transcribed from the 1885 macmillan and co. edition by david price, email ccx074@pglaf.org the clyde mystery a study in forgeries and folklore by andrew lang, m.a. oxford hon. fellow of merton college, ll.d. st. andrews d.litt. oxford, d.c.l. durham glasgow james maclehose and sons publishers to the university 1905 glasgow: printed at the university press by robert maclehose and co. ltd. preface the author would scarcely have penned this little specimen of what scott called "antiquarian old womanries," but for the interest which he takes in the universally diffused archaic patterns on rocks and stones, which offer a singular proof of the identity of the working of the human mind. anthropology and folklore are the natural companions and aids of prehistoric and proto-historic archaeology, and suggest remarks which may not be valueless, whatever view we may take of the disputed objects from the clyde sites. while only an open verdict on these objects is at present within the competence of science, the author, speaking for himself, must record his private opinion that, as a rule, they are ancient though anomalous. he cannot pretend to certainty as to whether the upper parts of the marine structures were throughout built of stone, as in dr. munro's theory, which is used as the fundamental assumption in this book; or whether they were of wood, as in the hypothesis of mr. donnelly, illustrated by him in the glasgow _evening times_ (sept. 11, 1905). the point seems unessential. the author learns from mr. donnelly that experiments in shaping piles with an ancient stone axe have been made by mr. joseph downes, of irvine, as by monsieur hippolyte muller in france, with similar results, a fact which should have been mentioned in the book. it appears too, that a fragment of fallow deer horn at dumbuck, mentioned by dr. munro, turned out to be "a decayed _humerus_ of the _bos longifrons_," and therefore no evidence as to date, as post-roman. mr. donnelly also protests that his records of his excavations "were exceptionally complete," and that he "took daily notes and sketches of all features and finds with measurements." i must mention these facts, as, in the book, i say that mr. donnelly "kept no minute and hourly dated log book of his explorations, with full details as to the precise positions of the objects discovered." if in any respect i have misconceived the facts and arguments, i trust that the fault will be ascribed to nothing worse than human fallibility. i have to thank mr. donnelly for permission to photograph some objects from dumbuck and for much information. to dr. munro, apart from his most valuable books of crannog lore, i owe his kind attention to my private inquiries, and hope that i successfully represent his position and arguments. it is quite undeniable that the disputed objects are most anomalous as far as our present knowledge goes, and i do not think that science can give more than all i plead for, an open verdict. dr. ricardo severe generously permitted me to reproduce a few (by no means the most singular) of his designs and photographs of the disputed portuguese objects. a serious illness has prevented him from making a visit recently to the scene of the discoveries (see his paper in _portugalia_, vol. ii., part 1). i trust that dr. de vasconcellos, from whom i have not yet heard, will pardon the reproduction of three or four figures from his _religioes_, an important work on prehistoric portugal. to dr. joseph anderson, of the national museum, i owe much gratitude for information, and for his great kindness in superintending the photographing of some objects now in that museum. dr. david murray obliged me by much information as to the early navigation of the clyde, and the alterations made in the bed of the river. to mr. david boyle, ontario, i owe the knowledge of red indian magic stones parallel to the perforated and inscribed stone from tappock. as i have quoted from dr. munro the humorous tale of the palaeolithic designs which deceived m. lartet and mr. christie, i ought to observe that, in _l'anthropologie_, august, 1905, a reviewer of dr. munro's book, prof. boule, expresses some doubt as to the authenticity of the _historiette_. illustrations 1. inscribed stone, langbank. 2. grotesque face on stone, langbank. 3. late celtic comb, langbank. 4. bronze brooch, langbank. 5. _churinga irula_, wooden bull-roarers, arunta tribe. 6. _churinga nanja_, inscribed sacred stone, arunta. 7. sacred stone uninscribed, arunta. 8. collection of arunta sacred stones. 9, 10. inscribed perforated stone from tappock. age of iron. 11. perforated and inscribed stone from dunbuie. 12, 13. perforated inscribed stones from ontario, canada. 14. perforated inscribed stones from portugal, neolithic. 15. perforated inscribed stones from portugal, neolithic. 16. perforated "cup and duct" stone, portugal, neolithic. 17, 18. large slate spear-head, dumbuck. 19. stone figurine of woman, dumbuck. 20, 21. cup and duct stones, portuguese, dolmen site, villa d'aguiar. 22. stone figurine of woman, portuguese, dolmen site, villa d'aguiar. 23. heart-shaped stone, villa d'aguiar. 24. cupped stone, villa d'aguiar. 25. stone pendant, men in boat, scottish. figures 1-4 from _transactions_, with permission of glasgow archaeological society. figures 5-8, spencer and gillen, _native tribes of central australia_; with permission of messrs. macmillan and co. 9-11. with permission of scottish society of antiquaries. 12-13. bulletin of board of education of ontario. 14-16. _religioes_, etc., l. de vasconcellos. 17-19. with permission of mr. w. h. donnelly. 20-24. with permission of sr. ricardo severo. 25. with permission of scottish society of antiquarians. i--the clyde mystery the reader who desires to be hopelessly perplexed, may desert the contemplation of the fiscal question, and turn his eyes upon _the mystery of the clyde_. "popular" this puzzle cannot be, for there is no "demmed demp disagreeable body" in the mystery. no such object was found in clyde, near dumbarton, but a set of odd and inexpensive looking, yet profoundly enigmatic scraps of stone, bone, slate, horn and so forth, were discovered and now repose in a glass case at the national museum in queen street, edinburgh. there, as in the morgue, lies awaiting explanation the _corpus delicti_ of the clyde mystery. we stare at it and ask what are these slate spear heads engraved with rude ornament, and certainly never meant to be used as "lethal weapons"? what are these many-shaped perforated plaques of slate, shale, and schist, scratched with some of the old mysterious patterns that, in almost every part of the world, remain inscribed on slabs and faces of rock? who incised similar patterns on the oyster-shells, some old and local, some fresh--_and american_! why did any one scratch them? what is the meaning, if meaning there be, of the broken figurines or stone "dolls"? they have been styled "totems" by persons who do not know the meaning of the word "totem," which merely denotes the _natural_ object,--usually a plant or animal,--after which sets of kinsfolk are named among certain savage tribes. let us call the little figures "figurines," for that commits us to nothing. then there are grotesque human heads, carved in stone; bits of sandstone, marked with patterns, and so forth. mixed with these are the common rude appliances, quern stones for grinding grain; stone hammers, stone polishers, cut antlers of deer, pointed bones, such as rude peoples did actually use, in early britain, and may have retained into the early middle ages, say 400-700 a.d. this mixed set of objects, _plus_ the sites in which they were found, and a huge canoe, 35 feet long, is the material part of the clyde mystery. the querns and canoe and stone-polishers, and bones, and horns are commonly found, we say, in dwellings of about 400-700 a.d. the peculiar and enigmatic things are _not_ elsewhere known to scottish antiquaries. how did the two sets of objects come to be all mixed up together, in an old hill fort, at dunbuie on clyde; and among the wooden foundations of two mysterious structures, excavated in the mud of the clyde estuary at dumbuck and langbank, near dumbarton? they were dug up between 1896 and 1902. this is the question which has been debated, mainly in newspaper controversy, for nearly ten years. a most rambling controversy it has been, casting its feelers as far as central australia, in space, and as far back as, say, 1200 b.c. in time. either the disputed objects at the museum are actual relics of life lived in the clyde basin many centuries ago; or the discoverers and excavators of the old sites are dogged by a forger who "dumps down" false relics of kinds unknown to scottish antiquaries; or some of the unfamiliar objects are really old, while others are jocose imitations of these, or--there is some other explanation! the modern "clyde artists" are credited by dr. robert munro with "some practical artistic skill," and some acquaintance with the very old and mysterious designs on great rocks among the neighbouring hills. {4} what man of artistic skill, no conscience, and a knowledge of archaic patterns is associated with the clyde? the "faker" is not the mere mischievous wag of the farm-house or the country shop. it is possible that a few "interpolations" of false objects have been made by another and less expert hand, but the weight of the problem rests on these alternatives,--the disputed relics which were found are mainly genuine, though unfamiliar; or a forger not destitute of skill and knowledge has invented and executed them--or--there is some other explanation. three paths, as usual, are open to science, in the present state of our knowledge of the question. we may pronounce the unfamiliar relics genuine, and prove it if we can. we may declare them to be false objects, manufactured within the last ten years. we may possess our souls in patience, and "put the objects to a suspense account," awaiting the results of future researches and of new information. this attitude of suspense is not without precedent in archaeology. "antiquarian lore," as dr. munro remarks by implication, _can_ "distinguish between true and false antiquities." {5a} but time is needed for the verdict, as we see when dr. munro describes "the breonio controversy" about disputed stone objects, a controversy which began in 1885, and appears to be undecided in 1905. {5b} i propose to advocate the third course; the waiting game, and i am to analyse dr. munro's very able arguments for adopting the second course, and deciding that the unfamiliar relics are assuredly impostures of yesterday's manufacture. ii--dr. munro's book on the mystery dr. munro's acute and interesting book, _archaeology and false antiquities_, {6} does not cover the whole of its amusing subject. false gems, coins, inscriptions, statues, and pictures are scarcely touched upon; the author is concerned chiefly with false objects of the pre-historic and "proto-historic" periods, and with these as bearing on the clyde controversy of 1896-1905. out of 292 pages, at least 130 treat directly of that local dispute: others bear on it indirectly. i have taken great interest in this subject since i first heard of it by accident, in the october or november of 1898. as against dr. munro, from whose opinions i provisionally dissent, i may be said to have no _locus standi_. he is an eminent and experienced archaeologist in matters of european pre-historic and proto-historic times. any one is at liberty to say of me what another celebrated archaeologist, mr. charles hercules read, said, in a letter to dr. munro, on december 7, 1901, about some one else: a person designated as "---," and described as "a merely literary man, who cannot understand that to practised people the antiquities are as readable as print, and a good deal more accurate." {7} but though "merely literary," like mr. "---," i have spent much time in the study of comparative anthropology; of the manners, ideas, customs, implements, and sacred objects of uncivilised and peasant peoples. mr. "---" may not have done so, whoever he is. again, as "practised people" often vary widely in their estimates of antique objects, or objects professing to be antique, i cannot agree with mr. read that "the antiquities" are "as readable as print,"--if by "antiquities" he means antiquities in general. at the british museum i can show mr. read several admirable specimens of the art of faking, standing, like the abomination of desolation, where they ought not. it was not by unpractised persons that they were purchased at the national expense. we are all fallible, even the oldest of us. i conceive mr. read, however, to mean the alleged and disputed "antiquities" of the clyde sites, and in that case, his opinion that they are a "curious swindle" is of the most momentous weight. but, as to practised opinion on antiquities in general, dr. munro and i agree that it is really very fallible, now and again. the best authorities, he proves, may read antiquities differently. he is not certain that he has not himself, on occasion, taken "fakes" for true antiques. {8a} the _savants_ of the louvre were lately caught by the notorious "tiara of saitaphernes," to the pecuniary loss of france; were caught on april 1, 1896, and were made _poissons d'avril_, to the golden tune of 200,000 francs (8000 pounds). again, m. lartet and mr. christy betted a friend that he could not hoax them with a forged palaeolithic drawing. they lost their bet, and, after m. lartet's death, the forged object was published, as genuine, in the scientific journal, _materiaux_ (1874). {8b} as m. reinach says of another affair, it was "a _fumisterie_." {8c} every archaeologist may be the victim of a _fumisterie_, few have wholly escaped, and we find dr. furtwangler and mr. cecil smith at odds as to whether a head of zeus in terra-cotta be of the fifth century b.c. or, quite the contrary, of the nineteenth or twentieth century a.d. verily all "practised people" do not find "antiquities as readable as print." on the other hand, my late friend, dr. a. s. murray, keeper of classical antiquities in the british museum, "read" the mycenaean antiquities erroneously, placing them many centuries too late. m. de mortillet reckoned them forgeries, and wrote of the discoverer, dr. schliemann, and even of mrs. schliemann, in a tone unusual in men of science and gentlemen. the great palaeolithic discoveries of m. boucher de perthes, the very bases of our study of the most ancient men, were "read" as impostures by many "practised people." m. cartailhac, again, has lately, in the most candid and honourable way, recanted his own original disbelief in certain wall-paintings in spanish caves, of the period called "palaeolithic," for long suspected by him of being "clerical" impostures. {9} thus even the most "practised people," like general councils, "may err and have erred," when confronted either with forgeries, or with objects old in fact, but new to them. they have _not_ always found antiquities "as readable as print." dr. munro touches but faintly on these "follies of the wise," but they are not unusual follies. this must never be forgotten. where "practised people" may be mistaken through a too confirmed scepticism, the "merely literary man" may, once in an azure moon, happen to be right, or not demonstrably wrong; that is my excuse for differing, provisionally, from "practised people." it is only provisionally that i dissent from dr. munro as to some of the points at issue in the clyde controversy. i entered on it with very insufficient knowledge: i remain, we all remain, imperfectly informed: and like people rich in practice,--dr. joseph anderson, and sir arthur mitchell,--i "suspend my judgement" for the present. {10} this appears to me the most scientific attitude. time is the great revealer. but dr. munro, as we saw, prefers not to suspend his judgment, and says plainly and pluckily that the disputed objects in the clyde controversy are "spurious"; are what the world calls "fakes," though from a delicate sense of the proprieties of language, he will not call them "forgeries." they are reckoned by him among "false antiquities," while, for my part, i know not of what age they are, but incline i believe that many of them are not of the nineteenth century. this is the extent of our difference. on the other hand i heartily concur with dr. munro in regretting that his advice,--to subject the disputed objects at the earliest possible stage of the proceedings, to a jury of experts,--was not accepted. {11a} one observation must be made on dr. munro's logical method, as announced by himself. "my role, on the present occasion, is to advocate the correctness of my own views on purely archaeological grounds, without any special effort to refute those of my opponents." {11b} as my view is that the methods of dr. munro are perhaps,--and i say it with due deference, and with doubt,--capable of modification, i shall defend my opinions as best i may. moreover, my views, in the course of seven long years (1898-1905) have necessarily undergone some change, partly in deference to the arguments of dr. munro, partly because much new information has come to my knowledge since 1898-99. moreover, on one occasion, i misstated my own view, and, though i later made my real opinion perfectly dear, some confusion was generated. iii--the clyde controversy it is necessary, after these prefatory remarks, to give an account of the rise of the clyde controversy, and i may be pardoned for following the example of dr. munro, who adds, and cannot but add, a pretty copious narrative of his own share in the discussion. in 1896, the hill fort of dunbuie, "about a mile-and-a-half to the east of dumbarton castle, and three miles to the west of the roman wall," {12} was discovered by mr. w. a. donnelly: that is to say, mr. donnelly suggested that the turf might conceal something worth excavating, and the work was undertaken, under his auspices, by the helensburgh antiquarian society. as mr. donnelly's name constantly occurs in the discussion, it may be as well to state that, by profession, he is an artist,--a painter and designer in black and white,--and that, while keenly interested in the pre-historic or proto-historic relics of clydesdale, he makes no claim to be regarded as a trained archaeologist, or widely-read student. thus, after mr. donnelly found a submarine structure at dumbuck in the estuary of the clyde, dr. munro writes: "i sent mr. donnelly some literature on crannogs." {13a} so mr. donnelly, it appears, had little book lore as to crannogs. he is, in fact, a field worker in archaeology, rather than an archaeologist of the study and of books. he is a member of a local archaeological society at helensburgh on the clyde, and, before he found the hill fort of dunbuie, he had discovered an interesting set of "cup and ring" marked rocks at auchentorlie, "only a short distance from dunbuie." {13b} mr. donnelly's position, then, as regards archaeological research, was, in 1896-1898, very like that of dr. schliemann when he explored troy. like dr. schliemann he was no erudite savant, but an enthusiast with an eye for likely sites. like dr. schliemann he discovered certain objects hitherto unknown to science, (at least to scottish science,) and, like dr. schliemann, he has had to take "the consequences of being found in such a situation." it must be added that, again like dr. schliemann he was not an excavator of trained experience. i gather that he kept no minute and hourly-dated log-book of his explorations, with full details as to the precise positions of the objects discovered, while, again like dr. schliemann, he had theories of his own, with some of which i do not concur. dr. munro justly insists on "the absolute necessity of correctly recording the facts and relics brought to light by excavations." {14a} an excavator should be an engineer, or be accompanied by a specialist who can assign exact measurements for the position of every object discovered. thus dr. munro mentions the case of a man who, while digging a drain in his garden in scotland, found an adze of jade and a pre-historic