only distinct _chummun_ is to the south of the citadel, it is now under water. some low isolated hills or ranges are interspersed in the valley; of these the largest is that running nearly parallel to the central road; the next is due north of the city, and midway between it and the saltwater lake which stretches several miles along the north of the valley, and which appears to be a large body of water. the boundary hills are generally fine; to the east is a high scarped bold range, running nearly due north and south, its terminations being plainly visible; near its southern end commences the ridge that forms the oblique south boundary of the valley, and which runs up towards the south into a fine broadly conical peak, very conspicuous from arghandab. to the north are the fine pughman mountains; these run east and west: they are of great elevation, and of fine outline, presenting here and there appearances of snow. to the west is the walled ridge, not exceeding 1,300 feet in its highest point above the general level; this is interrupted by the cabul river, and never reaches such elevations again; before ending to the north, it sends off a spur to the east. beyond the eastern boundary, glimpses of the hindoo-koosh are obtainable. to the west, there are no very high hills visible, excepting the western part of the pughmans; those of our valley are not exceeding 2,000 feet in height, and are low to the south, in which direction the maidan river flows into the valley. beyond the highest point of the walled ridge, are several crowded high mountains. the vegetation of the western hills is not peculiar, echinops, a tallish carduacea, carduacea alia, senecionoides, astragali, artemisiae 2, statice of dhuni pass. leucades, labiata of karabagh, gramineae, several small compositae, foliis dislocatis, leguminosa, fructu echinatis, santalacea, asphodelus luteus, ruta angustifolia, umbellifera, foliis maximis of chiltera, a very stout plant, with a very medicinal gum, a new polanisioid, a centaureoid, and a fine carduacea are to be found in it. a marmot, the size of a large rat, is also found here, the large specimens are of a reddish tinge, the small ones of a blackish. the bazars are crowded all day, and in the morning are obstructed from asses loaded with wood. most things are procurable; the cloths seen are mostly the indifferent common kind of cloth related to the seikh puttoo; camel hair _chogas_, posteens or coarse blankets; these last indicating very cold winters: there are not many other things peculiar--long knives, and the shoes and boots are among the most so, and wretched silk handkerchiefs. the most common grapes are the _kismiss_, a long coarse grape which answers for packing, a round, very sweet, purple grape, with large seeds, and small seedless ones intermixed, are all capable of being much improved by thinning, and a huge, tough-skinned, coarse, purple grape, of good flavour. the best peaches have a green appearance, even when ripe; the ordinary ones are coarse, and not well-flavoured; but the affghans are quite ignorant of the art of packing fruit, and hence most are bruised. two sorts of apples are common, both rosy; one very much so, but much inferior to the other. pears principally of two kinds, both allied to the common pear in shape; the large ones are very coarse, but well adapted for stewing. _aloocha_ excellent for jellies, as also the cherries: most kinds of plums are now out of season. the melons vary much in quality, the watermelons are generally better, and vary less: the muskmelons i have here seen, are ruined by inattention to the time of gathering; some are very fine, the pulp is never very deep coloured; it is very rarely green; some of the kundah sort are very good; this and the _turbooj_ are both excessively common. the usual cucurbita is cultivated, as well as the other common cucumber, pumpkin, luffa foetida, and l. acutangula. cabbages common, beet root ditto, _bangun_ ditto, excellent spinage (spinaceae). all sorts of spices procurable, but they are generally old: sugar very good, is sold in flat candied cakes, one and a half inch thick; _koorool_ in small cakes resembling chunam. chapter xvi. _from cabul to bamean--the helmund_, _and oxus rivers_. _24th august_, _1839_.--left cabul for bamean, and marched to urghundee. _25th_.--to the cabul river, distance twelve and a half miles; diverged from the cabul road at urghundee chokey, striking obliquely across a ravine that debouches into the main valley at this point. the course of the river ene. or thereabouts, then we entered a ravine to the west side of the river, and commenced ascending the pass, which is not difficult, and although rather steep at first, subsequently it becomes merely undulated, the surrounding hills of the pass have the usual character, but are separated by mere ravines. vegetation very scanty; senecionoides very common, as also _joussa_ and statice of dund-i-sheer; here i noticed the solora found in the wood at kilatkajee. the barometer at the summit of the pass, 22.148: thermometer 60 degrees. an extensive view is had from it, up the cabul river, the valley of which is well cultivated, but presents nothing very striking in its neighbouring mountains. great numbers of sheep passed us going towards cabul, also numbers of patans with their families, all on camels, than some of which last nothing could be finer. the women's dress consists of loose gowns, generally bluish, with short waists coming almost up under the arms, and leggings of folded cloths; they are a gipsy-like, sun-burnt, good looking people. numbers of asses laden with grain were also passed. at the halting place indifferent apples only were to be had. slight rain fell in the afternoon from east, then it became heavier from west. _26th_.--distance eight miles, the road lay along the cabul river up a gentle ascent, over undulated ground; features of country the same, villages, etc., abundant. heavy rain set in from the west after our arrival at the encamping ground at 4 p.m., with thunder. night hazy, heavy dew. _27th_.--to sir-i-chushme, distance ten miles, direction continues easterly up the cabul river valley: features the same; road generally good, here and there stony, crossed a large tributary falling into the cabul river, from the north at juljaily, a large village, the largest in the valley, and very pretty. poplars and willows in plenty along river. near sir-i-chushme the valley becomes narrow; the river passing through a gorge, on the left side of which on rugged rocky ground, are the remains of a tower. the rocks here are mica slate, reposing at a considerable angle, occasionally nearly vertical. the surface is thinly vegetated, silenacea, two or three _muscoides_ (981), scrophulariae sp., common, etc. (see catal. 971, etc.) beyond, the valley again widens, presenting similar features to those just mentioned. to the right side of the valley there is a beautiful narrow ravine, bounded on the south with springs, to the north by a noble bleak rugged ridge, with much snow; it has the usual features, namely, a shingly inclined plane between huge hills. the village of sir-i-chushme is built on a rising ground or small spur, surrounded by numerous springs which supply the source of the cabul river; the bed of which above them is nearly dry. the springs abound with the usual water plants, a cinclidotoid moss in abundance, a celtoid tree stands over one spring; peganum continues. a shallow circular pool occurs at the foot of the hills, on which the village is built; it is crowded with the peculiar cyprinidae of these parts, {390a} some of which attain three pounds in weight, as also a small loach. {390b} the cultivation throughout this valley is good. the soil is however heavy, but in places it gives way to a brown mould: rice is cultivated up to julraiz, but not beyond, millet (setaria), indian-corn, lucerne, mustard, beet root; beans and peas are very common. great pains are taken with watercuts, which are led off into each ravine that debouches into the valley, at elevations of sixty to eighty feet above the river; opposite each, the river where led off is bunded across. the watercuts or courses are in some places built up with stones. apricot trees continue, also mulberries near julraiz, but they are not productive. timber is cut in good quantities, and is floated down in the spring to cabul. we continue to meet flocks of sheep and camels with patans, momums, and ghilzees going to cabul, thence to julallabad; after selling their produce at cabul, they return in the summer to the same pasturages. the oxen used to tread out corn are muzzled: grain is winnowed as in europe by throwing it up in the wind, the corn falls nearest the wind, the coarse chaff next, then the fine chaff. sir-i-chushme is about the same height as the pass into the valley of the cabul river. english scrophularia were observed to-day at julraiz. we obtained all provisions cheap at this place, but of very inferior quality compared to cabul. the most common plants are senecionoides and plectranthus; artemisiae one or two, some carduaceae. very few novelties occur: hedges of hippophae and roses, salvia very common to-day; asses were seen laden with dried _ruwash_ leaves. _28th_.--to yonutt, twelve miles, continued for a short distance up the sir-i-chushme valley, then we diverged to the north-west, still following the principal streamlet up an easy defile; on reaching a beautiful _kila_, differently ornamented from the usual form, we diverged along the same ravine much more to the west. we continued doing so for five or six miles, passing a little cultivation in every possible spot capable of it, and four or five forts. the ascent then commenced to be steeper, still continuing up the watercourse which was very small; this we soon left, passing over five ridges of easy access, the third being the highest. barometer 20.365: thermometer 80 degrees at 10.5 a.m.; after this we descended the 5th ridge or kotal, 200 or 300 feet, which is very steep, having a watercourse at its bottom; direction of stream lies to the north, thence ascending we again descended gradually over an open stony ridge, until we reached the fort of yonutt, where we encamped near a green wet spot, visible for some distance. the road here and there was bad owing to stones; except at the last kotal, or ascent, it was nowhere very steep, but difficult enough for camels, especially up the ascent of the 1st kotal. it lay up a ravine not unlike others we have seen, the ascent being considerable, but gradual, when we left the watercourse, however, we came on a different country, very elevated (1st kotal not under 10,000 feet), longly _undulated_, the mountains generally massive, rounded, here and there rising into peaks, especially to the south, near yonutt, where there is a fine ridge not under 14,000 or 15,000 feet, rugged with spots of snow; the mountains to north of this are more rounded; slate and limestone abundant, but not a tree from the base of the 1st ascent. the ascent is very practicable, the road is made, or artificial in many places, soil soft and broken: there is water at seven miles from sir-i-chushme, and even at the foot of the 1st kotal, at least there are two or three of the usual villages; there is one with its wall demolished. many granite blocks are strewed on the road. for ponies and horses, even laden, the road is very easy, but for draft it is difficult. we experienced a cold cutting west wind from 11 a.m. grass is plentiful along all the moist spots, but it is useless as the camels prefer the carduacea of this place, though a bad fodder for them. [sir-i-chushme ridges: m392.jpg] not much change was observed in the vegetation for half-way up the 1st kotal or ascent; willows and poplars continue to nearly one mile from the last village. here and there along the ravine or streamlet, salvia is very common, senecionoides, bubonoides on rocky ground, sinapis, verbascum decurrens used in the himalayas for german tinder, statice of dund-i-shere, muscoides of yesterday, urtica of cabul, malva rotundifolia, hyoscyamus 1-labiat., polygonum prostratum of shingly spots, composita dislocata, leucades, boraginea, boraginis fasciae _of_ _before_. about kila moostaffur khan a coarse tufted grass, centaurea oligantha common throughout, first found at khilat-i-gilzee; onosma major, cochlearia, dianthoides. chenopodium diclinum, villosa, astragali 2-3, cichorum, linaria angustifolia, euphorbia angustifolia, marrabium, hyoscyamus of quettah, testucoides annua appears about here, epilobium minus, rumex, lactuca fol. cost. subtus spinosis, melilotus, silene angulata, arenaria, calyce globoso inflato, echinops of cabul. the water plants are precisely the same as those of cabul. for new plants see catalogue 980, etc. summit of 1st kotal statice of dund-i-shere, statice grandiflora, dianthoides, several astragali, one with the pinnulae dentato serratis, petiola spinosa, a tufted monocotyledonous plant with terete canaliculate subulate leaves, _salvia_, gramen alterum, composita dislocata, carduacea, this is the most common plant on the open rounded parts, while the others occupy the rocky sides of the hills. the vegetation is however very poor. cultivation various, as seen in different stages along the gorge up to the ascent. thus, people are seen ploughing for the next year's crops amidst stubble fields, and lucerne; but above and throughout the ascent, no crops are cut, while the wheat and barley on the descent are in the ear: mustard very common. several encampments of what are badly called black teal, and paths are to be seen very frequently over the hills in most directions, together with flocks of sheep. a large road leading off to the south-west from the summit is seen; from this our road is wellmarked. _29th_.--halted: every tillable spot is made use of about yonutt, where there is a fort with forty families. the crops are chiefly wheat and a four-awned barley, the grain is fine though scanty, and the plants are of stunted growth. ravens the same, round-tailed eagle as at urghundee, and percnopterus, wagtails, three kinds of conirostres, and an alauda are found here, one or two sylviae. the sward about this place is abundant, affords good pasturage for a few horses, and water is plentiful. this sward is chiefly occupied by a leguminous caraganoid shrub, rather thorny, and not unlike some species of barberry in habit, this is abundant, and is first met with in the ravines beyond the oonnoo pass, cyperaceae, viz. 2-3, carices, small grasses, leontodon, astragaloid caerulens, trifolium album, composita corona, cnicus acaulis, and gentiana pusilla, compose the sward chiefly; in the drier parts of it there is a very fine carduacea, which appears very local. the hills about are all either clay slate, pure slate, or micaceous slate, the strata generally vertical. descended the ravine which the rivulet passes down, to where it joins the helmund, the hills bounding it are of no great height, but the slips are sometimes bold. the helmund runs between rocky cliffs, its bed not much broader than the stream, the water is clear, rapid, and the column considerable. this gorge is picturesque, the sides being generally precipitous. the plants of these hills are, umbelliferae very common, statice 2, carduacea, ephedra, labiatae of karabagh vel similia, arenarioid out of flower in the crevices, a large mattheoloid, leucades, dianthoides foliis undulatis, artemisiae two or three, one a peculiar one, no.--a shrubby astragalus, stunted scraggy polanisia of cabul? campanula of karabagh in the bed of the stream, cnicus of kot-i-ashruf, and salvia are excessively common, artemisia pyramidalis, two or three: mosses occur on the banks, and several gramineae, see catalogue 1,005, etc. cnicus alius, verbascum. [helmund gorge: m393.jpg] _30th_.--we continued ascending gradually, crossing a low ridge covered with sward, and then descended to surmount another ridge, which appeared to me to be as high as the top of the oonnoo. we thence descended, crossing several small ridges; and, at about the distance of five miles from the commencement of the day's journey, suddenly turned north, entering a gorge of the usual structure, drained by a small stream, and thence came on the helmund, not much increased in size as compared with the point at which we had seen it first, but in a comparatively wide and partly cultivated ravine, containing three or four ruined forts. we continued a quarter of a mile down the helmund, then ascended up a considerable stream through a similar gorge, until we reached an encamping spot, after performing thirteen and a half miles. the barometer at the helmund stood at 21.206, thermometer 63 degrees in sun. kohi-baba is first seen from the first ridge, but it is seen beautifully from the second, and still better from some distance beneath this; it is a noble three-peaked ridge, the eastern peak is the largest, and of angular, conical shape. the other two are rugged; the central one is perhaps the highest; the lower portions cliffy, evidently slaty. the river up which we came after leaving the helmund, is fully equal to that in size; it is very rapid: the ravine is very narrow, occasionally widening into swardy spots. we encamped nearly opposite kohi-baba, the conical peak of which here seems a huge rounded mass, with heavy patches of snow, particularly along the northern ridge: the second range to the south is very precipitous and cliffy: at this place a small streamlet falls into the river from the direction of kohi-baba. no particular change in vegetation is observed: two or three umbelliferae, a scrophularia, geranium, ranunculus aquaticus, herba immersa, foliis anguste loratis, potentilla, _panserina_, a new graminea. the most common plants are still carduaceae and salvia; rosa occurs also, (senecionoides ceased some time before) statice, scutellaria common, verbascum, euphorbia linearifolia, linaria ditto, mentha: no change in water plants, or in those of the sward, chenopod. faemin. villos, coarse grass, no. 998, common; the chief new feature is _ruwash_, the dead red leaves of which are abundant. two villages were passed after leaving the helmund, both ruined, yet all spots cultivated, several with cicer. watercourses as high up cliffs and hills as 100 feet above the river. a dreadfully cutting dry wind blows down the ravine, and in our faces all the way. limestone cliffs occurred, about which the vegetation became rich, more especially near a bridge consisting of trees thrown across a narrow portion of the river, at a point where the stream is very deep; near this are two willow trees of a different species. a fine rosa, a new epilobium, aconitum, salisburifolium, a small crucifera, one or two compositae, a curious polygonum, a rumex, a dianthus, silene, three or four umbelliferae, among which is the yellow ferula? of the kojhuk pass, two or three new leguminosae, saponaria, silenacea inflata, cerastium may be found among them, or in the fields close by. _31st_.--we ascended the high bank or cliff over the bridge, and continued up the ravine which lies over the river, but whose bed is too narrow for a road: we passed two or three villages, the road undulating over ground covered with granite boulders, or rather small masses, rounded only when exposed to weather; the bottom of each undulation is covered with sward and giving exit to a small stream; sometimes we came on the bed of the river. at six and a half miles we came on a fort, used as a custom house, and diverged again to the east up a ravine; the arak road continuing along the river. we passed another fort, and then commenced the main ascent of hajeeguk. in a ravine to the left, 100 feet above us, was a large mass of half frozen snow: barometer at the foot of main ascent 20.320, thermometer 80 degrees. the ascent is rather steep, but easy enough: barometer 19.755, thermometer 80 degrees. thence the descent was steep for about 800 feet, and then gradual for four or five more, when we encamped on sward. from the top of the pass we had a beautiful view of the _ridge_ of kohi-baba, running about wnw., presenting a succession of fine bold rugged peaks, the conical mass was not seen well, as there is heavy snow on it, and on some other parts of the ridge. water is plentiful in all ravines, the lower parts of which are covered with swardy grass. cultivation is less advanced than at yonutt, consisting chiefly of barley; every capable spot is made use of. boulders of antimony, also a large mountain close to, and on the right of our camp composed of this ore, which is very heavy; a ruined fort on the hill near us, shewing again how some of these ridges become disintegrated. a _cafila_ passed with huge loads of cloths of various sorts, carried on asses, going to bamean: they paid toll i observed at choky fort. the vegetation in the snow ravine was rich, and varied in the swardy spots: ranunculi 2, swertia 2-3, gentiana a fine one, junci, carices, euphrasia, triglochin, veronica as before, cardaminoides; near the snow in sward, a pretty primula in flower; two other pediculares. a brynum on the dry parts of the ravine, two astragali in flower 2-3, cruciferae, echinops, carduaceae, silene pusilla, stellaria, campanula odorata, rutacea about springs, parnassia? astragali 3-4, in flower, long past this elsewhere, thalictrioides, secaloides. see catalogue nos. --of exposed face; staticoides of yonutt, graminae 998, carduaceae very common, statice aliae rare. the hill over which the pass runs, is chiefly covered with a herbaceous carduacea out of flower in profusion, one or two astragali, an artemisioid, small compositae, and the abundant carduaceae of yonutt, astragaloid pinnulis on the west side, _koollah hujareel_, statice, macrantha dentatis; a spinous leaved carduacea, different from the zamea leaved ones out of flower, gramin. 998 common, chenopodioid? arenaria spinosa, onosma, carduacea alia, two or three astragalus primus. altogether the vegetation is different from that of oonnoo, in the comparative absence of statice, dianthoid, and astragali. similar swardy spots occur on the west of the pass, a large swertia, caraganoid, carices, etc. as before, gentiana of yonutt, a new potentilla, salix fruticosa; here also occurs the first orchidea i have seen in khorassan: it belongs to the tribe orchis, but is out of flower. on the 1st of sept., i re-crossed hajeeguk, directing my way again into the snow ravine from the top of the pass, and found a number of plants, for which see catalogue. a campanula abundant about springs at 12,400 feet. the vegetation of the ravine close by the little fort is rich, and would repay two or three days' halt, as it runs a long way up the antimony hill, swertia in profusion, geranium also, stellaria, a fine conyzoidia. i had here an opportunity of observing the curious effect of a patch of snow in retarding vegetation, all the plants about, being as it were a spring flora, even such as at similar elevations elsewhere, were all past seed; such as astragalus primus. again, why do some plants flower sooner at such elevations than at other lower places? such as cardamine, here past flower, but not commencing at cabul; is it because this plant will flower in the winter in cabul? so there may be a law requiring such plants to flower in wintery situations by a certain time? the idea is perhaps absurd, as their growth depends exclusively on the power of the sun. _september 1st_.--after re-crossing hajeeguk we continued our march to sohkta, five and a half miles. the road continued along a considerable descent throughout, at first down the valley in which we had halted to the west, thence down the large kulloo valley in a northerly direction; towards the mouth of first ravine or valley it is bad, passing across a land slip, then it crosses the bed of a huge torrent falling at a great rate, and obstructed with boulders; the right bank, a high almost precipitous mountain, the left a high aggregate of granitic and other boulders. water abundant, divided into three streams or so: this torrent comes direct from the nearest portion of kohi-baba, which appears of easy descent, presenting beautiful peaks. the road then keeps along left bank, undulating over the ravines, down which water flows from the hills on the eastern side; some of these are very steep, and the road itself is infamous, as may be supposed, crowded with boulders, and impracticable for wheeled carriages: one precipitous ravine we passed through, the rocks consisted of blackish, curiously laminated, and metallic looking stone. on descending one steep ravine, we then came on the road leading up to the kulloo mountain, where we halted. a good many villages, with forts, as usual were passed; the cultivation more advanced than at our last halt, crops consisting chiefly of barley. one good fort was observed close to our halting place opposite the direction of the small kulloo ravine; across the valley a well marked road is seen running up a part of kulloo ridge, at a lower elevation than that which we crossed. poplars and willows occur in the large valley, particularly towards sohkta, a small orchard of stunted mulberry trees. cultivation consisting of peas; barley of fine grain, resembling wheat when freed from the husk. the plants of the valley of kulloo were badly observed, as i was greatly tired and fatigued. polygonum fruticosum re-occurs, silene, clematis erecta, tragogopon, salvia but less common, a curious cruciferous plant, lactucacea purpurea of cabul, chenopodium villosum faemin. dianthus, saponaria, lychnis inflata, oats common in fields, the common thistle, urtica, caragana abundant along the bed of the river, papaver. on rocks about camp, 2 salsolae, glaucum, umbelliferae of the yonutt ravine, artemisiae, rosa _ribes_! scrophularia alia. the valley is very narrow at camp, the river running between precipices, in some parts passable without wetting the feet. _2nd_.--from sohkta kullar-rood to topehee, eight and a half miles. the road lay in a northerly direction for a quarter of a mile, then turning up a steep ravine, with an ascent for 800 feet; then small descent, then levellish, until we came to a black cliff, over which another steeper but longer ascent extended, then it became levellish for some distance; two other moderate, extended, longish ascents, led us to the summit, which is 500 feet higher than that of hajeeguk. the descent continued steep and most tedious on reaching the precipitous ravine of topehee, the road wound over small spurs, until we came to a grove of willows near the village. the road although steep is not bad, the soil being soft, that of the upper parts and of the descent, even annoying from the sand, both might with little trouble be made easy, but especially the descent. the mercury of the barometer on the summit at 11 a.m., stood at 19.513, at 11.5 a.m., 19.506, thermometer 66 degrees. the camels all came up but one, though very slowly; to them as to us, the descent was more tiring than the ascent. from the summit a fine view of kohi-baba was obtained, running to nw. by n. to the ne., another high range, but not so marked as kohi-baba, was seen running in a similar direction; on this, two considerable peaks present themselves, but only visible when lower down. a splendid view of the bamean valley is here obtained. we have now obviously passed the highest ranges: to west where the country is low and flat; to the north, the mountains indistinctly visible, are beautifully varied, presenting rugged outlines 10,000 feet above bamean, also a view of an unearthly looking mountain, most variedly sculptured, is obtained, with here and there rich ravines and columnar sided valleys, presenting tints very varied; in those of the lower ranges, rich rosy tints are predominant; also niches in which gigantic idols are plainly seen: also a view of goolghoolla, looking as it is in reality, a ruined city: a fine gorge apparently beyond the bamean river, and a large ravine due north, by which i expect the bamean river reaches the oxus; not a tree is to be seen, except a few about bamean. the whole view is indescribably volcanic, barren yet rich, requiring much colouring to convey an idea of it. [bamean idols: p398.jpg] to the top of the pass it is three and a half miles; the character of kulloo mountain is different from that above described, it is rounded, and composed of a curious compact slate, towards the summit well covered with plants, large tufts of statice, two or three kinds, two undescribed; immense quantities of artemisia, coarse tufted grasses, onosma, carduacea herbacea of hajeeguk, uncommon; triticoides 998, not common; alium fusco purpurea common. a few exposed rocks occur on the summit. the ravines are all dry, there being no water or very little in them, and no cultivation; thus the contrast visible on both sides of the kulloo river which runs round the foot of the mountain, is remarkable. vegetation being distinct on either side. yet the ravine of topehee shows, that when exposed to the action of water, this rock becomes very precipitous, cliffy, easily dislocated: the latter part of the road winds over a portion of this. chakor, ptarmigan a fine bird, voice somewhat like that of a vulture, to which it is perhaps anologous. about sohkta or in ravines, euphorbia linearifolia, ephedra, asteroides, rosa ribes, composita dislocata, artemisiae, aster pyramidalis, chenopodium villosum faem., senecionoides. scutellaria, scrophularia, santonicoides, polygonum fruticosum, salvia, artemisia linearifolia, centaurea angustifolia, cochlearia, umbelliferae of yonutt, stellaria, glaucium, labiata nova, hyoscyamus minor, lactucacea, linaria, salsola elegans, marrubium, common thistle, rumex, potentilla anserina, sinapis of siah-sung ravine, berberis, secaloides, statice, _marmots_, statice glauca pedunculata, stipha of nakhood, aconiti sp., ferula? spiraea facie frutex, ribes, muscoides. first ridge dianthoides, statice three to two glaucous species, one sessile the other pedunculate, ferula, scutellaria, labiata trumpet-shaped calyces, astragali, diacanthus, stipa, ribes, arenaria spinosa, triticum carneo pubescens, pulmonaria corolla trumpet-shaped, salvia sparingly, pommereulla, artemisia in profusion, spiraeoides, chenopodium villos., faemin. parvus, leguminosae two or three, _ruwash_ sparingly. not much change beyond 12,000 feet, at that height glaucium in abundance, with a few hyoscyamus parvus, borago. labiatifol, inciso dentatis occurs throughout, sinapis of siah-sung straggles to 12,000 feet. [topehee cliffs and ravine: m399.jpg] the same vegetation continues down to topehee; on the red hills over its ravine, the plants are different. portulacea cana, several pretty salsolae, a polanisia occurs, with statice two or three, a straggling astragalus, ferula, peganum re-appears! cerasus canus, carduacea frutex of mailmandah, fructibus combretiformibus, muscoides which is a sedum, polygon. fruticosum common, the usual plants of cultivation, etc. etc. _3rd_.--we proceeded from topehee to bamean, a distance of twelve miles, for two and a half miles down topehee ravine. the road is a decent descent, although steepish: from thence turning abruptly at the bamean valley, we cross the river, which is of considerable size, but fordable, although rapid. the road then extends along the left bank, not in the valley which is occupied by cultivation, but winding over and round the bases of low hills and cliffs, forming a northern boundary; throughout this part the road is villainous, often impeded by huge blocks. after a distance of about ten miles it improves, the valley expanding into a cultivated plain. topehee valley narrows towards its mouth or exit, which is walled in by high, red, raviny cliffs; above, in its upper parts it is well cultivated with beans, barley, wheat, and oats, and contains two villages: it opens into the bamean valley at a village also called topehee, there the bamean valley is well cultivated, with oats intermixed with barley or wheat, trefoil, etc., it then narrows, forming the bed of a ravine occupied by hippophae, tamarisk, etc., then it widens again. the structure of the hills is curious, and generally exhibiting the appearance of having been much acted on by water. they are often cliffy, composed either of limestone or a soil of red clay, with which salt occurs in abundance, conspicuous from the white appearance, or springs. crystals of carbonate of lime are frequent, limestone, or coarse conglomerate with large rounded stones, occurs; together with a curious laminated clayey rock, with white and ochraceous layers intermixed. the tints most various, as well as the sculpture of the mountains: here ravines representing tracery occur: there, columnar curiously carved cliffs, exhibiting all sorts of fantastic forms: here, as it were, a hill thrown down with numberless blocks into the stream, scattered in every direction; and here, but this is rare, very red horizontal strata, colours various, generally rosy, especially the clayey cliffs: here and there the colour of the rock is ochraceous, at one place its structure is slaty. the curious intermixture of these colours owing to the weather, is striking. from the head of two of the ravines by which considerable torrents flow into bamean river, beautiful views are obtained of the kohi-baba, whose peaks according to native authority, stretch sixty miles to the westward of bamean, without much diminution in height. the scenery, however, is less beautiful after emerging into the widened part of the valley, where the hills are less varied both in form and tints, than they are in lower parts: fine views however of kohi-baba are occasionally had. salsolae are the prevailing plants of the rocky sides of the valley, clematis erecta common, here and there a small statice. caves occur throughout the wide portion of the valley, but chiefly on the northern side; they also extend a little way into the narrow portion, where they seem to be excavated into clayey-looking, red, earthy limestone, or more commonly conglomerate, of coarse grey, or reddish colour. the caves are most common in two cliffs composed of conglomerate mixed with transverse strata of the same rock, 3,400 feet high, presenting a rugged outline; and between the two, which are 800 yards apart, large idols are carved. these cliffs in some places have suffered little from the action of the elements, as testified by the perfect nature of the opening of the caves, and the corners, etc. of the niches enclosing idols; in others they are furrowed by the action of water; in others again slips have taken place to such extent in some, as to cause the fall of all their caves, or of their greater portion, thus exposing the galleries, etc. the base of the cliffs is irregular, formed of the same conglomerate and clay, but covered more or less by boulders, evidently brought down by the river; by these many caves are choked up, so that originally the cliff might have been perpendicular to the edge of the base, and if so, the caves in the cliffs, and the idols, are of later date than those of the rugged base. but more probably the cliffs, and the caves, are much as they were originally, the boulders having been a subsequent deposit. the western corner of the cliff beyond the large idol, is much destroyed; on this, the force of the current would have acted: a breakwater occurring along the returning face. the caves are very numerous, but are confined chiefly towards the base of the cliffs, not scattered over them as i believe burnes represents. these are of no size, finish, or elegance, and it is only their number, and the extreme obscurity of their history, that makes them interesting; the roofs are usually arched, and the walls are often supplied with niches, and covered with a coating of tar of some thickness, and intense blackness. the galleries are low, arched, and admit one person at a time, or a line of persons with ease; they often form the ascent to the upper caves now inhabited, but originally they were enclosed in the rock, they are defended in such cases by a parapet. the largest caves are those about the idols, but i see none of any size. they are often domed, the spring of the dome is ornamented with a projecting frieze, some of these are parallelogramic, in one instance with an ornamented border thus. [part of a frieze in caves near bamean: m402.jpg] some of the caves are situated as high as, or even above the tops of the idols; all parts within the rock are lighted by small apertures. access to the large idol is destroyed; the smaller one is gained by a spiral staircase of rude construction, and by galleries. the floor of the galleries is rugged, the steps and the cement of the conglomerate having worn out from between the masses of rock. the images all occupy niches in the face of the hill: two are gigantic, the rest not very large. they are generally in the usual sitting posture, and rather high up, while the larger ones are erect, and reach the base of the cliffy portion of the rock. they are all male, and all obviously boodhistical; witness the breadth, proportion, and shape of the head, and the drapery; both are damaged, but the smaller is the more perfect, the face of the large one being removed above the lower lip; the arms are broken off, showing they were occupied by galleries. the drapery is composed of plaster, and was fixed on by bolts which have fallen out, leaving the holes. the arms in the smaller one are supported by the falling drapery. the height of the large image in the niche is 135 feet. the pictures are much damaged, the plaster on which they were painted being mostly very deficient, all the faces are damaged by bullets or other missiles: their execution is indifferent, not superior to modern burmese paintings; the colours however are good, the figures are either grouped or single, and one is in the style of the time of henry viii, with a hat and plume, others represent groups flying--one a golden bird, another a man with a hemispherical helmet, all are much damaged. the hair in some is dressed as in the modern burmese top-knot, often surrounded by a circle. otherwise the niches are not ornamented, except in one instance, as above alluded to; the head of the smaller figure was formerly covered by the roof, as evident from holes or troughs for timbers in the gallery. these holes are now inhabited by pigeons, and the lower ones by cows, donkeys, fowls, kids, dogs; some are filthy apertures blocked up by stone and mud walls; the doors irregular, and guarded between two giants. an old tope occurs near some small figures, it is composed of stones very much disintegrated, with curious blocks of _kucha_ work, and large babylonish bricks; the smaller figures are much destroyed, some completely; all are in alto-relievo. the plants about topehee valley, are cichorium, centaurea lutea, berberis common, salvia, cicer cultivated, lucerne, centaurea angustifolia, cnicus of koti-ashruf, ditto of karabagh hills, triticum, asteroides, avena, centaurea glauca, the common thistle, ephedra, mentha, rumex, melilotus, medicago, artemisia pyramidalis, lychnis inflata, saponaria, bromus, verbascum, cerasus canus, ferula, statice, salsola, astragalus, polygonum fruticosum, composita dislocata, clematis erecta, clematis alia, echinops, leucades, pulicaria fragrans, hyoscyamus parvus, rare; geranium, rosa, fabago of maidan, fructi echinatis, arundo, hippophae. halted at bamean till the 6th, and inspected ghoolghoola or bheiran, which presents extensive ruins: those of the city are almost destroyed; but those of the citadel are more perfect, and situated on a mound 300 feet high, which still stands with steep banks or fortifications, apparently of kafir origin, generally _kucha_, with bases formed of boulders. three lines of defences remain on the valley side; and the remains of a ditch 50 feet broad at the mound on the east side. _pucka_, or burnt bricks are common among the debris, also pottery, but this is of the ordinary sort: i observed but few _pucka_ bricks in the fortification on the west side. great masses of rocks have been thrown about near the building of the fort, and some of the lower bastions were built on these masses. the mound is chiefly occupied by salsolaceae, some of which exist in profusion. nothing seems to be known about the history of the place, except that it was built by _julal_, to whom the mahommedans fix _ud-deen_. quails are abundant in the fields about bamean; it is a curious thing that in many of these fields oats far preponderate over other grain; yet they are not cut, although all the seeds have fallen out of the ear! can it be cultivated solely for the straw? fine groves of poplars occur about certain portions of the valley; from beyond this to the south, a beautiful view is obtained, embodying the cliffs with the large image, and the back hills whose varied surface and tints it is impossible to describe, so as to convey a correct idea of their fine effect. the poplar grove contains some ordinary mahomedan _tombs_. the trees are the p. heterophylla, but the leaves are much smaller and more silvery underneath than usual; a beautiful poplar of large size and unencumbered growth, of the same sort occurs in the ravine beyond the small image. abundance of wild sheep's heads are preserved about all the sanctified buildings, together with a few of those of the ibex, and fewer of the wild goat. the plants of bamean require no specification, the hills are very barren, chiefly occupied by salsoleae, of which 6 or 7 species occur. the water plants continue the same as at cabul; hippurus and triglochin, mentha, cochlearia, naiad? potamogeton of siah-sung, polypogon. the other plants are those found in cultivation, and present no change, anchusoides alba, abundant. choughs very abundant; wild pigeons, ravens, laurus; the nuthatch, a noisy but not unmusical bird, chakor, together with small partridges, but these are rare; several conirostres. the greatest curiosity is a genuine trout, {404} this appears rare, the spots are very bright, the largest caught was only six pounds in weight. i could not take any even with the fly; but i caught with this, schizothorax, or one of the universal khorassan cyprins. the range of the thermometer is great; before sunrise it varies from 28 degrees to 30 degrees! in the sun in midday it is 100 degrees! when there is no wind, and the mornings are delightful. one of the long-tailed clumsy brachypodiums occurs in the fields: bears also are found here. _joussa_, mentha, tanacetoid, polypogonum, cichorium, plantago, common thistle, potamogeton longifolium, labiata arvensis of yonutt, centaurea lutea, cyanea angustifolia, cochlearia, hippuris, ranunculus, potamogeton pectinata, triglochin, convolvulus arvensis, acaulis, glaux, capparis of arghandab, centranthera pinnatifida, malva rotundifolia, asteroides, lactuca purpurea. salt is obtained in some places from the red earth, as also alum an earthy substance of a whitish or brown colour, and irregular surface, sent in quantities to mindosh, called zak. _6th_.