urn. dr. munro declares, with another expert, that the jade adze is "a modern australian implement," which is the more amazing as i am not aware that the australians possess any jade. the point is that the modern australian adze was _not_, as falsely reported, in the prehistoric urn. {14b} here i cannot but remark that while dr. munro justly regrets the absence of record as to precise place of certain finds, he is not more hospitable to other finds of which the precise locality is indicated. things are found by mr. bruce as he clears out the interior of a canoe, or imbedded in the dock on the removal of the canoe, {15} or in the "kitchen midden"--the refuse heap--but dr. munro does not esteem the objects more highly because we have a distinct record as to the precise place of their finding. iv--dunbuie to return to the site first found, the hill fort of dunbuie, excavated in 1896. dr. munro writes: "there is no peculiarity about the position or structure of this fort which differentiates it from many other forts in north britain. before excavation there were few indications that structural remains lay beneath the debris, but when this was accomplished there were exposed to view the foundations of a circular wall, 13.5 feet thick, enclosing a space 30 to 32 feet in diameter. through this wall there was one entrance passage on a level with its base, 3 feet 2 inches in width, protected by two guard chambers, one on each side, analogous to those so frequently met with in the brochs. the height of the remaining part of the wall varied from 18 inches to 3 feet 6 inches. the interior contained no dividing walls nor any indications of secondary occupation." thus writes dr. munro (pp. 130, 131), repeating his remarks on p. 181 with this addition, "had any remains of intra-mural chambers or of a stone stair been detected it would unhesitatingly be pronounced a broch; nor, in the absence of such evidence, can it be definitely dissociated from that peculiar class of scottish buildings, because the portion of wall then remaining was not sufficiently high to exclude the possibility of these broch characteristics having been present at a higher level--a structural deviation which has occasionally been met with." "all the brochs," dr. munro goes on, "hitherto investigated have shown more or less precise evidence of a post-roman civilisation, their range, according to dr. joseph anderson, being "not earlier than the fifth and not later than the ninth century." {17} "although from more recent discoveries, as, for example, the broch of torwodlee, selkirkshire, there is good reason to believe that their range might legitimately be brought nearer to roman times, it makes no difference in the correctness of the statement that they all belong to the iron age." so far the "broch," or hill fort, was not unlike other hill forts and brochs, of which there are hundreds in scotland. but many of the relics alleged to have been found in the soil of dunbuie were unfamiliar in character in these islands. there was not a shard of pottery, there was not a trace of metal, but absence of such things is no proof that they were unknown to the inhabitants of the fort. i may go further, and say that if any person were capable of interpolating false antiquities, they were equally capable of concealing such real antiquities in metal or pottery as they might find; to support their theories, or to serve other private and obscure ends. thus, at langbank, were found a bronze brooch, and a "late celtic" (200 b.c.?--a.d.) comb. these, of course, upset the theory held by some inquirers, that the site was neolithic, that is, was very much earlier than the christian era. if the excavators held that theory, and were unscrupulous, was it not as easy for them to conceal the objects which disproved the hypothesis, as to insert the disputed objects--which do not prove it? of course dr. munro nowhere suggests that any excavator is the guilty "faker." i now quote dr. munro's account of the _unfamiliar_ objects alleged to have been found in dunbuie. he begins by citing the late mr. adam millar, f.s.a.scot., who described dunbuie in the _proceedings s. a. scot._ (vol. xxx. pp. 291-308.) "the fort," writes mr. millar, "has been examined very thoroughly by picking out the stones in the interior one by one, and riddling the fine soil and small stones. the same treatment has been applied to the refuse heap which was found on the outside, and the result of the search is a very remarkable collection of weapons, implements, ornaments, and figured stones." there is no description of the precise position of any of these relics in the ruins, with the exception of two upper stones of querns and a limpet shell having on its inner surface the presentation of a human face, which are stated to have been found in the interior of the fort. no objects of metal or fragments of pottery were discovered in course of the excavations, and of bone there were only two small pointed objects and an awl having a perforation at one end. the majority of the following worked objects of stone, bone, and shell are so remarkable and archaic in character that their presence in a fort, which cannot be placed earlier than the broch period, and probably long after the departure of the romans from north britain, has led some archaeologists to question their genuineness as relics of any phase of scottish civilisation. objects of stone.--nine spear-heads, like arrow-points, of slate, six of which have linear patterns scratched on them. some are perforated with round holes, and all were made by grinding and polishing. one object of slate, shaped like a knife, was made by chipping. "this knife," says mr. millar, "has a feature common to all these slate weapons--they seem to have been saturated with oil or fat, as water does not adhere to them, but runs off as from a greasy surface." another highly ornamental piece of cannel coal is in the form of a short spear-head with a thickish stem. the stem is adorned with a series of hollows and ridges running across it; radiating lines running from the stem to the margin. another group of these remarkable objects shows markings of the cup-and-ring order, circles, linear incisions, and perforations. some of these ornamentations are deeply cut on the naturally rough surfaces of flat pieces of sandstone, whilst others are on smooth stones artificially prepared for the purpose. a small piece of flint was supposed to have been inserted into a partially burnt handle. there are several examples of hammer-stones of the ordinary crannog type, rubbing-stones, whetstones, as well as a large number of water-worn stones which might have been used as hand-missiles or sling-stones. these latter were not native to the hill, and must have been transported from burns in the neighbourhood. there are also two upper quern stones. miscellaneous objects.--a number of splintered pieces of bone, without showing any other evidence of workmanship, have linear incisions, like those on some of the stones, which suggest some kind of cryptic writing like ogams. there are also a few water-worn shells, like those seen on a sandy beach, having round holes bored through them and sharply-cut scratches on their pearly inner surface. but on the whole the edible molluscs are but feebly represented, as only five oyster, one cockle, three limpet, and two mussel shells were found, nearly all of which bore marks of some kind of ornamentation. but perhaps the most grotesque object in the whole collection is the limpet shell with a human face sculptured on its inner surface. "the eyes," writes mr. millar, "are represented by two holes, the nose by sharply-cut lines, and the mouth by a well-drawn waved line, the curves which we call cupid's bow being faithfully followed. there is nothing at all of an archaic character, however, in this example of shell-carving. we found it in the interior of the fort; it was one of the early finds--nothing like it has been found since; at the same time we have no reason for assuming that this shell was placed in the fort on purpose that we might find it. the fact that it was taken out of the fort is all that we say about it." mr. millar's opinion of these novel handicraft remains was that they were the products of a pre-celtic civilisation. "the articles found," he writes, "are strongly indicative of a much earlier period than post roman; they point to an occupation of a tribe in their stone age." "we have no knowledge of the precise position in which the 'queer things' of dunbuie were found, with the exception of the limpet shell showing the carved human face which, according to a recent statement in the _journal of the british archaeological association_, september, 1901, "was excavated from a crevice in the living rock, over which tons of debris had rested. when taken out, the incrustations of dirt prevented any carving from being seen; it was only after being dried and cleaned that the 'face' appeared, as well as the suspension holes on each side." so, this unique piece of art was in the fort before it became a ruin and otherwise presented evidence of great antiquity; but yet it is stated in mr. millar's report that there was "nothing at all of an archaic character in this example of shell-carving." {21} i have nothing to do with statements made in _the journal of the british archaeological association_ about "_a carved oyster shell_." i stick to the limpet shell of mr. millar, which, to my eyes looks anything but archaic. v--how i came into the controversy thus far, i was so much to be sympathised with as never to have heard of the names of dunbuie and of mr. donnelly. in this ignorance i remained till late in october or early in november 1898. on an afternoon of that date i was reading the proof sheets, kindly lent to me by messrs. macmillan, of _the native tribes of central australia_ by messrs. spencer and gillen, a work, now justly celebrated, which was published early in 1899. i was much interested on finding, in this book, that certain tribes of central australia,--the arunta "nation" and the kaitish,--_paint_ on sacred and other rocks the very same sorts of archaic designs as mr. donnelly found _incised_ at auchentorlie (of which i had not then heard). these designs are familiar in many other parts of scotland and of the world. they play a great part in the initiations and magic of central australia. designs of the same class are incised, by the same australian tribes, on stones of various shapes and sizes, usually portable, and variously shaped which are styled _churinga nanja_. (_churinga_ merely means anything "sacred," that is, with a superstitious sense attached to it). they also occur on wooden slats, (_churinga irula_,) commonly styled "bull roarers" by europeans. the tribes are now in a "siderolithic" stage, using steel when they can get it, stone when they cannot. if ever they come to abandon stone implements, while retaining their magic or religion, they will keep on using their stone _churinga nanja_. while i was studying these novel australian facts, in the autumn of 1898, a friend, a distinguished member of clan diarmaid, passing by my window, in london, saw me, and came in. he at once began to tell me that, in the estuary of the clyde, and at dunbuie, some one had found small stones, marked with the same archaic kinds of patterns, "cup-and-ring," half circles, and so forth, as exist on our inscribed rocks, cists, and other large objects. i then showed him the illustrations of portable stones in australia, with archaic patterns, not then published, but figured in the proof sheets of messrs. spencer and gillen's work. my friend told me, later, that he had seen small stone incised with concentric circles, found in the excavation of a hill fort near tarbert, in kintyre. he made a sketch of this object, from memory: if found in central australia it would have been reckoned a _churinga nanja_. i was naturally much interested in my friend's account of objects found in the clyde estuary, which, _as far as his description went_, resembled in being archaically decorated the _churinga nanja_ discovered by messrs. spencer and gillen in central australia. i wrote an article on the subject of the archaic decorative designs, as found all over the world, for the _contemporary review_. {24} i had then seen only pen and ink sketches of the objects, sent to me by mr. donnelly, and a few casts, which i passed on to an eminent authority. one of the casts showed a round stone with concentric circles. i know not what became of the original or of the casts. while correcting proofs of this article, i read in the _glasgow herald_ (january 7, 1899) a letter by dr. munro, impugning the authenticity of one set of finds by mr. donnelly, in a pile-structure at dumbuck, on the clyde, near dumbarton. i wrote to the _glasgow herald_, adducing the australian _churinga nanja_ as parallel to mr. donnelly's inscribed stones, and thus my share in the controversy began. what dr. munro and i then wrote may be passed over in this place. vi--dumbuck it was in july 1898, that mr. donnelly, who had been prospecting during two years for antiquities in the clyde estuary, found at low tide, certain wooden stumps, projecting out of the mud at low water. on august 16, 1898, dr. munro, with mr. donnelly, inspected these stumps, "before excavations were made." {25a} it is not easy to describe concisely the results of their inspection, and of the excavations which followed. "so far the facts" (of the site, not of the alleged relics), "though highly interesting as evidence of the hand of man in the early navigation of the clyde basin present nothing very remarkable or important," says dr. munro. {25b} i shall here quote dr. munro's descriptions of what he himself observed at two visits, of august 16, october 12, 1898, to dumbuck. for the present i omit some speculative passages as to the original purpose of the structure. "the so-called dumbuck 'crannog,' that being the most convenient name under which to describe the submarine wooden structures lately discovered by mr. w. a. donnelly in the estuary of the clyde, lies about a mile to the east of the rock of dumbarton, and about 250 yards within high-water mark. at every tide its site is covered with water to a depth of three to eight feet, but at low tide it is left high and dry for a few hours, so that it was only during these tidal intervals that the excavations could be conducted. on the occasion of my first visit to dumbuck, before excavations were begun, mr. donnelly and i counted twenty-seven piles of oak, some 5 or 8 inches in diameter, cropping up for a few inches through the mud, in the form of a circle 56 feet in diameter. the area thus enclosed was occupied with the trunks of small trees laid horizontally close to each other and directed towards the centre, and so superficial that portions of them were exposed above the surrounding mud, but all hollows and interstices were levelled up with sand or mud. the tops of the piles which projected above the surface of the log-pavement were considerably worn by the continuous action of the muddy waters during the ebb and flow of the tides, a fact which suggested the following remarkable hypothesis: 'their tops are shaped in an oval, conical form, meant to make a joint in a socket to erect the superstructure on.' these words are quoted from a 'report of a conjoint visit of the geological and philosophical societies to the dumbuck crannog, 8th april, 1899.' {26} the result of the excavations, so far as i can gather from observations made during my second visit to the 'crannog,' and the descriptions and plans published by various societies, may be briefly stated as follows. the log-pavement within the circle of piles was the upper of three similar layers of timbers placed one above the other, the middle layer having its beams lying transversely to that immediately above and below it. one of the piles (about 4 feet long) when freshly drawn up, clearly showed that it had been pointed by a sharp metal implement, the cutting marks being like those produced by an ordinary axe. the central portion (about 6 feet in diameter) had no woodwork, and the circular cavity thus formed, when cleared of fallen stones, showed indications of having been walled with stones and clay. surrounding this walled cavity--the so-called 'well' of the explorers, there was a kind of coping, in the form of five or six 'raised mounds,' arranged 'rosette fashion,' in regard to which mr. donnelly thus writes: 'one feature that strikes me very much in the configuration of the structure in the centre is those places marked x, fig. 20, around which i have discovered the presence of soft wood piles 5 inches in diameter driven into the ground, and bounding the raised stone arrangement; the stones in these rude circular pavements or cairns are laid slightly slanting inwards.' {27} from this description, and especially the 'slanting inwards' of these 'circular pavements' or 'cairns,' it would appear that they formed the bases for wooden stays to support a great central pole, a suggestion which, on different grounds, has already been made by dr. david murray. the surrounding piles were also attached to the horizontal logs by various ingenious contrivances, such as a fork, a natural bend, an artificial check, or a mortised hole; and some of the beams were pinned together by tree-nails, the perforations of which were unmistakable. this binding together of the wooden structures is a well-known feature in crannogs, as was demonstrated by my investigations at lochlee and elsewhere. {28a} it would be still more necessary in a substratum of timbers that was intended (as will be afterwards explained) to bear the weight of a superincumbent cairn. underneath the layers of horizontal woodwork some portions of heather, bracken, and brushwood were detected, and below this came a succession of thin beds of mud, loam, sand, gravel, and finally the blue clay which forms the solum of the river valley. {28b} the piles penetrated this latter, but not deeply, owing to its consistency; and so the blue clay formed an excellent foundation for a structure whose main object was resistance to superincumbent pressure. outside the circle of piles there was, at a distance of 12 to 14 feet, another wooden structure in the shape of a broad ring of horizontal beams and piles which surrounded the central area. the breadth of this outer ring was 7 feet, and it consisted of some nine rows of beams running circumferentially. beyond this lay scattered about some rough cobble stones, as if they had fallen down from a stone structure which had been raised over the woodwork. the space intervening between these wooden structures was filled up in its eastern third with a refuse heap, consisting of broken and partially burnt bones of various animals, the shells of edible molluscs, and a quantity of ashes and charcoal, evidently the debris of human occupancy. on the north, or landward side, the outer and inner basements of woodwork appeared to coalesce for 5 or 6 yards, leaving an open space having stones embedded in the mud and decayed wood, a condition of things which suggested a rude causeway. when mr. donnelly drew my attention to this, i demurred to its being so characterised owing to its indefiniteness. at the outer limit of this so-called causeway, and about 25 feet north-east of the circle of piles, a canoe was discovered lying in a kind of dock, rudely constructed of side stones and wooden piling. the canoe measures 35.5 feet long, 4 feet broad, and 1.5 foot deep. it has a square stern with a movable board, two grasping holes near the stem, and three round perforations (2 inches in diameter) in its bottom. on the north-west border of the log-pavement a massive ladder of oak was found, one end resting on the margin of the log-pavement and the other projecting obliquely into the timberless zone between the former and the outer woodwork. it is thus described in the _proceedings of the glasgow philosophical society_:{29} 'made of a slab of oak which has been split from the tree by wedges (on one side little has been done to dress the work), it is 15 feet 3 inches long, 2 