--to zohawk, down the valley two miles beyond the mouth of topehee ravine, or embouchure of the kulloo-rood. the angle is occupied by a kafir fort called kojhuk, of very large size, situated on a precipitous dusky-red and very high rock, facing towards both rivers; the defences reach down the eastern face of rock to the kulloo bed, and are in good preservation, more ornamented than the modern fort, and better proportioned. a pretty grass sward occurs here, with tamarisk. the fort must have been of great size, and is chiefly weak, _i.e_. to a native army, from depending on the river for supplies of water, for it is commanded from the opposite sides of either ravine. the bed of the river under the east face, presents the remains of outworks to protect the supply of water, which is perhaps a sign of its being a recent structure? the works are good, much better than those of the affghans, the view of the fort from half a mile down the bamean river, with the sun gilding the ruined battlements, while the precipice contrasts with it its dusky-red colour, is beautiful. the bamean river, especially after receiving the kulloo-rood, is of considerable size, but fordable at the head of most of the rapids, its course is rapid, and its waters greyish, while those of the kulloo are quite colourless; its bed is of some width, presenting a capital road over green sward, with plenty of willows, lycium, hippophae, berberis, and tamarisk. about one mile east of our camp, its ravine turns to the south. wild ducks, quails, chakor, and trout occur whose haunts are in holes, and taking the worm are easily caught. this fort of kojhuk is as well worth examining as any place we have seen, the dusky-red rocks are coarse conglomerate. a violent wind prevails up the ravine, commencing about 2 p.m. a curious staircase situated at the corner towards bamean, ascends through rock, the bottom of which is defended by a bastion and round wall; near, or close to this a slip has occurred, destroying part of the wall and blocking up one exit. ascended the cliff by the gateway of the kulloo valley, and found the line of fortifications, with good loop-holes and parapets extend two and a half miles up, a few houses likewise occur. the path leads through the face of the solid rock: abundant defences, with arched buildings occur above: this cliff is almost totally separated from the upper citadel by a ravine: the citadel has four lines of defences surmounting a steep ridge with outworks on the kulloo river, the bed of which is 60 yards broad. _7th_.--proceeded to erak, six miles. we crossed the kulloo-rood, and immediately ascended its right bank, 100 feet high; then descended into the ravine up which we continued, then leaving it we struck over the spur of a high mountain; the ascent being about 1,000 feet, thence we commenced a steep descent, of 5,600 feet into the erak valley, up which we proceeded for two miles distance and encamped. from the top of the pass, a fine view is obtained of kojhuk, and the valley of the bamean river, presenting a rich and varied surface beyond description, with beautifully sculptured rocks, of purplish-red colour, which are seen up the kulloo, close to kojhuk. the hills and ravines are however very barren, nothing but salsola occurs. at the top of the pass a section is partly laid open, shewing a mass of conglomerate, twenty to thirty feet thick, resting on red clay. this conglomerate being less acted on by water than the clay, the rocks often assume curious shapes, and are occasionally even fungiform. [sculptured rocks near kojhuk: m406.jpg] we observed here a new partridge, at least one to which we were not accustomed; it is almost the size of chakor, black on the back, with a grey neck, and very shy; chakors abundant here in coveys. the valley of the erak is very narrow, but well cultivated, and with a good many villages. all the mountains in this direction have rounded shapes or outlines, the precipices variously curved, the surfaces are thus formed by the action of water on the outer strata; when this is once exposed, the changes appear often rapid, as may be imagined in a country of such low winter temperature. caves occur in the erak valley, chiefly situated in a dirty white conglomerate. [erak ravine: m407.jpg] _8th_.--halted and encamped eight miles up the erak ravine on a swardy spot: the road easy, ascent bad in some places, but generally good, particularly for the latter part of the march: the rocks in some places rising in abrupt rugged cliffs, generally rounded, slaty. we passed one mass of snow about two miles from camp, botany good, especially about the snow; so much so, that it employed me all day. caragana appears at about 10,000 feet, a tamerioid of large stature in abundance, asphodelus, not as i thought a mesembryanthemum, but a beautiful and very distinct species; see catalogue for other plants. our camp is within one and a half mile of the head of the erak ravine, where snow occurs in two large masses; patches of snow also occur on the ridge or a little below it; these ridges rise about 1,200 to 1,500 feet above us. unsettled evening, snow during night on all the ridges about us with frozen sleet in camp. thermometer at 6 a.m. 31 degrees. large round-tailed eagle seen. barometer 20.164, thermometer 61 degrees; boiling point of wollast. new thermometer; barometer 650, old ditto 555.3. swardy plants. parnassia, swertia, gentiana, carices, composita coronata, primula, labiata, menthoides, caprifoliacea! pedicularis, umbelliferae. plants of hill sides asphodelus, leguminosae alter, a nakhood moschata, nakhood labaria violacea, mulgedioid, euphorbia, astragalus prior, alter., pedicularis, onosma versicolor, boraginea, stamens exserted. _9th_.--proceeded to kurzar, eight miles up a ravine to the left or eastward, about one and a half mile, then the steep ascent of the pass; thence the descent was as steep for 800 feet, then gradually down a swardy ravine until we came to the kurzar ravine, which we followed till we reached the choky. the road good; the ascent for 1,000 feet is very steep, the soil good, hills rounded, here and there slate rocks outcropping. no change in vegetation. passed a mass of snow: abundance of snow on the summit where the mercury in the bar. stood at 19.200; thermometer 58 degrees; boiling point of wollast. new thermometer; bar. 648.5, old 539.1, this being the highest spot we have visited. the vegetation of the summit presents no change from that of the rocks and hill sides 1,500 feet below. there is a good deal of vegetation, carduaceae, statices, astragali, a few tufted grasses forming the great bulk, _nakhood_ rare on the kurzar side, 500 feet down, statice becomes most abundant, it is curious that on the sward of this side, neither fumariaceae, nor campanula were observed, silene fimbriata one species. caragana all about, even at kurzar in ravines; primula abundant, also swertiae, generally all four plants are found at the hajeeguk snow ravine, and may be found between this and erak, with some interesting novelties. the distance to bamean by both routes is within two miles of the same, the kulloo-rood being the shorter, but hajeeguk the best road. that of the kulloo river is followed to zohawk. the weather unsettled with showers of hail, clouds and sunshine: and heavy gusts of wind occasionally from kohi-baba, whose eastern extremity comes in sight after entering the _kurzar_ ravine. no view from the summit of the pass. [pass between erak and kurzar: m408.jpg] pedicularis, campanula, rubiaceae, hippuris in flower, phleum, carduacea of yonutt, cnicus of koti-ashruf, pulmonaria, corolla tubiform. euphorbia linearifolia, composita dislocata, cardamina lutea. _10th_.--proceeded to the helmund, thirteen and a half miles; the only novelty met with is a curious spring about half-way between siah-sung halting place, and the helmund consisting of limpid water emitting a copious ebullition of gas, not water, as the overflow is very small; a copious deposition of fine red earth is formed all round, which looks especially bright in the springs themselves. the water possesses a peculiar acid taste. quails abundant, especially about this place, the water of the helmund is very clear and affords excellent fishing with worms which are greedily taken, and also with the fly, particularly towards evening, by a species of gonorhynchus. _11th_.--returned to the foot of the ascent of the oonnoo, nine miles: nothing new having been met with, except that kohi-baba is seen to great advantage, from the higher ridges of this pass. on going to bamean we saw it for the first time from the ridges beyond yonutt, badly from the first, but beautifully from the second ridge. the weather continues as usual threatening in the evening, clearing up after sunset: there is less snow on kohi-baba now than when we went. _12th_.--proceeded to sir-i-chushme, eight miles, which was one continued descent. passed killa moostaffur khan, built by a kuzzilbash; it is the prettiest fort in the country. the common carduacea disappears below 9,500 feet, cnicus of koti-ashruf commences here. temperature of the spring at sir-i-chushme, 55 degrees (1.5 p.m.); that at kallo, on the other side of hajeeguk, 45 degrees. all crops are cut, and the ground ploughed or preparing; in one place the young wheat is springing up; but the country generally looks very brown, and the hills small. abundance of black teal. plectranthus reappears at the foot of oonnoo, verbascum rare, if any, on the tartary side of the hindoo-koosh. abundance of loaches or balitora in the streamlets arising from the springs. 13th.--proceeded to julraiz, eight and a half miles, having passed a waterfall, as well as abundance of people going to jallalabad. bar. 22.760 at noon; ther. 75 degrees. 14th.--proceeded to koti-ashruf, where there is excellent fishing with worms, the fish however did not take a fly, though they often appeared at the surface: a large headed silurus occurs, but i was unable to procure a specimen. 15th.--proceeded to arghundee, where we met the bamean force. 16th.--proceeded to topehee bashee. 17th.--returned to cabul. eryngium is rare between the foot of oonnoo and moostaffur khan's fort. chapter xvii. _from cabul to jallalabad and peshawur_. _october 7th_.--proceeded to bhootkhak, nine and a half miles from cabul, and seven from our camp: the direction lay easterly. a canal and a river were both crossed by bridges, the latter of stone, but much needing repairs: the country generally marshy: the marshes were crossed by a causeway of stones, rough and broken here and there. the road is one apparent continued slope to this, but the barometer gives no indication of any difference of level. the march proving uninteresting, and the country an uniform brown and barren tract. _8th_.--proceeded to koord cabul valley, the distance of which from the place we left being eleven miles: first having rounded a spur extending from the south boundary of cabul valley, we then entered a narrow ravine, chiefly occupied by a small stream, which we crossed several times. the mountains being chiefly of limestone, then becoming slaty, very precipitous, rugged, and barren; on emerging from this very tedious ravine, we entered on some sward with plenty of tamarisk, and salix vimenea. koord cabul valley is a frightfully barren, and very stony place; the chief vegetation of the valley, as also of the ravine, being artemisiae, in which there is abundance of carduacea subspicata from baber's tomb. the road throughout is indifferent, but only so from the stones, the largest of which would require removal, and there are not more than two or three difficult rocks in the way, these however might be avoided by keeping in the bed of the stream. there are two ruined stone walls thrown across the ravine, the remains merely of the very few villages of koord cabul. a high truncated mountain stands to the south, on which some patches of snow are visible. the mountain forming the east wall of the ravine is the subconical one, seen to such advantage from arghundee, it is of limestone, quite precipitous, with a few large bushes of, i do not know what; none of them being within reach,--ilex, and _cupressus_. _9th_.--to tazeen, the road for seven miles extends over somewhat undulated ground, generally good; but here and there stony, with a gradual but almost imperceptible ascent, until the top of the pass is reached; from this, the view of tazeen valley, and the summit of the sofaid-koh is good. thence the road extends over ascents and descents, three of which have considerable, and stony inclinations, then it enters the ravine drained by a small stream, and continues down it until we enter tazeen valley. two streams are passed in the ascent; the first, near the former halting place, flowing, where it is crossed, between slaty cliffs of no height; the second one, small, frozen, and not sufficient to supply a large party: there is however a spring a short way below the summit, although very small. temperature 58 degrees. the rocks forming the narrow ravine are very rough and slaty: limestones presenting the usual characters. this march has been said to present a very bad road, but it is not the case, at least in comparison with many of the affghan roads, distance twelve and a half miles, the time it takes for camels to perform the journey is six hours. the road, where not stony, is very well beaten. no change is observed in the features of the country until the opposite side of tazeen valley is seen, and the summit of the sofaid-koh: here, wonderful to relate! are abundance of firs extending down and along the ridge to some distance, but not forming forests. otherwise the vegetation consists of senecionoides, _astragali_, _rosa_, statice 2-3, artemisiae, and plectranthus, which last is very common in the ravine leading to tazeen valley, which is drained by a small stream. here also carduacea, and onosmoid angustifolia occur! in this ravine, xanthoxylon of kojhuk, a willow, rosa, and a distinct ilex, occur, forming chiefly a shrubby vegetation. ilex is also, so far as can be judged from appearance, the bushy thing seen on the limestone hill at our last halt, also cupressus, a fine specimen of which i found on limestone at about the height of the top of the pass, (22.76 bar.) ther. 60 degrees, with a very small spiraea. the large-winged vultures of arghundee are common here. some ruined villages were passed, a mosque stood near one of these, two and a half miles from last halt, little cultivation in the tazeen valley, and in the centre of this, two villages with orchards are visible. [pass between koord cabul and tazeen: m411.jpg] _9th_.--tried to get to the firs, but failed. the lower hills, and indeed the range between the valley and the fir range, are conglomerate, easily disintegrated, then limestone, which often occurs quite vertical. some of the hills are red, others brown, in one instance the coloured substance is interposed between strata of limestone, which last have alone withstood the effects of climate, this range is as high as the koord cabul pass. ilex very common, and much used for charcoal, the trunk being eight to ten inches in diameter; almost all are pollarded. pomacea common at 500 feet above this, plectranthus, senecionoides. artemisiae, astragali, statices, rosa, bastard indigo, cerasus. the orchards are now assuming their autumnal tint, salvia pinnata, canus aliusque, _ruwash_. chough, ravens, nuthatch, and chakor here occur. heavy snow is observed on the eastern portions of hindoo-koosh, which are quite barren. the best way to the fir tract i find on enquiry will be to follow the bed of the stream up to it. fields are being now ploughed and sown. thermopsides very common here in old cultivation: it affords decent fodder for camels. _10th_.--to barikab, distance ten and a half miles; the road extending down the tazeen ravine, over a tract with a considerable descent for about nine miles; on passing a long dark looking rock and its spur, the road then leaves the bed, and ascends over low undulations of easily detachable conglomerate, and sand; then a short but rather steep ascent occurs for 200 feet, passing over an easily friable sandstone, either existing as grains slightly adherent, or caked; thence the descent passes over the preceding sort of conglomerate, to an abominably barren ravine, drained by a very small stream. the road only once leaves the bed of this ravine, but soon rejoins it before finally turning off. the mountains present the same features; where no outcrop of strata occurs, they are rounded, brown, and very barren, with here and there an ilex; towards the end of the raviny part in one or two places, more wood than usual occurs, forming scattered thickets. fraxinus, the older branches of which have much smaller leaves, thymelia of chiltera, cerasus canus, and alius, senecionoides, compositae, artemisiae, polygonum frutescens, which last is not uncommon throughout. equisetoides becomes common towards the black rock. where the road turns off from the ravine, a _khubar_ or tope occurs, shaded with two or three large xanthoxyleae now in fruit, called _khinjuk_. snow visible from barikab to the north, but generally in ravines. the country continues abominably barren, we passed the entrance of the lutabund pass, near the black rock, but without seeing it: no difficulty occurs on the road, except from the jolting of stones. there is however no forage to be had at the halt, and but little fodder. a sprinkling of holly-looking bushes are seen extending over the lower ranges of hindookoosh. _11th_.--jugdulluck, ten and a half miles from our last encampment; on leaving barikab we commenced ascending, winding over undulating ground for a short distance, until we reached the main ascent, which is short, but moderately steep: thence we descended steeply for perhaps 500 feet, hitherto the road extended over sand hills, with quantities of stones. on reaching the foot of the steep descent, we then descended gradually over a long stony inclined plane, then entered undulating ground, descending from which the road took us over a small stream, which we followed up, soon entering a gorge, up which we continued till we reached jugdulluck. this gorge is the finest and boldest we have seen, the rocks forming precipitous cliffs 2,400 feet high, which often hem in the road, and confine it to a breadth of a few feet, sufficient merely for a gun to pass. on emerging from this we reached the tope of jugdulluck, now a grove of mulberry trees, surrounded by the remains of a wall. the country, until we entered the gorge, presented the same features as before, being frightfully barren. passed a spring of water at the foot of the main descent where there is level ground sufficient for a small party, afterwards we passed a smaller spring containing less water, but situated in much better ground than barikab. the vegetation of undulated ground continues unchanged, very poor and stunted; in ravines below the main descent, stipa is very common; in others, a large andropogon occurs near the mouth of the gorge along the bed of the river, also _jhow_ in patches, and one patch of donax. the vegetation of the gorge is more varied; two small trees occur, one the _khinjuk_, and it is the commonest, the other a terebinthacea; thymelaea of chiltera is common, ephedra, ilex occurs but is less common than on hills. along the water to which it gives exit, and which is abundant, the usual cyperaceae, junceae, gnaphalium, potentilla, and epilobium occur as at cabul; the place is chiefly remarkable for two or three saccharoid grasses, stipa common, polypogon, donax, dracocephala of quettah and the bolan pass, spiraea, typha, young tamarisks. chakor, large vulture, ravens; a woodcock rose from a dripping rock, covered with a tropical andropogon in dense patches. adiantum, rubus, erythrea, labiatae two, common; salix. the gorge appears to be a distinct formation of sandstone, slate, and limestone: on the way to it, we continued over the sand and conglomerate hill, which again recur at jugdulluck, with plenty of holly. the sofaid-koh is visible from the main ridge: it is a ridge running perhaps sw. to ne., tolerably covered with snow, as barren as any others: a few fir trees are found in the direction of tazeen: are these confined to the sandstone formation? little grass, a few rice fields, bad forage. [pass and gorge, barikab to jugdulluck: m414.jpg] _12th_.--halted at jugdulluck. small partridges are common: observed a curious certhioid creeper, whose flight is like that of the hoopoe; it is scandent over rocks. _13th_.--to soorkhab, twelve and a half miles over a similar country: region of hollys continues; we first passed up a ravine, then over undulating ground, until the summit of the pass is reached. from this a fine view of sofaid-koh is obtained, the lower ranges in some places being black with firs; thence a continued descent, varied here and there by small ascents over undulating ground, we at length came to a ravine filled with bulrushes: we followed this, leaving it near the halting place, and winding over rocky ground and a bad road, we descended to the bed of the river. the road good, though stony here and there, but nowhere so, to such an extent, as the previous marches. hills precisely similar to those already passed, either sandy, easily friable, or conglomerate, held together by sandy cement. vegetation continues the same; _baloot_, or oak, is said to be abundant though i did not see it; daphne, and xanthoxylon, compose the chief shrubby vegetation; saccharum here and there. small partridge very common. the greatest ascent is 5,600 feet. no grass for forage; several very small streamlets were passed en route, so that a small party might halt anywhere. [ascent and descent jugdulluck to soorkhab: m415.jpg] the beautiful himalaya looking range sofaid-koh, runs east and west; it is very high, in the back ranges with very heavy snow on both ridges, and peaks. the view from the pass shows a rapid fall in the country to the eastward, which still continues hilly, and very very bare. large coarse grapes are had here, also pomegranates: some _seedless_ rice cultivation occurs since we descended to jugdulluck. _14th_.--we proceeded nine and a quarter miles, throughout until reaching a grove near gundamuck: the road lay over undulating ground, is more sandy than stony, and in two or three places it is raviny, and requires to be made. then the road emerges into a fine sort of valley, dipping down to a small stream with many sedges. in the bed of the stream, willows occur, and mulberries about it: we then ascended and halted just beyond the ascent. water and _dhoob_ grass are both plentiful, as well as supplies of grain, pomegranates, and grapes, as yesterday; _bajree_. a fine view is obtained of sofaid-koh, which forms the southern boundary of the valley; many villages, with cultivation in a very sandy soil. small partridge very abundant. a fox observed. the ravines wherever there is water, crowded with typha, and saccharum; oaks are seen in abundance on the mountain to the south; left the soorkhab river after fording it near yesterday's camp; the bridge is quite useless for cattle, as the ground is rocky and broken on this side, no pains having been taken to carry the work to the road; cypresses, planes and mulberry trees in the gardens: cannabis, also one patch of cotton cultivation was passed. no descent, but rather small ascent on the whole, say 200 feet, the ascent from the principal nullah crossed being equal, though much shorter than the descent to it. [soorkhab to gundamuck: m416.jpg] _15th_.--we halted: many rivulets descend near us from the sofaid-koh; and the water in these is beautifully clear; many villages and mills with several beautiful spots occur, well shaded with trees, poplars, mulberries, and figs. the objects of cultivation are millet, indian-corn, rice, and wheat; this last just sprung up: many _bedanah_ pomegranates, but none i think of superior quality. all the low hills here, and indeed between us and the boundary ranges of the valley, are of sandstone, generally very slightly held together, here and there more firm, and distinctly stratified towards the upper surface. the surface consists of conglomerate, formed of boulders imbedded in the same kind of sandstone as that below; often very friable, occasionally it is as hard as flint. in the sandstone below, a few stones occur here and there; but i saw no fossils. the upper surface of these hills is remarkably stony, all the stones being more or less rounded. several new plants were found in these ravines, a lythrum, a very aromatic species of compositae, samolus in some of the swamps with typha, which swarms in every ravine and ravinelet, rubus, clematis, bergia, ammannia, lythraria, chara, xanthium. the plants of tropical forms are, celosia of digera! polanisia, andropogons, two or three. the tropical cultivation consists of cotton, the usual annual sort; indian-corn, pennisetum, and rice. the fish are, four kinds of cyprinidae, including one oreinus, and one loach. _16th_.--proceeded to futtehabad, eleven and a half miles. the road leaves the valley after crossing a stream with a ruined bridge, like that at soorkhab, but of two arches, and ascending a little way, then winding along over undulating very stony ground; this continues until we descend steeply and along the neemla valley, a mere ravine, historically interesting, as the field on which shah soojah lost his kingdom in 1809, and for a fine tope of trees: then crossing a streamlet, we ascend a little way over sandstone, then another stream, which we follow for 500 yards, and ascending a little, we proceed thence to camp, along a slight slope of very stony, generally _very level_ ground, where we halted on a rivulet with a wide grassy bed, lythrum growing around. [gundamuck to futtehabad: m417.jpg] no change appears in the vegetation: the surface very barren in stony parts, chiefly artemisia, saccharum, andropogon albus, in ravines, capparis common, also aerua and lycionoides. the northern boundary of the valley is comparatively low, and from sofaidkoh to this is an uniform slope, broken by ravines; here and there by small hills; ravines occasionally dilating into small valleys, the only parts in which cultivation is to be seen. this is so far different from the usual formation where the valleys occupy the level tract between the slopes from either boundary range. neemla is a very confined space for any thing like the battle said to have taken place here, the rising grounds inclosing the small space being too much broken for cavalry. the rocks consist of conglomerate at top, below sandstone, layers of both alternating near the surface: a break occurs (nearly opposite) in the hills, this break is minutely undulated. {417} rock pigeons were seen on the march by thomson, and small partridges. i find that though to our senses there was comparatively but little descent, that the barometer and thermometer indicate one of 1,500 feet. the neemla river must be the boundary between the hot and cold countries alluded to by burnes. in spite of this descent, and our small altitude, about 3,000 feet, but little change if any occurs in the vegetation, and none in the general features of the country; the apocynea of dadur and bolai (nerioides) has re-appeared. at this season (october), throughout the way we came from cabul, there is a curious white efflorescence covering the shootur kari, i do not know what it is, but it is not conferva. a good deal of forest is seen on some of the ranges to the north of this, bearing from camp about nne., certainly not firs, perhaps oaks. _19th_.--yesterday we went to the soorkhab, which runs east and west along the northern boundary of the valley; half the distance down the bed of this stream the ground is strewed with boulders, thence to the hills, and excepting the bed of the soorkhab, is one sheet of cultivation, consisting of large quantities of cotton and sugar-cane, this latter of small size, and not very juicy, castor-oil plant, corchorus (_pat_), _sun_, tel., radish, and among the other plants cultivated, the mudar is common: nerioides of dadur; epilobium sp. is the chief boreal form. this is one of the richest districts i have seen. trees--bukkhien, {418} _furas_, ficus, cupressus, with much rice cultivation. the vines are trained on mulberries, as burnes says, or the lilyoak. pomegranates are also to be mentioned among the fruits of this place. the soorkhab river is not seen after leaving the place of the same name; after it crosses the road, it runs due north through the mountains, in a narrow, almost inaccessible bed; its waters are of a reddish colour. the villages here are larger, and not so fortified as those about cabul. balabagh stands on a high bank of conglomerate, overhanging the soorkhab, and is in danger of being cut away by the river. the peasantry are civil, and unarmed. ravens, quails, _minas_, sparrows, and a beautiful swallow were seen about the soorkhab river; the latter, with metallic blue on the back of the head, crown of head tawny, tail short, two exterior feathers elongated into beautiful almost setaceous bodies, exceeding the length of the bird. this swallow, or one with a similar tail, was seen by sanders on the helmund, at girishk. _20th_.--we proceeded to sultanpore, eight and a half miles, passed futtehabad, thence a gradual descent over a very stony slope to the halting place, where the valley becomes narrow, and water plentiful in a small stream. willows, mulberries, ashes. two large pollards at futtehabad. the vegetation consists of gramineae in patches, aerua nerioides, and mudar. sultanpore, is a village of some size, situated about a mile north from the road, and contains many hindoos. all villages here crowded with highish two or three-storied houses, something like shikarpore: they are surrounded with gardens and mud walls, apricots, mulberries, greengages, pomegranates in profusion; the cultivation very rich as yesterday, and there is an air of repose about the villages unusual in this country. tobacco. the rice-pounder or _dekhee_ i observe is here lifted by treading on it with the foot, as in hindoostan. the country hereabout, has the advantage of being well watered. _isain_, dolichos sp. occurs. trees as before: the plane flourishes, fine ones were seen growing around a hindoo zearut, where there is a double spring of water with a copious ebullition of gas. the temperature of this is said to be hot in winter. salsola common, _joussa_, a curious ericoid plant was observed, typha angustifolia, latifolia ceased since we left gundamuck; isachne, pulicaria, epilobium, sagittaria, cyperaceae, marsilea! polygonum, ranunculus sceleratus, lythrum, lemna, alisma, menthoid, a cuscuta common on cotton plants, as at futtehabad, several tropical grasses, aristida, poa, and andropogon appear. descent though almost unappreciable, yet amounts to 1,000 feet. bulbul and parus common, as well as doves and ravens; quails are scarce. _21st_.--to jallalabad, eight and a half miles, the road keeping along the southern edge of the valley, occasionally extending over small undulations sometimes stony, more often sandy. typha latifolia occurs in profusion along parts of futtehabad nullah, general features the same otherwise, aerua and nerioid are common on stony parts, and fewer coarse grasses. cypresses in gardens, also _khujoors_. starlings. the entrance to jallalabad, or rather to its suburbs, presents the usual desolate, disorderly appearance, of such places in this country; the ruined walls to the city; the sandy barren soil, and the odious looking low hills between it and the sofaid-koh, present as sad and melancholy a picture as could well be met with. the same desolate, disorderly, dirty appearance is to be met with in most asiatic capitals, particularly those that have been subjected to independent misrule: while the more distant surrounding villages look cheerful, and as clean as can be expected: the appearances immediately around the chief towns are always bad. to what is this owing? is it to their being more completely under the thumb of a rapacious governor? to the insecurity of property, or to defect in the laws? or to all these causes together? at cabul it was just the same, particularly on the peshawur side, where stagnant pools, half destroyed mosques, and mutilated trees present a total contrast to the smiling valley of kilah-i-kajee. at shikarpore the same. the most common fruit tree in the gardens here is a sweet lime: grapes are brought in from the villages of sofaid-koh, they are the same sort as those at gundamuck: narcissus, rosa, cerasi sp., mirabilis, stock, cupressus, mulberry also in gardens, _bheir_ of waste places, salsola, artemisiae, two or three: kochia villosa, peganum, aerua, croton of candahar, ricinus, _joussa_ of wet places, lippia, typha latifolia, angustif., azolla, riccia, cyperaceae, several lythrarieae, potamogeton, three species. the fish here will not take a fly, and the bottoms are too foul and stony for worm-fishing, the largest sort of fish is somewhat like a barbel. jackdaws and corvus, alter atratus, dorso ventre griseo: very few quails. _furas_ common. _27th_.--to ali-baghan, distance six and a half miles, road winding, generally good: after it crossed the dry bed of the nullah, it then becomes rather undulated extending over raviny ground; it then crosses the broad bed of the stream, in which there are swarms of bulrushes, then the same sort of sandy ground leads to camp, which is near the village ali-baghan. the river here is much increased, much more deep; banks alluvial, steep; soil deep. chenopodium sp., very common, but too much eaten up to be recognized, also salsolae sp. nothing new observed. we passed the break above-mentioned in the northern hills, whence issues the coomur nuddee. serratuloides very common in sandy undulations. porcupines and foxes. beds of grass in islands of the river barikab. _28th_.--we proceeded to bankok, twelve and a half miles from the encamping ground, having turned nearly due south, in order to avoid the slope, which is seen in this direction from jallalabad; then a valley, with low hills on either side, is passed; then the road ascends over undulating ground, until 500 feet is gained; then a long and gradual descent is traversed over a very stony plateau. no water nor cultivation on the road, nothing can exceed its barrenness. aerua nerioides, lycioides, andropogon albus, are the principal plants on the plateau; kochia common, and a few straggling _bheirs_, small rock pigeons. geology unchanged, sandstone and conglomerate, with enormous boulders. we passed the gorge through which the cabul river runs. the road, by this is said to be only six miles, but is only passable by pedestrians and horsemen. one village of some size is situated in the south towards sofaid-koh; from the plateau as well as from our camp, a curious and characteristic scene is visible to the north, showing a barren lofty range with peculiar undulations at the base, as well as the isolated hills jutting up above its surface: the trees and villages being confined to the course of the river which may be thus traced by its fertility. in this last direction there is a good deal of _abadi_, but nothing comparable to that about jallalabad. at camp serratuloid australasicus, very common, as indeed it was yesterday; _foliis verticalibus_ in consequence of both surfaces being stomatose, the base of the leaf is so twisted as to present each surface equally to the light. it is curious that all such leaves have the veins prominent on both surfaces, showing a relation between the veins and the stomata, the more stomata the larger veins. _29th_.--to bassoollah, eight and a half miles, the road for guns is good throughout; better perhaps than any yet met with, from the soil being sandy. we came by a straighter road, and a very bad one, instead of diverging to the south, and rounding a range of hills, we entered these, and passing through a gorge coming upon marshy ground, running for some distance along the cabul river, to which we were here quite close. passed several villages about the mouth of the gorge, which is a short one. the general features of the country continue the same; we crossed a nullah near the camp, and another near the gorge, six miles from camp, towards this last, grass covers the plains, though of a coarse kind; aerua nerioides most common on the barren ground. we observed on the way a new pterocles, and passed an old tope situated on a low ridge. the gorge is rather pretty; the cabul river runs close, along the foot of a range, forming the northern boundary of the place, where bassoollah is situated, this is also a pretty place, with much good grassy ground for encamping on. the country under sofaid-koh presents a long strip of cultivation, with many villages: hills barrener than ever, chiefly limestone. very little snow here observed as on the eastern face of the high peaks of sofaidkoh, compared with the quantity visible on the face towards jallalabad. about half-past two, a slight shock of an earthquake was felt, presenting a rumbling noise, very audible, proceeding from east to west. between the village and the river, an extensive strip of level land occurs, with sandy soil well adapted to rice, of which quantities are grown. the crops are now ready for the sickle, and some partly cut: much of this land is occupied by a marsh choked with bulrushes of both sorts, typha latifolia being the most common; cyperaceae abound, marsilea in profusion, azolla, mentha, epilobii sp. as before, lemna, valisneria _verticillata_? sium., sagittaria, pulicaria, chara, lippia, monniera, _jhow_. the river runs close under the hills, which are very barren, its course is rapid, cataracts also are of frequent occurrence transmitting a great body of water; no fish are visible. some cotton and maize and _toot_ cultivation. _furas_ the only trees. the mountains slope off from sofaid-koh in distinct groups, and are seen to advantage, broken in some places into undulations: about the centre of the slope an irregular strip of village forts and cultivation is extended. the course of the cabul river in many places is curious; flowing between singularly round ranges. snipe common; quail rare. erythraea common on moist sward. _30th_.--proceeded to lalpore, the country undulating, the road skirting the stony portions of the plain is bad to hizarnow, three miles from thence it is very stony, thence continuing on the skirts of the hills, which are principally slate, and passing through a small ravine, it then extends over sandy or stony ground, until the chota khyber is reached: this is a narrow, but short, and not very steep pass; slate rocks compose the upper parts, and are entirely disintegrated, thence they descend at once into the plain opposite lalpore; the distance of the march is eleven miles, the road generally decent. much rice cultivation occurs, and much land, it must be confessed, also occupied by marshy ground, typha, etc. the same plants continue; butomus trigonifolius not uncommon. on the slate rocks of buttencote kochia recurs, heliotropium luteum, nerioides, and lycioides of shikarpore are found. near hizarnow, serissa, acaciae sp., which is the black wood of madras; sissoo, and _bheirs_. hizarnow is a large place, curiously occupying receding slopes of the base of a low range of hills, but it must be dreadfully hot. we passed several _kaburistans_ with pollarded, stunted, excavated _furas_ trees. one mile before hizarnow, a curious hill of slate occurred, covered with boulders. the road is very winding in consequence of its following the bases of the hills forming the southern boundary of the valley. the cabul river is visible almost throughout the whole march. all houses in the villages are now roofed in this part of the country with straw. starlings observed in swarms. _31st_.--halted at lalpore, this is a very busy large place: the houses are one-storied, and flat-roofed. the only peculiarity being occasional square towers. the river is here quite open for commerce downwards, and is well adapted to small canoes: the stream is rapid and crossed by a ferry. on rocks under which the river flows near this, a species of fissidens occurs, where the rocky surface has passed into sand. glycyrrhiza, rubus, artemisia, asparagus, pommereulla, andropogon albus, arundo, cyrthandracea, an hyoscyamus of the bolan pass, beebee nanee, heliotropium flavum. it would be curious to enquire why the powers of variation change so completely in the different families? thus for instance in orchideae, no character can be taken from the vegetation with some limitations, and none from the fruit or seeds; two products in most orders very fruitful in discriminating marks. this leads one to the idea that in monocotyledonous plants, the fruit is very generally of limited powers of variation; witness orchideae, gramineae, smilacineae, etc. this idea deserves to be followed out as much as possible. the river at the ferry is 100 yards wide, and twelve feet in the deepest part, the current five miles an hour, but confined to one and a half towards its centre. _november 1st_.--marched ten miles: the road from the camp extended up an acclivity, the ground becoming more broken than usual to the mouth of the ghat, which is four miles distant; thence up to the ghat which resembles much the bolan pass, it extends up an inclined plane over a shingly road. the ghat is rather wide throughout, and all the features are the same as the bolan pass, slate rocks most common. we passed on the way a large and a deep but dry well, ascribed to the _kafirs_; and near it the ruins of a fort built half-way up a small mountain, the top of which is level with the ghat. vegetation to the ghat unchanged. in the ghat capparis as before, lycioides, chamaerops, andropog. albus, schaenanthus, _bheir_, nerioides, pommereullioid, andropogonea, appear at once, aerua, asparagus. at 300 feet up, mimosae sp., foliis tomentosis, occurring here and there. heliotropium flavum, plectranthus lavandulosus, scrophulariae sp. at 500 feet, dodonaea: this is very common, and being very green, gives the ghat a pretty appearance. at 600 feet, a curious pomaceous looking rhamnaceous plant is found. the most common plants are nerioides, andropogon albus, _bheir_, chamaerops, dodonaea. the bed of the ghat is formed of debris from the boundary hills, this bed is very thick, and the particles have the appearance of being carried to their present situation by water. our halting place is a confined irregular piece of ground, water abundant, but no grass, except coarse andropogon; no fodder, except _bheir_ and mimosa. i ascended in the evening the ridge to the south, and which is 1,200 feet above the road, to the ruins that run along the summit. the ridge, like all others in this neighbourhood, is rugged and much distorted, the top is limestone, much varied and weathered; then slate masses of greenstone occur towards the base. the vegetation is chiefly at the summit. schaenanthus, periploca, dodonaea, an arbuscula nova, euonymus, chenopodiaceae. below this, (but the elevation is scarcely sufficient to form any difference,) and along the water, euonymus, adhatoda, buddlaea cana or syringia, rhamnacea, periplocea, linaria, labiatae, 2-3, pistacea, roylea, acanthoides, _urticea_! habitu, u. penduliflorae, vitex, convolvulus spinosus of bolan, sempervivum, stapelioides used as a vegetable, and for fever by hindoos, artemisiae, solanum sp. along water, adiantum, mentha, epilobium, verbena officinalis, solanum nigrum, jacquinifol. pinnatif. spinosus about cultivation. on slaty rocks which form the bed of the ravine or ghat, dodonaea, hyoscyamus, and cyrthandracea are found. the building consists of a wall near the edge of a ridge, which terminates some twenty feet from the steep precipice of 300 to 500 feet: it is 200 to 300 yards in length, and is terminated at either end by two towers, both of which are ruinous, it is built of slabs and rough blocks of limestone, between which are layers of slate, much like the bactrian pillar, and very superior to modern buildings: what its use was, it would be difficult to conjecture as it is out of musket shot of the ghat, which it only commands by being above it. there is no water on the top, nor is there any well-marked path up to it: curious mortar-like excavations were observed in a mass of limestone just below, probably for pounding rice. up the ravine are remains of terraces formerly used for cultivation, but now mostly disused. at 700 to 800 feet above the ghat the ravine abounds with the ficus of gundamuck; this and the adhatoda or _rooss_ are perhaps cultivated: the ravine is pretty well entangled with ficus and brushwood. it consists of metamorphosed rocks and excavated limestone; some mosses occur, and adiantum abounding. from the ridge, a rather extensive view to the south is obtained, extending to the khyber fort, which is of the ordinary square form, and just below it, a tower and house. to the east, and all around a good deal of cultivation occurs; also several high ridges, say 7,000 feet; one terminating 4,000 feet above us, presents a very rugged outline with the appearance of rather large trees. the road up to the ghat is visible, as well as the _choky_ and a fort, with a small sheet of cultivation to the eastward. beyond this a ravine, then two other ridges, of which the nearer one is high. the cabul river passes to the nnw., and lalpoor lies to the north. one peak and a small piece of ridge of hindoo-koosh, white with snow, is seen very distinctly though distant, it must therefore be very lofty; far more so than any part we have seen to the westward. [khyber pass: p425.jpg] _description of the annexed map of the khyber pass_. a. kumdhukta. by this is abkhanah route. b. little khyber ghat, on peshawur side. c. khyber ghat, entrance on the jallalabad side. d. kurraha route. e. direction of sofaid-koh in the distance. f. flagstaff in the middle of the pass. the ground between the dotted lines and river, on the south, is, or has been cultivated. the ground near the river on the north side is covered here and there with brown grass. about the flagstaff, sand and short dried up grass occur. the general character of the hills in every direction except the snowy range, is bluffly rounded, very bare, and brown, with here and there a shrub. that which burnes calls noorgil, is the range of kareaz, and is distinct from koonur. kashgur lies beyond the snowy range. the inhabitants of the mountains, like those of lalpoor, wear sandals made of the fibres of chamaerops, which is common: one plant of ephedra used _for snuff_? _3rd_.--proceeded to one mile beyond ali-musjid. the ascent commences immediately where the _choky_ is seen from the camp, by a very good road cut out of slate rock; the rocks are steep on both sides, and very zigzag; a short partial descent in one place occurs to a small pool of water. from the _choky_, a descent takes place by a similar road for perhaps two miles, until the ravine which we left at camp is turned; this is thence followed, occasionally leaving it where the road is bad and runs through low rugged hills. the road then after passing some of the old ruins opens out into a space with cultivation. close to this is the highest spot of the pass, surrounded by low hills, none higher than 500 feet. cultivation occurs especially at lal-ghurry beg, a space of some size, containing several villages, of the usual khyberry form, namely, surrounded by low, quadrangular walls, with a thin square tower and very broadly projecting eaves. a short distance from its summit, just after passing the villages, and before entering the ravine which leads us to our present camp is a khyberry tower, built on a fine bactrian tope, which is nearly half ruined; on the top of this a dome of good proportions is built on a double-terraced foundation. this gives a rude idea of what the tope was originally, now half the dome has fallen down. [a khyberry tower: m426.jpg] the entrance to the ravine gradually becomes narrower, the bed is stony, very winding, and narrow. bold precipices of limestone cliffs ascend on either side of sir-i-chushme; then a little below, very copious springs issue from limestone. the temperature of the principal spring is 75 degrees; it contains abundance of fish--a loach and cyprinoid. passed some ruined fortifications on the right, leading down to water, evidently _kafir_ works; then we enter a narrow but short gorge, occupied by the stream; a few more turns and you come on ali-musjid. no change occurs in the vegetation, bare rocks at the summit of which the bar. stood at 26.72. andropogons and artemisiae are the chief plants. in the gorge downwards, acacia occurs in abundance, with adhatoda, and otherwise the shrubs of lundyakhana occur in abundance, and adiantum about the spring. after passing the fort, the rocks open out into a ravine, with low undulated hills on every side, covered with the usual vegetation; astragalus one species. at lal-ghurry beg, one khinjuck tree, elaeagnus, occurred; and grass in very small stacks, well pressed and covered with a thatch of bushes and a layer of dirt. there is excellent fishing in the stream. loaches, perilamps, and especially an oreinus? swarming at sir-i-chushme, and taking worms very greedily. no forests whatever visible in this direction; the arborescent vegetation being confined to scattered and small trees. _5th_.--we halted near jumrood, after a march of ten miles and one furlong. this place is situated at the mouth of the pass, within sight of the seikh camp at jumrood. marched down to the ghat, which is generally speaking narrow and very strong, opening out here and there, into easier parts extending down the stream all the way; this stream loses itself suddenly, but after a little distance it is replaced by another from the right, where ravines enter: here the pass is well adapted for pillage, elsewhere the sides are so steep, that robbers could not dispose of their plunder. at the mouth, the pass opens out into a good breadth, with an even, small, shingly bottom. at kuddun the seikh troops were drawn up to compliment the c. in c., one regiment met us shortly before to protect the baggage. maize cultivated. at the mouth, the khyber is more difficult than any other pass, except the bolan: perhaps it is much narrower than that, except just above sir-i-bolan. no change in vegetation, one or two new plants occurred, viz. a labiata, and a treelet, foliis linearibus oppositis, jasminacea aspectu, baloot, vitex common, salix, and shrubs as before, veronica, etc. the khyber mountains viewed from the mouth of the pass are brown, and dotted with peculiar looking trees. _6th_.--proceeded six and a half miles to near the ruins of an old tope; first, down the nullah, then by the fort of futtygurh, a hindoostanee mud fort with high parapets, two lines of works, and a _pucka_ citadel with embrasures for guns on a commanding mound: thence we passed over a gentle slope with a good many scattered _bheirs_, _kureels_, aerua, mudar, etc. to camp, where the ground is very rough and stony, abundant water obtained from a cut with sheets of maize cultivation. fossil shells, pterocles, found in arenaceous limestone (durand). _7th_.--to peshawur, eight and a half miles, over a sandy plain; road bad, intersected with cuts and ravines; three canals had to be crossed by small bridges which occasioned a good deal of delay to the camels. passed the seikh lines, between the fort and north face of town, and encamped on east face opposite the governor's house: three gibbets were passed, with twelve persons hanging from them, some of old date. in the evening we had a gay party at m. avitabili's, who is a fine looking man, with an intelligent italian countenance. in a room gaudily decorated and painted, was the following very appropriate motto- donec eris felix multos numerabis amicos. tempora si fuerunt nubila, solus eris. if this was true in rome, and is true in europe, to what extent does its truth not reach in this country. in the evening we were entertained with dancing and fireworks; excellent dinner and admirable bread. _14th_.--to-day the atmosphere is hazy, but the snowy range is not topped with clouds. it is curious enough that the part which is most exposed to our view, and which bears about north-east, is generally clouded throughout the hotter parts of the day, while apparently equally high peaks in other directions remain clear. it is curious that in khorassan remarkably few climbing plants occur, and of these, the chief form is cuscuta. botany here at this season is a non-entity, in the marsh close to the fort, there occur some few plants, the chief european forms being veronica. ranunculus sceleratus is now coming into flower, typha angustifolia abounds, with arundo, also sparganium, sium, butomus trigonifolius common; otherwise cyperaceae, _epilobium out of_ _season_! ranunculus aquaticus is most abundant; two species of chara, or rather 1 chara, and 1 nitella, the last a beautiful species, marsilea in profusion, azolla common, lemna two or three species, one _new_, a floating marchantiacia, nelumbium occurs, but only as a cultivated plant. of two boreal, or european forms found in sub-tropical countries, that form is the most northern which flowers, etc. in the coldest season, hence veronica and ranunculus are more northern than _epilobium_ in this particular district. the most elevational plant at cabul is cardaminoidea, floribus luteis, this flowers at high altitudes in august and september, and at cabul shows no symptom of flowering even in october; it is there a winter plant? the same is true of hippuris, which to flower at cabul requires a greater degree of cold than is obtainable during the summer months. what i have said of epilobium above, is true of typha and arundo, both now passed flowering, and both found in india, to a considerable extent. royle's idea of the comparatively greater extent of distribution of water plants is not i think correct, in the sense he seems to entertain it; to be so, the species should be the same, which they are certainly not. it is only with pre-eminently aquatic forms that the annual temperature can be more equalised than obtains with strictly terrestrial plants. the humidity which may appear connected with the rapid evaporation in these countries, and which obtains? in the vicinity of all bodies of water, may account for the appearance here of arundo, etc. all genuine aquatic types have leaves involute in vernation? the least valuable of all northern forms, are those associated with cultivation, especially if they be annuals, because in the first place they may be acclimated species, a circumstance of great importance; and in the second, because if annual, they are confined to the cold season. all such forms have probably migrated into these countries, they have come from the westward: this shows us why at almost equal elevations they are most common, the nearer we approach to the elevated regions towards the west, because it is self-evident that the nearer we approach the regions whence they have migrated, the more abundant and diversified will the migrating plants be, only particular species having the power of extending the range of migration. when all the indian plants hitherto met with, have been tabulated; when all their respective heights at which they have been found have been determined; when their more strictly geographical sites have been fixed; when we have some data as to the quantity of humidity pervading their localities; then, and not till then, shall we be able to legislate for the geography of indian botany. the botanist who travels without the means of determining these points, destroys half the value of his collections. _december 16th_.--yesterday was very raw and cloudy, to-day clear as usual, towards 1 p.m. a strong north-east wind occurred for a short time as usual, because once or twice before, it occurred after threatening weather. _rationale_.--it blows from the nearest snow to supply the rarefied air in the valley heated by the sun, even now tolerably powerful; it blows for some days so long as a vacuum is formed, and discontinues when clouds again appear; hardly so, as it before only blew for three or four days, although several more elapsed before clouds re-appeared: it may however be dependent on each fresh fall of snow in the hills. _26th_.--cloudy morning, forenoon fine, clear and calm. mosses are the analogues of zoophytes; these analogies are to be looked for in the most striking and most constant parts of the organization of the divisions of nature. marchantiaceae are the representatives of radiate animals, another reason why jungermanniaceae are to be separated from them. hence, radiata, = marchantiaceae. " zoophyta, = musci. i am quite convinced that the true subordinate groups of acotyledones are far from being discovered. are the sheaths found on certain radicles strictly confined to monocotyledonous plants. there is this certain about them, that they depend on the presence of vascular tissue, from which the radicles or the divisions of each root originate: see young hyacinth roots, grown in water. although the sheaths cannot exist without a positive cuticle, their existence does not depend so much on its presence as on the direction of the adhesive powers of its component parts: witness certain forms of marchantiaceae, and the vaginate forms, as azolla, lemna, etc. also the sheath may not have adhesive powers at its apex to prevent the escape of the radical at that point: witness hyacinth roots? we may imagine a case in which the primary radicle may be without a sheath, while its divisions shall have them, this depending on the want of adhesion of the cuticle over the original one. the emerged and immersed leaves of plants are well worthy of examination, since microphytum proves that stomata do not depend on the presence of a cuticle as brongniart supposes: their presence is united with, or allied to an amount of density in the cellular tissue, sufficient to prevent the due aeration of the inner cellules, without direct communication with the atmosphere. vide musci!! hence the inner tubes of the leaves of the generality of aquatic plants, (exception eriocaulon fluitans.) what is the cause of the plurality of radicles in certain species of lemna, and their blank in others? it will be necessary on this point to examine well the sheaths of azolla, and to look at the mergui aeschynanthus. the formation of affghanistan is very curious: it consists of a wide extent of country, variously elevated steppes being separated by ridges usually very accessible, generally isolated. the mountainous part varies as to its formation, but there is no variety in the declivities and acclivities forming the lower elevations, which are composed of conglomerate; nor is there much in the usually narrow strip at the lowest portion of each steppe or valley, which is very generally the only cultivatable portion. in the khyber ghat the ridges are either of limestone or slaty rocks, between which conglomerate occurs of various thicknesses; this being dependent on the angle of the mountains forming the sides of the ghat: it is from this conglomerate in such places consisting usually of a loose texture that the very excellent roads (for mountainous passes) are naturally made by the draining streams, which are only periodical. the conglomerate consists of water-worn stones of all sizes, even boulders are not unfrequent, yet the wearing is such as occurs in courses now filling the beds of torrents. the conglomerate increases in density and adhesion towards lalpoor, and in many places is exceedingly hard. whatever the country may have been previously, one might explain its present appearance by supposing it to have consisted of a tolerably level extent of conglomerate, with here and there a strip of soil in the lowest part of each portion, and that the elevation of the mountain ridges was of subsequent occurrence: this would account for the formation of the lower slopes, and the frequent isolation of small eminences of the same character as the neighbouring mountains. it will account for the appearance of the conglomerate in every ravine until the top of the culminating point is reached. as the mountains were elevated, portions of conglomerate would be detached, and these resting again on all suitable places, would account for the existence of conglomerate on certain parts which are flatter than usual. whirlwinds are common about cabul, commencing as soon as the sun has attained a certain degree of power. in all cases they assume the shape of a cone, the point of which being a tangent on the earth's surface: the cone varies in shape, is generally of a good diameter, occasionally much pulled out, some being 2,300 feet in height, the currents are most violent at the apex. they come and go in all directions, even after starting, not always preserving the original direction. they are less common on days in which winds prevail from any given direction, and vary much in intensity from a mere breeze, lightly laden with dust and with no tortuosity, to a violent cone of wind, capable of throwing down a _soldari_. northerly winds are prevalent here from 1 or 2 p.m. until 8 or 9 p.m., occasionally they only commence in the evening, when they are obviously due to the rarefaction of the air of the valleys by the great heat of the sun, amounting now to 100 degrees at 3 p.m., and the vacuum being supplied by gusts from the high mountains to the north and north-east. chapter xviii. _from peshawur to pushut_. _january 8th_.--at ichardeh. between busoollah and lalpoor are three curious low ridges, none above sixty feet high, and all of small extent; they are covered with fractured masses of rock of the same size as those strewn so liberally about the shingly slopes; but they are much cleaner or fresher looking, and appear to me less worn. whence do they derive their singular situation? they occur in such numbers, that one would at first think they originated from a mass of ruins, but the ridges present scarcely any surface for buildings to stand upon, certainly not to such extent as would account for the abundance of these fragments. about huzarnow and on both sides, low ridges of sand occur. in this sand graves are usually dug, and in some places to an extent indicating dreadful devastations from disease, each grave is headed by a stone, and about every ramification of the irregular size of the burial ground, there is a building of the usual mud structure, designed for a mosque, but not domed as is customary in mussulman cemeteries, but ornamented with flagstaffs bearing white bits of cloth. these low sand ridges are often very much undulated; they consist of a very fine powder, and at huzarnow are evidently of the same nature as the cultivated soil: they are neither in attachment as it were to the neighbouring hills, nor distinct from them, but always have some communication with the shingly slopes, to which they are evidently inferior. so that the base of khorassan may be taken to be the tillable portions, over which occur, to a vast extent, the shingly very barren slopes, which every section shows to be nothing but a mass of debris, resting on the mountain rocks. _9th_.--ali-baghan. to this the road is good, along the right bank of the river, wherever it does not wind along over the spurs forming a considerable part of the march. to the first point where this occurs, it extends over the same sort of plain as that about ichardeh; keeping rather close to the bank of the river, it is good, also through the valley of gundikuss, and from near the _choky_, to ali-baghan. the first rocky ridge is about three-quarters of a mile in length, and is not very difficult; at the end near gundikuss, is a curious ruin built into the stream, where the latter runs with violence on the rocky bank: it consists of a broadish pathway, with a wall on the river side, breast high; the masonry is good and solid, of the usual bactrian materials, but well cemented; it has mostly been ruined by the river, only one end being perfect. although the materials are _bactrian_, the contour is mussulman, and i was told by some people that it was a mussulman erection: originally it perhaps extended all along this part, as slight traces here and there are discernible; for what use the original structure was intended i know not, as there are no remains visible of a fort. the inlet of gundikuss is well cultivated, the village itself a large straggling one, built close under a ridge. from this to the _choky_ the path is rocky, and in many places very bad, consisting of a series of ascents and descents, and winding round spurs; in the worst place, the path almost overhangs the river 200 feet above its bed, and it is very hard and very rocky. the distance between ten or eleven miles, the road is impracticable for guns, etc. nor could our camels with loads well get over it. _10th_.--to camp at the bussout river, nothing remarkable occurred; immense quantities of serratuloides on the sandy raviny parts of the road. crossed the river on the usual _mussuck_ rafts, the animals forded it, at the quiet head of a rapid, water breast deep: this river is smaller than that from kooner. _11th_.--to bussout, five miles. a village passed about one and quarter mile up kooner ghat, here a mile broad. no change in the features of the country, which throughout is well cultivated; here and there abundance of sedges, in the low ground; plenty of watercuts, but none of any great size: road worse at the entrance of the ghat rounding the east boundary, but guns might avoid this ground by keeping towards centre of the ghat. 12th.--to sha-i-wa, distance 8 miles. the road after turning the angle of bussout ghat, passed entirely through cultivation, villages, trees and inhabitants more numerous than in any other place, cuts numerous, but the road altogether from this cause and the cultivated fields very bad. rubus found along cuts at chunar-bukkeen. _toot_, _phaenix_. vines numerous, of large size, running up mulberry trees; forests seen on kooner mountain? _umlook_ and _julghogal_, very common grain, very dear. the women are generally clothed in dark blue _noorgul_. the road now extends up a gorge to our front, named durrah. gooraiek fort on the opposite side. _13th_.--halted. river much clearer than that of jallalabad; its bed affords abundance of large grass. _14th_.--rejoined camp, keeping on the north bank of river. the road passed over tillable recesses among the hills forming the north boundary of kooner valley, and over the spurs dividing these, of which the first is short but bad, the last is a mile long, road infamous, narrow, rocky, and in some places overhanging the river. i was attacked about a mile and a half from camp, my servant abdool boyak, the bravest and most trustworthy asiatic i ever saw, wounded, losing the two first fingers of his right hand; this was opposite the old fort, noorgul, which is a dilapidated _kafir_ ruin on a low island in the centre of the valley and river, a strong position. {435} other ruins occur on the road, one near sek-syud, the spur being covered with its remains. after leaving deh-syud, the valley becomes contracted; the river occupying almost all its level portion, being much spread out, and with numerous grassy islands; the cultivation occurring in the recesses between the banks of the rivers and the glacis slopes. _15th_.--to kooner, the road passes to noorgul, an old _kafir_ fort, done up and occupied by kooneriles, to its south-west, three-quarters of a mile a hostile fort is situated. the ferry is about two miles from noorgul, and is with difficulty fordable: the streams, three in number, the last almost brim full, and very rapid; thence to kooner is over a cultivated country. noorgul is on a commanding position, the ground rising gradually on all sides to it; the valley here is very narrow. observed cnicus, fumaria, lotus, anagallis caerulea, and veronica agrestis, springing up: trees continue the same to about kooner: some fine plane trees observed. all the mountains are wooded at a certain height, and in greater quantities, very different however from himalayan forests, being dotted in parts, rather than uniformly clothed with forest, andropogon one of the ordinary spring forms: the _churs_ or islands in the river are also covered with andropogoneous vegetation. _16th_.--to pushut, or rather to within one mile of it, rain throughout the day accompanied by an unpleasant wind down the valley. road except for the first mile, during which it passed through cultivation, troublesome, otherwise with the exception of two ravines, at one of which the horses were taken out of the guns, very good: valley narrow, say three miles, the boundary ridges to the north presenting as it were, truncate faces to the valley, all the mountains at certain heights are well wooded. _17th_.--rain continued since, almost without intermission, very dirty weather, but no wind. snow on the hills around, almost within 1,500 to 2,000 feet of this, the mountains to the south are well wooded, the woods occurring here and there in forests; snow is said to fall here occasionally. _18th_.--the attack took place this morning, and failed on account of the weather, which was sufficient to damp any thing, and which prevented the powder bags from exploding, as well as a second cask of cartridges. the men were withdrawn about twelve, rain pouring down, ammunition of the guns being expended, and that for musquetry quite useless; a few more rounds would have demolished the entrance gateway and brought it down bodily; loss severe, twenty five men killed, thirty-two wounded, several dangerously. the fort was well defended, and evidently by a mere handful of people. _19th_.