feet broad, and 3.5 inches thick. six holes are cut for steps, 12 inches by 10 inches; the bottom of each is bevelled to an angle of 60 degrees to make the footing level when the ladder is in position. on one side those holes show signs of wear by long use.' an under quern stone, 19 inches in diameter, was found about halfway between the canoe and the margin of the circle of piles, and immediately to the east of the so-called causeway already described. i carefully examined the surface of the log-pavement with the view of finding evidence as to the possibility of its having been at any time the habitable area of this strange dwelling-place; but the result was absolutely negative, as not a single particle of bone or ash was discovered in any of its chinks. this fact, together with the impossibility of living on a surface that is submerged every twelve hours, and the improbability of any land subsidence having taken place since prehistoric times, or any adequate depression from the shrinkage of the under-structures themselves, compels me to summarily reject the theory that the dumbuck structure in its present form was an ordinary crannog. the most probable hypothesis, and that which supplies a reasonable explanation of all the facts, is that the woodwork was the foundation of a superstructure of stones built sufficiently high to be above the action of the tides and waves, over which there had been some kind of dwelling-place. the unique arrangement of the wooden substructures suggests that the central building was in the form of a round tower with very thick walls, like the brochs and other forts of north britain. the central space was probably occupied with a pole, firmly fixed at its base in the 'well,' and kept in position by suitable stays, resting partly on the stone 'cairns' already described, partly in wooden sockets fixed into the log-pavement, and partly on the inner wall of the tower. this suggestion seems to me to be greatly strengthened by the following description of some holed tree-roots in mr. bruce's paper to the scottish antiquaries: {30} 'midway between the centre and the outside piles of the structure what looked at first to be tree-roots or snags were noticed partly imbedded in the sand. on being washed of the adhering soil, holes of 12 inches wide by 25 inches deep were found cut in them at an angle, to all appearance for the insertion of struts for the support of an upper structure. on the outside, 14 inches down on either side, holes of 2 inches diameter were found intersecting the central hole, apparently for the insertion of a wooden key or trenail to retain the struts. these were found at intervals, and were held in position by stones and smaller jammers.' the outer woodwork formed the foundation of another stone structure, of a horseshoe shape, having the open side to the north or landside of the tower, which doubtless was intended as a breakwater. by means of the ladder placed slantingly against the wall of the central stone building access could be got to the top in all states of the tides. the people who occupied this watch-tower ground their own corn, and fared abundantly on beef, mutton, pork, venison, and shell-fish. the food refuse and other debris were thrown into the space between the central structure and the breakwater, forming in the course of time a veritable kitchen-midden. besides the causeway on the north side, mr. bruce describes 'a belt of stones, forming a pavement about six feet wide and just awash with the mud,' extending westwards about twenty yards from the central cavity, till it intersected the breakwater. {31} these so-called pavements and causeways were probably formed during the construction of the tower with its central pole, or perhaps at the time of its demolition, as it would be manifestly inconvenient to transport stones to or from such a place, in the midst of so much slush, without first making some kind of firm pathway. their present superficial position alone demonstrates the absurdity of assigning the dumbuck structures to neolithic times, as if the only change effected in the bed of the clyde since then would be the deposition of a few inches of mud. at a little distance to the west of these wooden structures there is the terminal end of a modern ditch ('the burn' of mr. alston), extending towards the shore, and having on its eastern bank a row of stepping stones; a fact which, in my opinion, partly accounts for the demolition of the stonework, which formerly stood over them. so far, the facts disclosed by the excavations of the structures at dumbuck, though highly interesting as evidence of the hand of man in the early navigation of the clyde basin, present nothing very remarkable or improbable. it is when we come to examine the strange relics which the occupants of this habitation have left behind them that the real difficulties begin." dr. munro next describes the disputed things found at dumbuck. they were analogous to those alleged to have been unearthed at dunbuie. they were "a number of strange objects like spear-heads or daggers, showing more or less workmanship, and variously ornamented. one great spear-head (figure 1), like an arrow-point, is 11 inches long and 4.75 inches wide at the barbs. the stem is perforated with two holes, in one of which there was a portion of an oak pin. it has a flat body and rounded edges, and is carefully finished by rubbing and grinding. one surface is ornamented with three cup-marks from which lines radiate like stars or suns, and the other has only small cups and a few transverse lines. there are some shaped stones, sometimes perforated for suspension, made of the same material; while another group of similar objects is made of cannel coal. all these are highly ornamented by a fantastic combination of circles, dots, lines, cup-and rings with or without gutters, and perforations. a small pebble (plate xv. no. 10) shows, on one side, a boat with three men plying their oars, and on the other an incised outline of a left hand having a small cup-and-ring in the palm. the most sensational objects in the collection are, however, four rude figures, cut out of shale (figs. 50 53), representing portions of the human face and person. one, evidently a female (figure 2), we are informed was found at the bottom of the kitchen midden, a strange resting-place for a goddess; the other three are grotesque efforts to represent a human face. there are also several oyster-shells, ornamented like some of the shale ornaments, and very similar to the oyster-shell ornaments of dunbuie. a splinter of a hard stone is inserted into the tine of a deer-horn as a handle (plate xiii. no. 5); and another small blunt implement (no. 1) has a bone handle. a few larger stones with cup-marks and some portions of partially worked pieces of shale complete the art gallery of dumbuck." it seemed as if some curse were on mr. donnelly! whether he discovered an unique old site of human existence in the water or on the land, some viewless fiend kept sowing the soil with _bizarre_ objects unfamiliar to dr. munro, and by him deemed incongruous with the normal and known features of human life on such sites. vii--langbank the curse, (that is, the forger,) unwearied and relentless, next smote mr. john bruce, f.s.a.scot., merely, as it seems, because he and mr. donnelly were partners in the perfectly legitimate pastime of archaeological exploration. mr. bruce's share of the trouble began at dumbuck. the canoe was found, the genuine canoe. "it was at once cleared out by myself," writes mr. bruce. in the bottom of the canoe he found "a spear-shaped slate object," and "an ornamented oyster shell, which has since mouldered away," and "a stone pendant object, and an implement of bone." {34} such objects have no business to be found in a canoe just discovered under the mud of clyde, and cleared out by mr. bruce himself, a man or affairs, and of undisputed probity. in this case the precise site of the dubious relics is given, by a man of honour, at first hand. i confess that my knowledge of human nature does not enable me to contest mr. bruce's written attestation, while i marvel at the astuteness of the forger. as a finder, on this occasion, mr. bruce was in precisely the same position as dr. munro at elie when, as he says, "as the second piece of pottery was disinterred by myself, i was able to locate its precise position at six inches below the surface of the relic bed." {35} mr. bruce was able to locate _his_ finds at the bottom of the canoe. if i understand mr. bruce's narrative, a canoe was found under the mud, and was "cleared out inside," by mr. bruce himself. had the forger already found the canoe, kept the discovery dark, inserted fraudulent objects, and waited for others to rediscover the canoe? or was he present at the first discovery, and did he subtly introduce, unnoted by any one, four objects of shell, stone, and bone, which he had up his sleeve, ready for an opportunity? one or other alternative must be correct, and either hypothesis has its difficulties. meanwhile sir arthur mitchell, not a credulous savant, says: "the evidence of authenticity in regard to these doubted objects from dumbuck is the usual evidence in such circumstances . . . it is precisely the same evidence of authenticity which is furnished in regard to all the classes of objects found in the dumbuck exploration--that is, in regard to the canoe, the quern, the bones etc.--about the authenticity of which no doubts have been expressed, as in regard to objects about which doubts have been expressed." {36a} of another object found by a workman at dumbuck dr. munro writes "is it not very remarkable that a workman, groping with his hand in the mud, should accidentally stumble on this relic--the only one found in this part of the site? is it possible that he was an unconscious thought-reader, and was thus guided to make the discovery" of a thing which "could as readily have been inserted there half-an-hour before?" {36b} this passage is "rote sarcustic." but surely dr. munro will not, he cannot, argue that mr. bruce was "an unconscious thought-reader" when _he_ "cleared out" the interior of the canoe, and found three disputed objects "in the bottom." if we are to be "psychical," there seems less evidence for "unconscious thought-reading," than for the presence of what are technically styled _apports_,--things introduced by an agency of supra-normal character, vulgarly called a "spirit." undeterred by an event which might have struck fear _in constantem virum_, mr. bruce, in the summer of 1901, was so reckless as to discover a fresh "submarine wooden structure" at langbank, on the left, or south bank of the clyde estuary opposite dumbarton castle. the dangerous object was cautiously excavated under the superintendence of mr. bruce, and a committee of the glasgow archaeological society. to be brief, the larger features were akin to those of dumbuck, without the central "well," or hole, supposed by dr. munro to have held the pole of a beaconcairn. the wooden piles, as at dumbuck, had been fashioned by "sharp metal tools." {37} this is mr. bruce's own opinion. this evidence of the use of metal tools is a great point of dr. munro, against such speculative minds as deem dumbuck and langbank "neolithic," that is, of a date long before the christian era. _they_ urged that stone tools could have fashioned the piles, but i know not that partisans of either opinion have made experiments in hewing trees with stone-headed axes, like the ingenious monsieur hippolyte muller in france. {38a} i am, at present, of opinion that all the sites are of an age in which iron was well known to the natives, and bronze was certainly known. the relics at langbank were (1) of a familiar, and (2) of an unfamiliar kind. there was (1) a small bone comb with a "late celtic" (200 b.c.-? a.d.) design of circles and segments of circles; there was a very small penannular brooch of brass or bronze; there were a few cut fragments of deer horn, pointed bones, stone polishers, and so forth, all familiar to science and acceptable. {38b} on the other hand, the curse fell on mr. bruce in the shape of two perforated shale objects: on one was cut a grotesque face, on the other two incomplete concentric circles, "a stem line with little nicks," and two vague incised marks, which may, or may not, represent "fragments of deer horn." {38c} we learn from mr. bruce that he first observed the langbank circle of stones from the window of a passing train, and that he made a few slight excavations, apparently at the end of september, 1901. more formal research was made in october; and again, under the superintendence of members of the glasgow archaeological society, in september, october, 1902. no members of the glasgow committee were present when either the undisputed late celtic comb, or the inscribed, perforated, and disputed pieces of cannel coal were discovered. illustrations of these objects and of the bronze penannular ring are here given, (figures 1, 2, 3, 4), (two shale objects are omitted,) by the kindness of the glasgow archaeological society (_transactions_, vol. v. p. 1). the brooch (allowed to be genuine) "might date from romano-british times, say 100-400 a.d. to any date up to late mediaeval times." {39} good evidence to date, in a wide sense, would be the "osseous remains," the bones left in the refuse at langbank and dumbuck. of the bones, i only gather as peculiarly interesting, that dr. bryce has found those of _bos longifrons_. of _bos longifrons_ as a proof of date, i know little. mr. ridgeway, disney professor of archaeology in the university of cambridge, is not "a merely literary man." in his work _the early age of greece_, vol. i., pp. 334, 335 (cambridge university press, 1901), mr. ridgeway speaks of _bos_ as the celtic ox, co-eval with the swiss lake dwellings, and known as _bos brachyceros_--"short horn"--so styled by rutimeyer. if he is "celtic" i cannot say how early _bos_ may have existed among the celts of britain, but the romans are thought by some persons to have brought the celtic ox to the celts of our island. if this be so, the clyde sites are not earlier (or _bos_ in these sites is not earlier) than the roman invasion. he lasted into the seventh or eighth centuries a.d. at least, and is found on a site discovered by dr. munro at elie. {40a} meanwhile archaeology is so lazy, that, after seven years, dr. bryce's "reports on the osseous remains" of langbank and dumbuck is but lately published. {40b} { figs. 1, 2: p40a.jpg} dr. bryce, in his report to the glasgow archaeological society, says that "_bos longifrons_ has a wide range in time, from neolithic down to perhaps even medieval times. it was the domestic ox in scotland for an unknown period, before, during, and for an unknown time after the roman invasion. . . . the occurrence of extinct, probably long extinct, breeds, and these only, make the phenomena in this respect at langbank exactly comparable with those observed at sites of pile buildings in scotland generally, and thus it becomes indirect evidence against the thesis that the structure belongs to some different category, and to quite recent times." {40c} { fig. 3: p40b.jpg} the evidence of the bones, then, denotes any date except a relatively recent date, of 1556-1758; contrary to an hypothesis to be touched on later. it follows, from the presence of _bos_ at elie (700 a.d.) that the occupants of the clyde sites at langbank may have lived there as late as, say, 750 a.d. but when they _began_ to occupy the sites is another question. { fig. 4: p40c.jpg} if roman objects are found, as they are, in brochs which show many relics of bronze, it does not follow that the brochs had not existed for centuries before the inhabitants acquired the waifs and strays of roman civilisation. in the nine caithness brochs described by dr. joseph anderson, {41} there was a crucible . . . with a portion of melted bronze, a bronze ring, moulds for ingots, an ingot of bronze, bits of roman "samian ware," but no iron. we can be sure that the broch folk were at some time in touch of roman goods, brought by traffickers perhaps, but how can we be sure that there were no brochs before the arrival of the romans? we shall return to the question of the disputable relics of the clyde, after discussing what science has to say about the probable date and original purpose of the wooden structures in the clyde estuary. nobody, it is admitted, forged _them_, but on the other hand dr. munro, the one most learned authority on "lake dwellings," or "crannogs," does not think that the sites were ever occupied by regular "crannogs," or lacustrine settlements, lake dwellings. viii--the original date and purpose of dumbuck and langbank the actual structures of langbank and dumbuck, then, are confessedly ancient remains; they are _not_ of the nineteenth century; they are "unique" in our knowledge, and we ask, what was the purpose of their constructors, and what is their approximate date? dr. munro quotes and discusses {43} a theory, or a tentative guess of dr. david murray. that scholar writes "river cairns are commonly built on piled platforms, _and my doubt is_ whether this is not the nature of the structure in question" (dumbuck). a river cairn is a solid pile of stonework, with, perhaps, a pole in the centre. at dumbuck there is the central "well" of six feet in diameter. dr. murray says that a pole "carried down to the bottom would probably be sunk in the clay, which would produce a hole, or well-like cavity similar to that of the dumbuck structure." {44} it is not stated that the poles of river cairns usually demand accommodation to the extent of six feet of diameter, in the centre of the solid mass of stones, and, as the langbank site has no central well, the tentative conjecture that it was a river cairn is not put forward. dr. murray suggests that the dumbuck cairn "may have been one of the works of 1556 or 1612," that is, of the modern age of queen mary and james vi. the object of such corporation cairns "was no doubt to mark the limit of their jurisdiction, and also to serve as a beacon to vessels coming up the river." now the corporation, with its jurisdiction and beacons, is purely modern. in 1758 the corporation had a "lower cairn, if it did not occupy this very spot" (dumbuck) "it stood upon the same line and close to it. there are, however, no remains of such cairn," says dr. murray. he cites no evidence for the date and expenses of the demolition of the cairn from any municipal book of accounts. now we have to ask (1) is there any evidence that men in 1556-1758 lived on the tops of such modern cairns, dating from the reign of mary stuart? (2) if men then lived on the top of a cairn till their food refuse became "a veritable kitchen midden," as dr. munro says, {45} would that refuse exhibit bones of _bos longifrons_; and over ninety bone implements, sharpened antlers of deer, stone polishers, hammer stones, "a saddle stone" for corn grinding, and the usual _debris_ of sites of the fifth to the twelfth centuries? (3) would such a modern site exhibit these archaic relics, plus a "late celtic" comb and "penannular brooch," and exhibit not one modern article of metal, or one trace of old clay tobacco pipes, crockery, or glass? the answers to these questions are obvious. it is not shown that any men ever lived on the tops of cairns, and, even if they did so in modern times (1556-1758) they could not leave abundant relics of the broch and crannog age (said to be of 400-1100 a.d.), and leave no relics of modern date. this theory, or suggestion, is therefore demonstrably untenable and unimaginable. dr. munro, however, "sees nothing against the supposition" that "dr. murray is right," but dr. munro's remarks about the hypothesis of modern cairns, as a theory "against which he sees nothing," have the air of being an inadvertent _obiter dictum_. for, in his conclusion and summing up he writes, "we claim to have established that the structures of dunbuie, dumbuck, and langbank are remains of inhabited sites of the early-iron age, dating to some time between the fifth and twelfth centuries." {46a} i accept this conclusion, and