--last night the fort was evacuated as well as that on the opposite side, and the syud has made off into the hills. it cleared up in the morning but is now as threatening as ever, the ditch of the fort is twelve or fifteen feet deep, but like all affghan ditches it is narrow. the parapets were very slight, so that a more powerful battery would have kept down their fire completely; no injury had occurred to the inner gate except its being off one of its hinges, or rather out of one of its sockets. the entrance _was thus round the gate_, not through the gateway: it was protected by a thick screen of brushwood and mud, all of the shots from the second position had lodged in the wall close to the side of the gate; every thing was carried off, except a little grain, and some gunpowder. _20th_.--continued rain. _21st_.--snow within 500 feet. _22nd_.--moved camp. _23rd_.--continued rain and sleet, almost passing into snow. [section of kooner valley: m436.jpg] _desideratum_.--required to ascertain positively whether the shingle and boulders are in all cases not derived from the boundary mountains: that they are not in many cases is clear, witness the declivities of slate rocks, totally incapable of assuming the form of boulders. the proportions of the cultivated to the uncultivatable land is previously given rather in favour of the tillable portion, this is always a light, almost impalpable powder, consistent when wetted: generally the soil owes any fertile qualities it has here, to the presence of water; thus the dusht-i-bedowlut produces nothing beyond its indigenous plants from having no water. the transition from the extremely bare mountains of the hindoo-koosh as seen on the road to bamean, to the well wooded ones of the himalaya, takes place at jugdulluck, the hills, round which, produce plenty of baloot: in this direction, the forests become much thicker as we proceed to the eastward. there is a mountain near jallalabad, which at once arrests the attention from its being wooded. nothing like it occurring between this and cabul, on any part of the chain of mountains distinctly referrable to the himalayas. wooded as this is, it is nothing to the woods on the mountains about pushut, the size of these has been well demonstrated by the late snows: some bare places occur, which appearances, abdool says are from cultivation of kohistanes. baloot abounds, dodonea also is now coming into flower! a curious fact pointing out its northern qualifications, although in form it is very like a mergui dodonea. _24th_.--a clear day after a night of heavy rain, still no appearance of settled weather; walked in the afternoon towards the dhurrah at the south side of the valley. the bouldery slope presented an abrupt bank of a considerable angle, and its limits were most marked from that of the tillable soil; as we approached the foot of the ghat, the fragments became larger, they are angular, and have been little if at all worn; thence i walked eastwards to a small isolated ridge of limestone, perhaps a mile from the foot of the boundary chain, and returned to camp. in this direction, which is that of the torrents, occasionally rushing out of the dhurrah, the transition between the mountain slope, and the tillable soil, was gradual, the action of water carrying farther down small fragments, and turning some of the fields into a sandy shingly soil: the depth of the beds of these torrents here, is perhaps four feet, the section being a mass of very unequal fragments. i am not certain whether these fragments are derived from the mountains or not, they seem to be too varied, and too widely spread for that, although the course of the occasional torrents must vary very much. another puzzling thing is, that in the section afforded by the ditch of the fort, and which is seventeen feet deep, the shingle underlies the tillable soil. the vegetation of the slopes here partakes of the nature of the khyber pass, the prevailing feature consists in coarse tufts of andropogonous grasses, lycioides occurs, also periplocea, also cryptandoid, euonymus, these are on the cliffy ridge of limestone alluded to, 2 sp. of astragalus, solanum jacquini? schaenanthus, sedoides pictum very common, a small fern, apparently a cryptogramma, grimonia, tortula, a bryum, three or four lichens, one marchantiacea found under boulders or in crevices of rocks, one salsola, fagonia, dianthoid, statice common, onosma, artemisia one or two, a large cnicoid. the only new feature is a shrubby dwarf fragrant composita, foliis albis subobovatis, dentatis grossiusculi margine revolutis. _24th_.--a break after a very wet night, cloudy throughout the day. _25th_.--a fine day, particularly towards evening, beautifully clear. _26th_.--no rain, but very cloudy, cold north-east wind. _27th_.--rain very threatening, a disgusting country in which it is impossible to take exercise without a strong guard: no means of access to the beautiful forests visible in several directions, and the natives are so intractable that it is impossible to induce them to bring in specimens of their various trees, the only things about which i am anxious. in the meantime i have begun to use the theodolite, and getting approximations to the height of those peaks remarkable for their features of vegetation. it is curious that no pines are visible on any range south of the kooner river, until we reach those heights on the opposite side of a very conspicuous ravine, up which the bajore road runs. to the north, on all the ranges of sufficient height, fine forests are visible, especially of firs, other large-crowned trees exist, forming the bulk of the forests, below the limit of the pines, but never grouped as those are, but occurring isolatedly, these i call generally, _baloot_ woods, i.e. quercus _baloot_. the only means i have of gaining any idea of the composition of these forests, are derived from the twigs and branches, which are used by the natives as pads for the loads of _wood_ which they bring into for sale, and which almost consequently are from the lowermost limits of woody vegetation. to go among the woods unguarded, is impossible, and secondly, the weather is very bad. _memoranda_.--that it cannot always be deficiency of soil which causes the extreme barrenness of the usual khorassan mountains, because on the kalo pass to bamean, nearly 13,000 feet high, the soil is abundant; but in this case, height may interfere. it is obvious between kooner and cabul, that the transition from absolutely treeless mountains to well-wooded ones occurs nearer to kooner than cabul, because the hindoo-koosh about cabul, and to the eastward, is said to be treeless. how interesting will the examination of these woods be, how different will be their flora from that of khorassan proper! to define the khorassan province also, by its being destitute of wood or trees. note its passing off from this character between ghuzni and quettah, see marryott's letter about kooner, compare with _mazenderam_ _forests_. fine plane trees occur here, all the vines are trained on mulberries. what is burnes' holly oak, or lily oak? rubus occurs, ranunculus stolonifolia, a cold season plant, euphorbia ditto, and the usual peshawur forms. _28th_.--fine weather; clouds however, still flying about. _29th_.--a fine morning; in the afternoon threatening, night cloudy, all the clouds come down the ravine! except when the wind occasionally shifts to west. _30th_.--fine weather, although still unsettled. i procured the other day a few specimens of trees from the hills to the south of this, among these which amount only to a few, are one myrtus, an olenia, both of which bear me out in assuming that the woody vegetations of these hills will present a curious transition between the genuine australio-european and the himalayan forms. _31st_.--almost every isolated rock in this country is covered with ruins which vary much in extent, and are often barely perceptible, but careful looking will detect them in all situations about gorges, and such places. from the rivers running under rocks, the paths which must be resorted to, at least at this season, are very difficult. it would be curious to speculate on the different state of preservation of these ruins, and the singular people to whom they are due. the soil of this valley is very deep in places: in one place on the opposite side of the river, it is twenty-five feet at least, the depth obviously diminishing towards the bed of the river, or the lowest part of the valley. [section through river valley: m440.jpg] in this valley, at least about here, curious round thatched huts are visible about villages, intended for religious females, they are closed except at a small door. cotton much cultivated. the _jala_, or float skins used for crossing rivers, are inflated by _bellows_ of the usual description, this causes delay as some require to be inflated very often owing to the eagerness of those who want to be ferried over, and who rush indiscriminately on the _jala_ which, from the rafts being few and far apart, occasion delay; such ferries were not intended for impatient travellers; nothing can show the want of intelligence of the people more than this abominably slow method of crossing rivers; here, there is little excuse for it, as wood is abundant. the culminating peak to the west of the north dhurrah, shows that here, as elsewhere, snow lies longer on the north than south sides: it also affords a curious instance of the various disposition of snow: those angles of its faces presented to the south having none, or little snow; or does this depend upon the faces having different declivities? _february 1st_.--first part of last night clear; but the wind shifting from west to north-east, has again thoroughly clouded the sky, night beautifully clear, no rain, and no wind during the day. _2nd_.--a windy but clear night, succeeded by a beautiful morning, wind as usual, north-east or thereabouts, i.e. down the river. i have seen it mentioned somewhere, that in arid climates the only support of vegetable life exists in the dews, which are hence, at least in the cases alluded to, supposed to be providential adaptations to supply certain deficiencies. but considering that dews consist of nothing but a deposition of moisture: it follows that in very arid climates, as there is no moisture, so there can be no dews. for the deposition of a dew, the fist essential thing, is moisture, either in the ground or in the air, this last may have been derived from the ground. if neither the ground nor the air contain moisture, no dews can exist, this is the case in khorassan. throughout the whole campaign no dews were noticed, although the nights were almost uniformly serene and calm, and the time chosen for marching, would have certainly brought us in contact with them had they been deposited. dews therefore do not form in khorassan, _with these_ _exceptions_, that wherever from the nature, and the level of the soil, water was found very near the surface, dews were deposited; as on the _chummums_ or low marshy pasturages at candahar, cabul, etc. but even these were trifling, the aridity of the air being too great as compared with the small extent of chummums, to allow the deposit of any considerable portion of the moisture it had derived from the ground. so that aridity, instead of being adapted to dews, is a serious obstacle to their ever appearing. with the rarity of dew, that of hoarfrost which is nothing but frozen dew, may be associated; nor does hoarfrost often occur, because in khorassan it rains in the winter too freely, particularly in all such places whose elevation is not sufficient to cause the formation of snow, and hence where other circumstances are favourable for hoarfrosts, _they are too much watered_ as it were, and seldom occur. with extreme aridity, khorassan unites extreme electricity, the casual friction of woollen cloths, especially those of camels' hair being accompanied by discharges sufficiently startling. the same thing happens when caressing dogs or horses. i could never fill the barometer without experiencing a shock as the mercury approached the _bottom end_ of the tube, which (when nervous) used to endanger it. it is this extreme aridity that gives khorassan so rich a spring flora, this season being that of rain, of melting of snow, and the ground being well moistened. it is this extreme aridity that necessitates the abundance of bulbous plants in khorassan, these deposits of nutrition existing even in several of its compositae. query--why are carduaceae, (artemisia) so adapted to aridity? the region of carduaceae, commences about ghuzni, and extends to _maidan_ or cabul, it is at its maximum about shaikabad and huftasya. the abundance of carduaceae on the higher grounds, as for instance towards bamean, belong rather to a vernal flora. i hope to be particular in hereafter comparing the floras of all the deserts? and to notice the absurd remarks of some travellers in khoristhan, on the domesticated parasitic nature of the watermelon plant, on the hedysarum alhagi, _shooturkari_. _3rd_.--fine moderate north-east wind, very clear. _4th_.--over-clouded. _5th_.--rain. _6th_.--unsettled. _7th_.--rain, thunder, distant lightning occasionally last night. _8th_.--fine: ice in the morning, thermometer five feet from the ground 35 degrees at 7 a.m. _9th_.--fine diffused clouds last night, succeeded by a strong northeast wind. _10th_.--fine. _11th_.--fine in the morning, then threatening. _12th_.--quite over-clouded, north-east wind. the inferior level of snow is now several hundred feet above that which it was at first. oxalis corniculata in abundance, what an universal plant this is. all the natives of these parts wear sandals, those about the khyber being made of the leaves of a small chamaerops, which is common on the rocks of those mountains. a proof of the extreme want of useful plants is seen in the fact, that baskets are scarcely ever seen, all the loads of flour, etc. being invariably carried in skins. leopards' skins for the purpose are obtained from chugur serai, pullung and also sofaid-koh. _16th_.--the troops marched on their return. a lark very much like the english species occurs in flocks; it is a stupid bird, although obviously aware of its resemblance to clods of earth, which it makes use of on every occasion when a little frightened. the gypaetos is also found here; it feeds principally on carrion. i observed trichrodroma for the first time here to-day, this bird is by no means a powerful climber; indeed the individual seen to-day could only cling, he was employed about sand banks of the irrigating canals, etc. hopping from one likely spot to another, clinging here and there momentarily, and always aiding himself in his inclined position by a flutter of his wings; holes seemed always to attract him. it is by no means a shy bird. i should observe however that i have seen this species running up and down cliffs, so that perhaps the rather loose sand would not give firm hold to his claws. as i mentioned elsewhere, this bird is allied, at least in analogy to upupa, it has its precise habit of flight and a good deal of its habits in looking for food, although the hoopoe pokes about in the ground, or rather hammers the ground alone. it is however fond of building in holes of walls, it breeds at punukka, in april. i observed, and shot a weasel, or a _mungoose_ to-day, whilst it was employed feeding on the cast away skin of a goat or sheep, so that some of these creatures evidently feed occasionally on carrion, although they are said to live upon live prey. chapter xix. _on the reproductive organs of acotyledonous plants_. _17th_.--fine weather, the sun daily increasing in power, is having a remarkable effect on the peculiar spring vegetation, but this is not sufficiently developed to bring in the corresponding birds and insects. gypaetos is common now about the dead camels. on the low east ridge, along the path that leads over the river, ruins of ancient times are discernible, this only adds another to the many proofs of similarly situated ruins, that the people who built them have been located about cabul, jallalabad, and peshawur, certainly not about candahar. in the soil between the rocks, and in their crevices saturated with moisture, most of the plants are just sprouting. trichonema, crocus, and one or two other monocotyledons, labiatae? sedum three or four species, exclusive of sedoides foliis deltoides sphathulatis, and a stapelioid asclepias, are to be found. i also got a new fern, the fourth species out of 1,300 sp. it is a ceterach or grammitis, a curious stalked snuffball, and one or two other fungi, with an inverted cap, were met with. in the fields a young ranunculus in profusion, veronica agrestis, euphorbia, festuca annua? kochia spinosa, and a curious mathioloid are among the few wild plants to be found about pushut. it would be a curious circumstance if all indusiate ferns were to be found reducible to a _marginal production_ of the reproductive apparatus. i will bear this in mind, as certain forms of pteris or its affinities lead me to suspect that in these tribes the indusium may be a long way from the margin, and yet be, quoad origin, marginal; this section illustrates my meaning. [fern sections: m444.jpg] the transition to this might reasonably be suspected. the philosophy of ferns is most ill understood, the higher points connected with them have been quite neglected, and botanists in this as in other departments of the science have been contented to confer names on certain external forms, without sufficient regard to structure. to-day i commenced examining adiantum, with the view of determining if possible the nature of its reproductive organs, and the mode in which they are impregnated, if they are impregnated at all. as i had long been aware that the fructification of each frond is a thing to be determined at a very early period, and that if not determined then, it is never likely to be determined afterwards, my attention was directed more strongly, if possible, than it would have been otherwise, to examining the subject at the earliest possible stage of its development. the first piece examined gave me the idea that i had trouve le noeud de l'affaire; the second made me doubt this; the subsequent ones went far to disprove it. i was immediately struck with the resemblance of those organs, called ramenta, to what are fairly assumed to be the male bodies, in certain other families of the same grand division; and i at once came to the conclusion, that the barren fronds, were barren, because almost destitute of these ramenta; and that as these ramenta were confined to the base of the stalk, that is, to the part below its first ramification, an obvious necessity existed for the peculiar nature of the vernation. further examination of the thing, especially of the base of the stipes and the adjoining part of the rhizoma, threw me back almost into my original difficulties. i find that the rhizoma is entirely covered with ramenta, which are brown, much detached at the base, and obviously represent a low form of leaf, i.e. in appearance, perhaps partly in function, but not in structure. among these, mature ramenta at the punctas of prolongation, which appear to be very irregular, are concealed, others much smaller, and much narrower, (which bear as obvious a resemblance, or even more so to the male organs of certain other orders,) than the ramenta on the stipes. these are never entirely brown, the end cell alone is coloured, but though occasionally tinged with brown, they are filled with some fluid (even this is not so at first,) but do not appear to open. i believe that subsequently all become highly tinged with brown, but what increase of growth they subsequently undergo, i know not. the terminal cell is always solitary, very often attached to the one next it, which is generally single, obliquely placed, occasionally looking like the dimidiate calyptra capping a young seta. the number of cells forming the base, or dilated part varies, but is always small in proportion to the larger ramenta, or protecting scales: these last have a single terminal cell, which in fact must be the same in every really cellular growth _sooner or later_, the last degree of formative power being the production of a single cell. at a subsequent period, still an early one, the terminal cell is fuscousbrown, and this colour then extends to the next in various degrees, but if it reaches the basilar ones at all, it does so at late periods. the base of the terminal cell, and parts of the parietes of the next and next, present a coagulated appearance, precisely as in certain mosses. no such thing as a petiolate leaf occurs in acrogens, all are attached by a broad base? of acrogenous leaves, those only are leaves whose attachment is at right angles with the stem; the rest are divisions of a frond. thus far with the ramenta. the divisions of the frond, are, i find, not gyrate, but rather cochleariform involate. the future reproductiveness is settled at a very early period, and is distinguishable under the microscope by a sort of _margination_ of the frondlets. in the earliest stage i have looked at, the margin is greenish, striated by narrow cells, and passes into the body of the leaf gradually; the greater development is perhaps central; even now the bulk of the cells of the leaflet have green granules, and are opaque from air. the vessels are marked out, or at least their future course, and along them the opacity from air does not exist, so that the veins appear depressed. the next stage presented a greater development of an isolation of the margin, but no other change. the next presented an isolation of the margin, which remains almost white, the other part being green, but more so because of a thickening as it were along the base of the marginal part, and an evident deposit of grumous matter, from which, under every circumstance new tissue seems always to be developed. pressure causes its discharge, its contents were unappreciated by my poor instruments; after this the leaflets revert to the appearance of the second stage. here i ceased for the day, having i think ascertained that ferns are endorhizal, and that the primary divisions of the roots hence have sheaths, which adhere to the apex of the root itself.--what a strange union of roots, that of monocotyledons in the main divisions, and of pure acrogens in the minor!! i cannot help thinking that the secret is hidden in these ramenta, which, as is known, are so universal as obviously to have higher functions than those of mere covering scales. the appearance of those i have described as existing about the points of growth, are exactly the same as the processes mixed with the anthers of mosses, and of which the anthers are nothing but more developed growths; this would point out, as indeed appears to me otherwise evident, (especially from consideration of the theca, and its want of style,) that ferns are lower organised as sexual beings than mosses and hepaticae. i know nothing of lycopodineae, more than they are the highest of all acrogens; and are not to be included in the same category with ferns. the objection to the ramenta being anthers, will be the closed nature (_apparently_) of the terminal cell, and although the anthers of mosses do burst, and most especially those of hepaticae, yet the argument is not conclusive--inasmuch as _boyaux_, to which they are analogous _do not_ _open_? these ramenta explain fully the nature of those confervoid organs found in some neckerae, and perhaps in other mosses, and it becomes paramount to prove whether these neckerae have also the usual anthers, or if they are confined to these, in which case a presumptive proof will thus be afforded of their functions: if they have both forms, they will nevertheless constitute an analogous passage between the two orders: if they have only _these_, such neckerae will form, as indeed they do, a very distinct genus. the nature of the barren fronds requires distinct analysis. are they barren from mere deficiency in supplies, such as may result from many circumstances; or are the antheriform ramenta deficient? they are barren from defective growth. i am aware how readily objection may be taken to these views, some will say these young ramenta are nothing but young scales as the older ones evidently are scales; but this amounts to nothing, because we may expect simplicity in the sexual organs of this division, and it will be only a proof of the uniformity of nature in making so great a difference in a function depend on, or be associated with so small a one in form. my view i think explains their uniformly brown colour--analogous to brown's sphacelation in mutatis mutandis. others will say how absurd the idea is, when you cannot show the place to which the impregnating influence is to be applied. but the consideration of mosses does away with this objection partly, and that of anthoceros, entirely; because in mosses, the _ovule_, or pre-existing cell, ready to receive the male influence becomes an empty cell, terminating the seta; and the sporula become developed at its opposite end, the first growth appearing to be quite unconnected with that of the future reproductive organs: and in anthoceros there is no fixed punctum ready for the application of the male organs, but these have to form a communication with the lower, or inferior cellular tissue of the frond, before even the growth of seta can commence. besides a case in point exists in viscum, or loranthus, in which no point is ready prepared for the reception of the male influence; showing how universal the law is, that in no one point or place is there an absolute want of gradation. as in mosses the influence of the male _disregarding the ovule_, is thrown into the development of the seta, and then of the theca at the apex of this; there can be no conclusive reason why in ferns the same influence should be thrown into the development of the frond, and then into that of the theca. while anthoceros proves that in these orders the male influence may exert its effects upon any point. as there is no styliform production in anthoceros, so there is none in ferns. if the ramenta be anthers, they will not be dubious ones, because as they remain fixed, people cannot say, that possibly they are also reproductive bodies, which by the bye is no objection at all, after instances of anthers bearing _ovules_ instead of pollen! why the peculiar distribution of the male influence (on which we determine our genera,) takes place, is another question, and one that cannot be fairly asked? why it is confined to the under surface perhaps can, it being a law that in all cases it is the under surface of the leaf, or its modification, from which new growths originate, and as nature has closed indusia, how could the under surface be interior if this rule were not regularly adhered to? that the indusium is a _special_ organ, i.e. not an eruption of the cuticle, i am sure; hence it is essential to examine extensively both indusiate and other forms, the precise extension of their veins, etc. at an early period to ascertain if their most diversified situations cannot be reduced to some one type. _query_. is the gyrate vernation of any ferns comparable to the form of certain shells, to which (at least mollusca) ferns are supposed to be analogous. _memo_. to ascertain the most peculiar, and most universal points of mollusca and pseudo cotyledonea, it is in this way that we may hope to extend our views. some there are indeed who, while the whole course of their studies has been to neglect structure, deny the applicability of presumptive evidence in favour of doctrines, the subjects of which are barely susceptible of direct proof. thus greville and arnott, angrily ask, what do persons mean by saying that mosses have pistilla, etc.? they protest against such community of application in the use of terms. many more deny sexuality because it has not been proved. considering the invisible nature of the fluid of the anthers of mosses, etc. how do they expect that we are to demonstrate its application to the pistil, and the subsequent steps? as well might they doubt the necessity of the application of the boyau to an ovule, (or the existence of the boyau itself,) because the derivation of the embryo cannot be proved. one word more; in all cases the appearance of the reproductive body after impregnation, is of late date; that date becomes later as we descend the scale. the embryonary sac of phaenogams does not always exist at the time of application of the boyau, and the appearance of the embryo is always posterior to this. again, ferns are superior to mosses in this, that in many cases the male influence is exerted directly on the parts that become the thecae, which is not the case in mosses. _18th_.--continued examining ferns, and to-day completes my knowledge of the ramenta of three different genera. in the first which is cryptogamma, the resemblance of the young ramenta to the anthers of jungermannia is evident enough, they are capital, and the head is at one period filled with granular matter: so are the cells throughout, to a greater or less extent. they are to be seen in all stages of development on the pinnae of a very young frond, those near its base having perhaps effected their purpose, while those at the apex of the pinna, or the prolonging part of pinnula, may be formed of only one cell. it is curious that the terminal cell does not become spherical for some time: in its earlier stages it is cylindrical like the rest. the appearances of the old ones are, if possible, more markedly in favour of my hypothesis; there is the same aggregation of grumous _congealed_ matter about the ends of each cell, the same curious communication between these masses which hide the septa from view, evincing a greater or less tendency to assume the peculiar fuscesent or fusco-brown appearance. i observed in two instances what appeared to me decided irregular openings in the terminal cell, from one of which grumous filaments projected; these appeared to communicate with the mass in the terminal cell, which like that in all the others, is congealed; but it assumes a different and very undefined form. people may object and say, why were not more met with _opened_? this is no objection, because it is obvious that a spherical body may be opened in part of its surface, and yet unless this portion happens to be on the _edge_ as it were of the sphere, it may escape detection with a microscope of poor penetration. in this the ramenta are confined, or nearly so, to the under surface of the fronds. most occupy that which is called the costa. in this the first change as in adiantum is in the definition of the margin. but this point i have not paid much attention to, as with my present means here, it would be absurd to attempt _proving_ how the fecundation takes place; all that i can attempt is, to ascertain from structure and analogy, the male nature of these curious bodies. _see_ plate _b_ for the various sketches. {450} the next genus examined, is perhaps the instance in which these ramenta have the strongest resemblance to ordinary simple hairs, both in their young, when they represent succulent, tinged, grumous molecular-containing hairs, and in the old, when they represent long, flattened, coriaceous hairs, still there is abundant evidence to prove that, however different these bodies are in appearance from those of cryptogamma, that they undergo the same changes, excepting perhaps as to dehiscence. we have a tendency to fuscous colouring, a tendency to the aggregation of congealed matter about the septae, precisely the places where it is to be expected. the same appearance of a canal of communication, the same irregular _constriction_ of certain cells; in this too the first change in the pinnae, or its component lobes, is the definition of the margin. in this genus the under surface of the frond is covered with these _hairy-form_ bodies (which have been figured over and over again in hooker and greville's ferns): on the upper face, a few exist, but incomparably less developed. from the examination of this genus alone, i do not think the idea i have been so diffuse upon, would have struck me. to-morrow i examine ceterach, assured that the scales of its under face are reducible to the same type. in a matter of such interest and importance as this, many will, and with reason, dislike so important an assumption on such inconclusive evidence. but with our present means, it appears to me probable that no evidence to demonstration can be looked for, and for this reason, that the contents of these peculiar cells are so subtile as to escape definition even while in their cells, (or under the most favourable circumstance for a concentration of attention.) how much more so will this be the case, when we attempt to examine the steps of the application of the fecundatory matter, applied over a surface without any prominent points, and probably opaque. when direct evidence is not to be had, we are justified in using presumptive evidence. as in human law, so in the laws of nature, presumptive evidence to a practised eye carries with it conviction. we have no direct evidence how the embryo is formed, yet no one doubts but that it is brought about by the agency of the boyau, which is a cell containing grumous molecular matter. however different a boyau may seem to many, yet when viewed in conjunction with cycadeae, the graduation to the present case becomes natural, and even the resemblance may be perfect, because in cycas the grains of pollen get into the nucleus bodily, although they would still seem to throw out short tails. wonderful is the simplicity of nature! the male organ in its essence, consists of a single cell containing molecular matter. the female in its essence consists of a single cell, likewise containing similar matter. the influence of the male is exerted, and so another cell is formed in the female cell, and this either becomes the embryo, or gives origin to another cell, and so on, until the terminal one becomes the embryo. i believe from examination of the most developed scaly ramenta, that these have at an earlier period been fecundating organs, the same peculiarities are to be detected towards their ends, where in fact they retain their original structure, the dilated base being a subsequent development. in reference to this, the examination of young ferns on their arrival at the age of puberty is indispensable. a curious question arises, what is the frond of a fern? is it a mass of foliaceous growth containing certain lines of reproductive matter, or is it a distinct development from the axis, in which the reproductive organs are situated? is it, or is it not, subservient to reproduction? here again extensive examination is necessary. if it is altogether subordinate to reproduction, we may expect the occurrence of far more simply constituted ferns than we are yet acquainted with. in fact we may expect a form reduced to an axis, a few ramenta, a frondose dilatation, and one punctum of reproductive organs. with respect to duration, each frond is analogous to a single seta of a moss, it has definite limits, and is unlike the fronds of certain hepaticae, which are capable of compound growth; or if this is the case in ferns, as it is in viviparous ferns, the new formation becomes separated from the frond, as a phaenogamous gemma does. this is a question of importance, as perhaps it may prove that all the foliaceous forms, except lycopodium, equisetum, and chara, are frondose; the dorsal situation is in favour of this assumption, since in all the genuine frondose forms, the reproductive organs of both kinds originate immediately from the under surface, although they may protrude through the upper. i here ask, is there not _prima facie_ evidence that these organs have peculiar functions; a peculiar form, attended with peculiar changes, must have peculiar functions; and will any one show me in any single instance, like circumstances to the like extent, in any of those organs called hairs? by the bye, ferns themselves may prove that however like these are to certain forms of hair, yet that their functions are different, because the glandular hairs of ferns do not undergo the same alterations, and are evidently nothing but hairs, probably secretory. _19th_.--in ceterach the same thing occurs precisely, with this difference, that the _capita_ of the ramenta are highly developed; and still more, that the terminations of each pinnula of the young frond, are mere scales without a terminal _head_. so that almost all the scales of the under surface of the lobes of the mature frond, are mere scales. the peculiar ramenta are to be looked for along the insertion of each pinna, and along the rachis, in which all have the peculiar structure. at the time that these scales are commencing their development, the peculiar ones are at the age of mature perfection, so far as function goes. no one can look at a young pinnula at this epoch and observe the evident capitation of each ramentum, the inflexion of its apex, so that the head is brought into contact with the frond, without suspecting that they have the same relation of _cause_ to the appearance subsequently of the thecae or capsules. it is curious that the colour of the scales is the same as that of the ramenta, in which the colour is developed from above _downwards_, a peculiarity as it appears to me. the frond of ceterach is very frondose-looking, it has stomata on its under surface, and the cells of the cuticle very sinuate. there can be no doubt of the propriety of including the nature of these ramenta and scales in its generic character. i can see nothing peculiar in the situation of the scales or ramenta to suggest the reason of the situation of the capsules. in several cases, each pinna appears to have scales only which become barren lobes? the scales and ramenta have the same imbricate situation. in this country it will be useless to expect more proofs. but the four genera alluded to afford evidence enough, and sufficient to show that these ramenta are formed with reference to some important function, that their universality is incompatible with any functions of such minor degree as are attributed to them by those who represent them to be scales or hairs. to those who require proof of the existence of the complex male organ of phaenogams, or of a male of that form with which only they are familiar, i do not address myself; but to the philosophic botanist, who expects to meet with in the lower orders of plants, a lower organization, one with a tendency of reduction to the essential elements, and who bears in mind the comparative anatomy and structure of similar bodies in adjoining, or not very distant groups, i beg leave to suggest the intimate study of the ramenta of ferns. various as the situation of the fructification is, in three out of the above four genera, yet the initial arrangements are precisely the same. the various forms therefore may not depend proximately on fructification itself, but on the peculiar growth given to the species, in the same way in fact as we have the numerous modifications of the theca in mosses, etc. and the infinite modifications of the carpels in phaenogams. (attention is particularly pointed to those ferns which have general capsules or involucres. above all to the cyatheoid forms. to ophioglossum. to naked thecae. to indusiate as asplenia, etc.) but however erroneous these views may be, they will still have been of service if general attention is directed by them to plants, in consequence of the suggestions they make. the time now thrown away on isolated species, the station of which, still does not become fixed, when devoted to the philosophical examination of ferns, will rescue botany from one of its numerous reproaches. it is strange that such should exist to the greatest degree in all those families stamped by nature as most distinct. those chaoses polypodium, aspidium, davallia, would then undergo distinct creation, and the primary divisions of the family would become fixed; and we should then be spared the reproach of drawing characters from organs, of the nature and functions of which we are quite ignorant of, and of the importance of which in a science of demonstration like that of botany, it is impossible to judge, without a true knowledge of structure. vide lindley's introd. ed. 2, 407, for the protest of greville and arnott. what is the most comprehensive definition of a pistil. a case in which the future organs of reproduction are developed; and here is a most curious circumstance, namely, that though the calyptra, which is a genuine pistillum containing an _ovulum_, becomes torn up from its base, yet it remains in contact with that part of the seta in which the sporules are developed until these make their appearance, or even later!! so that one might as well deny a pistillum to a reseda, or leontice, as deny it to these plants on the strength of its being torn from its attachments. sprengel's objections are worthy only of being noticed from their having been quoted by lindley. the vagueness of his statement destroys all weight. his objections in all cases amount to the fact, that the _stellulae_ or _buds_ containing the anthers are capable of growth. so is the prolongation of an axis of ananassa. a gemma has a general character in its formation as well as an anther, or as pollen; one is a congeries of cellular tissue, with or without vessels, the other a sac consisting of a single cell containing active molecular matter. as an anther producing a single grain of pollen is not inconsistent with our notions of structure, so neither is an anther consisting of a single grain of pollen. will any one show me an instance of a proved gemma taking upon itself the form of one of these anthers? will any show an instance of a sac containing fluid matter capable of growth _after dehiscence_. the real gemmae of the hepaticae puts the question of gemmae out of doubt. is there any plant existing with two sorts of gemmae, so differently constituted? many phaenogams have gemma in addition to sexes, so have hepaticae. which is the most probable? that they should have no sexes, reproductive organs, and two sorts of gemmae, or sexes, reproductive organs, or gemmae of one evident kind? i cannot adopt the belief of any one having seen the germination of the powder in the axillary bodies, that is, if applicable to the organs i take for anthers. (_memorandum_.--to draw up a parallel between the two sets of organs, and the steps followed in the development of each.) chapter xx. _from pushut to kettore and barowl in kaffiristan_, _and_ _return to pushut and cabul_. _february 20th_.--fumaria found. _23rd_.--cloudy, threatening rain. swallows coming in, also fringillaria, with blackish cheek-streaks, also pyrgita alia, starlings uncommon up to this day about the site of the camp, where there is much straw, and camels are lying. flocks of _rooks_, genuine rooks, flocks of daws, _minas_, pigeons, and many carrion crows have been daily resorting to camp, all very wild from being constantly fired at, as in this country every man almost has a matchlock. no gypaetos seen for several days. _26th_.--fine weather after two days uncertain, in which the large-headed lark has just come in abundance, this and the _english_ one frequent fields; the crystal one is found almost exclusively on certain stony cultivated places: swallows have likewise arrived with many wild fowl. four raptorial birds are now seen about this, or rather three, for gypaetos has gone, viz. the common kite, or one which looks much like it, a beautiful white slaty-blue and black _harrier_, at least it comes about constantly, and looks much like an indian species, and much like one i shot high up in bootan, together with a large blackish and white one, with a _distinct collar_. the fishing hawk, i saw it yesterday catch a large fish, making a strong rapid plunge boldly into the water, and emerging again from it without much difficulty; its habits except while fishing, are very sedentary, and it seems to prefer _one spot_, viz. the top of some particular tree, near perhaps its favourite feeding place. _27th_.--another new bird has come in. a _fringillina_, with curious flycatcher habits, i have only seen two individuals, they perch towards the top of trees, and thence sally out after winged insects. i examined the contents of its stomach, and found only seeds, gravel, and soft insects. the sun is increasing wonderfully in power, but the trees are not as yet budded. shrubby polygoneae, with flagellate branches and leaves, in which the petiole is as much developed as the lamina, form a curious feature of affghan flora; euphorbia linifolia common, the herbaceous one in profusion. _28th_.--spring coming on rapidly, snow not within 2,000 feet of where it was twenty days back, and the sun oppressively hot; winged ants in abundance: whenever this happens it proves the perfection of the crows, which are on all such occasions to be seen acting the part of flycatchers in addition to their various other callings, soaring and sweeping round after these insects, but not returning as merops or real flycatchers to a fixed station. i have hitherto seen only the jackdaws at this spot in calcutta, but here the real crow mingles in it. in calcutta, the common kite often acts a similar part, but catches only _with its feet_. a small kingfisher is to be found here _rarely_, it is much like the indian blue and reddish one, the white and black kingfisher is not seen here, although found at jallalabad. the species of _sub_-wader, with a stout upturned beak, is a true grallator, yet is not always about water, but often in the driest places; the genus has a flight strongly resembling that of certain anatidae. a _monaul_ pheasant, or some similar splendid bird is found in the snows of kaffiristan, all i have seen of it are a few feathers. merula more common, _anthus_, _timalia_, observed. to-day one good specimen of a splendid pinus, allied to p. longifolia, was brought from the mountains, where it is found _among snow_: this makes the third species; one cultivated at candahar near a mosque; the short-leaved _julghozeh_, from tazeen; and this one which has as fine a cone as can be wished. where did the profusion of justicia adhatoda which i find here come from, is it not a distinct species? _march 2nd_.--proceeded to chugur serai, started from the other side of the ferry at 11.30 a.m., and reached at 4 p.m. no halt of any consequence on the road. passed nachung at 12.50: the first rocky ground occurred at the narrow part of the north side of the valley 2.25. 15th.--and thence to chugur 4 p.m., distance certainly thirteen miles. road decent, good about half-way, where it extends over cultivation on firm ground, then over rocky, stony, raviny ground. from the 12.50 station, the valley becomes much narrower, and the river confined to one bed: cultivation scanty, between this and chugur, where, about 400 yards of excessively difficult ground occurred, commanded by the precipice under which the path, which is execrable, runs. it is quite impassable for guns. after this the country traversed seemed to be well cultivated: and even picturesque. the fort is nothing particular; it is placed on the right bank of the river, which is deep, narrow and raviny: descent to the river abrupt. the bridge very richly ornamented, and of curious and simple bootan timber construction. town small, and the people very civil: i lodged in meer alum's own house. iris crocifolia abundant, towards chugur, a mazus or stemodia. mimosa that of the khyber, common, polygoni in abundance on the rocks, dodonaea. the hills about pushut are here only recognisable in two instances, the central one presenting three peaks, next to it the barren cliff, and the three mountains south-west of dhurrah. _3rd_.--proceeded to bala chugur serai, which is not more than six miles up the river, occasionally passing along the stony bank under hills, otherwise over cultivation, which is conducted in terraces. the scenery pretty, reminding me of low parts of bootan, although much more barren; watercourses well made: two _kafir_ ruins passed; valley very narrow, but rather straight. both chakor and small partridges common. vegetation is here the same as elsewhere. zaitoon trees, mimosa, euonymus, dodonaea, amygdalus in abundance, polygonum of yesterday. the stony slopes of hills, covered with andropogoneous grasses. rice, beans, wheat, oranges, _toot_, _chanra_. narcissus in swarms, brought in from the _kafirs_. another bridge was here crossed, the same as at lower chugur serai. no tributaries passed, the river fordable at rapids, but the road is not passable for guns. aquila, enicurus, alcedo bengalensis common, as well as jack snipe. red-billed crow, chakor, yellow wagtail, fringilla, muscicapa in flocks, feeding in the fields, and from trees on insects. the blackbird of the himalayas, wild pigeons. narcissus in abundance in sandy fields, cryptandrioid, clematis, rubus, euonymus, pteris! we had an interview with the _kafirs_ or infidels about a mile below katoor, they seemed at first much alarmed, our retinue not being small or unarmed, and their reliance on mussulman faith not very strong. they took up their post at the foot of a hill where a deputation of the khan of chugur serai, (who has married a chief's daughter) met them; they received the deputation with a _feu de joie_ from one or two firelocks, and then accompanied him to us, preceded by two drums, one of ordinary, the other of an hour-glass shape, and two pipes of gramineous culm, with three or four holes, and apparently oblique mouth-pieces, but of ordinary sound. the chiefs, the head of whom is hussin ali's fatherin-law, having been introduced, advanced, and commenced turning and stamping round a circle. the usual formalities then took place; the followers, although a fine bodied people, and very active, were excessively dirty, and not very fair; most were dressed in skins, having the hair inside, armed with bows, either straight or like cow's horns, and daggers. the chiefs were much fairer than their followers, and in the expression of face and eyes european; but in all cases the forehead was very slanting, and head generally badly developed. their dress consisted of cotton frocks, with slashed sleeves, embroidered thickly with worsted network: they wear short _pyjamas_, and skin shoes, with thick skin soles; one had short boots with hair inside: most were ornamented with the blue and yellow _longhys_ of pushut, etc. the hair is cut short except that of the chiefs, who had fillets left round their heads, adorned with cowries, in radiated shapes, with a red, worsted, pendant tassel. the headman had a pendant wire chain with ornaments, and from the centre of the tassel, the _monaul_ pheasant feathers, and his back hair was plaited into many little tails. almost all had necklaces of beads, the better sort silver earrings (plain rings), and some pendant silver ornaments; many had bracelets, ornamented with brass; _kumurbunds_ of plain white cloths: the poor ones have their heads naked, or with bits of cloth wrapped round. they had no swords, but hindoostany ones, and of these very few. even their archery, macgregor says is bad; one or two had spears, the chief's spear was provided with a very long head, and ornamented with cowrie shells at the top of the _haft_; two women came afterwards, their necks loaded with cowries and bits of bones, but otherwise well clothed with the usual gowns, the outer one without sleeves and very wide arm holes. they were decorated with very coarse, large, circular earrings. they approached the rest singing in chorus, not unmelodiously, but with very little variation in notes. then a whistle, general and loud from the whole party, representing their rejoicing over a slaughtered mussulman. on the whole these people present nothing peculiar as compared with other hill people: like them they are vindictive, savage, poor, dirty, remarkable for great cupidity, fond of red cloth, beads, etc. they are a mixed race, some are like indians, some like europeans, but in all the forehead is low, tartar eyes, often light brown or grey, hair often light. put them among the nagas, etc. of the assam frontier, and none would notice them. the chief's son wore a black, narrow band round his head, ornamented behind with a few cowries and bone ornaments. they are independent, appear to delight in talking of their victories over the mussulmans, but the oddest peculiarity as compared with asiatics, is their shaking hands, which was certainly done with us in the european custom. the limits of the firs, are as strict as those of baloot, etc., of the latter it may be stated as between 3,500 to 5,600 feet, of the firs between 5,500 and 8,000; what makes me say this is, that at katoor the mountains are covered with heavy snow, and are naked above, but with heavy pine forest below, and then with forests of baloot. _5th_.--ascended the hills to about 200 feet above the limits of inferior snow, which may be estimated at about 4,500 feet. these hills from 3,500 feet and upwards, are well wooded, presenting no peculiarity in the distribution of the woods, which are thin, or thickish only in sheltered parts, down ravines, etc. but presenting a great peculiarity in the small variety of forms, for there are not more than three kinds of trees, and not more than a dozen shrubs: the trees are baloot, which commence at the base, and ascend to the pines, say a height of 4,000 feet: zaitoon, which commences at the base, and scarcely extends beyond 5,000 feet, xanthoxylon, which has a wider range than zaitoon, is comparatively rare. the inclination of these hills is steep, but the ascent is not more extraordinarily difficult, they are covered with masses and blocks of rock, which are plentifully clothed with lichens and mosses, but of small variety of species. the more open parts are covered with andropogoneous grasses; the lemon-grass occurs below. the shrubs and trees are as follows with their pushtoo names-zanthoxylon, _schneae khinfuch_, quercus baloot, _ichairraye_. olea, _khoo-unn zaitoon_. amygdalus, _budam_, _junglee tulk_. nanus, _naguhn_. celtis, _tanghuh_. cyrtisoid of bolan, _wooraijoa_. periploca, _burrara_, _banduk_. cotoneaster of tazeen, _khurrowa_. euonymus, _churroghzye_. dodonaea , _wroolarskye_. artemisia, _tuhakar_. rubus, _khusuhurra_. the higher ridges are crowned with beautiful pines; the most common on this side is called _nukhtur_, and has not eatable seeds, its timber is in general use--and it is in much vogue for torches. the _julghozeh_ also is met with, but rarely. abundance of firewood. ixioides very common, and now in flower, amygdalus, _budam_, also, this is common, and a curious irideous plant, allied to crocus; one arum likewise occurs. pigeons very wary, mostly of the green sort with whitish wing-coverts; a pretty small-sized jay occurs, with a jerking bobtailed flight, a strong-billed parus, of the climbing sub-genus, chakors common. _march 6th_.--rain almost all day. _7th_.--unsettled weather continues. to-day the _kafirs_ came in with plants of a decided himalayan nature, a beautiful iris, the flowers of which are of a deep indigo-blue, a viburnum, euonymus, valeriana, juniperus, spiraeacea, adiantum, asplenium, pteris, etc. how strangely intelligent all hill people are, and how they are urged by an insatiable love of money. i never expected any thing to be brought in, judging of the _kafirs_ as i have learnt to do of affghans and indians, and here they have in one day, without even a lesson, brought in excellent specimens, including mosses, etc. i went out to-day to the end of meer alum's territory, this boundary being about one and a quarter miles beyond shingan. the valley up to this is beautifully cultivated, and begins to look green. saw and shot another myophonus, a saxicola and an alcedo, the common one of india; this species has strengthening splints, as it were on both mandibles: and the feet, etc. have no scales, being very different from those of the generality of birds. myophonus i take to be the large beautiful metallic-blue blackbird, with obscure and elegant white markings. i have observed common to all hills i have seen, and is always found in damp wet places, this bird is very wary, and in carriage much like the english blackbird, on alighting from its short flight, flirting its tail about, etc. this bird leads me to remark how widely the river chats are distributed. the beautiful whitecrowned black and red species, and the grey, with a red tail, are found about all hill streams in the north-eastern parts of india; the latter is a curious bird, radiating its tail out constantly. enicurus is also widely distributed. i also got to-day a beautiful male lophophorus, the plumage of which surpasses description; it is a heavy bird, with brown irides, and a brownish-chesnut tail; it came from daiwag. i met with five _kafirs_, when out to-day, only one would come to me; he was a very tall man, with a savage face, light keen eyes, returning from a forage on the safis: he was an _arunsha_ man, and a _tor kafir_, who are represented as very different from the _espheen_ or white ones, who are found in the mountains adjacent to balk, etc. arunsha is three days journey from this, and has a lame, or one-_legged_ chief, _dheemoo_; my friend's name was _bazaar_, he was armed with a matchlock taller than himself, and the usual dagger. how they compete with the mussulmans i cannot imagine, as they can only fight in close quarters, and for which they have daggers about six inches long in the blade. the _kafir_ names of the plants brought in are as follows:-* _praitsoo_, hedera. _akrumah_, iris. * _kreemapotak_, melanthium. _daisoo_, urtica urens? * _joh_, laricoides. _wheeree_, ephedroides. * _amarr_, rhamnea. _whishtur_, juniperus. * _traih_, quercus. * _unzoomal_, spireaea. _gutsuttur_, viola. of these, those marked with an asterisk have no affinity at all with the khorassan flora: nothing can show the change in the flora of katoor better than this, that two _kafirs_ bring in one day, without having their attention directed to ferns, as many species as i have obtained in all that part of khorassan i have visited, amounting to 1,000 miles in different latitudes and at very various elevations. the following are the kafir names for the corresponding words:-_darr_, mountain. _wussut_, goat. _trimm_, snow. _wemmi_, doomba sheep. _trosse_, ice. _sovurr_, hog. _wishin_, rain. _kookoor_, a fowl. _earr_, clouds. _melli_, bread. _populass_, lightning. _ow_, water. _doodoowunn_, thunder. _undah_, meat. _tsaih_, sun. _ornachoa_, skin. _mass_, moon. _haddi_, bone. _tarah_, star. _jeet_, body. _geutte_, jungul. _shai_, head. _julla_, tree. _ash_, face. _poutte_, leaf. _uchain_, eyes. _pushe_, flower. _jibb_, tongue. _bhee_, seed. _mass_, nose. _tat_, father. _dhermurr_, neck. _zfee_, mother. _kaitss_, hair. _porottr_, boy, son. _deh_, beard. _jhoo_, girl, daughter. _troh_, chest. _moochook_, a little girl. _booh_, arm. _ooruttur_, a large ditto. _ungree_, hand. _birra_, brother. _sichupput_, fingers. _soose_, sister. _noach_, nail. _tsoon_, dog. _dust oungree_, thumb. _pishash_, cat. _koorr_, leg. _goh_, cow. _papoa_, foot. _ghora_, horse. the mixture of hindoostanee names is very curious indeed, particularly those names of things which, from being indigenous, one would suppose would have indigenous names. _7th_.--went up to bharowl and returned to-day, march 9th, first went to loongurze, the barometer at which stood 24.758. therm. in sun 85 degrees. bharowl is a small plain, but still three or four times larger than loongurze, and perhaps 100 feet below it: this place is up the ravine leading to the fourth peak of the west side, which same peak must be between 9,000 to 10,000 feet high. loongurze is visible from this, and is more to the south. the villages consist of several houses forming a sort of wall; outside, the houses are of one story, with terraced roof, supported by timbers, they are built of stones, slabs of micaceous slate, which is the prevailing rock, and timbers interposed as ties; the rooms are very dark, and very dirty, with no outlet for the smoke. the only part of the furniture worth noticing consists of an inverted conical basket, made out of the stems of some large grass, coated with mud, and truncated at the top, used to keep grain in. the under, or ground floor appears to be used for the domestic animals which are cows, goats, fowls, etc. the inhabitants of bharowl, _bhawiolis_, are a _kafir_ race with a mussulman cast of countenance, but fair, of an unhealthy look, with in many cases light hair, and generally light eyes, they are a rather large tribe, and appear to have but few wants, are very poor, and very dirty; the better part of the men are clothed in cashgar, _chargas_, and ordinary cotton under-garments; the women dress in blue. both villages are on the limit of inferior snow at this season; there is enough of cultivation about to supply their wants, chiefly wheat and barley, and a sort of pea. loongurze is infested with a villainous midge, of the same genus as that of the naga hills, but few are to be found at bharowl. at loongurze i met a khungurlye slave, of the caste krungurlye, the headquarters of which are at a mountain village, about eight _cos_ off, in a north-west direction. the chief of koorungul is ahmed khan, he is independent: his village having 400 men, well armed. the man wore a goat skin jacket without sleeves, a skull cap of camel hair netted, and leggings to the ancle of the same, to keep off the midges; these leggings are likewise used at bharowl for the same purpose. the following is a specimen of the krungurlye dialect. _baba_, father. _wurrik_, water. _aiee_, mother. _soourr_, hog. _lohideck_, brother. _kookoor_, fowl. _trizzai_, sister. _ow_, bread. _khleck_, woman. _trull_, jungul. _gillor_, horse. _psan-sa_, cat. the krungurlies are said to have been _kafirs_, converted long ago. they are now quite mussulman in appearance. they were doubtless originally a mixture of european and tartar races driven by persecution to the hills, to which they are still perhaps restricted by the cause which led to their original isolation. i tried to ascend the ridge, but the snow was impracticable even within 700 feet of the village. the _nakhtur_, or pinus, which is the prevailing feature above bharowl, is the same as the tazeen one, and is a cedrus or _abils_, leaves very short, cones erect and elegant, but only broken ones could be found. the ridge and its face is quite covered with them, they grow singly. huge masses of micaceous rocks are scattered here and there, some are of gigantic size. the baloot is the next most common tree, but i fancy it does not extend beyond 7,500 feet; this is in general use for firewood, many of the trees, especially below, are much damaged, and on these the leaves are generally very thorny. next is the zaitoon, but it is not common in this direction, although common a mile to the south on the ridge first ascended. the soil is now saturated with snow water, and appears good and plentiful. the want of soil is another reason why the lower ranges are so barren, but this is just the contrary of what would be expected. in spite of the beauty and fineness of these forests, there is still the khorassan paucity of forms. many herbaceous plants are doubtless hid under the snow, but few shrubs were to be seen: the mespilus of tazeen being the most common at 6,000 to 7,000 feet, a thymus, labiata, olea fragrans, ocymoidea, two or three crucifera; sedum pictum observed, and melanthaceae which has fragrant flowers, is very common. the rocks are covered with mosses, grimmia pulvinaloides, every where in profusion. new forms consist of a fine tortula and an anictangioid, with leaves white, and membranous from the middle upwards. birds, a black and white erythaca, eyes fuscous-brown; the wood pigeon; a jay, which is a beautiful bird, irides light brown; a small woodpecker, with a greenish subcrest; the _parus_; a thrush not obtained; parus caerulens; a pretty red-crowned small fringilla, eyes light brown; common crow, chakor, bearded vulture; a wren, not obtained, with irides light brown, but with exactly the manners of troglodytis. chamaerops, _maizurrye_ used for netting ropes for bedsteads, viscum of baloot, used for food of domestic animals. wild goats, sheep, an ass-like animal (_goomasht_), and a fox which is handsome, of large size, and common. _8th_.--returned. the _kafirs_ have a game exactly the same as the english leap-frog, called by them _shutruck_. they were very much astonished at my understanding it. they are miserable marksmen, and were even at small distances unable to strike a large object, as for instance a hat at twenty yards, although offered a handsome reward; nor can they shoot at all at long distances. they are in this respect quite below khasyas and booteas. [ridge near loongurze: m466.jpg] _march 9th_.--yesterday evening a female of lophophorus, was brought in, and a beautiful pheasant, having claret-coloured neck. body otherwise fuscous and blackish-brown, having a blackish-green head, white cheeks and fine transverse crest, as large as a middle-sized fowl. apparently a new subgenus of phasianus. _11th_.--swallows have now come in here. they are apparently a different species from the pushut kind. _12th_.--the large-headed lark has also come in, so that there is a difference of twelve or fourteen days between this part of the country and pushut, where it was first seen, although this is only 500 feet higher, and about thirteen miles farther north. the universality of the common crow is curious, especially when contrasted with the circumscribed locality of jackdaws. the indian jackdaw is never found in hills. a common plover was brought in yesterday, the wing quills had been taken out, and its gestures on being liberated were most absurd, and although originating from fright, were much allied to pride, its head reclining on its neck, the latter curved, and the feet lifted high into a stately walk, while the crest was disposed in a most supercilious manner. i have got into great request here as a physician, entirely i apprehend owing to the people's faith in _vilayuti daroo_, or english medicine, especially calomel and cream of tartar, a combination of which has proved an universal panacea. goitre is common here, and the place in the hot months is said to be very unhealthy, fever and jaundice carry off numbers of people. the affghans, strange to say, have no popular medicines, but they are an unintelligent race in many other points. they are aware of bloodletting, which they practise most indiscriminately. _13th_.--unsettled weather. heavy thunderstorm in the evening with clouds over the western range. _14th_.--beautifully clear, a genuine spring beauty on all sides. the common _maina_ of these parts is a gregarious bird, which feeds generally on the ground, but is rarely associated with cattle, to which the indian species are so addicted: this is an intelligent bird, although from its nature not unnecessarily shy. it is fond of singing; its notes are very varied, but not very musical, including all sorts of intonations. while so employed, the bird every now and then bobs his head suddenly down three or four times, much for the same purpose perhaps, as our public singers in the production of certain notes. i do not know whether these actions of the bird are really associated with particular notes, although they generally seem to accompany certain very flat and very base notes, not unlike the clerk of a coachman. the snow is rapidly disappearing, rain having a most powerful effect even at the summit of the pine ridges: it is fast melting, and no new snow has fallen, although it has been raining occasionally during the last three days, and the sun has been altogether obscured. generally on the high kuttoor range, fresh snow has fallen, a proof of the great height of that range. two species of corydalis, the first iris and colchicum i had found in kaffiristan. corydalis is another analogy with the genuine himalayan flora. jackals were heard here for the first time, although they were heard many days ago at pushut. _15th_.--the antilopoid animal called suja, has horns both on the male and female, it occurs in small herds fifteen to twenty in the wooded mountains, its hair is of the same structure as in the moschiferus antilope; colour brown. height to the shoulder two feet six inches; its height does not increase or decrease perceptibly behind; length of neck seven inches. length of back from root of tail to nape of neck two feet eight inches. the lophophorus is called _moorghi zureem_, it is a very gorgeously coloured bird, but of heavy make; the tail is always carried erect. length of body two feet one inch; the girth of the body at the shoulder including wings, seventeen to eighteen inches. length of neck from commencement of the crest to the base of the under mandible, five to six inches. the bird is not uncommon, being found on all the hills about here, and apparently at no great elevations. _16th_.--the _ungoor_, ficus cordifolia is the first tree that buds. the platanus, _thagur_; morus coming into flower, vegetation being very rapid. a captive fox brought in, a fine and a handsome animal, with greyish fur inclining to fuscous on the back, and with blackish points at the back of ears, which are large, and dark-brown; eyes light yellowish-brown. measured as follows from:-shoulder to base of tail, 1 feet 3 inches. shoulder to tip of nose, 1 feet 0 inches. height at shoulder, 1 feet 4 inches. height at loins, 1 feet 6.5 inches. total length, 3 feet 8 inches. length of tail, 1 feet 7 inches. there is also a nocturnal beast here which has a voice something like a jackal, but more of a bark. shot one of the small grey, white-rumped water robins, which was examining a wall for insects, and fluttering about the holes in it. i saw two carbos (cormorants), distinct from any i had hitherto seen, very black, with some white marks. the common black one also occurs. _17th_.--proceeded to chugur pair; the time occupied by the journey, excluding stoppages, was two hours and four minutes, at the rate of three and a quarter miles an hour. tulipa in abundance in fields, a beautiful species, external sepals rosy outside, odour faint but sweet. on a ridge near chugur pair is a curious ruin, viz. a long wall. the mountain is too high to enable me to say what it is like. the tulip has a tendency to produce double flowers: one specimen seen with a regular three-leaved perianth, eight stamina, and four carpellary ovary, angles opposite the outer perianth leaves; the upper leaf or bract has a tendency to become petaloid. if the anthers are pulled, the filaments are separated from them and remain as subulate white pointed processes. _19th_.--labiata, ocymoidea, salvia! erect, ramose, foliis rugosis, verticillatis; spicatis racemosis. _cal_. bilabiata supra planisculis, medio carinatus, _cor_. pallida, caerulea, bilabiata, labio superiora subfornicata: lateralibus subrevolutis. see catalogue no. 52, in fields chugur pair, common on grassy banks. a curious tendency is observed in pomaceae, ceraseae to have the stamina of the same colour as the petals, thereby _showing their origin_? how is it explained that in some transformations of this, the anthers alone are petaliformed, while in others both filament and anther are equally and primarily affected. the female lophophorus has been living on nothing for at least a week; its voice is various, sometimes not unlike that of a large hawk, at others a cackle, or low chuckle; occasionally it runs forward, erecting its crest, and spreading out its tail like a fan, the _tail being_ _depressed_. i fancy it roosts in trees not unlike certain pigeons, haematornis one species come in, this genus i think represents parus: it has the same fluttering clinging habits, it often sallies forth like merops after insects, the genus is remarkable for the yellow or red colour of the under tail-covers, it is a noisy bird, and not wary until so taught by experience. i doubt its power of singing. the so called bulbul, _hazari dastar_, the famous songster, is not a real _bulbul_, but either alaudina or a stonechat. with haematornis has appeared a fine merops, of which i have not yet got a specimen; its habits were quite those of merops, and it made the same noise: it occurred with haematornis. chugur is a large extent of ruins, traces of paths are visible leading to the houses, mere huts built of slabs of slate. there is one square part remaining much like the base of one of the topes to which it assimilates; the building, is of slabs of wood and stone, intervening. what could have induced the mussulmans to build on such horridly hard barren and hot places, with no water near? or did they occupy places taken from the _kafirs_. the latter i should think most likely from the names, which are evidently _kafir_. _20th_.--the bird alluded to yesterday, was again seen to-day. i remember shooting the same species at elevations of 8,000 feet in bootan, in oak forests. it has the habits of merops, with its voice or chirp, and is very gregarious, so that one part of the flock will not separate from the rest. it perches in a very erect manner making swoops and sallies after insects precisely as merops. plumage sombre, general colour slaty, quills and crest blackish, bill and feet orange, tail forked. is this bird of the sub-family brachypodinae, or is it a fissirostral bird; the wings, although graduated as to the two first quills (the first being half spurious) are still long, and may be called pointed. it obviously has much analogy? with the drongo shrikes in habits, and in forked tail: as well as in lengthened body? both it and haematornes are very local, none being found here but just around a village called pillipote, a favourite station--zaitoon trees, or naked bakkeins. haematornis i have seen feeding on the ground, this species has the same voice as that of the genus generally. the yellowish _bunting-like_ water-wagtail, is very common just now: it occurs in wheat fields; flight, chirp, and mode of getting up when disturbed just as in the buntings. weather very unsettled, heavy rain and thunder last night, and now threatening a gale. _21st_.--returned towards pushut: a lanius, but not the one shot, was seen near the road in bushes. _22nd_.--of the four red-billed shrikes, two are male and female, sexes alike, stomach fleshy like that of haematornis, but food entirely vegetable: the two female stomachs contained each a seed of the _bukkein_ (melia): the two males contained fragments of buds, perhaps of a willow, but not a vestige of an insect, so their swooping and sallying is a mere analogical representation of merops. in haematornis contents of stomach chiefly vegetable, partly of insects. _26th_.--very rainy and unsettled weather, thunder and lightning. _27th_.---clearing up: heavy rain in some parts of the night, otherwise fine. _28th_.