will say as little as may be about the theory of a modern _origin_ of the sites, finally discarded by dr. munro. i say "discarded," for his theory is that the modern corporation utilised an earlier structure as a cairn or beacon, or boundary mark, which is perfectly possible. but, if this occurred, it does not affect the question, for this use of the structure has left no traces of any kind. there are no relics, except relics of the fifth (?) to twelfth (?) centuries. in an earlier work by dr. munro, _prehistoric scotland_ (p. 439), published in 1899, he observes that we have no evidence as to the when, or how of the removal of the stones of the hypothetical "corporation cairn," or "round tower with very thick walls," {46b} or "watch tower," which is supposed to have been erected above the wooden sub-structure at dumbuck. he tentatively suggests that the stones may have been used, perhaps, for the stone causeway now laid along the bank of the recently made canal, from a point close to the crannog to the railway. no record is cited. he now offers guesses as to the stones "in the so-called pavements and causeways." first, the causeways may have probably been made "during the construction of the tower with its central pole," (here the cairn is a habitable beacon, habitable on all hypotheses,) or, again, "perhaps at the time of its demolition" about which demolition we know nothing, {47a} except that the most of the stones are not now _in situ._ several authentic stone crannogs in scotland, as to which we have information, possessed no central pole, but had a stone causeway, still extant, leading, _e.g._ from the crannog to the shore of the ashgrove loch, "a causeway of rough blocks of sandstone slabs." {47b} if one stone crannog had a stone causeway, why should this ancient inhabited cairn or round tower not possess a stone causeway? though useless at high water, at low water it would afford better going. in a note to _ivanhoe_, and in his northern tour of 1814, scott describes a stone causeway to a broch on an artificial island in loch cleik-him-in, near lerwick. now this loch, says scott, was, at the time when the broch was inhabited, open to the flow of tide water. as people certainly did live on these structures of langbank and dunbuie during the broch and crannog age (centuries 5-12) it really matters not to our purpose _why_ they did so, or _how_ they did so. let us suppose that the circular wall of the stone superstructure slanted inwards, as is not unusual. in that case the habitable area at the top may be reduced to any extent that is thought probable, with this limitation:--the habitable space must not be too small for the accommodation of the persons who filled up the eastern third of an area of from twelve to fourteen feet in breadth, and in some places a foot in thickness, with a veritable kitchen-midden, of "broken and partially burned bones of various animals, shells of edible molluscs, and a quantity of ashes and charcoal . . . ." {48} but dr. munro assures me that the remains discovered could be deposited in a few years of regular occupancy by two or three persons. the structure certainly yielded habitable space enough to accommodate the persons who, in the fifth to twelfth centuries, left these traces of their occupancy. beyond that fact i do not pretend to estimate the habitable area. why did these people live on this structure in the fifth to twelfth centuries? almost certainly, not for the purpose of directing the navigation of the clyde. at that early date, which i think we may throw far back in the space of the six centuries of the estimate, or may even throw further back still, the clyde was mainly navigated by canoes of two feet or so in depth, though we ought to have statistics of remains of larger vessels discovered in the river bed. {49a} i think we may say that the finances of glasgow, in st. kentigern's day, about 570-600 a.d., would not be applied to the construction of dr. munro's "tower with its central pole and very thick walls" {49b} erected merely for the purpose of warning canoes off shoals in the clyde. that the purpose of the erection was to direct the navigation of clyde by canoes, or by the long vessels of the viking raiders, appears to me improbable. i offer, _periculo meo_, a different conjecture, of which i shall show reason to believe that dr. munro may not disapprove. the number of the dwellers in the structure, and the duration of their occupancy, does not affect my argument. if two natives, in a very few years, could deposit the "veritable kitchen midden," with all the sawn horns, bone implements, and other undisputed relics, we must suppose that the term of occupancy was very brief, or not continuous, and that the stone structure "with very thick walls like the brochs" represented labours which were utilised for a few years, or seldom. my doubt is as to whether the structure was intended for the benefit of navigators of the clyde--in shallow canoes! ix--a guess at the possible purpose of langbank and dumbuck the dumbuck structure, when occupied, adjoined and commanded a _ford_ across the undeepened clyde of uncommercial times. so sir arthur mitchell informs us. {51a} the langbank structure, as i understand, is opposite to that of dumbuck on the southern side of the river. if two strongly built structures large enough for occupation exist on opposite sides of a ford, their purpose is evident: they guard the ford, like the two stone camps on each side of the narrows of the avon at clifton. dr. munro, on the other hand, says, "the smallness of the habitable area on both "sites" puts them out of the category of military forts." {51b} my suggestion is that the structure was so far "military" as is implied in its being occupied, with langbank on the opposite bank of clyde by keepers of the ford. in 1901 dr. munro wrote, "even the keepers of the watch-tower at the ford of dumbuck had their quern, and ground their own corn." {52a} this idea has therefore passed through dr. munro's mind, though i did not know the fact till after i had come to the same hypothesis. the habitable area was therefore, adequate to the wants of these festive people. i conjecture that these "keepers of the watch-tower at the ford" were military "watchers of the ford," for that seems to me less improbable than that "a round tower with very thick walls, {52b} like the brochs and other forts of north britain," was built in the interests of the navigation of clyde at a very remote period. {52c} but really all this is of no importance to the argument. people lived in these sites, perhaps as early as 400 a.d. or earlier. such places of safety were sadly needed during the intermittent and turbulent roman occupation. x--the last day at old dumbuck suppose the sites were occupied by the watchers of the ford. there they lived, no man knows how long, on their perch over the waters of clyde. they dwelt at top of a stone structure some eight feet above low water mark, for they could not live on the ground floor, of which the walls, fifty feet thick at the base, defied the waves of the high tides driven by the west wind. there our friends lived, and probably tatooed themselves, and slew _bos longifrons_ and the deer that, in later ages, would have been forbidden game to them. if i may trust bede, born in 672, and finishing his history in 731, our friends were picts, and spoke a now unknown language, _not_ that of the bretonnes, or cymri, or welsh, who lived on the northern side of the firth of clyde. or the occupants of dumbuck, on the north side of the river, were cymri; those of langbank, on the south side, were picts. i may at once say that i decline to be responsible for bede, and his ethnology, but he lived nearer to those days than we do. with their ladder of fifteen feet long, a slab of oak, split from the tree by wedges, and having six holes chopped out of the solid for steps, they climbed to their perch, the first floor of their abode. i never heard of a ladder made in this way, but the zunis used simply to cut notches for the feet in the trunk of a tree, and "sich a getting up stairs" it must have been, when there was rain, and the notches were wet! time passed, the kitchen midden grew, and the cymri founded ailcluith, "clyde rock," now dumbarton; "to this day," says bede, "the strongest city of the britons." {54} then the scots came, and turned the britons out; and st. columba came, and st. kentigern from wales (573-574), and began to spread the gospel among the pagan picts and cymri. stone amulets and stone idols, (if the disputed objects are idols and amulets,) "have had their day," (as bob acres says "damns have had their day,") and, with ailcluith in scots' hands, "'twas time for us to go" thought the picts and cymri of langbank and dumbuck. sadly they evacuate their old towers or cairns before the scots who now command the dumbuck ford from dumbarton. they cross to land on their stone causeway at low water. they abandon the old canoe in the little dock where it was found by mr. bruce. they throw down the venerable ladder. they leave behind only the canoe, the deer horns, stone-polishers, sharpened bones, the lower stone of a quern, and the now obsolete, or purely folk-loreish stone "amulets," or "pendants," and the figurines, which to call "idols" is unscientific, while to call them "totems" is to display "facetious and rejoicing ignorance." dr. munro merely quotes this foolish use of the term totem by others. these old things the evicted picts and cymri abandoned, while they carried with them their more valuable property, their early iron axes and knives, their treasured bits of red "samian ware," inherited from roman times, their amber beads, and the rest of their bibelots, down to the minutest fragment of pottery. or it may not have been so: the conquering scots may have looted the cairns, and borne the pictish cairn-dwellers into captivity. looking at any broch, or hill fort, or crannog, the fancy dwells on the last day of its occupation: the day when the canoe was left to subside into the mud and decaying vegetable matter of the loch. in changed times, in new conditions, the inhabitants move away to houses less damp, and better equipped with more modern appliances. i see the little troop, or perhaps only two natives, cross the causeway, while the minstrel sings in pictish or welsh a version of "the auld hoose, the auld hoose, what though the rooms were sma', wi' six feet o' diameter, and a rung gaun through the ha'!" the tears come to my eyes, as i think of the last day of old dumbuck, for, take it as you will, there _was_ a last day of dumbuck, as of windy ilios, and of "carthage left deserted of the sea." so ends my little idyllic interlude, and, if i am wrong, blame venerable bede! xi--my theory of provisional date provisionally, and for the sake of argument merely, may i suggest that the occupancy of these sites may be dated by me, about 300-550 a.d.? that date is well within the iron age: iron had long been known and used in north britain. but to the non-archaeological reader, the terms stone age, bronze age, iron age, are apt to prove misleading. the early iron age, like the bronze age, was familiar with the use of implements of stone. in the scottish crannogs, admirably described by dr. munro, in his _ancient scottish lake dwellings_, were found implements of flint, a polished stone axe-head, an iron knife at the same lowest level, finger rings of gold, a forged english coin of the sixth or seventh century a.d., well-equipped canoes (a common attendant of crannogs), the greater part of a stone inscribed with concentric circles, a cupped stone, and a large quartz crystal of the kind which apaches in north america, and the euahlayi tribe in new south wales, use in crystal gazing. in early ages, after the metals had been worked, stone, bronze, and iron were still used as occasion served, just as the australian black will now fashion an implement in "palaeolithic" wise, with a few chips; now will polish a weapon in "neolithic" fashion; and, again, will chip a fragment of glass with wonderful delicacy; or will put as good an edge as he can on a piece of hoop iron. i venture, then, merely for the sake of argument, to date the origin of the clyde sites in the dark years of unrecorded turmoil which preceded and followed the roman withdrawal. the least unpractical way of getting nearer to their purpose is the careful excavation of a structure of wood and stone near eriska, where prince charles landed in 1745. dr. munro has seen and described this site, but is unable to explain it. certainly it cannot be a corporation cairn. xii--the disputed objects we now approach the disputed and very puzzling objects found in the three clyde sites. my object is, not to demonstrate that they were actually fashioned in, say, 410-550 a.d., or that they were relics of an age far more remote, but merely to re-state the argument of dr. joseph anderson, keeper of the scottish national museum, and of sir arthur mitchell, both of them most widely experienced and sagacious archaeologists. they play the waiting game, and it may be said that they "sit upon the fence"; i am proud to occupy a railing in their company. dr. anderson spoke at a meeting of the scots society of antiquaries, may 14, 1900, when mr. bruce read a paper on dumbuck, and exhibited the finds. "with regard to the relics, he said that there was nothing exceptional in the chronological horizon of a portion of them from both sites (dumbuck and dunbuie), but as regards another portion, he could find no place for it in any archaeological series, as it had 'no recognisable affinity with any objects found anywhere else.'" "for my part," said dr. anderson, (and he has not altered his mind,) "i do not consider it possible or necessary in the meantime that there should be a final pronouncement on these questions. in the absence of decisive evidence, which time may supply, i prefer to suspend my judgment--merely placing the suspected objects (as they place themselves) in the list of things that must wait for further evidence, because they contradict present experience. it has often happened that new varieties of things have been regarded with suspicion on account of their lack of correspondence with things previously known, and that the lapse of time has brought corroboration of their genuineness through fresh discoveries. if time brings no such corroboration, they still remain in their proper classification as things whose special character has not been confirmed by archaeological experience." sir arthur mitchell spoke in the same sense, advising suspension of judgment, and that we should await the results of fresh explorations both at dumbuck and elsewhere. {61} dr. murray said that the disputed finds "are puzzling, but we need not condemn them because we do not understand them." dr. munro will not suspend _his_ judgment: the objects, he declares, are spurious. xiii--method of inquiry i remarked, early in this tract, that "with due deference, and with doubt, i think dr. munro's methods capable of modification." i meant that i prefer, unlike dr. munro in this case, to extend the archaeological gaze beyond the limits of things already known to occur in the scottish area which--by the way--must contain many relics still unknown. i "let observation with extensive view survey mankind from china to peru," to discover whether objects analogous to those under dispute occur anywhere among early races of the past or present. this kind of wide comparison is the method of anthropology. thus prof. rhys and others find so very archaic an institution as the reckoning of descent in the female line,--inheritance going through the mother,--among the picts of scotland, and they even find traces of totemism, an institution already outworn among several of the naked tribes of australia, who reckon descent in the male line. races do not, in fact, advance on a straight and unbroken highway of progress. you find that the kurnai of australia are more civilised, as regards the evolution of the modern family, than were the picts who built crannogs and dug canoes, and cultivated the soil, and had domesticated animals, and used iron, all of them things that the kurnai never dreamed of doing. as to traces of totemism in scotland and ireland, i am not persuaded by professor rhys that they occur, and are attested by celtic legends about the connection of men and kinships with animals, and by personal and kinship names derived from animals. the question is very obscure. {63} but as the topic of totemism has been introduced, i may say that many of the mysterious archaic markings on rocks, and decorations of implements, in other countries, are certainly known to be a kind of shorthand design of the totem animal. thus a circle, whence proceeds a line ending in a triple fork, represents the raven totem in north america: another design, to our eyes meaningless, stands for the wolf totem; a third design, a set of bands on a spear shaft, does duty for the gerfalcon totem, and so on. {64a} equivalent marks, such as spirals, and tracks of emu's feet, occur on sacred stones found round the graves of australian blacks on the darling river. they were associated with rites which the oldest blacks decline to explain. the markings are understood to be totemic. occasionally they are linear, as in ogam writing. {64b} any one who is interested in the subject of the origin, in certain places, of the patterns, may turn to mr. haddon's _evolution of art_. {64c} mr. haddon shows how the portuguese pattern of horizontal triangles is, in the art of the uncivilised natives of brazil, meant to represent bats. {64d} a cross, dotted, within a circle, is directly derived, through several stages, from a representation of an alligator. {64e} we cannot say whether or not the same pattern, found at dumbuck, in central australia, and in tropical america, arose in the "schematising" of the same object in nature, in all three regions, or not. without direct evidence, we cannot assign a meaning to the patterns. xiv--the possible meanings of the marks and objects my private opinion as to the meaning of the archaic marks and the clyde objects which bear them, has, in part by my own fault, been misunderstood by dr. munro. he bases an argument on the idea that i suppose the disputed "pendants" to have had, in clydesdale, precisely the same legendary, customary, and magical significance as the stone churinga of the arunta tribe in australia. that is not my theory. dr. munro quotes me, without indicating the source, (which, i learn, is my first letter on the subject to the _glasgow herald_, jan. 10th, 1899), as saying that the clyde objects "are in absolutely startling agreement" with the arunta _churinga_. {65} doubtless, before i saw the objects, i thus overstated my case, in a letter to a newspaper, in 1899. but in my essay originally published in the _contemporary review_, (march 1899,) and reprinted in my book, _magic and religion_, of 1901, {66} i stated my real opinion. this is a maturely considered account of my views as they were in 1899-1901, and, unlike old newspaper correspondence, is easily accessible to the student. it is _not_ "out of print." i compared the australian marks on small stones and on rock walls, and other "fixtures in the landscape," with the markings on scottish boulders, rock walls, cists, and so forth, and also with the marks on the disputed objects. i added "the startling analogy between australia and old scottish markings _saute aux yeux_," and i spoke truth. down to the designs which represent footmarks, the analogy is "startling," is of great interest, and was never before made the subject of comment. i said that we could not know whether or not the markings, in scotland and australia, had the same meaning. as to my opinion, then, namely that we cannot say what is the significance of an archaic pattern in scotland, or elsewhere, though we may know the meaning assigned to it in central australia, there can no longer be any mistake. i take the blame of having misled dr. munro by an unguarded expression in a letter to the society of scottish antiquaries, {67} saying that, if