--a beautiful morning. went to kooner, distance twelve to thirteen miles: for three miles the road was dangerous but tolerably decent, no defiles being passed, in which murderers were likely to lurk, very little difference in seasons between this and pushut. _29th_.--returned again to pushut. the country about pushut is one sheet of cultivation, studded with trees; so thick are these that few villages are discernible in consequence. nothing particularly notable occurred, except that a tulip is common in the fields about kooner, but not found in those about pushut: it occurs also with amaryllideae, which is likewise a stranger to pushut. what is the reason of the ruined forts so common in this country? one would think that it were useless to pull down or destroy a good fort, when it is the intention of building another, so that they are scarcely to be accounted for from a succession of conquerors. the country has, and always will be, a distracted one. i observe that in all parts approaching mountains, in which the chief danger of robbery exists, that there are generally people and especially boys tending cattle, so that they must probably be familiar with robberies and murders, and seeing these done so openly, so easily, and so securely, they may well be imagined to become ready scholars. so even if the stock already existing in the robbers' sons, etc., were deficient, others would be found ready to take up the profession. the kooner dhurrah, or valley, is a very fine one, it is a good instance of the peculiar kind of slope or _talus_, so common in this country. the soil in such places being so stony as to be useless for cultivation. low parts entering into the valley become useful for wheat, that is, if rain falls early, these dhurrahs are formed or filled by debris from the surrounding hills, carried down by torrents, which are constantly changing their beds, the outline of the edge is circular, such as that of a sand bank at the mouth of a river, the finer particles being of course carried furthest down. the kooner valley may be considered as the second; the shaiwa distinct forming the first; it continues as far as the bend to chugur pair; its beginning is close to kooner village, near the ferry where the valley is much contracted. _31st_.--the beautiful smyrna kingfisher of india, with metallic plumage, chocolate-brown underneath, occurs at kooner. the common kite is very expert in seizing objects with its claws while flying: as is the pondicherry falcon. they are often seen about standing water, fishing i fancy with their claws for shells, etc. on the surface. the late rain has caused a torrent down dhurrah bader, and the fields and low grounds about choke have been inundated; about these spots, birds have collected in numbers, the common crow taking advantage of the circumstance had turned as it were, kingfisher, swooping about like the kite. there were two species of laridae, neither of which i had seen before, several small tringae, the very long red shanked bird, hematopus? the metallic tantalus, common, jack-snipe, and hosts of budytes, which were busily employed flying and flitting about after insects. edolius occurs at kooner as well as here. the number of birds is small certainly, although the trees, etc. are now in full leaf: no new birds seem to have come in, except the dove, and edolius; neither haematornis nor brachypus yet observed, one or two fresh species of alaudina, and stonechats have made their appearance. it is curious that the larks do not remain above a few days, none are to be seen now, that the crops are barely a foot high. the female monaul is going on well, though obliged to be crammed, for though it takes water voluntarily it will not take food. it is a very domestic bird, and fond of notice, its voice on such occasions is pleasing, on some others very harsh and hawk or eagle-like. its manners are curious, depressing its tail, and arching its neck, and pecking at imaginary objects in a curious way. from the expressive manner in which it looks up at sunset on surrounding objects, especially trees, it is obviously accustomed to roost. _april 1st_.--pushut fort. _4th_.--weather unsettled: a slight rumbling sound of an earthquake was felt yesterday evening, the atmosphere at the time being very close: this was succeeded by a squall. strong winds are prevalent, generally easterly: clear sunshine is evidently of rare continuance at pushut: little snow remains except towards bharawul. i was much struck this morning with the entire disappearance of a green mantle of confervoid scum from the surface of a foul pool close to my quarters. yesterday the pool was quite green, now there is no green, nor any traces of the scum except such portion as was not in the water but round the margins. _6th_.--proceeded to chugur-serai, which place was reached after marching 3 h. 10 m. at three miles an hour. ocharrye one of the peaks near this is deep in snow; it is much higher than speencas. the season here is now nearly as forward as it is at kooner, although on my last visit sixteen days ago, it was fifteen days behind, but the narrowness of the valley must increase the heat much. great delay occurred in crossing the pushut river, which is much swollen from the heavy rain on the 4th. thunder and hailstone common, clear days decidedly rare in the spring of these parts. edolius occurs here, another stonechat has come in. _7th_.--proceeded to otipore, which took 8 h. 9 m. to perform the journey; very unsettled weather. yesterday several thunderstorms, and heavy rain. _10th_.--clearing up, went to bharawul; and returned on the 12th. i was much disappointed at the paucity of forms, for i did not get ten species, not met with before. the flora of the fir woods amounts to almost nothing, colchicum straggles up now and then, this and a grass or carex, a caprifoliaceous shrub, and cotoneaster of tazeen, and fragaria are the only forms. the oak as it gets to higher altitudes assumes a different form, probably it is a different species, for the leaves are much less coriaceous, and are not glaucous underneath, otherwise there is little difference between it and the common baloot, the chief plants found occurred in the clearings, which surround bharawul to some extent. alliaria is very common; also tulipa. in this variety the dehiscence of the anthers continues until, from a single simple pore, a line reaching nearly the whole length of the anther is formed: a very pretty and sweet smelling anemone common, viola, rumex, thalictrum a rather fine species, hedera, rubia cordifolia, valeriana, corydalis, fragaria, thlaspidea, sambucus, ebulus adonis, berberis, equisetum, clematis, urtica urens, were noticed, either in cultivation or on the edge of the clearings. poor as the flora is, i see no chance of its promising much variety, for i observe few other plants showing themselves: several ferns were met with in moist places, and under rocks, two asplenia, one undetermined; aspidioides very common in some places, but of last year. the soil is deepish and good, when wet it is subtenacious. the _nukhtur_ is a large tree, seventy to eighty feet high; one of an average size measured fourteen feet in girth, four feet from the base. the slopes of the mountain are steep, and the ravines very rocky: on the ridges between these, the ground is covered with soil. colchicum observed as high as 7,500 feet. i returned another way, keeping along the large ravine that drains the mountain to the north, and which falls into the otipore river, below shinegam. buddlea was noticed at 5,800 feet, hyacinthus throughout from this to bharawul; _nurgiss_ 5,800 feet, impatiens the same as the species below 5,000, myrsinea ditto, fraxinus is very common about 4,000 feet, it is very easily mistaken for the xanthoxylon, which appears common over most parts of khorassan. the range of the cytisus, which is a beautiful sweet smelling shrub, is extensive, it may be included here between 3,000 and 7,000 feet: associated with it between 4,000 to 4,500 feet is a caragana, and about this occurs a fine salveoideo-dracocephalum. the limit of the baloot may be taken at 4,000 feet, but in sheltered ravines it descends lower. euonymus _moamunna_, periplocea, scarcely extend above 4,000 feet, neither do the spirescent astragali, these are succeeded by two or three espinous species, one the same as the astragalus stipulis magnis of the river towards pironi. amygdalus ranges between 3,500 and 7,000 feet, the pretty cerasus does not extend above 4,000 feet. there appears to be another amygdalus above. the chief vegetation of the mountain below 6,000 feet appears to be a tufted coarse andropogoneous grass, and in such situations as this occupies, little soil is to be found; the baloot, and zaitoon, are confined to sheltered places. above they occur indiscriminately on all faces, but zaitoon is rare at such elevations; few birds were observed, the most common about bharawul are an emberizoid and a certhia? muscicapa flammea was seen at 7,000 feet in pine forests with several sittae: in these forests and about bharawul, only one garrulus was heard, and few woodpigeons were seen. the picus is still common, myophorus now extends up to bharawul. parus caeruleus still continues. another female nemorrhaedus is brought in with young: the breeding time probably takes place two months later. the merula before found below, now occurs in flocks about bharawul. according to the natives there is only about twenty days difference in the seasons of cutting wheat and barley; this is probably not true, yet it is borne out by the tulip, cytisus and hyacinth. the village has been founded five years since, and contains 180 souls. the burial ground contains sixteen graves, which will give the annual percentage of mortality. at otipore the mortality is said to be great. whence do these people get their curious grey eyes, and light hair? daphne extends to bharawul. _14th_.--the kingcrow is now in here, also columba, and lanius; this last has an unceasing jarring chirp, it has however considerable powers of voice. sitta feeds on seeds as well as on insects, but the structure of its stomach is insectivorous. the female monaul died yesterday. i heard some of these birds in the pine forests of bharawul, their voice being very loud and grating; the female was a good tempered bird, capable of attachment, when caressed its notes were pleasing. _15th_.--the hoopoe seen; another fish brought in to-day, the usual mountainous form, but with a very rough nose. the edolius is here the earliest and the latest daily bird. i observed several to-day on a tree making a great noise with their harsh chirp, at each chirp the tail was for the instant jerked out like a fan. _17th_.--a single parrot seen flying overhead. _19th_.--what is the bodily strength of man to that of insects! i have just been watching an ant dragging the body of a hornet, many times larger than itself, up a door with the greatest ease; so much so, that after dragging it up three feet, it came down to alter its position, carrying it up a second time by its wing: the ant was of a large species. _23rd_.--pastor came in to-day, an elegant bird, eyes nearly white, tinged with grey; legs and beak yellow, base of gape leaden-blue, junction of yellow and blue parts greenish! _26th_.--mango bird first seen today, another dove came in about the 23rd. quail coming in, pastor roseus. every plant from the kafir hills convinces me that they are himalayan in their features, and that about this the transition between the american and genuine european forms takes place. thus i have seen asperula, two and three european looking ranunculi. cratoegus, etc. in addition to the other forms, before alluded to. there is a rather fine _sissoo_ near sheargar, it is curious that it is later in coming into leaf than any other tree. does this indicate its being of a more tropical nature than the others? on the contrary, the bukkeim is now in flower, also citrus. the affghans are fond of amaryllideae, _gratool_, _goolab_, and lonicera, in the season of the two former, every one met has a bunch placed over each ear. observed to-day a curious monstrosity of the ovula of the lonicera of this place, from which it is evident, that the ovule represents a bud; the funicle the _stalk_; the teguments convolute leaves, and the nucleus the punctum of growth. every variation was observed, generally the more leafy the outer tegument the greater was the degree of straightness of the funicle, and the abortion of the nucleus. _29th_.--to chugur-serai. _june 5th_.--arrived at cabul. the whole country between khuggur and koord cabul, even including the high ground of this, or huft-kotul, presents the same formation, but from khuggur it rises gradually, and beyond gundamuck loses all characters of tabularity, it consists of sand, overlying which is a bed of blocks or often of boulders; in this sand, which is here and there easily pulverised, (in other places it is pressed as it were into slabs of no great thickness;) layers or beds of conglomerate frequently occur, either regularly or irregularly; in one case two conglomerated beds approached at an angle and then united. the framework or base of the country is generally limestone, sometimes slate which presents every variety of distortion, the strata being often vertical and wavy, no dykes were observed. the older rocks are generally completely covered by sand and shingle, or stones; but as we approach the boundaries of the valleys, they protrude into ridges, often of considerable size and height. the valleys however are not entirely bounded by these to the west, for as i have said, the plain of koord cabul is reached by crossing undulations of this same formation. from khuggur to gundamuck, about five stony steppes are crossed, each rising in height above the last, and each separated by deep ravines, with one or both banks generally precipitous, affording exit to streamlets from the sofaid-koh. it is curious that the streamlets, and streams about gundamuck have not worn themselves half as deep channels as those about khuggur, although no appreciable difference is apparent in the strata. the surface is often rendered rugged in places by the occurrence of loose slabs, which give the appearance of stratification to the rocks. it appears to me that the whole of the extreme eastern khorassan originally was a bed of stones or boulders, overlying a formation of pure sand, and that its irregular surface is due to the subsequent upheavement of the foundation ridges. the good soil is in such case necessarily confined to the immediate neighbourhood of the streams, etc. descending from those ridges. the following is a section exposed on the north boundary of the valley, not far from jugdulluck:-[section of valley near jugdulluck: m476.jpg] the whole tract is devoid of trees, until one nears jugdulluck, when not only the foundation rocks, but also the stony undulated hills are dotted with stunted trees of baloot and xanthoxylon. tufted andropogoneous grasses form the prevailing feature, aerua also is common along the streams: and wherever the ground retains moisture, typha latifolia abounds with the usual frequenters of watery spots. the road to gundamuck, especially the ascent of the two last steppes, is infamous; but the regular jallalabad road is good, having only one descent to neemla, and an easy ascent from that place, and thence it is over a gentle declivity to futtehabad. the spurs from the sofaid-koh are very numerous, and the ravines they form show the great quantity of water derived from this ridge, their direction is n. 45, e. the direction of the streams after emerging from the lower ridges continues about the same. the cabul and soorkhab rivers debouche at a much greater angle. their direction being 95, e. the waters of both are turbid, but those of the latter are reddish. throughout the valley of jallalabad cultivation extends alone along the streams, many of which are entirely consumed by agricultural processes; in no place does it bear any proportion to the uncultivated portion, which is invariably densely strewed with stones, the smaller of which are generally water-worn; the larger, masses of angular rock. white mulberries ripen in perfection at gundamuck in the early part of july. there is more cultivation about khuggur occurring in a continuous and broadish tract, than in almost any other place. i observed a curious tendency to anastomosis, or self-grafting in the roots of morus: this in its young state often has pinnatifid artacarpoid leaves. query, is this a sign of the greater development of morus? or is it in any way analogous to that progressive development existing during the growth of every animated being? at gundamuck observed oriolus; it differs in plumage and voice from the indian mango bird, which is a far more beautiful bird, with only one note: edolius also seen. pastor and the other common birds. merops was seen soaring over stones, and stooping at insects; in such situations it remains long on the wing; it does not appear to perch on any thing but withered branches. composita senecionoides occurs about soorkhab, reaumuria occurs half-way between it and gundamuck. capparis continues to soorkhab. statices common, also campanula; and about jugdulluck a striking boragineous plant, boraginiae sp., and on the sandy pass above barkhab, a salvia is found in profusion, one of the commonest grasses is poa _cynosuroides_? the stem of hippuris is worth examination, inasmuch as it consists of a central easily separable axis, and a vertical system of great thickness, highly cellular, so that judging _a priori_, as these cells (which are compound) occupy the whole space between the ligneous system and the cutis, no longitudinal vessels can exist in that part which represents the bark. _15th_.--cabul. glycyrrhiza thermopsoides frequently presents on the nonflowering stems, a pod-like transformation of the uppermost leaves. in centaurea _cyanea_, the disposition of the limb of the ray is such that the incomplete part or the fissure is outside. this is exactly opposite to the disposition of the same part in true ligulatae. judging from centaurea, the smaller lip of the bilabiate species of compositae ought to be situated outside. erythraeoides, glauca floribus albidis occurs on the _chummums_. _16th_.--regaled with a library: "calumny and detraction," says boerhaave, "are sparks, which if you do not blow them, will go out of themselves."--_murphy's johnston_, vol. ix. p.34. in johnston's life of drake, p.99 to 100, are some admirable remarks on those minds, that disapprove of every strikingly novel scheme, and from which a good motto might be chosen, should any national system be proposed in botany. what were sir thomas browne's five sorts of vegetables, and what were his remarks on the form of plants and laws of vegetation?--_see johnston's_ _works_, vol. ix. p.296. chapter xxi. _from cabul to kohi-baba_. _july 17th_.--proceeded from cabul to shah bagh; cloudy weather, occasionally a very slight shower during the last few days, depending probably on the punjab rains. to-day, observed a small green caterpillar, climbing up a fine thread, like a spider's web, which hung from the fly of the tent; its motions were precisely those of climbing, the thread over which it had passed was accumulated between its third pairs of legs; it did not use its mouth. i did not ascertain whether the thread was its own production or not; if it was, it must have come out of its tail. _24th_.--the fish in the cabul river here are, a loach, an oreinus, and a barbel; none of these grow to any size, as there is but little water left in the river in consequence of the drain for extensive cultivation on both the east and west sides of the city. small specimens of these fish, especially the loach and oreinus, are found in the canals or larger watercuts, in which the current is slow and regular. it is curious that in the canal near the shah bagh, which has been lately turned off above the cantonment, all the specimens of the loach left in the pools of water were dead, while the oreinus did not appear to have suffered. this loach is a cobitis propria, it has the usual form of that genus, the spots are disposed irregularly, rarely becoming banded. the shape of the head is curious, the forehead being prominent, this gives the mouth an appearance of unusual depression. {479} the country both on the east and west sides of cabul may have been formerly a lake. such indeed would seem to have been the origin of all the valleys in which there is an expanse of tillable ground, and not mere strips confined to the banks of the draining streams. the eastern valley is indeed partly occupied by the large sheet of water to the north, and the west is very marshy. the eastern one is interspersed with low detached ranges of hills. the birds are a magpie, a dove, oriolus, pastor roseus, pastor alter, sparrow, water-wagtail, hirundo, hoopoe, lanius, sylvia sp., water-hen, wild ducks on the lake, and merops; almost all these as at khujgal, but no _minas_, or edolia. at urghundy occurs potentilla quinquifolia, repens radicans pubescens, stipulis oblongis. _28th_.--halted at koti-ashruf. the most common plants on the khak-isofaid pass are two or three of the small pulvinate statices, senecionoides glaucescens. the yellow asphodelus is very common, and i also saw a. mesembryanthemifolia. at the foot of the pass, i saw scabiosa, which also occurred on the summit. first march on the cabul side of ghuznee. whole tracts blue with the labiata plectranthoides; at urghundy, along a watercut, are planted several willows of the common large-leaved kind, the bark of these on all the older parts is cracked longitudinally, and the trunk has the appearance of being twisted, which i have no doubt is the natural state, the spire is from left to right. the prevailing winds are easterly. bean cultivation is very common in the valley of the cabul river to the west beyond the khak-i-sofaid pass; i suspect it requires a greater altitude than most of the other cultivated plants of affghanistan, it abounds in the high ground about shaikhabad. _29th_.--proceeded in the morning from julraize to sir-i-chushme. the fish of the place are the same, the silurus being common. the two sorts of oreinus vary much in the length of the intestinal canal,--the yellowish and large one having it five times: the small and less yellowish, three and a half lengths of the body. both these species come close to barbus, showing that the spinosity of the dorsal fin is a more valuable character than that of the form of the mouth. the cartilaginous disc of oreinus is a reflection outwards of the osseocartilaginous part of the mouth, the fleshy part alone is the lips. oriolus, upupa, and percnopterus, continue with columba. grapes and apricots _khar see_, and the common ones reach as far as this, but are very inferior to those of cabul; rice cultivated here and there. the chief trees are populus lombardensis, salix magnifolia, and s. pendula, hippophae. at koti-ashruf salix angustissima is found, and on it cuscuta gigantea; on to-day's march hippophae, but this is found also at maidan: merops was heard at koti-ashruf. in the spring of sir-i-chushme, a typhoid plant occurs in profusion, veronicae 2, alta et repens rotundifolia, nasturtium aquatica, scrophularia of julraize, juncus, triglochin, and plantago of the green sward, everywhere between 6,000 and 11,000 feet. trees end at the foot of oonnye. _30th_.--girdun dewar. salvia swarms up the ascent and on the descent, but less so than before, and on the yonutt platform it is almost absent; cnicus also in profusion both up and down, and on the platform festuca triticoides begins about half-way up; statice are common over the whole pass. caragana in the grassy swardy ravines. on the highest point astragalus arbuscula, the fields studded with yellow buttons of tansy, and white flowers of stellaria; arabidea glauca siliculosa, also common; this is rare on the west side of hindoo-koosh, as is also stellaria. tansy continues in some places. _31st_.--to kurzar. proceeded up the siah-sung; along the river, green sward with patches of caragana, campanula, and geraniums occurred in profusion in some places. salvia not uncommon; at the first part, or perhaps for three miles from camp a large hingoid is common, smaller and whiter than the species so common on the lower hills, and which is the large-leaved species of quettah and the kojhuk pass. potamogeton cylindrifolia common; senecionoides. on the stony part, or beyond siah-sung, when one leaves the bed of the river, astragali two or three species, salvia, and blitum. two sorts of fish are found in the river, and perhaps a third in the black hammer-headed silurus. {481} of the two caught, one is an oreinus, but passing close into barbus. beneath the glandular line, white, above fuscous-brownish, with irregular black spots, fins fusco-reddish. the other is a loach, cobitis propria, shape shark-like, colour yellowishbrown, almost tawny, sides irregularly spotted with brownish-black spots, arranged on the back in broad irregular, generally complete bands. head not banded, fins tawny, with oblong black spots, eyes prominent, irides reddish-orange: this is a very abundant species. poplar trees, (p. lombardensis): these from being planted close, grow together, the union generally taking place near the base. i have not seen a section of the wood. _august 2nd_.--kaloo. so far as i can judge, the flora of this side of the pass does not differ, but in a few unimportant instances from that of the kurzar side. the summit however has a much colder climate, probably from being exposed on the kurzar side to an extremely cold and piercing wind from the kohi-baba range. cnici 2, and festuca triticoides are the most common plants, with arenaria fruticosa, composita no. 152, asphodelus of erak now nearly passed flower, and some astragali. but on this side, cnici cease almost entirely, although they re-appear lower down, but only partially, and the top of the pass is covered with the statice of kurzar, and astragali, among which, that with the flat pod, winged on the dorsal suture, is the most common. lower down the same, or similar features continue, and the only plants limited to this side are a curious astragalus, crotalarioid, polygonum fruticosa, microphyllum, and spinosum, a boraginea like that of jugdulluck, but much smaller and decumbent, a papaveraceae, petalis papaveris rhoeadis, with a siliquose fruit, and clematis erecta: willow trees (the broad leaved species) occur here, a large agrostic grass, ribes and symphorema of erak. the affghans appear to cut every plant almost of any size for winter fodder, even thistles, docks, etc. the purple lactucoid of cabul re-appears, and the curious flat fruit calyxed boraginea of shawl both in abundance. the crops here are not more forward than those at kurzar; the fields are _crowded_ with stellaria, but there is much less tanacetum; geraniums occur in profusion. silene fimbriata, is a night flower, withering by 9 a.m. i found no snow up the left hajeeguk ravine, and the effect was marked, namely, that none of the alpine plants are so abundant about it as last season, when they were in flower, or had passed. there is on the hills about this ravine, a large burrowing animal, probably a marmot; it is of a dark colour with tawny rump; when on the alert it sits on its rump, or rather perhaps raised on the hind legs, and has the voice of an ordinary rodentia. i heard several of these, but saw only one. rich botanising is to be had on the swampy ground at the mouth of the right ravine. pediculares 2, silenaceae 3 or 4, veroniceae 2, orchis 1, ranunculi 2, junci 2, carices several, swertiae 2, one the larger solidago, geranium, gramineae several, parnassia of erak, campanula, ruta odora, etc. _3rd_.--to topehee. the vegetation of kaloo is far less varied than that of hajeeguk, for it presents no such swampy ravines at such elevations. the plants of the hills around kaloo villages continue half-way up, on the road over the ravine corvisartia is plentiful, with a labiata, calyce royleae, in profusion; this and cnici form the chief vegetation; papaveraceae also continue. up the 1st ascent hingoid tenuifolia, ephedra stricta, ribes commence, ephedra continuing throughout wherever the bare rocks project through the loose soil; one-third way up, statice long and short-peduncled commence with an astragalus. the bulk of the vegetation is an artemisia; royleoid and chenopodium villosum continue, and do so for half-way up. at the black rock half-way up, dianthus, astragalus, crotalarioid, rosae sp., statice pulvinata, are common, this last and artemisia are the chief features: scutellaria, stellaria dichotoma, umbellifera of yonutt, corvisartia, wild gramineae of yonutt, arenaria fruticosa, festuca triticoides continues. borago of upper kaloo, and the glauci of kaloo occur. astragali 2 or 3 sp., silene sp., but the chief vegetation is artemisia. on the summit, corvisartia, boragineae, gramineae, several; a straggling plectranthus coeruleus, arenaria fruticosa, allium rubrum, cnici 2, the yellow erigeronoid of hajeeguk summit, occur on the descent just below the ridge, and on this side the statice pulvinata is in profusion, and of large size. large marmot, with teeth like those of a rat. _4th_.--proceeded to bamean. at topehee was found a curious succulent hypericum, it is odd that the leaves, etc. of these succulent saline plants are cold; strikingly so. connected with this low temperature, is the fact, that if shut up in a box with other plants, and water thrown in, that even though they be at the top, they cause the deposit of all the water that passes up in the shape of vapour, while the ordinary plants remain quite dry! a wonderful provision of nature adapting them the more to extremely dry stations. about topehee, cichorium is common; salvia of oonnye, geranium, artemisia exaltata of sir-i-chushme, and pulmonaria, so common everywhere, occur; glaucum swarms in saline marshy places. triglochin is also found, also ranunculus stoloniferae trilobata of kaloo, hippuris. the flat-calyxed boraginea, melilotus officinalis also found; potamogeton cylindrifolia, centaurea lutea. there also occurs along the barren slopes of the hills a glaucous shrub, much like that between chunni and dund-i-goolai, decumbens, subspinos: glauco alb. fruct. baccato drupaceis, oblongis, purpuris, basi calyce parvo, 5-fido, stylo brevi apiculatis, putamina osseo-crasso oblongo ovato, sem. immatur. _8th_.--bamean. the fish, so far as i have caught any, seem to be one trout, and two barbels. of 5 species, one of these takes the worm greedily, the length of the intestines varied in every instance, and of three the relative lengths of body and canal were as follows: inches. canal. body 6 (times ) 2.125 ( of three since captured and body 7 (longer ) 2.5 ( about 8 inches long, all body 10.5 (than the) 3.5 ( nearly the same size, the (body. ) ( length of the canal was ( three times longer than the ( body. the intestines as usual taper almost gradually from the stomach and oesophagus, and are gorged with greenish pulp. this is worth following up. it is scarcely credible, but that the species are really different; or if not, the variety in the length will considerably diminish the value of the length of canal as a principle of arrangement. {484} the glaucous long-peduncled, large-flowered statice is limited to the east side of kaloo. on this side another species occupies similar elevations, viz., 9,500 to 10,500 feet; it is a good deal like the one met with towards ghuzni. these species are less alpine than the shortpeduncled species with large flowers, which continues all over kaloo, being in great perfection on the west side, near the summit. another short-peduncled species appears on the descent, close to upper topehee. towards this royleoid occurs but sparingly, and the first change takes place in the abundance of salicornia or kochia. also about this, peganum and salvia reoccur, both kinds not being uncommon about bamean. lactuca dislocata occurs throughout. the vegetation of bamean is that of topehee, but the small flowered tamarisk is scarce--potentilla anserina is common, hyoscyamus spinosus of kaloo occurs. the bamean river divides the kohi-baba from the hindoo-koosh, but both are obviously of the same system, i.e. they divide the ranges to the north. to the east their offsets are divided by the kaloo river. the direction of the hindoo-koosh and that of the kohi-baba, is about 115 west. the space to the west consists of a low, rather flat plateau, (as it appears from the top of kaloo,) this flat belongs to the kohi-baba range; the offsets of the hindoo-koosh to the east and north are ordinarily shaped. all the hills on the north side of the valley disintegrate on their south faces, forming cliffs of partial extent. _13th_.--proceeded to akrobat, ascending the bamean river, and then diverging up a _kotul_ or acclivity of considerable height, but gradual ascent. then descending at once steeply to akrobat, which is about 9,500 feet above the sea. along the river, rosa, hippophae, and salix occur, the two former being abundant. scarcely any change in vegetation occurs: an ephedra, very common up the _kotul_ and abundantly in fruit. the hills are very barren, and nothing remarkable is observable about syghan. apricot constitutes the only fruit tree. salix, populus, and sinjit occur. all the valleys are narrow, and the hills very barren, the chief vegetation being salsolaceae. the vegetation of the valleys is the same as that of bamean; on the north of akrobat two statice occur, one with spathulate leaves scapigerous, the other a tall straggling plant. _22nd_.--erak. the vegetation of kurzar consists of hypericum, salsolaceae, carduacea, and hyoscyamus spinosus, but salsolaceae occur in profusion and several species. hypericum enjoys to perfection, the faculty of condensing water on its leaves, much more so than salsolaceae; it presents an obvious affinity to rutaceae, capsula radiata 5-valvis, loculicida: valvis linea centrali notatis, septis solutis imo apice exceptis. seminibus basi locul. affixis, apice villosis; the tobacco is different from the nicot. tobaccum, cor. virida tubo calyce, duplo longiore lamina brevi plicato: apricots in sheltered places. _24th_.--kurzar. the erak _kotul_ is thickly covered with festuca triticoides, two carduaceae, salvia, artemisiae, and statices on the south side. on the north statices, onosma, and carduaceae are most common, and the vegetation is scantier. ribes is common up the erak ravine; with it, rosa and symphorema are the chief shrubs. ephedra ceases about 10,000 feet. a snake found of general grey colour, with black-brown marking. _26th_.--ascended kohi-baba from upper kaloo, the ascent occupied about five hours, the ridge was surmounted but no view of baissoat was obtained, except that the crest surmounted, as well as the still loftier culminating one belong to ridges running 30 degrees north from a main ridge, the passes of which, although apparently the same height as the peak surmounted, are much more heavily covered with snow. these passes do not appear very difficult. at 2 p.m. set up the barometer on the ridge, the mercury stood 17.354. therm. in cistern, 79.5. detached therm. in sun 85 degrees--on the ground 105 degrees. _september 2nd_.--at 2.5 p.m. the barometer stood 17.356. assuming this to give about 15,000 feet, none of the peaks will be found to be higher than 16,500. the culminating point was close by, and did not appear more than 1,000 feet above me. the different ridges are separated by deep spaces in which snow lies to a considerable extent. having descended a considerable way i again set up the barometer. time 445 p.m. the mercury stood at 18.889. therm. in the cistern. 63 degrees ditto in the air. 68 degrees the vegetation continues unaltered, the same as that of kaloo kotul. carduaceae, astragali, nardoid, bromoid, hordeoid pubescens, and statices. and up to this, which may be assumed as 13,500 feet, the hills present the same features, rounded with a good deal of soil, and large granitic masses. but above this the disintegration of the ridge has reached a great extent; for 1,500 to 2,000 feet the ascent is steep, passing over a profusion of blocks and slabs of granite, generally externally of a dark brown colour; here and there there is some coarse granular soil, and towards the second station, say at an altitude of 14,000 feet, a marshy spot occurred, crowded with primula, together with arenaria, fumaria of erak, ranunculus of hajeeguk, carex, etc. from within 1,000 feet of the summit the ascent was easier, over ground composed entirely of small angular bits of granite, which rock protrudes to the north, forming the south wall of a huge amphitheatre, heavily snowed in places. this granite varies much; being below a coarse quartzose grey rock, above a very compact brown rock, except perhaps in its lowest outcrop, where it has a slaty structure. the second station may be assumed as the lowest limit of the inferior snow line, but this so much depends on casual circumstances that even many places at 15,000 feet are uncovered by snow, which as might be expected is always heaviest in the higher valleys which are least exposed to the sun's rays. the surface of the snow in many places was picturesque, being in the shape of crowded pinnacled ridges, the interstices from 4 to 5 feet deep, holding water or ice. i saw from the summit a flock of the large grouse, and at 14,000 feet, a large hare. the peak surmounted is the lowest, and the nearest to upper kaloo. the granite on the west side formed a precipitous cliff of 200 to 300 feet deep. the vegetation of the slope with small fragments, say between 14 to 15,000 feet was very scanty, a cheiranthus, polygonum scariosum, papaveraceae, phloxoides and statice, being the only plants; and perhaps this may be assumed as having no particular plant, all those enumerated being found below. the vegetation of the steep rugged portion, which contained many patches of snow and better soil, was more varied; in the upper parts of this a carex, two or three graminae, cheiranthus, plectranthus, sedoides, arenaria, potentilla, primula, draboides and brassicacea occurred. a tanacetoid was perhaps the most common. the most alpine forms of these were carex, holcoides, sedoides, statice densissima, and papaveracea; but of these papaveracea, phloxoid, statice densissima, cheiranthus, and polygonum are alone found above. here again the effect of the proximity of a bed of snow in retarding vegetation was most evident. phloxoides elsewhere partly in flower, being found in full flower near one of the beds of snow. it is curious that no green spots are found above, all the water passing down under the soil, the swardy ravines scarcely extend beyond an elevation of 1,500 feet above the camp on upper kaloo. the limit of the grey shrubby salix may be taken as 1,000 feet above that, the other plants are precisely the same as those of other swards; abelia extends higher than salix. the limit of crops is about the same, the issue of the water obviously being in relation to the extent of cultivation by irrigation. the associated plants present no change. _23rd_.