the disputed objects were genuine, they implied the survival, on clyde, "of a singularly archaic set of ritual and magical ideas," namely those peculiar to the arunta and kaitish tribes of central australia. but that was a slip of the pen, merely. this being the case, i need not reply to arguments of dr. munro (pp. 248250) against an hypothesis which no instructed person could entertain, beginning with the assumption that from an unknown centre, some people who held arunta ideas migrated to central australia, and others to the clyde. nobody supposes that the use of identical or similar patterns, and of stones of superstitious purpose, implies community of race. these things may anywhere be independently evolved, and in different regions may have quite different meanings, if any; while the use of "charm stones" or witch stones, is common among savages, and survives, in england and scotland, to this day. the reader will understand that i am merely applying mr. e. b. tylor's method of the study of "survivals in culture," which all anthropologists have used since the publication of mr. tylor's _primitive culture_, thirty-five years ago. xv--question of method continued what is admitted to be true of survivals in the family among the picts may also be true as to other survivals in art, superstition, and so forth. i would, therefore, compare the disputed clyde objects with others analogous to them, of known or unknown purpose, wheresoever they may be found. i am encouraged in this course by observing that it is pursued, for example, by the eminent french archaeologist, monsieur cartailhac, in his book _les ages prehistoriques de france et d'espagne_. he does not hesitate, as we shall see, to compare peculiar objects found in france or spain, with analogous objects of doubtful purpose, found in america or the antilles. m. cartailhac writes that, to find anything resembling certain portuguese "thin plaques of slate in the form of a crook, or crozier," he "sought through all ethnographic material, ancient and modern." he did find the parallels to his portuguese objects, one from gaudeloup, the other either french, or from the antilles. {69} sir john evans, again, compares british with australian objects; in fact the practice is recognised. i therefore intend to make use of this comparative method. on the other hand, dr. munro denies that any of my analogies drawn from remote regions are analogous, and it will be necessary to try to prove that they are,--that my australian, american, portuguese, and other objects are of the same kind, apparently, as some of the disputed relics of the clyde. if i succeed, one point will be made probable. either the clyde objects are old, or the modern maker knew much more of archaeology than many of his critics and used his knowledge to direct his manufacture of spurious things; or he kept coinciding _accidentally_ with genuine relics of which he knew nothing. xvi--magic again, i must push my method beyond that of dr. munro, by considering the subject of magic, in relation to perforated and other stones, whether inscribed with designs, or uninscribed. among the disputed objects are many such stones, and it is legitimate for me to prove, not only that they occur in many sites of ancient life, but that their magical uses are still recognised, or were very recently recognised in the british folklore of to-day. a superstition which has certainly endured to the nineteenth century may obviously have existed among the picts, or whoever they were, of the crannog and broch period on clyde. the only _a priori_ objection is the absence of such objects among finds made on british soil, but our discoveries cannot be exhaustive: time may reveal other examples, and already we have a few examples, apart from the objects in dispute. xvii--disputed objects classified dr. munro classifies the disputed objects as _weapons_, _implements_, "_amulets_" _or pendants_, _cup-and-ring stones_, "_human figurines or idols_." for reasons of convenience, and because what i heard about group 3, the "amulets or pendants" first led me into this discussion, i shall here first examine them. dr. munro reproduces some of them in one plate (xv. p. 228). he does not say by what process they are reproduced; merely naming them . . . "objects of slate and stone from dumbuck." dr. munro describes the "amulets" or "pendants" thus: "the largest group of objects (plate xv.) consists of the so-called amulets or pendants of stone, shale, and shell, some fifteen to twenty specimens of which have been preserved and recorded as having been found on the different stations, viz., three from dunbuie (exclusive of a few perforated oyster shells), eleven from dumbuck, and one from langbank. their ornamentation is chiefly of the cup-and-ring order, only a few having patterns composed of straight lines. some of them are so large as to be unfit to be used as amulets or pendants, such, for example, as that represented by no. 14, which is 9 inches long, 3.5 inches broad, and 0.5 inch thick. the ornamentation consists of a strongly incised line running downwards from the perforation with small branch lines directed alternately right and left. any human being, who would wear this object, either as an ornament or religious emblem, would be endowed with the most archaic ideas of decorative art known in the history of human civilisation. yet we can have no doubt that the individual who manufactured it, if he were an inhabitant of any of the clyde sites, was at the same time living in a period not devoid of culture, and was in possession of excellent cutting implements, most likely of iron, with which he manipulated wood, deer horn, and other substances. these objects are nearly all perforated, as if intended for suspension, but sometimes, in addition to this, there is a large central hole around which there is always an ornamentation, generally consisting of incised circles or semicircles, with divergent lines leading into small hollow points, the so-called cup-marks." i shall return to the theory that the stones were "ornaments"; meanwhile i proceed to the consideration of "cup-marks" on stones, large or small. xviii--cup marks in crannogs as to cup marks, or _cupules_, little basins styled also _ecuelles_, now isolated, now grouped, now separate, now joined by hollowed lines, they are familiar on rocks, funeral cists, and so forth in asia, europe, and north america (and australia), as m. cartailhac remarks in reviewing dr. magni's work on cupped rocks near como. {73a} "their meaning escapes us," says m. cartailhac. these cups, or cupules, or _ecuelles_ occur, not only at dumbuck, but in association with a scottish crannog of the iron age, admirably described by dr. munro himself. {73b} he found a polished celt, {73c} and a cupped stone, and he found a fragmentary block of red sandstone, about a foot in length, inscribed with concentric circles, surrounding a cup. the remainder of the stone, with the smaller part of the design, was not found. here, then, we have these archaic patterns and marks on isolated stones, one of them about 13 inches long, in a genuine scottish crannog, of the genuine iron age, while flint celts also occur, and objects of bronze. therefore cup markings, and other archaic markings are not unknown or suspicious things in a genuine pile structure in scotland. why, then, suspect them at dumbuck? at dumbuck the cups occur on a triangular block of sandstone, 14.5 inches long and 4 inches thick. another cupped block is of 21.5 inches by 16.5. {74} no forger brought these cupped stones in his waistcoat pocket. we have thus made good the point that an isolated cupped stone, and an isolated stone inscribed with concentric circles round a cup, do occur in a crannog containing objects of the stone, bronze, and iron ages. the meaning, if any, of these inscribed stones, in the lochlee crannog, is unknown. many of the disputed objects vary from them in size, while presenting examples of archaic patterns. are they to be rejected because they vary in size? we see that the making of this class of decorative patterns, whether they originally had a recognised meaning; or whether, beginning as mere decorations, perhaps "schematistic" designs of real objects, they later had an arbitrary symbolic sense imposed upon them, is familiar to australians of to-day, who use, indifferently, stone implements of the neolithic or of the palaeolithic type. we also know that "in a remote corner of tropical america," the rocks are inscribed with patterns "typically identical with those engraved in the british rocks." {75} these markings are in the country of the chiriquis, an extinct gold-working neolithic people, very considerable artists, especially in the making of painted ceramics. the picts and scots have left nothing at all approaching to their pottery work. these identical patterns, therefore, have been independently evolved in places most remote in space and in stage of civilisation, while in galloway, as i shall show, i have seen some of them scrawled in chalk on the flag stones in front of cottage doors. the identity of many scottish and australian patterns is undenied, while i disclaim the opinion that, in each region, they had the same significance. i have now established the coincidence between the markings of rocks in australia, in tropical america, and in scotland. i have shown that such markings occur, in scotland, associated with remains, in a crannog, of the age of iron. they also occur on stones, large (cupped) and small, in dumbuck. my next business is, if i can, to establish, what dr. munro denies, a parallelism between these disputed clyde stones, and the larger or smaller inscribed stones of the arunta and kaitish, in australia, and other small stones, decorated or plain, found in many ancient european sites. their meaning we know not, but probably they were either reckoned ornamental, or magical, or both. xix--parallelism between the disputed objects and other objects elsewhere on clyde (if the disputed things be genuine) we find decorated plaques or slabs of soft stone, of very various dimensions and shapes. in australia some of these objects are round, many oval, others elongated, others thin and pointed, like a pencil; others oblong--while on clyde, some are round, one is coffin-shaped, others are palette-shaped, others are pearshaped (the oval tapering to one extremity), one is triangular, one is oblong. {77} in australia, as on clyde, the stones bear some of the archaic markings common on the rock faces both in scotland and in central australia: on large rocks they are _painted_, in australia, in scotland they are _incised_. i maintain that there is a singularly strong analogy between the two sets of circumstances, scottish and australian; large rocks inscribed with archaic designs; smaller stones inscribed with some of these designs. is it not so? dr. munro, on the other hand, asserts that there is no such parallelism. but i must point out that there is, to some extent, an admitted parallelism. "the familiar designs which served as models to the clyde artists"--"plain cups and rings, with or without gutter channels, spirals, circles, concentric circles, semicircles, horseshoe and harpshaped figures, etc.," occur, or a selection of them occurs, both on the disputed objects, and on the rocks of the hills. so dr. munro truly says (p. 260). the same marks, plain cups, cups and rings, spirals, concentric circles, horseshoes, medial lines with short slanting lines proceeding from them, like the branches on a larch, or the spine of a fish, occur on the rocks of the arunta hills, and also on plaques of stone cherished and called churinga ("sacred") by the arunta. {78} here is what i call "parallelism." dr. munro denies this parallelism. there are, indeed, other parallelisms with markings other than those of the rocks at auchentorlie which dr. munro regards as the sources of the faker's inspiration. thus, on objects from dumbuck (munro, plate xv. figs, 11 and 12), there are two "signs": one is a straight line, horizontal, with three shorter lines under it at right angles, the other a line with four lines under it. these signs "are very frequent in trojan antiquities," and on almost all the "hut urns" found "below the lava at marino, near albano, or on ancient tombs near corneto." whatever they mean, (and prof. sayce finds the former of the two "signs" "as a hittite hieroglyph,") i do not know them at auchentorlie. after "a scamper among the surrounding hills," the faker may have passed an evening with dr. schliemann's _troja_ (1884, pp. 126, 127) and may have taken a hint from the passages which have just been cited. or he may have cribbed the idea of these archaic markings from don manuel de gongora y martinez, his _antiguedades pre-historicas de andalucia_ (madrid, 1868, p. 65, figures 70, 71). in these spanish examples the marks are, clearly, "schematised" or rudimentary designs of animals, in origin. our faker is a man of reading. but, _enfin_, the world is full of just such markings, which may have had one meaning here, another there, or may have been purely decorative. "race" has nothing to do with the markings. they are "universally human," though, in some cases, they may have been transmitted by one to another people. { fig. 5: p80a.jpg} the reader must decide as to whether i have proved my parallelisms, denied by dr. munro, between the clyde, australian, and other markings, whether on rocks or on smaller stones. {80a} { fig. 6: p80b.jpg} it suffices me to have tried to prove the parallelism between australian and clyde things, and to record dr. munro's denial thereof--"i unhesitatingly maintain that there is no parallelism whatever between the two sets of objects." {80b} { fig. 7: p80c.jpg} xx--unmarked charm stones it must be kept in mind that churinga, "witch stones," "charm stones," or whatever the smaller stones may be styled, are not necessarily marked with any pattern. in australia, in portugal, in russia, in france, in north america, in scotland, as we shall see, such stones may be unmarked, may bear no inscription or pattern. {81} these are plain magic stones, such as survive in english peasant superstition. in dr. munro's _ancient lake dwellings of europe_, plain stone discs, perforated, do occur, but rarely, and there are few examples of pendants with cupped marks. of these two, as being cupped pendants, might look like analogues of the disputed clyde stones, but dr. munro, owing to the subsequent exposure of the "horn age" forgeries, now has "a strong suspicion that he was taken in" by the things. {82a} to return to scottish stones. in mr. graham callander's essay on perforated stones, {82b} he publishes an uninscribed triangular stone, with a perforation, apparently for suspension. this is one of several such scottish stones, and though we cannot prove it, may have had a superstitious purpose. happily sir walter scott discovered and describes the magical use to which this kind of charm stone was put in 1814. when a person was unwell, in the orkney isles, the people, like many savages, supposed that a wizard had stolen his heart. "the parties' friends resort to a cunning man or woman, who hangs about the [patient's] neck a triangular stone in the shape of a heart." {82c} this is a thoroughly well-known savage superstition, the stealing of the heart, or vital spirit, and its restoration by magic. this use of triangular or heart-shaped perforated stones was not inconsistent with the civilisation of the nineteenth century, and, of course, was not inconsistent with the civilisation of the picts. a stone may have magical purpose, though it bears no markings. meanwhile most churinga, and many of the disputed objects, have archaic markings, which also occur on rock faces. xxi--quality of art on the stones dr. munro next reproduces two _wooden_ churinga (_churinga irula_), as being very unlike the clydesdale objects _in stone_ {84a} (figures 5, 6). they are: but i was speaking of australian _churinga nanja_, of _stone_. a stone churinga {84b} presented, i think, by mr. spencer through me to the scottish society of antiquaries (also reproduced by dr. munro), is a much better piece of work, as i saw when it reached me, than most of the clyde things. "the clyde amulets are," says dr. munro, "neither strictly oval," (_nor are very many australian samples_,) "nor well finished, nor symmetrical, being generally water-worn fragments of shale or clay slate. . . ." they thus resemble ancient red indian pendants. as to the art of the patterns, the australians have a considerable artistic gift; as grosse remarks, {85a} while either the clyde folk had less, or the modern artists had _not_ "some practical artistic skill." but dr. munro has said that any one with "some practical artistic skill" could whittle the clyde objects. {85b} he also thinks that in one case they "disclose the hand of one not altogether ignorant of art" (p. 231). let me put a crucial question. are the archaic markings on the disputed objects better, or worse, or much on a level with the general run of such undisputably ancient markings on large rocks, cists, and cairns in scotland? i think the art in both cases is on the same low level. when the art on the disputed objects is more formal and precise, as on some shivered stones at dunbuie, "the stiffness of the lines and figures reminds one more of rule and compass than of the free-hand work of prehistoric artists." {85c} the modern faker sometimes drew his marks "free-hand," and carelessly; sometimes his regularities suggest line and compass. now, as to the use of compasses, a small pair were found with late celtic remains, at lough crew, and plaques of bone decorated by aid of such compasses, were also found, {85d} in a cairn of a set adorned with the archaic markings, cup and ring, concentric circles, medial lines with shorter lines sloping from them on either side, and a design representing, apparently, an early mono-cycle! for all that i know, a dweller in dunbuie might have compasses, like the lough crew cairn artist. if i have established the parallelism between arunta churinga nanja and the disputed clyde "pendants," which dr. munro denies, we are reduced to one of two theories. either the picts of clyde, or whoever they were, repeated on stones, usually small, some of the patterns on the neighbouring rocks; or the modern faker, for unknown reasons, repeated these and other archaic patterns on smaller stones. his motive is inscrutable: the australian parallels were unknown to european science,--but he may have used european analogues. on the other hand, while dr. munro admits that the early clyde people might have repeated the rock decorations "on small objects of slate and shale," he says that the objects "would have been, even then, as much out of place as surviving remains of the earlier scottish civilisation as they are at the present day." {86} how can we assert that magic stones, or any such stone objects, perforated or not, were necessarily incongruous with "the earlier scottish civilisation?" no civilisation, old or new, is incapable of possessing such stones; even scotland, as i shall show, can boast two or three samples, such as the stone of the keiss broch, a perfect circle, engraved with what looks like an attempt at a runic inscription; and another in a kind of cursive characters. xxii--survival of magic of stones if "incongruous with the earlier scottish civilisation" the use of "charm stones" is not incongruous with the british civilisation of the nineteenth century. in the _proceedings of the society of antiquaries_ (scot.) (1902-1903, p. 166 _et seq._) mr. graham callander, already cited, devotes a very careful essay to such perforated stones, circular or triangular, or otherwise shaped, found in the garioch. they are of slate, or "heather stone," and of various shapes and sizes. their original purpose is unknown. the perforation, or cup not perforated, is sometimes in the centre, in a few cases in "near the end." mr. graham callander heard of a recent old lady in roxburghshire, who kept one of these stones, of irregularly circular shape, behind the door for luck. {88} "it was always spoken of as a charm," though its ancient maker may have intended it for some prosaic practical use. { fig. 8: p88.jpg} i take the next example that comes to hand. "thin flat oolite stones, having a natural perforation, are found in abundance on the yorkshire coast. they are termed "witch stones," and are tied to door keys, or suspended by a string behind the cottage door, "to keep witches out." {89} "a thin flat perforated witch stone," answers to an uninscribed arunta churinga; "a magic thing," and its use survives in britain, as in yorkshire and roxburghshire. we know no limit to the persistence of survival of superstitious things, such as magic stones. this is the familiar lesson of anthropology and of folk lore, and few will now deny the truth of the lesson. xxiii--modern survival of magical wood churinga i take another example of modern survival in magic. dr. munro, perhaps, would think wooden churinga, used for magical ends, "incongruous with the earlier scottish civilisation." but such objects have not proved to be incongruous with the scottish civilisation of the nineteenth century. the term _churinga_, "sacred," is used by the arunta to denote not only the stone churinga nanja, a local peculiarity of the arunta and kaitish, but also the decorated and widely diffused elongated wooden slats called "bull roarers" by the english. these are swung at the end of a string, and produce a whirring roar, supposed to be the voice of a supernormal being, all over australia and elsewhere. i am speaking of _survivals_, and these wooden churinga, at least, _survive_ in scotland, and, in aberdeenshire they are, or were lately called "thunner spells" or "thunder bolts." "it was believed that the use of this instrument during a thunderstorm saved one from being struck by the thunner bolt." in north and south america the bull roarer, on the other hand, is used, not to avert, but magically to produce thunder and lightning. {91} among the kaitish thunder is caused by the churinga of their "sky dweller," atnatu. wherever the toy is used for a superstitious purpose, it is, so far, _churinga_, and, so far, modern aberdeenshire had the same _churinga irula_ as the arunta. the object was familiar to palaeolithic man. xxiv--conclusion of argument from survivals in magic i have made it perfectly certain that magic stones, "witch stones," "charm stones," and that _churinga irula_, wooden magical slats of wood, exist in australia and other savage regions, and survive, as magical, into modern british life. the point is beyond doubt, and it is beyond doubt that, in many regions, the stones, and the slats of wood, may be inscribed with archaic markings, or may be uninscribed. this will be proved more fully later. thus pictish, like modern british civilisation, may assuredly have been familiar with charm stones. there is no _a priori_ objection as to the possibility. why should pictish stones _not_ be inscribed with archaic patterns familiar to the dwellers among inscribed rocks, perhaps themselves the inscribers of the rocks? manifestly there is no _a priori_ improbability. i have seen the archaic patterns of concentric circles and fish spines, (or whatever we call the medial line with slanting side lines,) neatly designed in white on the flag stones in front of cottage doors in galloway. the cottagers dwelt near the rocks with similar patterns on the estate of monreith, but are not likely to have copied them; the patterns, i presume, were mere survivals in tradition. the picts, or whoever they were, might assuredly use charm stones, and the only objection to the idea that they might engrave archaic patterns on them is the absence of record of similarly inscribed small stones in britain. the custom of using magic stones was not at all incongruous with the early pictish civilisation, which retained a form of the family now long outworn by the civilisation of the arunta. the sole objection is that _a silentio_, silence of archaeological records as to _inscribed_ small stones. that is not a closer of discussion, nor is the silence absolute, as i shall show. moreover, the appearance of an unique and previously unheard-of set of inscribed stones, in a site of the usual broch and crannog period, is not invariably ascribed to forgery, even by the most orthodox archaeologists. thus sir francis terry found unheard-of things, not to mention "a number of thin flat circular discs of various sizes" in his caithness brochs. in wester broch "the most remarkable things found" were three egg-shaped quartzite pearls "having their surface painted with spots in a blackish or blackish-brown pigment." he also found a flattish circular disc of sandstone, inscribed with a duck or other water-fowl, while on one side was an attempt, apparently, to write runes, on the other an inscription in unknown cursive characters. there was a boulder of sandstone with nine cup marks, and there were more painted pebbles, the ornaments now resembling ordinary cup marks, now taking the shape of a cross, and now of lines and other patterns, one of which, on an arunta rock, is of unknown meaning, among many of known totemic significance. dr. joseph anderson compares these to "similar pebbles painted with a red pigment" which m. piette found in the cavern of mas d'azil, of which the relics are, in part at least, palaeolithic, or "mesolithic," and of dateless antiquity. in _l'anthropologie_ (nov. 1894), mr. arthur bernard cook suggests that the pebbles of mas d'azil may correspond to the stone churinga nanja of the arunta; a few of which appear to be painted, not incised. i argued, on the contrary, that things of similar appearance, at mas d'azil: in central australia: and in caithness, need not have had the same meaning and purpose. {95a} it is only certain that the pebbles of the caithness brochs are as absolutely unfamiliar as the inscribed stones of dumbuck. but nobody says that the caithness painted pebbles are forgeries or modern fabrications. sauce for the clyde goose is not sauce for the caithness gander. {95b} the use of painted pebbles and of inscribed stones, may have been merely _local_. in australia the stone churinga are now, since 1904, known to be _local_, confined to the arunta "nation," and the kaitish, with very few sporadic exceptions in adjacent tribes. {95c} the purely local range of the inscribed stones in central australia, makes one more anxious for further local research in the clyde district and south-west coast. xxv--my misadventure with the charm stone as dr. munro introduces the subject, i may draw another example of the survival of charm stones, from an amusing misadventure of my own. i was once entrusted with a charm stone used in the nineteenth century for the healing of cattle in the highlands. an acquaintance of mine, a mac--by the mother's side, inherited this heirloom with the curious box patched with wicker-work, which was its ark. it was exactly of the shape of a "stone churinga of the arunta tribe," later reproduced by messrs. spencer and gillen. {96} on the surfaces of the ends were faintly traced concentric rings, that well-known pattern. i wrote in the _glasgow herald_ that, "_if_ a neolithic amulet, as it appears to be, it _may_ supply the missing link in my argument," as being not only a magic stone (which it certainly was), but a magic stone with archaic markings. {97a} at the british museum i presently learned the real nature of the object, to my rueful amusement. it had been the stone pivot of an old farm-gate, and, in turning on the upper and nether stones, had acquired the concentric circular marks. not understanding what the thing was, the highland maternal ancestors of my friend had for generations used it in the magical healing of cattle, a very pretty case of "survival." { figs. 9, 10: p96a.jpg} writing on october 19th, i explained the facts in a letter to the _glasgow herald_. a pseudonymous person then averred, in the same journal, that i had "recently told its readers that i had found the missing link in the chain that was to bind together the magic stones of the arunta and the discs, images, and 'blue points' of the clyde crannog man." { fig. 11: p96b.jpg} i never told any mortal that i had "found the missing link!" i said that "_if_" the stone be neolithic, it "_may_" be the missing link in my argument. dr. munro prints the pseudonymous letter with approval, but does not correct the inaccurate statement of the writer. {97b} dr. munro, i need not say, argues with as much candour as courtesy, and the omission of the necessary correction is an oversight. { figs. 12, 13: p96c.jpg} however, here was a survival of the use of charm stones, and i think that, had the stone been uninscribed (as it was accidentally inscribed with concentric circles by turning in its stone sockets), my friend's highland ancestors might have been less apt to think it a fairy thing, and use it in cattle healing. i trust that i have now established my parallelisms. the archaic patterns of countries now civilised and of savage countries are assuredly parallel. the use of charm stones in civilisation and savagery is assuredly parallel. the application to these stones of the archaic patterns, by a rude race in clydesdale, familiar with the patterns on rocks in the district, has in it nothing _a priori_ improbable. xxvi--european parallels to the disputed objects i am not so sure as dr. munro is that we have not found small perforated stones, sometimes inscribed with archaic patterns, sometimes plain, even in scotland; i shall later mention other places. for the present i leave aside the small stone, inscribed with concentric horse-shoes, and found in a hill-fort near tarbert (kintyre), which a friend already spoken of saw, and of which he drew for me a sketch from memory. in country houses any intrinsically valueless object of this kind is apt to fall out of sight and be lost beyond recovery. sir john evans, however, in his work on _ancient stone implements_, p. 463 (1897), writes: "a pendant, consisting of a flat pear-shaped piece of shale, 2.5 inches long, and 2 inches broad, and perforated at the narrow end, was found along with querns, stones with concentric circles, and cupshaped indentations worked in them; stone balls, spindle whorls, and an iron axe-head, in excavating an underground chamber at the tappock, torwood, stirlingshire. one face of this pendant was covered with scratches in a vandyked pattern. though of smaller size this seems to bear some analogy with the flat amulets of schist of which several have been discovered in portugal, with one face ornamented in much the same manner." for these examples sir john evans refers to the _transactions of the ethnological society_. {100a} if by "a vandyked pattern," sir john means, as i suppose, a pattern of triangles in horizontal lines (such as the portuguese patterns on stone plaques), then the elements of this form of decoration appear to have been not unfamiliar to the designers of "cups and rings." on the cover of a stone cist at carnwath we see inscribed concentric rings, and two large equilateral triangles, each containing three contingent triangles, round a square space, uninscribed. {100b} the photograph of the tappock stone (figs. 9, 10), shows that the marks are not of a regular vandyked pattern, but are rather scribbles, like those on a portuguese perforated stone, given by vasconcellos, and on a canadian stone pendant, published by mr. david boyle (figs. 12, 13). sir john evans does not reject the pear-shaped object of shale, "a pendant," found in a scottish site, and associated with querns, and an iron axe, and cup and ring stones. sir john sees no harm in the "pendant," but dr. munro rejects a "pear-shaped" claystone "pendant" decorated with "cup-shaped indentations," found at dunbuie. {101} it has a perforation near each end, as is common in north american objects of similar nature (see fig. 11). why should the schist pendant of the tappock chamber be all right, if the claystone pendant of dunbuie be all wrong? one of them seems to me to have as good a claim to our respectful consideration as the other, and, like sir john evans, i shall now turn to portugal in search of similar objects of undisputed authenticity. xxvii--portuguese and other stone pendants m. cartailhac, the very eminent french archaeologist, found not in portugal, but in the cevennes, "plaques of slate, sometimes pierced with a hole for suspension, usually smaller than those of the casa da moura, not ornamented, _yet certainly analogous with these_." {102a} these are also analogous with "engraved plaques of schist found in prehistoric sites of the rio negro," "some resembling, others identical with those shewn at lisbon by carlos ribeiro." but the rio negro objects appear doubtful. {102b} portugal has many such plaques, some adorned with designs, and some plain. {102c} the late don estacio da veiga devotes a chapter to them, as if they were things peculiar to portugal, in europe. {103a} when they are decorated the ornament is usually linear; in two cases {103b} lines incised lead to "cups." one plaque is certainly meant to represent the human form. m. cartailhac holds that all the plaques with a "vandyked" pattern in triangles, without faces, "are, none the less, _des representations stylisees de silhouette humaine_." {103c} illustrations give an idea of them (figs. 14, 15, 16); they are more elaborate than the perforated inscribed plaques of shale or schist from dumbuck. two perforated stone plaques from volosova, figured by dr. munro (pp. 78, 79), fall into line with other inscribed plaques from portugal. of these russian objects referred to by dr. munro, one is (his fig. 25) a roughly pear-shaped thing in flint, perforated at the thin end; the other is a formless stone plaque, inscribed with a cross, three circles, not concentric, and other now meaningless scratches. it is not perforated. dr. munro does not dispute the genuine character of many strange figurines in flint, from volosova, though the redoubtable m. de mortillet denounced them as forgeries; they had the misfortune to corroborate other italian finds against which m. de mortillet had a grudge. but dr. munro thinks that the two plaques of volosova may have been made for sale by knavish boys. in that case the boys fortuitously coincided, in their fake, with similar plaques, of undoubted antiquity, and, in some prehistoric egyptian stones, occasionally inscribed with mere wayward scratches. for these reasons i think the volosova plaques as genuine as any other objects from that site, and corroborative, so far, of similar things from clyde. { figs. 14, 15: p104.jpg} to return to portugal, m. cartailhac recognises that the _plain_ plaques of slate from sites in the cevennes "are certainly analogous" with the plaques from the casa da moura, even when these are elaborately ornamented with vandyked and other patterns. i find one published case of a portuguese plaque with cups and ducts, as at dumbuck (fig. 16). another example is in _antiguedades prehistoricas de andalucia_, p. 109. {104} however, dr. munro leaves the cevennes andalusian, and portuguese plaques out of his argument. m. cartailhac, then, found inscribed and perforated slate tablets "very common in portugues neolithic sepulchres." the perforated holes showed signs of long wear from attachment to something or somebody. one, from new jersey, with two holes, exactly as in the dunbuie example, was much akin in ornament to the portuguese plaques. one, of slate, was plain, as plain as "a bit of gas coal with a round hole bored through it," recorded by dr. munro from ashgrove loch crannog. a perforated shale, or slate, or schist or gas coal plaque, as at ashgrove loch, ornamented or plain, is certainly like another shale schist or slate plaque, plain or inscribed. we have shown that these occur in france, portugal, russia, america, and scotland, not to speak of central australia. my suggestion is that, if the clyde objects are forged, the forger knew a good deal of archaeology--knew that perforated inscribed plaques of soft mineral occurred in many countries--but he did not slavishly imitate the patterns. by a pleasant coincidence, at the moment of writing, comes to me the _annual archaeological report_, 1904, of the canadian bureau of education, kindly sent by mr. david boyle. he remarks, as to stone pendants found in canadian soil, "the forms of what we call pendants varied greatly, and were probably made to adapt themselves to _the natural shapes of water-worn stones_. . . ." this is exactly what dr. munro says about the small stone objects from the three clyde stations. "the pendants, amulets, and idols _appear to have been water-worn pieces of shale or slate_, before they were perforated, decorated, and polished" (munro, p. 254). the forger may have been guided by the ancient canadian pendants; that man knows everything! mr. boyle goes on, speaking of the superstitious still surviving instinct of treasuring such stones, "for some unknown reason, many of us exhibit a desire to pick up pebbles so marked, and examples of the kind are often carried as pocket pieces," obviously "for luck." he gives one case of such a stone being worn for fifty years as a "watch pendant." perforated stones have always had a "fetishness" attached to them, adds mr. boyle. he then publishes several figures of such stones. two of these, with archaic markings like many in portugal, and one with an undisputed analogue from a scottish site, are reproduced (figs. 12, 13). it is vain to tell us that the uses of such fetishistic stones are out of harmony with any civilisation. the civilisation of the dwellers in the clyde sites was not so highly advanced as to reject a superstition which still survives. nor is there any reason why these people should not have scratched archaic markings on the pebbles as they certainly cut them on stones in a scottish crannog of the iron age. dr. munro agrees with me that rude scribings on shale or slate are found, of a post-christian date, at st. blane's, in bute. {107} the art, if art it can be called, is totally different, of course, from the archaic types of decoration, but all the things have _this_ in common, that they are rudely incised on shale or slate. xxviii--question as to the objects as ornaments of the person dr. munro now objects that among the objects reckoned by me as analogous to churinga is a perforated stone with an incised line, and smaller slanting side lines, said to have been found at dumbuck; "9 inches long, 3.5 inches broad, and 0.5 an inch thick." {108} i wish that he gave us the weight. he says, "that no human being would wear this as an ornament." no human being wears any churinga "as an ornament!" nobody says that they do. messrs. spencer and gillen, moreover, speak of "a long stone churinga," and of "especially large ones" made by the mythical first ancestors of the race. churinga, over a foot in length, they tell us, are not usually perforated; many churinga are not perforated, many are: _but the arunta do not know why some are perforated_. there is a legend that, of old, men hung up the perforated churinga on the sacred _nurtunja_ pole: and so they still have _perforated_ stone churinga, not usually more than a foot in length. {109} if dr. munro has studied messrs. spencer and gillen, he cannot but know that churinga are not ornaments, are not all oval, but of many shapes and sizes, and that churinga larger than the 9 inch perforated stone from dumbuck are perforated, and attached to strings. i cannot tell the reason why, any better than the arunta can; and, of course, i cannot know why the 9 inch stone from dumbuck (if genuine) was perforated. but what i must admire is the amazing luck or learning of dr. munro's supposed impostor. not being "a semi-detached idiot" he must have known that no mortal would sling about his person, as an ornament, a chunk of stone 9 inches long, 3.5 broad, and 0.5 an inch thick. dr. munro himself insists on the absurdity of supposing that "any human being" would do such a thing. yet the forger drilled a neat hole, as if for a string for suspension, at the apex of the chunk. if he knew, before any other human being