--cabul. curious transformation in carthamus was observed, either affecting the involucrum alone, when those branches that would have become flowers become clavate, covered with very dense aristate leaves, or affecting the florets which become more or less converted in the branches. in these the involucre is little altered, and the receptacle is attacked by larva. in certain of these the florets are submitted to very curious metamorphoses, each envelope remaining, but quite green, the stamina being little changed, the pistillum changed into a leaf-bearing branch, the stigmata, etc. into two leaves. this is chiefly remarkable because of the general tardiness of change in the stamina, since it shows that the binary formation of the pistillum is a primary effect: it may be asked, if the number should be 5, why has it not reverted to its original or typical state? the calyx is not reducible to 5. the permanency of the character of aggregate flowers is here shown, as well as in echinops, so that it is scarcely probable we shall ever meet a compositious flower solitary in the axil of an ordinary leaf. to be examined hereafter in detail. if wood is a descending formation, produced by leaves, how are woody tendrils to be accounted for. in the vine the ancient tendrils are perfectly woody, although this may not be true wood, yet it is truly fibrous, and i ask, from what is it formed? the growth of young shoots is at once a proof that the whole system may be formed from ascending growth, for in many we find woody fibre complete, though not indurated, and all the leaves from which wood is said to be formed are only in a rudimentary state. _october 2nd_.--seh-baba. spiraea belloides, commonish on limestone rocks in the ravine near the road which leads from tazeen valley to khubur-i-jubbur. this limestone is in thin strata; the strata are subdivided by quartzose veins, they occur generally at a dip of from 15 to 20 degrees, but are occasionally quite vertical or highly wavy, presenting evidence of concentrated force upwards. the outcrop wears an uniform aspect, and occurs to the north of the ravine. the south here and there presents sheets of rock, the overlying strata having slipped off. the strike of the strata is north and south. coal is said by hatchet to be formed chiefly from the resinous principles of plants,--this would account for its appearance when burnt, which is the same as that of burnt bitumen. but resinous principles are, even when they exist, of partial extent only in plants. in good coal the whole of the vegetable substance seems to be transformed, a supposition barely compatible with hatchet's idea. to study this, extensive examination of coal in all degrees of formation would be necessary, beginning with the wood so curiously changed by the brahmapootra, i.e. brown coal occurring in its sand banks, and which has a very peculiar and disagreeable odour when burning. it would also be necessary to examine how far the coal-plants exhibit vegetable structure, are they mere impressions or are they the plants themselves changed? to what extent do these agree with coal? what particular plants and what parts of these appear to have formed coal? its fibrous structure would hint at formation from the woody system, and it is not incompatible with the _deliquescence_ of a thick layer of drift. the plants of coal fields having been drifted, can only give us an idea of the vegetation along the natural drains of the then country, such may by no means have had _one universal character_. the plants of the open surface of modern tropical countries being generally different from those along the beds of streams, in which situations now-a-days equiseteae, lycopods and filicis are chiefly found. coal being drift, it follows that the plants of the coal fields can give us no information on the distribution of vegetables in those days; to gain information on this, the fossils should be in their original situation. and there again an obstacle may exist in our not being able to ascertain the height or level of that situation. if the plants of coal fields are found to be converted into coal, then the only difference between coal shale, and coal will consist in the very small proportion of vegetable matter in the former. the small number of coal plants, i.e. the small number of species, at once points to the supposition that fossil plants are confined to those of the most indestructible nature: here again is another sign of this in the preponderance of ferns, which lindley finds to be the most permanent. hence the preponderance of ferns, is by no means explainable by their greatest simplicity of form, and consequent priority of formation. chapter xxii. _from peshawur to lahore_. _october 14th_.--peshawur.--cucurbitaceae. the petals of cucurbita were observed in one instance united along two of the corollal sinuses to the staminal column, alternating with the smaller stamina; the processes were produced upwards into petaloid appendages. _17th_.--proceeded to nowshera. as far as pubbe the road extended chiefly through a cultivated country, thence as far as could be judged at night, over a plain country covered with coarse grass, and here and there (whenever a sufficiently gravelly surface occurred) among the thick of _bheir_, which is here used for fences; mudar, aerua, nerioides and adhatoda occurred; _furas_ a common tree. _18th_.--reached khairabad. the same kind of country as about nowshera, stony or sandy, with extensive tracts covered with _bheir_, mudar, and aerua as before, mimosa common towards geedur gulli, and on it also kureel, which appears for the first time as it was not seen about jumrood. on to-day's march many grasses are apparent, the pale saccharoid grass of jugdulluck common, a species of cynodon (given to me by dr. ritchie at dhukk) very common, a pommereullioid, a curious schoenanthus, a poa, all are coarse and cover a large tract towards geedur gulli: barleria spinosa appears. geedur gulli is a ravine winding in and out in a curious manner among low hills at the north-west end of what is called the afredi spur. mimosa very common, kureel, dodonaea and edgeworthia, neither very common, but moarcurra and euonymus are both rather common. _mudar_ common; some andropogons, of which one is the same as that of the khyber. _bheir_ very common, also a mimosa like the common _babool_, but flowers unscented. chokeys, or police stations are situated along the whole line of road to peshawur. adhatoda common at the entrance to geedur gulli where the scenery is rather pretty; adiantum common on banks near the water; the hills of geedur gulli are rather thickly sprinkled with wood. the cabul river is here a large stream, with a moderate confined bed between high banks on which akora and khairabad are situated. the view of the indus from geedur gulli presents a desolate look of sand, which extends over a large space visible through a break in the hills to the north. the passage of the indus through the attock range seen from the same point is curious; but general remarks on scenery can be of no use, except when they are founded on an intimate acquaintance with the country. the most natural course, i.e. one less impeded by mountains, would seem to be to the east instead of south. [diagram of attock range: m491.jpg] mulberry, salix angustifolia, or willow, and _buckein_, were seen at attock. the scenery is not however bold, but on the contrary very poor compared with the defiles of the irrawadi. the hills are low, rounded, and present no precipices of striking dimensions. an old fort situated near the junction of the rivers is a handsome looking building, but completely commanded. a large serai or place for travellers is situated near it to the north. the water of the indus is muddy, but presents nothing remarkable in temperature. the analogous points between the indus and irrawadi consist in defiles and the want of branches for a long way above their mouths. jackdaws were the first old acquaintances i met with on entering peshawur; and the common kite, the affghan one not having the same thrilling cry that the indian one has; grey partridges are found about nowshera; as also kuchaloo or yams. _19th_.--proceeded over the plain to chuch and khot-bha, winding along the attock hill round to the fort, and passing the serai, and another smaller one in ruins near the plains, thence over level ground to within two miles of bhowli, where conspicuous trees were observed, otherwise the plain is rather barren, a few _bheirs_ and some phoenix only occurring about villages on hills. the vegetation is the same. chuch plain, where not cultivated, is covered with short coarse grasses, andropogoneae. among these a large-leaved salvia occurs. the forms presented by the vegetation are however very little diversified. mudar, a small-fruited kochia, like that of jallalabad; boerhaavia very common. cultivation is conducted in _bheir_ fences, and consists of indian-corn, _bajra_, and cotton. from the attock hills, the indus is seen much divided by beds of sand, and churs or islands covered with a large purple saccharum. peganum continues to attock and even extends beyond. water plants of chuch, trapa, valisneria verticillata, and nymphaea. shumshbad.--this town lies to the left of the road, one mile in the rear of my encampment. the spines of barleria are evidently axillary, as is seen in young branches, probably they represent the lower pair of leaves of the lateral branches, the terminal parts of which have a tendency to develop. the spines of mimosa belong evidently to the same exertion as the leaf; they are connate at the base, and from the centre of this hardened part, arises the leaf; they may be either the lower pinnae, or they may be _spurious_ stipulae. the leaves developed within the true ones belong to an ill-developed branch. true stipulae are leaves with a distinct origin. spurious stipulae belong to their leaves, as is evident from their not having a distinct origin. _20th_.--hussun abdul. until we came near the boorhan valley, the road passed over a high, dry, sandy plain, with no cultivation, and no water, then the descent took place through picturesque raviny ground with a few isolated mounds, to a fine clear stream. the remaining part extended either along the cultivation of the boorhan valley, or through similar raviny ground. two streams were passed, the last is the hussun abdul river. the vegetation of the high plain continues the same. _bheir_, mimosa, _kureel_, aerua, mudar, andropogoneae, pommereullia, oegilops, salvia, and crotalaria aphylla. among the ravines and thence to hussun abdul, a new feature presents itself in the frequency of a largish mimosa, probably that of the khyber pass. this forms prettily wooded scenery, the white thorned mimosa also occurs, moacurra none, euonymus, _bheir_. about boorhan a ficus becomes very common, achyranthes, kochia fructibus parvis, salvia, serratuloid of ali-baghan and ichardeh. paganum common--adhatoda and vitex. in scenery the country is pretty, particularly after passing the last river: a dampish spot was passed at bhowli: a large acacia, melanoxylon and pteris were found on the river banks. dodonaea seen on low hills near bhowli, as also adiantum. started at 5 hours 40 minutes and reached at 11.30; distance at least eighteen miles. hussun abdul, is a pretty place, particularly the broken ground about the sacred stream, and the tank, in which mahaseers abound; the water beautiful, many trees occur, especially morus, salix and ficus. zyziphus is a fine tree here, phoenix, khuggur, bukkein, ficus, and cupressus occur. the jackdaw, _mina_, blue and chesnut kingfisher, a noisy bird. the small kingfisher, black and white kingfisher common: myophonus, pomatorrhinus. _21st_.--the chief cultivation here is _bajra_, and zea maize. the former produces a second crop from branches; hence it is left standing after the top spike, which is the largest, is picked; vegetation chiefly indian, very few affghan forms remaining, those of the hills are mimosa, adhatoda, and euonymus. the water plants are all decidedly tropical; no epilobium seen since leaving peshawar: eclipta, cyperaceae. trichodesma, cannabis. fish have few engaging habits, the tame mahaseers take no notice of any one until food is thrown to them. tagetes, _sud buruk_, is a curious genus, on account of its simple tubular involucrum, very entire and pappus florets, conduplicate in aestivation, all florets faeminine are ligulate; are the folded up ones representations of the males? _22nd_.--to janika sung, seventeen miles: the country continues much the same. the road passes out of _hussun abdul_ over a low stony elevation, and enters another valley, the exit from which is through the maha gullah: a large serai is passed about two and a half miles from the boorgi; in the gullah near this, is a portion of a formed road. janika sung is a small village, about five miles from the boorgi. the face of the country is undulated, intersected by ravines, rather thickly covered with the large mimosa and _bheir_: the same may be seen in every direction. affghan plants have nearly ended, moacurra and euonymus alone continuing. at the maha gullah a carissa, and a _zaitoon_, ehretioides. this defile is picturesque, the wood prettily contrasted with bits of grassy ground. adhatoda in abundance. the maha gullah was formerly a notorious place for robbers, but is now quite safe, which says much for the seikh rule. there was not much cultivation passed to-day, although most of the surface is fit for it: water is near the surface. the maha gullah range is composed of limestone. the white-spined mimosa and crooked-spined one change places, the former occupies uncultivated plains, the latter stony, undulated, or hilly ground. carissa certainly represents jasminum. on the kaliki serai plain the chief plant is mimosa albispina, then _bheir_--here and there patches of leguminosa, like the cytisoides, so common in affghanistan. in the _bheir_ thickets schoenanthus is common; andropogon and pommereullioid also occur. in the hussun abdul river there is a species of perilampus approaching to leuciscus, but with faint bars. in the sacred stream there is a small cyprinoid, probably a systomus, with a conspicuous spot on either side near the tail: there is also a small loach. the mahaseer in the water is a handsome fish, the edges of the scales being then blackish, as is also the longitudinal line. it is curious that all plants hitherto found parasitical on roots, have no green leaves; to this, marked exceptions exists in cuscuta and cassytha, such true-leaved parasites being found only on the ascending axis; this rule is so permanent, that species of certain genera, such as burmannia, the bulk of which are not parasitical, have no leaves. the mode of attachment of all parasitical plants is i think the same, otherwise i should suspect the above difference to point to a marked one in the nature of the fluid derived from the stock: thus leafless plants might be supposed to induce no particular change in the fluid they imbibe, while the others might be supposed to elaborate their own from that of the stock. there is another very remarkable circumstance connected with the most typical leafless parasites, in their very frequent limitation to the genus cissus, on which perhaps all rafflesiaceae and cynomorieae are exclusively found. my chief reason for supposing sarcocodon to be monocotyledonous, or rather endogenous, is the ternary division of its parts, and if my supposition be correct, it tends to establish, if indeed other ample evidence did not exist, the great permanence and consequent value of this numerical character. and with respect to sarcocoidalis i shall adopt the same opinion, if i find on enquiry that a binary number, and imperfection of the female as compared with the male, are more characteristic of endogenous than of exogenous growth. this same genus i consider in both these characters to allude to some analogy with one or more acrogenous divisions. the establishment of the order of rhizanths, as well as that of gymnosperms, i consider as a retrograde step in botanical science. it is totally opposed to all sound principles of classification, and is a proof that, in the nineteenth century, arbitrary characters are still sought for, and when found are obstinately maintained. even in the arbitrary character, which is considered as destructive of all their other claims to ordinary vegetable rank, there is no unison whatever, for rafflesiaceae have ordinary ovula, while sarcocoidalis very extraordinary. the amount of testimony proving their analogy in germination to be with acrogens, must be very strong before i am convinced that plants with perfect ovula as rafflesia, etc. germinate from an indeterminate point, the existence of an aperture in the coats, points in the most marked manner to some part representing a radicle. with the exception perhaps of sarcocoidalis, these plants differ in no respect whatever from other phaenogamous vegetables; we have instances of the same parasitical growth, and instances of the same apparent want of a radicle or homogeneousness of embryo, and in the structure of the parts of the flower there is tolerably absolute general identity. it may be worthy of remark, as tending to prove the soundness of mr. brown's views with regard to the affinity of rafflesia with aristolochia, that a certain large and fleshy flowered species of the latter genus has the same putrescent smelling flowers. in rhizantheae, as proposed by endlicher, we have an assemblage of discordant characters; we have plants associated, differing in the number of their parts; we have some of comparatively simple roots associated with others of decidedly complex organization; we have rafflesia in which highly complex female parts exist, associated with sarcocoidalis, in which these are very simple. but besides the objection of combining discrepancies on the strength of one agreement, the establishment of divisions upon such pretexts is objectionable in another point of view; viz., that of making a transition of structure on one point, instead of in several. we might as well form into one division all the ternarily formed dicotyledons, and into another all those monocotyledonous plants with evident distinction between the calyx and corolla. but in addition to reasons founded on structure, i have this theoretical one, that it is as requisite that endogens should establish a similar relation with acrogens; otherwise a gradation exists between the first and third classes, and none between the second and third, between which, gradations ought to be the more frequent. as rafflesia approaches aristolochia, so does sarcocodon, taccaceae. _23rd_.--rawil pendi. the country continues much the same to within five or six miles of this place, viz. high raviny ground, well covered with mimosa, _bheir_, etc. thence to pendi, the country is open, bare, and much cultivated. from high ground near pendi a considerable tract is visible, consisting of low ridges running nearly due south, interrupted here and there, and apparently quite bare. _24th_.--to manikyala, distance nineteen miles, over an elevated country, with not much cultivation; broken ground occurs here and there, especially near the river hoomook, now a small stream, the road winding through mimosa jungle. _moacurra_, _bheir_, euonymus. at a place about three miles from manikyala, are the remains of a serai now in ruins. from this to metope, the road extends over an open country capable of cultivation, but neglected. water in wells is thirty feet perhaps below the surface: the country about tope very bare of trees. a curious low chain of sandstone rocks here occurs, and occasionally protrudes in places from below the soil, seldom rising above five feet and occasionally dilated into undulated tracts. drill husbandry, (i.e. seeds sown after the plough,) seems much in practice here. the late noise about improving pasture grasses has been made with little reference to the nature of an indian climate, or the genius of the indian people. pasture grasses only excel in countries where there is no division of climate into hot, rainy, and cold seasons; but not in those in which rain is equally, or nearly so distributed throughout the year. so far as i know, no place in india is calculated for pasture grass cultivation, because as none of excellent kinds can succeed without irrigation, this element of indian agriculture is applied to more profitable cultures, such as artificial grasses. in the cold season and the rains, nature supplies _dhoob_ grass bountifully, leaving the natives to apply their agricultural labour to other objects, and in such seasons the condition of cattle is decidedly good. manikyala tope, seen from near rawil pendi, is an insignificant building, and presents the same architecture as other topes, and as the cabul tower, although it is not of the same materials. the lower part of the base is of pure sandstone, the upper of a stalactital conglomerate of small pebbles, often perforated. the terraces at the base are now almost hid by rubbish, so that the whole looks like an overgrown dome or a low mound. there are three stone ledges below, with flat pilasters between the middle and lower ledge on the sides. the dome is much damaged. the stones of which the building was erected, were not hewn inside, but i do not know whether they have not been cemented together. access is easy to the top partly by means of broken steps, otherwise the stones gave good footing. the top of the ruin is now open and discloses a square _funnel_, penetrating half the height of building; thence modern handiwork has caused a broken irregular perforation. the building is not remarkable for great size, nor are any of the stones large, still as a piece of architecture it is far superior to any thing in modern affghanistan. the country around is very bare and sufficiently open. it is curious that there are many indian plants found on or about the building, all indicating a decided approach to hindoostan. a sida, euonymus, bheir, lantana, and a menispermum, are common shrubs on the building, also solanum quercifolium, spinis albis floribus coeruleo purpureis. _25th_.--to puttiana, seventeen to eighteen miles; the country much the same, little wood but bushes of the old trees: it is tolerably open until pukkee serai is approached, when it becomes very much broken and intersected by ravines in every direction, showing most forcibly the action of water, many of the cliffs thus formed are picturesque. at pukkee a small river is forded, thence to near puttiana the country then becomes almost as raviny as before. aerua, bheir, mudar, a kochia, much like one of the cutch ones, and the before-mentioned plants continue. _26th_.--to bukriala, twenty-two miles. from puttiana the road is good, extended over a high open country, except where it crosses two ravines; the first of these containing a stream of water, about ten miles from puttiana. from tammuch the road descends steeply into the bukriala kakhudd ravine, which takes you to bukriala. this ravine runs through a system of sandstone hills, of a blueish muddy aspect, and red clayey earth, often conglomerate. in colours not unlike the bamean district. water is plentiful in pools throughout the lower half of the road, which is all descent. bukriala stands on the right bank of the khudd river towards its mouth, the vegetation about this place resembles that of the open country, and is unchanged in the khudd river, consisting of kochia, _phulahi_, and mimosa albispina, euonymus, _bheir_, adhatoda, barleria, _kureel_, and capparis of gundamuck; also pommereullioid, andropogon, schoenanthus, holcus, and stipa of kuta sung, carallunia, grewia and menispermum of manikyala. also two plants not before seen, and neither common, one is a butea, leguminous velutino pubescent arbor, it is the _chuchra_ of the natives, and is used for paper. the other is a curious, leafless, scandent, monocotyledon. asparaginea, and an apocynea. alhaji maurorum is not found between this and hussun abdul, which is a curious thing. _27th_.--to rotas. the country to mittian is very much broken and consequently difficult, consisting entirely of ups and downs: the road is only practicable for cattle; the bad part of it commences with an abrupt ascent. about puttiana, four miles from bukriala, it becomes better, but it continues partially raviny until within four miles of rotas, when the country becomes open, and the road good. vegetation continues precisely the same, being still in the region of _phulahi_: observed the asparaginea again, euonymus continues, also astragalus, a kochia, and an affghan chenopodium. a beautiful _bhowli_ or spring is passed on the way two miles from rotas, it is covered with masonry, and the descent is by means of steps; the water passes under large arches, a work worthy of the mogul emperors. sissoo, peroplocea of bolan, common. rotas is an immense irregular fortress, with the usual faults: it is much too large, and situated on a rocky plain partially commanded. it must have once contained a large number of inhabitants. nelumbium, potamogeton: half a mile from rotas towards peshawur, a square serai, enclosing a garden, is passed. the country immediately about it on the west is open: and well cultivated: there is but little water in the river. the town or village is of no size. butea not uncommon. _28th_.--proceeded to jhilun. the road is at first steep, as it passes down along the rotas river, about three miles from thence it is good, extending over a plain to the jhilun. fine cultivation observed on all sides, and of various sorts, chiefly _bajra_ and _kureel_. dhah abundant, but not arborescent, euonymus, peganum, _bheir_, and _phulahi_, the latter very dwarfish. mimosa albispina and adhatoda very common. the commonest tree in these countries is _bheir_, and a very handsome tree it is; _nihi-joari_ cultivated. _sun_ and _tel_ occur, the last is very common. yesterday a new cultivation presented of a composite plant, called _kalizeen_, used as spice or _musala_ for horses. the birds observed were haematornis, crateropod, sylvia, alauda cristata, alauda alia in flocks. the town of jhilun stands immediately on the right bank of the river of that name, it is a large and flourishing place. the river is about 200 yards broad, not rapid, but here and there deep, and the bed at this place forms one undivided channel. the right bank on which the town stands has a stony sloping shore, the left is sandy. it is a mistake to suppose that the hilly country ceases here, on the contrary, it crosses the jhilun. at the ferry this river runs through a large valley, bounded to the west by hills like those to which we have been accustomed; to the east it is bounded by a low chain, which runs parallel with the general course of the river. the valley is open only to the north and south. otters, tortoises, and mahaseer were seen in the river. _29th_.--to sera, twenty-four miles, half the distance extended over the uncultivated base of the hills, and then over the low range itself, from which at two points, fine views are obtained of the vast plain of the punjab. throughout this vast surface the vegetation is exactly the same--euonymus continuing, peganum and _phulahi_ forming chief vegetation; numbers of white partridge occur. in the plains _dhah_ is found in profusion, especially where the cultivation is not extensive. a new acacia appears, the _kikkur_, forming groves about most of the villages. noticed the physaloides of lundykhanah. encamped under a fine mimosa and _bheir_ near an old serai which forms part of the village, with a splendid view of the himalayas stretching away from east to west. it appears from this direction as if there was only one low range between the plains and the culminating range of the himalayas. nothing like these mountains has been seen in khorassan. the chief cultivation about here is _nihi-joari_, then _bajra_--why is the former always bent? prickly pear common from where we crossed the jhilun river. a curious metamorphosis of sesamum is of common occurrence: the calyx being unchanged, while the corolla preserves somewhat its shape, but is foliaceous, the other organs are much transformed, the ovary less so than the stamina, but generally much enlarged; _ovules in leaves_ inside. this is worthy of examination, as it shows very plainly the origin of the stigmata from the placentae. _30th_.--halted owing to having been robbed of two horses. _31st_.--wuzerabad, twenty-four miles. ten miles from wuzerabad the road extended through a highly cultivated country, and crossed the chenab, on the left bank of which river wuzerabad is situated. the chenab is a fine river, the stream 150 yards wide, but on either side extensive beds of sand show that the river during some seasons is of great width. wuzerabad is a nice well built town, having a fine straight bazaar, with paved street. the chief gateways and residences built by general avitabile. chilodia occurs in abundance, eleusine sp., e. coracana; _bajra_ and _joari nihi_ being the prevailing cultivation. it is curious that in phulahi major of sera and the _kikkur_, the young branches only are armed with thorns, so that the spines must be deciduous in certain species of mimosa. cactus is an instance of a calyx composed of a congeries of adherent leaves, which leaves produce from their axilla, tufts of white hair and thorns; or is it not an instance of an axis hollowed out towards the apex, to the sides of which the ovary finally adheres, in this case the outermost series of the perianth will be calyx; one reason for adopting this supposition, besides the axillary bodies, is that there is no gradation between the small concave leaves of the calyx, and the outer series of the perianth. _november 1st_.--halted for fishing: cyorinus mrigala, is the _mhoori_ of these parts; it grows to a large size, is a handsome fish, and is indeed considered the king of fishes by the punjabees. the intestines are in longitudinal folds of extremely small comparative diameter, and enormous length; in a large specimen it is twenty-three times the length of the body. the intestines of the _mahaseer_ are on the other hand only two and a quarter times the length of the body! of the fish obtained, two are perilamps, here called _rohi_, 5 or 6 cyprinides, 4 or 5 siluri, 2 ophiocephali, 1 esox. indeed i obtained a list of twenty-four species. _2nd_.--to goograuwala, twenty-four and a half miles, over a fine populous generally cultivated country. goograuwala is a large town, having the streets paved with brick like those of wuzerabad. cactus very common; _kikkur_ (mimosa) is the chief tree here about the _fukeer's_ abodes. the banyan also occurs. peganum and kochia of jallalabad continue. there is a fort of some size close to this town, built of mud; the ditch is unfinished, and not deep, it has a fau-se-braie, with bastions like those at peshawur and jumrood. the surface of the ground is much broken close up to it, the earth being taken away for bricks. _3rd_.--proceeded to koori, an inconspicuous village, belonging to m. court; it is surrounded by extensive plains, on which a tall grass occurs to a great extent. distance twenty-eight and a half miles, the time taken for to-day's journey was six and a quarter hours. the country is precisely similar to that previously noticed, the only new feature being the grassy plains, in which at some little distance from koori, deer, partridge, hares, etc. are said to abound. a sissoo-like tree is not uncommon. _4th_.--to shah durrah, twenty-three and a half miles at nunzul, eight miles from shah durrah, a fort with ditch out of repair was passed, at koori ten miles from shah durrah, passed a deep nullah called baghbuchah, with high banks, thence entered on a tract of country covered with saccharum, (_moong_), from which ropes are made; (this is the same as the chuch species,) we next entered on cultivation close to shah durrah, which place is well wooded. mangoe trees, _ams_, eugenia jambolana, _jams_, _bheirs_, phoenix, _kikkur_, and ficus, are the principal trees. the grassy tracts of the punjab represent probably the original vegetation, existing now only here and there owing to the extension of cultivation. from shah durrah lahore is visible, particularly the buildings of the mogul emperor's, consisting of a conspicuous dome in ruins, and some minarets, a large serai likewise going to ruin, standing in the immediate vicinity of the royal gardens, lahore is decidedly a handsome looking city viewed from shah durrah. so great is the tendency in palms to throw out roots towards the base, that these roots exist in the common _khujoor_, although they have to get rid of the indurated bases of the petioles before they can make their exit. they are so extremely short and indurate that it is difficult to imagine the function they perform; at first they are capable probably of absorbing from the air. _5th_.--proceeded to general court's house at lahore, distance six miles, the road after crossing the ravee river near a royal summer house of no extraordinary merits, passes on to the town, and then winds round under the simon boorge, a very striking part, at least exteriorly of the city, for the buildings, works, etc. are in good repair. besides this the ground outside is swardy and prettily wooded. chapter xxiii. _from lahore to simla_. lahore is surrounded by a ditch and wall, the work of former emperors' of delhi; the environs of the city, particularly towards m. court's residence, are studded with mosques, etc. mostly half ruined, and the ground is literally strewn with old bricks, so that the city must at one time have been an enormous one. seikh troops in large numbers are cantoned round to the east and southeast skirts of the town, in low pucka barracks. several low mounds apparently unconnected with ruins, occur in this direction. i arrived to hear of the death of kurruck sing, who was burned the same day with five women; after the ceremony a scaffolding fell down, wounding nehal sing dangerously in the head, and killing the son of goolab sing. late in the evening the maharajah was senseless. it is a curious thing, that the prince who this day ascended the _guddee_, and goolab sing, had been active intriguers against kurruck sing, who is said to have had his death hastened through chagrin at witnessing nehal sing's usurpation of power. _6th_.--not much cultivation was observed on the road to-day, which extended over a naked marshy saline plain, or through a _kureel_, and small _jundy_ and _phulahi_ district. to kanah, seventeen miles--_jundy_, _kureel_ and _bheir_ occur extensively. _jundy_ is a low prickly shrub, mimosa. there is something curious both in the surface of the cavity enclosing the seed, and in that of the seed itself of acacia serissa. the former presents the distinct appearance of a straight line, originating in the same spot as the funicle, and terminating in a very well marked, circular depression; it is formed by the funicle as far as the cells of the legume. if a section be made through the seed longitudinally and its cell parallel with the plane of the legume, this mark will be found on both sides of the cell, but more distinct on one than the other. the mark on the seed by no means relates to this, at least it does not correspond with it, for it consists of a somewhat reniform elevated ridge, the ends of which do not meet, but one of which originates from an elevation to which the depression would seem to respond. the straight line does not correspond with the funicle, which is not straight, but is pushed up in a curved form against the upper edge of the cell. it corresponds, however, with a straight subclavated line running from the hilum to the elevation whence the curved line originates, although this correspondence is not always well marked. [sketch of jundy seed: m504.jpg] the above marking, corresponding as it does in the flat part of the legume with the funicle, evidently points to a peculiarity in the distribution of the vascular system; probably it consists of the testa, and if so, it is worthy of remark, as the main vessels ordinarily a single one, run along the edge, and not on the flat surface of the fruit. i know of no similar instance; in this plant the vessels of the testa are distributed primarily at right angles with the placenta, and not in parallel lines with that organ. if the seed were depressed instead of compressed, it would not present this peculiarity, although even then the two primary vessels would be remarkable. from this instance it may be assumed that the hilum may only be defined correctly as the spot of union between the body of the seed and the funiculus. the leaflets of the plumula are pinnate. it is also curious that the distribution of green parenchyma is along the course of the veins of the legume, and that there is a more minute reticulation, and a greater development of the green colour on the faces of the cells, than on any other part of the surface of the legume. there is no difference appreciable by the naked eye between the placental and dorsal sutures, with the exception of the sutural line of union, which has the usual relation with the axis of the head of the flowers--euphorbia occurs here. the affinity of cacteae with grossulaceae is questionable, the systems of organization being very different. query--what instances are there of affinity between inferior ovary plants, with distinct definite envelopes and stamina, and plants with a perhaps similar ovary, but with indefinite envelopes and definite stamina with a want of correspondence in the structure of the fruit? _7th_.--to kussoor, twenty miles. the road extended generally through a _jundy_ country: about half-way salvadora appears in abundance. kussoor is a large well-built town, consisting of three separate parts, each surrounded by a _pucka_ wall furnished with bastions: these three parts are at some distance from each other. _furas_ tree common. _8th_.--ferozepore. about this place two species of kochia occur, and artemisia is not uncommon. the serratuloides of alli-baghan and ichardeh in profusion, affording cover for game. _16th to 21st_.--loodianah. in the nullah, butomus begonifolius occurs. the following are the fish of loodianah taken both from the nullah and the sutledge. _roh_.--cyprinus (cirrhinus), a large, very handsome, excellent, orangebrown fish, takes a bait but is capricious. _rohoo_.--a sombre black-brown fish, intestines several times the length of the body, said to be the young of the above. both these are different from the roh or ruee of the ganges. _coorsah_.--labeo cursis, a definite scaled sombre fish, it is good food, and attains the size of two to three seers; intestines twice the length of the body, very narrow. _kkul bhans_.--cirrhinus calbasu, a sombre looking breamoid-shaped fish, attains the same size as the above, and is reputed to be excellent food. _mhirgh_.--gobio mrigala, a handsome fish, particularly when young; form very elegant, intestines fourteen times the length of the body; excellent food. _bura raiwah_.--gobio rewah, a very handsome, eight-cornered, scaled fish, with orange fins and golden sides: takes no bait? _chota raiwah_.--gobio occurs in shoals--either occupied in busily turning up its silvery sides against the bottom, or at the surface, above which it may be seen protruding its head. _bhangun_.--gobio, a handsome fish, not esteemed. _potea_.--systomus, takes bait--worms; affords good sport and reaches to one seer, but is not esteemed; colours ordinary. _systomus_, a beautiful fish, back shining green, sides yellow, scales beautifully striate, with a spot near the tail; mostly found in still water. _gonorrhynchus_.--snout rough, colours sombre, belly somewhat protuberant; found with systomus. the intestines are of the usual form of the genus. gonorrhynchus, a sombre smaller fish, found in still water. _bura chalwa_.--much esteemed as food in the districts of the sutledge. _perilampus_.--intestines shorter than the body, having at the lower end a short curve; above green, from lateral line downwards silvery. _moh_.--a _siluroid_ fish, does not attain the size of the real moh, which is a higher or deeper formed fish. _tengrei_.--silurus platycephalus. attains a very large size. _gudha_.--a percoid. colour irregular brown, mouth very protractile. _gughal_.--ophiocephalus, a handsome fish, back rich greenish, mottled brown, with 3 or 4 black spots on the sides, which are yellow, passing off into white, and a peacock spot on the tail. fins spotted with white: it reaches a large size. _bham_.--macrognathus, body eel-shaped, with a row of movable spines along the back. about loodianah, the naiad of affghanistan, monandra, stigmatibus reniformibus, is common in the nullah, so also is butomus begonifolius, but this may be a leafless form of sagittaria. towards roopur, sissoo becomes more and more common. roopur is a largish town, with a seikh pucka fort on a mound. the fort is surrounded by a dry ditch. the town is situated on a low, rather rugged ground, forming the first elevations of the surface towards the himalayas; beyond it to the north-east is a low spur, also to the west a similar spur, very barren, rugged, clayey rock forming the immediate bank of the river. every thing assimilates to the bukriala and jhilun ranges. saccharum, _moong_, as before, _bheir_ likewise occurs. phoenix, dalbergia sissoo, ficus, adhatoda, boerhaavia scandens, hyperanthera, morus, apluda, tamarisk, riccia, ammannia, euphorbia antiquorum, cactus, and dodonaea, form the chief vegetation. some rapids occur near the bungalow: the strongest is under a cliff on the opposite side; no fish rose to red or black hackle or orange flies, all which were tried in vain in the deep still water close under bungalow. the plants of this place are guilandina, grewia arbuscula in fruit, justicia, _bheir_, _neem_, mango, parkinsonia, the latter rare. fish caught in net are mullet, this fish is very active, and escapes by jumping over. silurus, mahaseer, several of the latter taken at a haul, the largest 10 lbs., it is a beautiful fish with golden sides, scales black, with the anterior half bluish-black, posterior half tawny-yellow, fins orange, lips very thick and leathery; it lives half or three-quarters of an hour after it is taken out of its element. the _nepura_ of the natives, gobio malacostoma, or rock carp of gray, hardwicke's illustrations, is the _puhar-ka muchee_ of these parts: it has the base and edges of the scales dull greenish-blue, fins dusky, a transverse pink line across the scales; the length of the intestines is twenty-two and a half times that of the body, filled with mud and coloured pulp, stomach continuous with the intestine, and more fleshy, filled with green and whitish pulp, and disposed in longitudinal folds. the _bangun_, roh, (gobio) is a splendid fish, base and edges of the scales dusky brown, otherwise refulgent gilded, belly white, fins dusky, head greenish-brown, less gilding about the dorsal scales. this fish i have not seen elsewhere. length of intestines disposed in longitudinal folds, the posterior of which are nearly as long as abdominal cavity, the whole twenty-seven and a half times the length of the body. organization and contents as in _nepura_. the breadth or depth of this fish immediately behind the opercule three inches, across the body, opposite the first ray of dorsal fin, five inches, first ray of anal three inches, length twenty-two inches. query--in which part of a fish intestines like that of the mahaseer, is the chief digestion carried on? _27th_.--to nalighur bungalow, the distance rather less than sixteen, but over fourteen miles through a similar country to that round roopur. the road passes a large village called canowli; at rather less than about half-way it extended across a sandy dry river bed of some extent, on the right bank of which, at the highest part, is a seikh brick fort. the road subsequently passes the sursa, a small shallow rapid stream. the dry bed of which turns up on the south side of the low range to the south of nalighur valley. no change in vegetation takes place, except the occurrence of a croton, much like that of the pagoda near canowli. trees observed--eugenia jambolana, mangifera indica, ficus, _bheir_, _neem_ or melia azadarach, parkinsonia about the bungalow. toon, cordia, bauhinia, bambusa, emblica, morus, plumeria, mudar, saccharum, _moong_, bheir fruticos and kikkur are the most common indigenous forms. dhak in patches here and there: cassia also occurs. nalighur consists of a village and fort, the latter situated to the northeast half-way up a range of hills, the country about very barren. indeed the aspect of the country is much like that between hussun abdul and the jhilun, except in the rarity of _phulahi_. a great affinity exists in foliation between terebinthace and sapindaceae. also both in foliation, flowers, and habit, between myrtaceae and guttiferae, the only material differences being in aroma, and adherent ovary. the plants observed about nalighur bungalow, exclusive of species collected, were cassia lanceolatoid, this is the common indian _tora_, acacia, _rairoo_, achyranthes aspera, digera arvensis, polanisia viscosa, carissa, carandas, bheir frutex, coccinea communis, cucurbita, sida multilocularis, amaranthus? spicatus, cassia fistula. eleusine _echinata_; poa very common, as well as _dhoob_. in gardens--tabernamontana coronaria, _bhee_, chrysanthemum double and ligulate. of birds, _pica vagans_. _28th_.--from nalighur to ramgurh, a good ten miles. the road first ascends through and above the town, then follows a short twisting descent, and soon after a very long but not very steep ascent, until it comes over the ravine of the ramgurh river, and the descent to that torrent; thence an uninterrupted steep ascent about as much as the descent to ramgurh. there is no bungalow at this stage, merely a few shops and sheds. the fort is situated to the left of and 600 feet above the town. from ramgurh to sahee bungalow, the distance is eight miles, there is a steep descent to sursa torrent, which contains very little water, then a rather long and gradual ascent, then descend to the gumbur river. the road then extends up this ascent for one and a half mile, and continues ascending on the right bank until within half a mile of the bungalow, to which there is a slight descent. there is no made road along the gumbur, and i missed or did not observe the soorog river. the gumbur is a clear, good-sized stream, fordable about the rapids, bed narrow confined. the hills traversed were comparatively barren, and decidedly uninteresting. however much in appearance they may here and there assimilate to the khorassan hills, no identity in vegetation exists except perhaps in the apocynum found at attock. the country is cultivated with great labour, and the villages though small are numerous, and present a look of plenty, like english white-washed cottages. there is a difference between the vegetation of the hills near the plains and those in the interior. on the former there are scarcely any trees, and adhatoda occurs in greater profusion than elsewhere. the himalayan provinces here present an extreme affinity with the same range to the eastward, as bootan and mussoorie, but the forms are by no means so frequent--i.e. species are not so numerous. throughout the above twentyeight miles the vegetation is tropical: a few european forms occur as one gets into the hills, but they are of no great value. the chief arboreous vegetation consists of rubiaceae, mimoseae, cassiaceae (_bauhinia_), bignoniaceae, and myrtaceae. these are much the most common between ramgurh and the ridge over naligurh. here also nyctanthes is very common; zanthoxylon also occurs here and there like an ash. on the ridge above ramgurh, adhatoda is very common; carandas likewise occurs, but is not very common; eranthemoides is rather common, but this occurs in profusion on the descent; cassia tora, o. lanceolata, and peristrophe occur. on the descent from the above ridge, porana appears. lemon-grass, bambusifolia, cryptogramae calamelanos, adiantum flagelliformis. on the long ascent grislea, acacia, bheir, zanthoxylon, cordia, nyctanthes, myrtaceae 1-2, wendlandia, bignonia, randia, and two or three other trees about houses, a species of ficus; euphorbia antiquorum common on the drier parts. on the ascent from the torrent, the vegetation is thick. bauhinia scandens, carandas, butea, erythrina, neither common, others as before: loranthus. at ramgurh, peepul, erythrina, rhus planted; euphorbia antiquorum very common, cassia tora, c. lanceolata, carandas common, kalanchoe integrifolia, adhatoda not rare, scarcely a single wild tree. scutellaria occurs on the descent. rubus, berberis, gnaphalium. on the ascent from sursa, geranium, clematis, asparagus, trichodesma of the plains, bombax (young), bambusa, hiroea, dioscorea, fragaria, adiantum flagelliformis, calomelanos, saccharum, _moong_, acacia, adhatoda, vitex, etc. as before, but trees are not common, except ficus and _bheir_ in profusion. descent to the gumbur the same. pyrus pomum appears, carandas, anatherum muricatum, briedleioides common. along the gumbur river, pyrus, adhatoda, mimosa, dalbergia sissoo, myrtaceae, euphorbia, etc. continue as before. between nalighur and the commencement of the descent to the gumbur, and especially between the sursa and that descent, the chief vegetation is tropical grasses, such as andropogons. along the gumbur, the hills are well covered with tall bushes. carandas common, but little if any grass. fossil shells are found along the gumbur. of birds pica vagans, haematornis, and several sylviae were observed. about sahi, young pinus longifolia; all around, the hills are of the same aspect. no fish were seen in the gumbur, although i crossed it several times. the view of the plains shows the commencement of the great chain stretching out in low, very much undulated hillocks, precisely as in khorassan. _29th_.--proceeded from syree to konyar: this i think the longest of the marches to loodianah, and is nothing but one series of ascents and descents chiefly along the gumbur ravine: at the foot of ascent to the konyar, the road crosses a considerable stream, and nearly at the summit of the ascent, branches off to soobathoo. konyar is a rather large village, well ornamented with trees, in rather a fine sort of valley, every inch of which is cultivated. the tank adjacent to the village is well stocked with nelumbium. to syree, the distance is eight and a half to nine miles. the road crosses the konyar village and valley, then ascends to the south-east, and continues ascending gradually by an excellent road for a considerable way, then it skirts a ridge and comes on the grand soobathoo road. from this a short but steep ascent, followed by a descent of a mile and a quarter, conducts you to the bungalow. no change occurs in the vegetation. the hills are more grassy and more bare of trees, especially near syree, but this is partly owing to cultivation. the principal woody feature is euphorbia antiquorum. the plants before noticed occur throughout, except about syree, where scarcely a shrub is to be seen, nothing but burnt up grasses. at sahi, roylea appears, also an odd-looking modeeca and a deeringia. near these is also an asplenium, echites. at konyar, prinsepia appears, and continues becoming more and more frequent up to syree. towards this place v. reniformis is seen, not a single northern grass, although syree must be nearly 5,000 feet high. at sahi, pinus longifolia, phoenix, salix, and polygonum of chugur-serai; this is common as far as konyar. acacia, carandas, urtica nivea. rice cultivated. about three miles beyond it, there is a beautiful ravine with dense jungle and fine trees, chiefly laurinea, and i think a rhus; this is the only spot i have seen reminding me of the himalaya to the eastward. at konyar--toon, morus, musa, deeringia, berberis, briedleia. the hills are as usual marked with wavy parallel lines, on which nothing appears to grow. these lines are united by smaller oblique ones, whence their origin? _30th_.--to simla. the road extends over undulated ground along ridges until the foot of the great ascent is reached; this is long and steep, especially steep at the first, or buttiara pass, where it turns to the face of the mountain, and extends through beautiful woods. the ground frozen, with some snow; from this to simla the road is tolerably level, and defended on the _khudd_, or precipice side by a railing. it then passes through fir woods, etc. in which the exceedingly pretty jay of bharowli is common. the vegetation to the foot of the ascent, and nearly half-way up, is unchanged. andropogoneous grasses forming the prevailing feature; but little arboreus or shrubby vegetation occurs. about halfway between syree and this an ascent takes place, on which daphne, hypericum, and echinops occur. near syree--bombax, ruta albiflora, daphne, pteris aquilina, clutia, aspidium, polytrichum nanum and aloides, hypericum, berberis, rubus, prinsepia, rosa, jubrung, grislea, (rare,) clematis, cerasus, _datura_, _bukhein_, citrus, spermacoce, poederia azurea, and andropogon bambusifolia were observed. ficus two species, ficus repens, pommereullioid spicis longis, rubia mungista, galium, polygonum of chugur, carissa, (rare,) amaranthaceae, conyza. the great ascent is very instructive; half-way up observed gaultheria, conspicuous from its blood-coloured leaves; an oak occurs commonly but stunted, and a few stunted pinus longifolia. buddlaeoides occurs two-thirds of the way up, with mespilus microphyllus, alpina, labiata and pyrus. the oaks and gaultheria increase in number and size towards bithuria, conaria. the first to cease is euphorbia. at the summit berberis, polygonum of chugur, rubus deltoideus, conyza and prinsepia may be found, but to no extent. from this to simla the vegetation is chiefly northern. nothing definite is observable with regard to the distribution of forests about simla. the principal secondary ranges, including the choor, which is quite void of shrubby vegetation, is about north-east and south-west; generally the southern aspects of those ridges on which forests occur is bare; of this, there is a notable instance--muhassoo. mount jacka, which looks east and west by its broad faces, has both densely enough wooded with oak, euonymus, rhododendron, gaultheria, and ilex, but the ridge which looks to the plains is bare. some ridges again are quite bare, as that lowish one between mounts jacka and muhassoo. the thickest and most humid woods decidedly occur on the northern faces of the ridges; and all about simla instances of this occur. such spots are at simla so much sheltered from the sun, that the snow which fell on the 23rd november is scarcely diminished. even in these there is no comparison in luxuriance and variety of vegetation with the mishmee or bootan portions of the same stupendous chain. the trees are few in number as regards species, the only ones i have observed are a species of oak which is very common, forming the chief vegetation of the northern faces, and of both those of mount jacka. the scarlet rhododendron which occurs in the highest parts of the woods, an occasional pyrus, benthamia, euonymus, gaultheria very common, also pinus deodara, longifolia, and excelsa; of these the deodar is most common. ilex, a pretty tree, occurring on mount jacka. the following forms also i have noticed--saxifraga ciliata, berberis asiatica, and gnaphalia three or four species, which are chiefly confined to grassy naked ridges. thymus is also confined to these. ruta albiflora is very common in woods; dipsacea and artemisia on exposed grassy spots; swertia is common in damp places; spiraea bella, ledum, stemodia, epilobium, viola, saccharum rubrum, valeriana, fragaria, galium, clematis, rosa, rubus, rumex, leguminosae, coronilloid, smilax. acanthaceae, androsaceae, particularly a gnaphalioides common on the exposed ridge of mount jacka; myrsinea frutex, parnassia common, salix fruticosa; on prospect point, lycopodium, herminioid, epipactis, orchideae aliae, 2 scitamineae. elaeagnus, mespilus microphyllus, polygonum of chugur; 2 or 3 amaranthaceae; prinsepia, rare; very little variety in ferns; pteris chrysocarpa, aspidium pungens, and another are the most common; nor is there any variety in epiphytous ferns, and very few jungermannias. the mosses are bartramia, catharinea, polytrichum aloides on banks with fissidens, otherwise hypna are the most prevalent. a neckera hangs from every tree, and a pterogonio neckeroid covers almost every trunk, a brachymenium is likewise common. altogether, though numerous, there is no great variety in form. on the summit of chaka, quercus, gaultheria, and rhododendron are common; with here and there a deodar. on the east face of that mountain consisting of a long ridge, grasses form the chief vegetation, among which andropogons and schoenanthus are not uncommon, gnaphalia and artemisia occur; thymus, androsace gnaphalioides, potentilla, coronilloid, labiata frutex, jasminum, rosa, mespilus microphyllus, clematis, cnicus, rubus, labiata alia, galium, swertia, salvia were noticed. of the tropical forms, andropogoneous grasses are most common, saccharum rubrum of the khasyah mountains, desmodium, acanthaceae, and elaeagnus, which last occurs on prospect point. saccharum rubrum extends up to 8,000 feet. the woods generally on the surface are matted down with grasses or carexes, so that there is no variety of surface for the lower orders; in such places, ophiopogon is very common. regarding the coniferae, pinus excelsa is the rarest, deodar is the most common; longifolia occurs principally on a southern projection from chaka, and on the south face of the mall ridge. _december 5th_, _1840_.--went to mount fagoo. after passing mount jacka, or chaka, you come on a bare country which continues at least on all the southern aspects until you reach the ascent to muhassoo, which is at first steep, then gradual and long; the vegetation remains unchanged until the muhassoo ascent is begun upon; then rhododendron, quercus and gaultheria soon cease, and their places are occupied by a quercus much like q. semecarpifolius, pinus excelsa also occurs rather abundantly, and of good size, the other vegetation continues. the first part of muhassoo, along which the road runs for some hundred yards under its crest, is occupied by grassy vegetation, chiefly andropogon and schoenanthus; gnaphalia, buddlaea, labiata, polygonum of chugur, thymus, etc., and the crest of the same is chiefly occupied by the undescribed oak. but where the ridge takes a north and south direction, the west face becomes almost exclusively occupied by deodars, among which as one proceeds up, pinus smithiana occurs; after turning again close to the little bazar on the north face, the road continues on this side to fagoo, extending through a heavy and magnificent forest of pinus smithiana and quercus semecarpifolius, the deodar almost ceasing to appear; occasional knolls are passed, on which grasses, gnaphalium, etc. occur, the scenery is very beautiful, the trees being ornamented with the grey pendulous lichen, and with neckerae, particularly the dark neckera pendula. the underwood consists here and there of shrubs, but generally herbaceous vegetation, as grasses, gnaphalia, etc. in fact muhassoo is genuinely himalayan. from fagoo eastward the country is bare, except at great elevations; near muttiara to the north, forest-clad mountains occur, also at huttoo, and far away to the eastward other fir-clad ridges appear. it may be said that the really fine forests are restricted above, within 8,000 feet. the smithia pine is a really fine tree, often 100 feet high, and three to five feet in diameter, known by its downward curved branches, pendulous branchlets, and pendulous oblong cones: many dead trees from the effects of barking were observed. it is worthy of remark, that potatoes are now cultivated in these woods. the deodar is not so large as smithia, and is known by its tabular branches and ovoid erect cones. andropogoneous grasses occur high up; even at the summit acanthaceae occur, scarcely any change in the terrestrial ferns, among which adiantum is found in profusion along the road, little change in mosses, a polytrichum occurs at the higher elevations, also a dicranum on dead trunks of trees. the only new arboreous vegetation consists in an acer, which is a small tree, also a small poplar and quercus semecarpifolius, this varies greatly, pinus smithiana, limonia laureola, a shrubby rhododendron. fagoo is only 5,600 feet above the adjacent heights. on the edge of the forest, the following genera, etc. were noticed--spiraea bella and s. aruncus,* berberis asiatica, swertia, grasses common, gnaphalium, senecio., epilobium, pteris chysocarpa, p. aquilina, adiantum, aspidium, rumex, the labiata fruticosa of jacka, potentilla sanguinea, artemisia, coronilloid, androsacea, gnaphalioid, epipactis, carex, cnicus, viola, valerianum, jasminum,* viburnum,* v. aliud, populus,* silene, mespilus microphyllus, verbascum, thapsia, ilex, euonymus, loniceroid, acer,* eriogonoid,* geranium scandens.* bupleuroid, polytrichum, rosa, rubus, salex fruticosa,* fragaria, crataegus,* saxifraga crassifolia, viscum, rubia cordifolia. * means altitudinal. viscum has one attachment, but from this many branches spring after the form of the primary one. muhassoo is of great extent, because an arm of the mountain extends to the south, and there assumes a considerable height, equal to that of muhassoo itself, and equally well wooded. it is of all other situations about simla the proper place for collecting. the succession of the pines in these regions is as follows:-p. longifolia, dry barren spots, from 5,000 to 7,500 feet, as rhododendrum arboreum. p. excelsa, from 7,500 to 8,500 feet, no groups occur. p. deodars, from 7,500 to 9,000 feet, especially on southern faces. p. smithiana, from 9,000 to 10,000 feet, and is in the highest perfection on north faces. one thing remarkable is the wide ranges of the above forms, for excepting those marked with an asterisk, all are found about simla. the most common herbaceous family on muhassoo is compositae, and very strange to say, most of its forms, as indeed the others, excepting some of the trees, are found on the khasyah mountains at much lower elevations, and much lower latitudes. of birds the _cone-eater_ of bootan occurs. _7th_.--to annandale, a pretty level spot, some 2,000 feet below simla, remarkable for its beautiful grove of deodars. of the wild grasses they are almost all exclusively tropical forms, paniceous or andropogoneous. the chief cultivation of the hills, atriplex sanguinea, _bhatoo vena_, some fine walnut trees, mulberries, also celtoidea? _kirrack ven_, zanthoxylon. passed a herd of red-rumped monkeys; the crooked-tailed _lungoor_ is also found here. rich vegetation extends down the southern slope, where there is a waterfall. it is curious that both here and in annandale the deodar grows to a large size, although naturally its range does not extend so low as this slope. passed a beautiful temple, surrounded with fine deodars. ferns occur in more abundance, thence downwards woodwardia, dicksonia? cyatheoides, and adiantum. mosses also occur on the dripping rocks. an alnus also occurs. no fish were visible in the streamlet. peristrophe occurs throughout from roopur to simla. epiphytous or at least _epirupous_ scitaminia. hedychium is found on rocks on this slope, which would give an elevation of about 5,500 feet. on the sunny sides of hills about simla, dicerma is found, this is one of the most tropical forms. no epiphytous orchidea are seen. and of birds enicurus, the redstart of torrents, and myophonus were observed. chapter xxiv. _heights and latitudes of the stations visited in_ _affghanistan_. {517} "the subjoined table contains the latitudes and the altitudes of the principal stations passed through by the late dr. griffith during the cabul campaign in 1838-40, from his original observations. the altitudes for the latitudes were taken with the sextant and the artificial horizon, and the results throughout are so nearly coincident, that it may be relied on the latitudes herein given are correct to within half a minute in space. [formula for latitude/elevation: m517.jpg] _latitudes_, _and elevations above the sea_, _of the various_ _localities visited in affghanistan_. [lat/el. 1: tle1.jpg] [lat/el. 2: tle2.jpg] [lat/el. 3: tle3.jpg] notes. {0a} major thomson, c. b., engineers, from whom as well as all the officers of the same corps, mr. griffith experienced much kindness in affghanistan. {0b} _racoma nobilis_, calcutta journ. nat. hist. vol. ii, p.577. t. xv fig. 4. subfam. schizothoracinae. {0c} calcutta journal natural history, vol. ii. p577, t, xv. f. 4. {7} it is also on a northern declivity. {9} on a hill near the bungalow are the tombs of lieuts. burlton and beddinfield, two distinguished officers murdered by the natives in 1829. {12} although in former times it must have been of some note, the vicinity is strewed with sculptured stones and columns, of which the modern buildings are constructed. these remains present the form and proportions of european architecture, and exhibit considerable taste. {24} the rank of the chiefs of various nations on the frontiers of assam depends on the number of skulls of vanquished enemies, which decorate their houses. the mishmee trophies, as appears from the author's account in the journ. as. soc. may 1837, consist of the skulls of cattle only. {25} _trigonocephalus mucrosquamatus_, afterwards described in proc. zool. soc. 1839, vid. cal. journ. nat. hist. vol. 1, p.77. {29a} subsequently described from this specimen in the proceedings of the zoological society, march 12, 1839. cal. journ. nat. hist. vol 1, p.82. {29b} _gonorhynchus bimacalutus_, _g_. _brachypterus_, _perilompus_ _aequipinnatus_, and _cobitis phoxocheila_, which have been all since described from these specimens in the 19th vol. as. res. beng. {31} afterwards crossed by the author in his journey into burma. {33} for a narrative of lieut. wilcox's visit to the mishmee mountains, see as. res. vol. xvii. p.314. {35} mithun is, according to the author, a peculiar species of ox. {40} subsequently described by the author in an important communication to the linnaean society. {42} one of the most influential of the singpho chiefs, whose influence at this period kept upper assam unsettled. {51} a burmese authority. {53} probably major r. bruce of the rajah's service, one of the superintendents of tea cultivation. {54} for the whole of this able communication, detailing the object and results of his visit to the mishmee mountains, see journ. as. soc. beng. may 1837. {60} see reports of the coal committee, 1841, p.3. {61a} see description by the author, as. res. bengal, vol. xix. {61b} since described from these specimens as _calamaria monticola_, and _dipsas monticola_. vide proc. zool. soc. march 12th 1839, and cal. journ. nat. hist. vol. i. pp.80-85. {61c} as. res. vol. xix. p.336. {64} dr. bayfield was deputed by the resident at ava to meet the party from assam on the burmese frontier. {66} this is one of the mountain barbels, _oreinus_, probably _o_. _guttatus_, as. res. vol. xix. p.273. {68} a barbel, and an oreinus, or mountain barbel. {74a} _opsarius gracilus_, as. res. vol. xix. p.419. {74b} a species of barbel; probably _b_. _deliciosus_, as. res. xix. p.352. {75} since described as _cyprinus semiplotus_, as. res. vol. xix. p.346. {78} this would seem to be coal formation, in which amber is frequently found. it occurs, for instance, in the spurious coal of kurribori, e. of rungpore. {111} the reading of this passage is obscure, the ms. being very faintly written in pencil. {113} introd. nat. syst. p.44. {114} the preceding eight pages within brackets are written faintly in pencil. {115a} the usual route is to kujoo ghat, about five miles below moodoa mookh, thence through sooroo, kujoo, etc. to the booree dihing. {115b} by the karam and this other branch, on which old beesa was situated, all the water which formerly supplied the noa dihing now passes into the booree dihing. {116} most of the singphos subject to our control are located between kujoo ghat and the booree dihing, as well as on the banks of this river and in the valley of the tenga panee. {117} the existence of petroleum is of value as connected with the solution of caoutchouc. {118} the affix nam, signifies in the shan language a river or stream. {119a} the word _kha_ is singfo, and signifies a river. {119b} here capt. hannay and myself were met by mr. bayfield. {119c} khioung, or kioung, signifies a small river in the burmese language. {119d} bhoom is the singfo word for mountain. {124a} which we forded a few miles below isilone; depth of the ford from two to four feet. {124b} in this direction the valley is nearly 65 miles in length. {125} this river rises in a conspicuous range, well known by the name of shewe down-gyee, or great golden mountain. {126} this is certainly not the ulukhor of buch. hamilton's statistics of dinajpoor. {128} probably from a species of sterculia. {129} the toung-bein of the burmese. {130} many of these hills are inhabited by kukkeens, who do a great deal of mischief, and whose annual depredations remain unchecked and unpunished. {132} serpentine is occasionally found in the bed of the nam-marsan. {139} especially on the right bank. {145} it must be observed that kamein is several miles out of the route from the mogoung river to mogoung itself, we visited it en route to the serpentine mines. {147} this is the site of the fossil bones discovered by mr. crawfurd. {149} these brackets are shown in the text turned through 90 degrees. l. b. {168} the kullung rock is a most striking object from its artificial domelike appearance. it is composed of granite resting on an elevated plateau of soft friable gneiss. this last in mouldering away, leaves numerous rounded boulder-like masses of granite on the surface, which from their hardness, resist the action of the atmosphere amidst the surrounding decay of the softer rock. {172} for original notice of the discovery of this raised beach, see journal of the asiatic society, september 1835, p.523; and an account of the difference of level in indian coal fields, vol. vii, 1838, p.65 of the same work; also description of cyrtoma a new genus of fossil echinida, calcutta journal of nat. hist. vol. i, p.155. {183} simia hylobates agilis. {186} raised on posts. {193} see journal asiatic society of bengal, vol,--feb. 1838. {205a} eastern thibet. {205b} for this and similar figures, see {212} {205c} _barbus hexagonolepis_, asiatic res. xix.--pl. f. 3, pp.170, 313, 336. {205d} cyprinus semiplotus as. res. xix.--pl. 37. f. 2, pp.274, 346. {206a} opsarius gracilus, as. res. vol. xix. {206b} see {35} {212} such figures may be thus read. temp. of the air 60 degrees fah., that of boiling water 204.5 degrees. {217a} relative heights. {217b} these figures refer to woollaston's thermetrical barometer. {221} centropus nigrorufus. {227} _oreinus progastus_, as. res. vol. xix. pl. 40, fig. 4. {349} referred to by the author as an anthemidioid, and on one occasion as _santonica achilleoidea_. {383} schizothorax edeniana, cal. journ. nat. hist. vol. ii. p.579. {390a} schizothoracinae. {390b} cobitis marmorata, see calcutta journal of nat. hist. vol. ii, p.560, where the fishes collected by mr. griffith in these parts are described. {404} salmo orientalis, calcutta, journ. nat. hist. vol. iii. p.283. throughout southern asia, including the punjab, and both plains and peninsula of india properly so called, no species exists of the trout family or salmonidae. their discovery in the streams descending from the northern declivity of the hindoo-koosh distinguishes that chain as the southern boundary or limit of the family. it is also remarkable that the hindoo-koosh should likewise be the exclusive province of a numerous group of small scaled cyprinidae, met with only in the rivers of affghanistan, consisting of the genera, schizothorax, racoma, and oreinus, of which one or two species only have been found to extend south along the plateau of the himalaya, as far as 27 degrees n., while the bulk of the family is confined to 34 degrees n. see calcutta journ. nat. hist. vol. ii. p.560 t. xv. {417} this alludes to a sketch of the valley. {418} melia. {435} for the particulars of this attack in which mr. griffith nearly lost his life, the reader is referred to extracts from private correspondence. {450} these sketches, together with the author's further views on the subject, will be more appropriately incorporated in the second part of his posthumous papers, entitled 'icones plantarum asiaticarum,' and 'notulae ad plantas asiaticas.' {479} nearly allied to _cobitis chlorosoma_, as. res. vol. xix, pl. 52, f. 3. {481} this is an undescribed species if not an undescribed genus, and was by some mischance lost from the collections; it may properly, when described, receive the name of the author, who was the first to notice so remarkable a form. {484} it is chiefly important as a generic, not as a specific character, see _november 1st_. {517} the editor is indebted to the kindness of mr. curnin, not only for the note with which this table of heights and latitudes is introduced, but also for the construction of the table itself from the results of 437 observations for latitudes alone, and an equal number almost for altitudes. 