in england, that the arunta do this very thing to some stone churinga, though seldom to churinga over a foot in length,--and if he imitated the arunta custom, the impostor was a very learned impostor. if he did _not_ know, he was a very lucky rogue, for the arunta coincide in doing the same thing to great stone churinga: without being aware of any motive for the performance as they never suspend churinga to anything, though they say that their mythical ancestors did. the impostor was also well aware of the many perforated stones that exist in scotland, not referred to by dr. munro. he perforated some which could not be worn as ornaments, just as the arunta do. we shall find that the forger, either by dint of wide erudition, or by a startling set of chance coincidences, keeps on producing objects which are analogous to genuine relics found in many sites of early life. this is what makes the forger so interesting. my theory of the forger is at the opposite pole from the theory of dr. munro. he says that, "in applying these local designs" (the worldwide archaic patterns,) to unworked splinters of sandstone and pieces of waterworn shale and slate, "the manufacturers had evidently not sufficient archaeological knowledge to realise the significance of the fact that they were doing what prehistoric man, in this country, is never known to have done before." {111} but, (dismissing the kintyre and tappock stones,) the "manufacturers" did know, apparently, that perforated and inscribed, or uninscribed tablets and plaques of shale and schist and slate and gas coal were found in america, france, russia, and portugal, and imitated these things or coincided in the process by sheer luck. the "manufacturers" were, perhaps, better informed than many of their critics. but, if the things are genuine, more may be found by research in the locality. xxix--weapons dr. munro is less than kind to the forger in the matter of the "weapons" found at dunbuie and dumbuck. they are "absolutely worthless as real weapons," he says, with perfect truth, for they are made of slate or shale, _not_ of hard stony slate, which many races used to employ for lack of better material. {112a} { fig. 16: p113a.jpg} the forger was obviously not thinking of dumping down _serviceable_ sham weapons. he could easily have bought as many genuine flint celts and arrow-heads and knives as he needed, had his aim been to prove his sites to be neolithic. so i argued long ago, in a newspaper letter. dr. munro replies among other things, that "nothing could be easier than to detect modern imitations of neolithic relics." {112b} i said not a word about "modern imitations." i said that a forger, anxious to fake a neolithic site, "would, of course, drop in a few neolithic arrow-heads, 'celts' and so forth," meaning genuine objects, very easily to be procured for money. { figs. 17, 18: p113b.jpg} as the forger did not adopt a device so easy, so obvious, and so difficult of detection, (if he purchased scottish flint implements) his aim was not to fake a neolithic site. he put in, not well-known genuine neolithic things, but things of a character with which some of his critics were not familiar, yet which have analogues elsewhere. why did he do that? as to the blunt decorated slate weapons, the forger did not mean, i think, to pass off these as practicable arms of the neolithic period. these he could easily have bought from the dealers. what he intended to dump down were not practical weapons, but, in one case at least, _armes d'apparat_, as french archaeologists call them, weapons of show or ceremony. the strange "vandyked" crozier-like stone objects of schist or shale from portugal were possibly _armes d'apparat_, or heads of staves of dignity. there is a sample in the american room at the british museum, uninscribed. i submit that the three very curious and artistic stone axeheads, figured by m. cartailhac, {114} representing, one an uncouth animal; another, a hooded human head, the third an extremely pretty girl, could never have been used for practical purposes, but were _armes d'apparat_. perhaps such stone _armes d'apparat_, or magical or sacred arms, were not unknown, as survivals, in scotland in the iron age. a "celt" or stone axe-head of this kind, ornamented with a pattern of intercrossing lines, is figured and described by the rev. mr. mackenzie (kenmore) in the _proceedings_ of the scottish society of antiquaries (1900-1901, p. 310 _et seq._). this axe-head, found near a cairn at balnahannait, is of five inches long by two and a quarter broad. it is of "soft micaceous stone." the owners must have been acquainted with the use of the metals, mr. mackenzie thinks, for the stone exhibits "interlaced work of a late variety of this ornamentation." mr. mackenzie suggests that the ornament was perhaps added "after the axe had obtained some kind of venerated or symbolical character." this implies that a metal-working people, finding a stone axe, were puzzled by it, venerated it, and decorated it in their late style of ornament. in that case, who, in earlier times, made an useless axe-head of soft micaceous stone, and why? it could be of no practical service. on the other hand, people who had the metals might fashion a soft stone into an _arme d'apparat_. "it cannot have been intended for ordinary use," "the axe may have been a sacred or ceremonial one," says mr. mackenzie, and he makes the same conjecture as to another scottish stone axe-head. {115} here, then, if mr. mackenzie be right, we have a soft stone axe-head, decorated with "later ornament," the property of a people who knew the metals, and regarded the object as "a sacred or ceremonial one," _enfin_, as an _arme d'apparat_. dr. munro doubtless knows all that is known about _armes d'apparat_, but he unkindly forgets to credit the forger with the same amount of easily accessible information, when the forger dumps down a decorated slate spear-head, eleven inches long. believe me, this forger was no fool: he knew what he was about, and he must have laughed when critics said that his slate spear-heads would be useless. he expected the learned to guess what he was forging; not practicable weapons, but _armes d'apparat_; survivals of a ceremonial kind, like mr. mackenzie's decorated axe-head of soft stone. _that_, i think, was our forger's little game; for even if he thought no more than dr. munro seems to do of the theory of "survivals," he knew that the theory is fashionable. "nothing like these spear-heads . . . has hitherto been found in scotland, so that they cannot be survivals from a previous state of things in our country," says dr. munro. {116a} the argument implies that there is nothing in the soil of our country of a nature still undiscovered. this is a large assumption, especially if mr. mackenzie be right about the sacred ceremonial decorated axe-head of soft stone. the forger, however, knew that elsewhere, if not in scotland, there exist useless _armes d'apparat_, and he obviously meant to fake a few samples. he was misunderstood. i knew what he was doing, for it seems that "mr. lang . . . suggested that the spear-heads were not meant to be used as weapons, but as 'sacred things.'" {116b} i knew little; but i did know the sacred boomerang-shaped decorated arunta churinga, and later looked up other _armes d'apparat_. {116c} apparently i must have "coached" the forger, and told him what kinds of things to fake. but i protest solemnly that i am innocent! he got up the subject for himself, and knew more than many of his critics. i had no more to do with the forger than m. salomon reinach had to do with faking the golden "tiara of saitaphernes," bought by the louvre for 8000 pounds. m. reinack denies the suave suggestion that _he_ was at the bottom of this imposture. {117a} i also am innocent of instructing the clyde forger. he read books, english, french, german, american, italian, portuguese, and spanish. from the _bulletino di palaetnologia italiana_, vol. xi. p. 33, 1885, plate iv., and from professor pigorini's article there, he prigged the idea of a huge stone weapon, of no use, found in a grotto near verona. {117b} this object is of flint, shaped like a flint arrow-head; is ten inches and a half in length, and "weighs over 3.5 pounds." "pigorini conjectured that it had some religious signification." inspired by this arrow-head of gargantua, the clyde forger came in with a still longer decorated slate spear-head, weighing i know not how much. it is here photographed (figs. 17, 18). compare the decoration of three parallel horizontal lines with that on the broken portuguese perforated stone (figs. 9, 10). or did the veronese forger come to clyde, and carry on the business at dumbuck? the man has read widely. sometimes, however, he may have resorted to sources which, though excellent, are accessible and cheap, like mr. haddon's _evolution in art_. here (pp. 79, 80) the faker could learn all that he needed to know about _armes d'apparat_ in the form of stone axe-heads, "unwieldy and probably quite useless objects" found by mr. haddon in the chain of isles south-east of new guinea. mr. romilly and dr. wyatt gill attest the existence of similar axes of ceremony. "they are not intended for cleaving timber." we see "the metamorphosis of a practical object into an unpractical one." {118} the forger thus had sources for his great decorated slate spear-head; the smaller specimens may be sketches for that colossal work. xxx--the figurines dr. munro writes of "the carved figurines, 'idols,' or 'totems,' six in number," four from dumbuck, one from langbank. {119a} now, first, nobody knows the purpose of the rude figurines found in many sites from japan to troy, from russia to the lake dwellings of europe, and in west africa, where the negroes use these figurines, when found, as "fetish," knowing nothing of their origin (_man_, no. 7, july, 1905). like a figurine of a woman, found in the dumbuck kitchen midden, they are discovered in old japanese kitchen middens. {119b} the astute forger, knowing that figurines were found in japanese kitchen middens, knowing it before y. koganei published the fact in 1903, thought the dumbuck kitchen midden an appropriate place for a figurine. dr. munro, possibly less well-informed, regards the bottom of a kitchen midden at dumbuck as "a strange resting place for a goddess." {120a} now, as to "goddess" nobody knows anything. dr. schliemann thought that the many figurines of clay, in troy, were meant for hera and athene. nobody knows, but every one not wholly ignorant sees the absurdity of speaking of figurines as "totems"; of course the term is not dr. munro's. { fig. 19: p120a.jpg} we know not their original meaning, but they occur "all over the place"; in amber on the baltic coast, with grotesque faces carved in amber. in russia and finland, and in sites of prehistoric egypt, on slate, and in other materials such grotesques are common. {120b} egypt is a great centre of the early slate school of art, the things ranging from slate plaques covered with disorderly scratchings "without a conscience or an aim," to highly decorated _palettes_. there is even a perforated object like the slate crooks of m. cartailhac, from portugal, but rather more like the silhouette of a bird, {121a} and there are decorative mace-heads in soft stone. {121b} some of the prehistoric figurines of human beings from egypt are studded with "cups," _cupules_, _ecuelles_, or whatever we may be permitted to name them. in short, early and rude races turn out much the same set of crude works of art almost everywhere, and the extraordinary thing is, not that a few are found in a corner of britain, but that scarce any have been found. { figs. 20, 21: p120b.jpg} as to the russo-finnish flint figurines, mr. abercromby thinks that these objects may "have served as household gods or personal amulets," and dr. munro regards mr. abercromby's as "the most rational explanation of their meaning and purpose." he speaks of figurines of clay (the most usual material) in carniola, bosnia, and transylvania. "idols and amulets were indeed universally used in prehistoric times." {121c} "objects which come under the same category" occur "in various parts of america." mr. bruce {121d} refers to m. reinach's vast collection of designs of such figurines in _l'anthropologie_, vol. v., 1894. thus rude figurines in sites of many stages are very familiar objects. the forger knew it, and dumped down a few at dumbuck. his female figurine (photographed in fig. 19), seems to me a very "plausible" figurine in itself. it does not appear to me "unlike anything in any collection in the british isles, or elsewhere"--i mean _elsewhere_. dr. munro admits that it discloses "the hand of one not altogether ignorant of art." {122} i add that it discloses the hand of one not at all ignorant of genuine prehistoric figurines representing women. but i know nothing analogous from _british_ sites. either such things do not exist (of which we cannot be certain), or they have escaped discovery and record. elsewhere they are, confessedly, well known to science, and therefore to the learned forger who, nobody can guess why, dumped them down with the other fraudulent results of his researches. if the figurines be genuine, i suppose that the clyde folk made them for the same reasons as the other peoples who did so, whatever those reasons may have been: or, like the west africans, found them, relics of a forgotten age, and treasured them. if their reasons were religious or superstitious, how am i to know what were the theological tenets of the clyde residents? they may have been more or less got at by christianity, in saint ninian's time, but the influence might well be slight. on the other hand, neither men nor angels can explain why the forger faked his figurines, for which he certainly had a model--at least as regards the female figure--in a widely distributed archaic feminine type of "dolly." the forger knew a good deal! dr. munro writes: "that the disputed objects are amusing playthings--the sportive productions of idle wags who inhabited the various sites--seems to be the most recent opinion which finds acceptance among local antiquaries. but this view involves the contemporaneity of occupancy of the respective sites, of which there is no evidence. . . ." {123a} there is no evidence for "contemporaneity of occupancy" if dunbuie be of 300-900 a.d., and dumbuck and langbank of 1556-1758. {123b} but we, and apparently dr. munro (p. 264) have rejected the "corporation cairn" theory, the theory of the cairn erected in 1556, or 1612, and lasting till 1758. the genuine undisputed relics, according to dr. munro, are such as "are commonly found on crannogs, brochs, and other early inhabited sites of scotland." {124a} the sites are all, and the genuine relics in the sites are all "of some time between the fifth and twelfth centuries." {124b} the sites are all close to each other, the remains are all of the same period, (unless the late celtic comb chance to be earlier,) yet dr. munro says that "for contemporaneity of occupancy there is no evidence." {124c} he none the less repeats the assertion that they are of "precisely the same chronological horizon." "the chronological horizon" (of langbank and dumbuck) "_seems to me to be precisely the same_, _viz._ a date well on in the early iron age, posterior to the roman occupation of that part of britain" (p. 147). thus dr. munro assigns to both sites "precisely the same chronological horizon," and also says that "there is no evidence" for the "contemporaneity of occupancy." this is not, as it may appear, an example of lack of logical consistency. "the range of the occupancy" (of the sites) "is uncertain, probably it was different in each case," writes dr. munro. {124d} no reason is given for this opinion, and as all the undisputed remains are confessedly of one stage of culture, the "wags" at all three sites were probably in the same stage of rudimentary humour and skill. if they made the things, the things are not modern forgeries. but the absence of the disputed objects from other sites of the same period remains as great a difficulty as ever. early "wags" may have made them--but why are they only known in the three clyde sites? also, why are the painted pebbles only known in a few brochs of caithness? have the _graffiti_ on slate at st. blane's, in bute, been found--i mean have _graffiti_ on slate like those of st. blane's, been found elsewhere in scotland? {125} the kinds of art, writing, and celtic ornament, at st. blane's, are all familiar, but not their presence on scraps of slate. some of the "art" of the dumbuck things is also familiar, but not, in scotland, on pieces of slate and shale. whether they were done by early wags, or by a modern and rather erudite forger, i know not, of course; i only think that the question is open; is not settled by dr. munro. xxxi--grotesque heads. disputed portuguese parallels figurines are common enough things in ancient sites; by no means so common are the grotesque heads found at dumbuck and langbank. they have recently been found in portugal. did the forger know that? did he forge them on portuguese models? or was it chance coincidence? or was it undesigned parallelism? there is such a case according to mortillet. m. de mortillet flew upon poor prof. pigorini's odd things, denouncing them as forgeries; he had attacked dr. schliemann's finds in his violent way, and never apologised, to my knowledge. then a lively squabble began. italian "archaeologists of the highest standing" backed prof. pigorini: mortillet had not seen the italian things, but he stood to his guns. things found near cracow were taken as corroborating the breonio finds, also things from volosova, in russia. mortillet replied by asking "why under similar conditions could not forgers" (very remote in space,) "equally fabricate objects of the same form." {127} is it likely? why should they forge similar unheard-of things in russia, poland, and italy? did the same man wander about forging, or was telepathy at work, or do forging wits jump? the breonio controversy is undecided; "practised persons" can _not_ "read the antiquities as easily as print," to quote mr. read. they often read them in different ways, here as fakes, there as authentic. m. boulle, reviewing dr. munro in _l'anthropologie_ (august, 1905), says that m. cartailhac recognises the genuineness of some of the strange objects from breonio. but, as to our dumbuck things, the clyde forger went to portugal and forged there; or the clyde forger came from portugal; or forging wits coincided fairly well, in portugal and in scotland, as earlier, at volosova and breonio. in _portugalia_, a portuguese archaeological magazine, edited by don ricardo severe, appeared an article by the rev. father jose brenha on the dolmens of pouco d'aguiar. father raphael rodrigues, of that place, asked father brenha to excavate with him in the christmas holidays of 1894. they published some of their discoveries in magazines, and some of the finds were welcomed by dr. leite de vasconcellos, in his _religioes da lusitania_ (vol. i. p. 341). they dug in the remote and not very cultured transmontane province, and, in one dolmen found objects "the most extraordinary possible," says father brenha. {128} there were perforated plaques with alphabetic inscriptions; stones engraved with beasts of certain or of dubious species, very fearfully and wonderfully drawn; there were stone figurines of females, as at dumbuck; there were stones with cups and lines connecting the cups, (common in many places) and, as at dumbuck, there were grotesque heads in stone. (see a few examples, figs. 20-24). figures 20, 21, 24 are cupped, or cup and duct stones; 22 is a female figurine; 23 is a heart-shaped charm stone. { fig. 22: p128.jpg} on all this weighty mass of stone objects, dr. munro writes thus: "since the ms. of this volume was placed in the hands of the publishers a new side-issue regarding some strange objects, said to have been found in portuguese dolmens, has been imported into the clyde controversy, in which mr. astley has taken a prominent part. in a communication to the _antiquary_, april, 1904, he writes: 'i will merely say here, on this point, that my arguments are brought to a scientific conclusion in my paper, 'portuguese parallels to clydeside discoveries,' reported in your issue for march, which will shortly be published. "i have seen the article in _portugalia_ and the published 'scientific conclusion' of mr. astley (_journal of b.a.a._, april and august, 1904), and can only say that, even had i space to discuss the matter i would not do so for two reasons. first, because i see no parallelism whatever between the contrasted objects from the portuguese dolmens and the clyde ancient sites, beyond the fact that they are both 'queer things.' and, secondly, because some of the most eminent european scholars regard the objects described and illustrated in _portugalia_ as forgeries. the learned director of the musee de st. germain, m. saloman reinach, thus writes about them: 'jusqu'a nouvel ordre, c'est a-dire jusqu'a preuve formelle du contraire je considere ces pierres sculptees et gravees comme le produit d'une mystification. j'aimerais connaitre, a ce sujet, l'opinion des autres savants du portugal' (_revue archeologique_, 4th s., vol. ii., 1903, p. 431)." i had brought the portuguese things to the notice of english readers long before mr. astley did so, but that is not to the purpose. the point is that dr. munro denies the parallelism between the clyde and portuguese objects. yet i must hold that stone figurines of women, grotesque heads in stone, cupped stones, stones with cup and duct, stones with rays proceeding from a central point, and perforated stones with linear ornamentation, are rather "parallel," in portugal and in clydesdale. so far the scottish and the portuguese fakers have hit on parallel lines of fraud. meanwhile i know of no archaeologists except portuguese archaeologists, who have seen the objects from the dolmen, and of no portuguese archaeologist who disputes their authenticity. so there the matter rests. {130} the parallelism appears to me to be noticeable. i do not say that the styles of art are akin, but that the artists, by a common impulse, have produced cupped stones, perforated and inscribed stones, figurines in stone, and grotesque heads in stone. is not this common impulse rather curious? and is suspicion of forgery to fall, in portugal, on respectable priests, or on the very uncultured wags of traz os montes? mortillet, educated by priests, hated and suspected all of them. m. cartailhac suspected "clericals," as to the spanish cave paintings, but acknowledged his error. i can guess no motive for the ponderous bulk of portuguese forgeries, and am a little suspicious of the tendency to shout "forgery" in the face of everything unfamiliar. but the portuguese things are suspected by m. cartailhac, (who, however, again admits that he has been credulously incredulous before,) as well as by m. reinach. the things ought to be inspected in themselves. i still think that they are on parallel lines with the work of the clyde forger, who may have read about them in _a vida moderna_ 1895, 1896, in _archeologo portugues_, in _encyclopedia dar familiar_, in various numbers, and in _religioes da lusitania_, vol. i. pp. 341, 342, (1897), a work by the learned director of the ethnological museum of portugal. to these sources the dumbuck forger may have gone for inspiration. stated without this elegant irony, my opinion is that the parallelism of the figurines and grotesque stone faces of villa d'aguiar and of clyde rather tends to suggest the genuineness of both sets of objects. but this opinion, like my opinion about the australian and other parallelisms, is no argument against dr. munro, for he acknowledges none of these parallelisms. that point,--a crucial point,--are the various sets of things analogous in character or not? must be decided for each reader by himself, according to his knowledge, taste, fancy, and bias. xxxii--disputed objects from dunbuie the faker occasionally changes his style. we have seen what slovenly designs in the archaic cup and ring and incomplete circle style he dumped down at dumbuck. i quote dr. munro on his doings at dunbuie, where the faker occasionally drops a pear-shaped slate perforated stone, with a design in cupules. dr. munro writes: "the most meaningless group--if a degree of comparison be admissible in regard to a part when the whole is absolutely incomprehensible on archaeological principles--consists of a series of unprepared and irregularly shaped pieces of laminated sandstone (plate xvi.) similar to some of the stones of which the fort of dunbuie was built, {132} having one of their surfaces decorated with small cup-marks, sometimes symmetrically arranged so far as to indicate parts of geometrical figures, and at other times variously combined with lines and circles. two fragments of bones, also from dunbuie, are similarly adorned (plate xvi. nos. 13, 14). eleven of the twelve sandstone fragments which make up the group were fractured in such a manner as to suggest that the line of fracture had intersected the original ornamentation, and had thus detached a portion of it. if this be so, there must have been originally at least two or three other portions which, if found, would fit along the margin of each of the extant portions, just as the fragments of a broken urn come together. yet among these decorated stones not one single bit fits another, nor is any of the designs the counterpart of another. if we suppose that these decorated stones are portions of larger tablets on which the designs were completed, then either they were broken before being introduced into the debris of the fort, or the designs were intentionally executed in an incomplete state, just as they are now to be seen on the existing natural splinters of stone. the supposition that the occupiers of the fort possessed the original tablets, and that they had been smashed on the premises, is excluded by the significant fact that only one fragment of each tablet has been discovered. for, in the breaking up of such tablets, it would be inconceivable, according to the law of chances, that one portion, and only one, of each different specimen would remain while all the others had disappeared. on the other hand, the hypothesis that the occupiers of the fort carved these designs on the rough and unprepared splinters of stone in the precise manner they now come before us, seems to me to involve premeditated deception, for it is difficult to believe that such uncompleted designs could have any other finality of purpose. looking at these geometrical figures from the point of technique, they do not make a favourable impression in support of their genuineness. the so-called cup-marks consist of punctures of two or three different sizes, so many corresponding to one size and so many to another. the stiffness of the lines and circles reminds one more of ruler and compass than of the freehand work of prehistoric artists. the patterns are unprecedented for their strange combinations of art elements. for example, no. 9, plate xvi., looks as if it were a design for some modern machinery. the main ornament on another fragment of sandstone (no. 12), consisting of a cross and circle composed of a series of cup-marls, seems to be a completed design; but yet at the corner there are lines which are absolutely meaningless, unless we suppose that they formed part of a more enlarged tablet. similar remarks apply to nos. 3 and 8." is it really contrary to "the law of chances" that, in some 1200 years of unknown fortunes, no two fragments of the same plates of red sandstone (some dozen in number) should be found at dunbuie? think of all that may have occurred towards the scattering of fragments of unregarded sandstone before the rise of soil hid them all from sight. where is the smaller portion of the shattered cup and ring marked sandstone block found in the lochlee crannog? on the other hand, in the same crannog, a hammerstone broken in two was found, each half in a different place, as were two parts of a figurine at dumbuck. where are the arms of the venus of milo, vainly sought beside and around the rest of the statue? where are the lost noses, arms, and legs of thousands of statues? nobody can guess where they are or how they vanished. or where are the lost fragments of countless objects in pottery found in old sites? it was as easy for the forger to work over a whole plaque of sandstone, break it, and bury the pieces, as for him to do what he has done. these designs make an unfavourable impression because some, not all of them, are stiff and regular. the others make an unfavourable impression because they are so laxly executed. for what conceivable purpose did the forger here resort to the aid of compasses, and elsewhere do nothing of the kind? why should the artist, if an old resident of dunbuie fort, not have compasses, like the cairn-wight of lough crew? on inspecting the pieces, in the museum, the regularity of design seems to me to be much exaggerated in dr. munro's figures, by whom drawn we are not informed. as to dr. munro's figure 12, it seems to me to aim at a celtic cross and circle, while part of his figure 3 suggests a crozier, and there is a cross on figure 18, as on a painted pebble from a broch in caithness. the rest i cannot profess to explain; they look like idle work on sandstone, but may have had a meaning to their fashioner. his meaning, and that of the forger who here changes his style, are equally inscrutable. i return to a strange perforated pebble, an intaglio from dumbuck. { fig. 23: p136a.jpg} dr. munro quotes, as to this pebble, the _journal_ of the british archaeological association: "in the september number of the _journal_ (p. 282) we are informed that a slaty spear-head, an arrow-head of bone, and a sinker stone were found in the debris inside the canoe. 'in the cavity of a large bone,' says the writer, 'was also got an ornament of a peculiar stone. the digger unearthed it from the deposit at the bottom of the canoe, about 14 feet from the bow and near to a circular hole cut in the bottom about 3.5 inches in diameter.' what a funny place to hide a precious ornament, for i take this peculiar stone to be that with the human hand incised on one side and three men rowing in a boat on the other! (see plate xv. no. 10)." { fig. 24: p136b.jpg} here the place of discovery in the canoe is given with precision, and its place within the cavity of the bone is pronounced by dr. munro to be "funny." as to the three men in a boat, the rev. geo. wilson of glenluce, on feb. 14, 1887, presented to the scots antiquaries a bugleshaped pendant of black shale or cannel-coal 2.25 inches long, with a central groove for suspension. on one side of the pendant was incised a sketch of two figures standing up in a boat or canoe with a high prow. the pendant is undisputed, the pebble is disputed, and we know nothing more about the matter (see fig. 25). { fig. 25: p136c.jpg} xxxiii--disputable and certainly forged objects in his judicious remarks to the society of antiquaries, (_proceedings_, xxxiv.,) dr. joseph anderson observed that opinions would probably vary as to certain among the disputed objects. among these are the inscribed oyster shells. i see nothing _a priori_ improbable in the circumstance that men who incised certain patterns on schist or shale, should do so on oyster shells. palaeolithic man did his usual sporting sketches on shells, and there was a vast and varied art of designing on shells among the pre-columbian natives of north america. {137} we here see the most primitive scratches developing into full-blown aztec art. if the markings were only on such inscribed shells as mouldered away--so mr. bruce tells us--when exposed to light and air, (i do not know whether the designs were copied before the shells crumbled,) these conchological drawings would not trouble us. no modern could make the designs on shells that were hurrying into dust. we have mr. bruce's word for these mouldering shells, and we have the absolute certainty that such decomposing shells could not be incised by a hand of to-day, as shale, slate, schist, and sandstone can now be engraved upon, fraudulently. but when, as professor boyd dawkins writes, the finds include "two fresh shells . . . unmistakable blue points," drilled with perforations, or inscribed, from dunbuie, then there are only two possible alternatives. 1. they were made by the faker, or 2. they were "interpolated" into the dunbuie site by somebody. the forger himself is, i think, far too knowing a man to fake inscriptions on fresh shells, even if, not being a conchologist, he did not know that the oysters were american blue points. i have written in vain if the reader, while believing in the hypothesis of a forger, thinks him such an egregious ass. for blue points as nonexistent save in america, 1 rely on prof. boyd dawkins. as the public were allowed to break off and steal the prow of the dumbuck canoe, it is plain that no guard was placed on the sites. they lay open for months to the interpolations of wags, and i think, for my own part, that one of them is likely to have introduced the famous blue points. dr. munro tells us how a "large-worked stone," a grotesque head, was foisted through a horizontal hole, into the relic bed of his kitchen midden at elie. "it lay under four inches of undisturbed black earth." but it had been "interpolated" there by some "lousy tykes of fife," as the anti-covenanting song calls them. {139} it was rather easier to interpolate blue point oyster shells at dunbuie. on the other hand, two splinters of stone, inserted into a bone and a tyne of deer's horn, figured by dr. munro among dumbuck and dunbuie finds, seem to me rather too stupid fakes for the regular forger, and a trifle too clever for the sunday holiday-maker. these two things i do not apologise for, or defend; my knowledge of primitive implements is that of a literary man, but for what it is worth, it does not incline me to regard these things as primitive implements. xxxiv--conclusion _explicit_! i have tried to show cause why we should not bluntly dismiss the mass of disputed objects as forgeries, but should rest in a balance of judgment, file the objects for reference, and await the results of future excavations. if there be a faker, i hope he appreciates my sympathetic estimate of his knowledge, assiduity, and skill in _leger de main_. i am the forger's only friend, and i ask him to come forward and make a clean breast of it, like the young men who hoaxed the society for psychical research with a faked wraith, or phantasm of the living. "let it fully now suffice, the gambol has been shown!" it seems to me nearly equally improbable that a forger has been at work on a large scale, and that sets of objects, unexampled in our isle, have really turned up in some numbers. but then the caithness painted pebbles were equally without precedent, yet are undisputed. the proverbial fence seems, in these circumstances, to be the appropriate perch for science, in fact a statue of the muse of science might represent her as sitting, in contemplation, on the fence. the strong, the very strong point against authenticity is this: _numbers_ of the disputed objects were found in sites of the early _iron age_. now such objects, save for a few samples, are only known,--and that in non-british lands,--in _neolithic_ sites. the theory of survival may be thought not to cover the _number_ of the disputed objects. glasgow: printed at the university press by robert maclehose and co. ltd. footnotes {4} _archaeology and false antiquities_, pp. 259-261. by robert munro, m.a., m.d., ll.d., f.r.s.e., f.s.a.scot. methuen & co., london, 1905. {5a} munro, p. xii. {5b} munro, pp. 56-80. cf. _l'homme prehistorique_, no. 7, pp. 214-218. (1905.) {6} methuen, london, 1904, pp. 292. {7} munro, p. 178. {8a} munro, p. 55; cf. his _lake dwellings in europe_, fig. 13, nos. 17, 18, 19. see _arch. and false antiquities_, pp. 21, 22, where dr. munro acknowledges that he had been taken in. {8b} munro, pp. 41, 42. {8c} munro, pp. 275-279. {9} _l'anthropologie_, 1902, pp. 348-354. {10} munro, pp. 175-176. {11a} munro, p. 152. {11b} munro, pp. 28, 29. {12} munro, p. 130. {13a} munro, p. 155. letter of january 7, 1899. {13b} munro, p. 260. {14a} munro, p. 270. {14b} munro, p. 270. {15} bruce, _proceedings of the scots society of antiquaries_, vol. xxxiv. pp. 439, 448, 449. {17} _archaeologia scotica_, vol. v. p. 146. {21} see pages 133, 166. {24} march 1899, "cup and ring"; cf. the same article in my _magic and religion_, 1901, pp. 241-256. {25a} munro, 133, 134, 150-151. {25b} munro, pp. 139, 140. {26} see _proceedings of the philosophical society of glasgow_, xxx. 268, and fig. 4. {27} _journal of the british archaeological society_, december 1898. {28a} _prehistoric scotland_, p. 431. {28b} see _proceedings of the philosophical society of glasgow_, xxx. fig. 4. {29} vol. xxx. 270. {30} vol. xxxiv. p. 438. {31} mr. alston describes this causeway, and shows it on the plan as "leading from the 'central well' to the burn about 120 fee to west of centre of crannog." {34} _proceedings soc. ant. scot._ 1899-1900, p. 439. {35} _proc. scot. soc. ant._ 1900-1901, p. 283. {36a} _proceedings s.a.s._ vol. xxxiv. pp. 460-461. {36b} munro, p. 256. {37} munro, p. 146. mr. bruce in _trans. glasgow archaeol. society_, vol. v. n.s. part 1. p. 45. {38a} _l'anthropologie_, xiv. pp. 416-426. {38b} munro, p. 196. {38c} munro, 147, 148. {39} munro, p. 218. {40a} munro, pp. 219-220. {40b} munro, p. 219. {40c} _transactions_, _ut supra_, p. 51. {41} _proc. soc. ant._ 1900-1901, pp. 112-148. {43} pp. 135, 177, 257-258, and elsewhere. {44} munro, pp. 177, 257, 258. {45} munro, p. 139. {46a} munro, p. 264. {46b} these phrases are from munro, _arch. and false antiquities_, pp. 138-139. {47a} munro, p. 139. {47b} munro, _prehistoric scotland_, p. 420. {48} munro, p. 130. {49a} see page 246 of dr. munro's article on raised beaches, _proc. roy. soc. edinburgh_, vol. xxv. part 3. the reference is to two clyde canoes built of planks fastened to ribs, suggesting that the builder had seen a foreign galley, and imitated it. {49b} munro, pp. 138, 139. {51a} _proceedings scot. soc. ant._ vol. xxxiv. p. 462. {51b} munro, p. 147. {52a} _proc. soc. ant. scot._ 1900-1901, p. 296. {52b} munro, p. 138. {52c} these structures, of course, were of dry stone, without lime and mortar. by what name we call them, "towers," or "cairns," is indifferent to me. {54} beda, book 1, chap. i. {61} _proceedings soc. scot. ant._ 1899-1900, vol. xxxiv. pp. 456-458. {63} see prof. zimmer's _das mutterrecht der pickten_, rhys's _celtic britain_, _rhind lectures_, and in _royal commission's report on wales_, with my _history of scotland_, vol. i. pp. 12, 14. {64a} _bureau of ethnology's report_, 1896-97, p. 324. see also the essay on "indian pictographs," _report of bureau_, for 1888-89. {64b} mss. of mr. mullen, of bourke, n.s.w., and of mr. charles lang. {64c} scott, london, 1895. {64d} _op. cit._ p. 178. {64e} _op. cit._ p. 172. {65} munro, p. 246. {66} longmans. {67} munro, p. 177. {69} cartailhac, _ages prehistoriques_, p. 97. {73a} _l'anthropologie_, vol. xiv. p. 338. {73b} _proc. s.a.s._, 1878-1879. {73c} _op. cit._ pp. 208, 210. {74} bruce, _ut supra_, p. 446. {75} _bureau of ethnology_, _report of_ 1888-1889, p. 193. {77} munro, plate xv. p. 228, p. 249, cf. fig. 63, p. 249. {78} spencer and gillen, _native tribes of central australia_, figs. 20, 21, 22, 133; _northern tribes of central australia_, figs. 89, 92, 80, 81. {80a} i have no concern with an object, never seen by dr. munro, or by me, to my knowledge, but described as a "churinga"; in _journal of british archaeological association_, sept. 1904, fig. 4, munro, p. 246. {80b} munro, p. 246. {81} see spencer and gillen, _central tribes_, fig. 21, 6; _northern tribes_, fig. 87. {82a} munro, p. 55, referring to _ancient lake dwellings_, fig. 13, nos. 17, 18, 19. {82b} _proceedings scot. soc. ant._ 1902, p. 168, fig. 4, 1903. {82c} lockhart, iv. 208. {84a} munro, p. 247. {84b} munro, fig. 62, p. 248. {85a} _debut de l'art_, pp. 124-138. {85b} munro, p. 260. {85c} munro, p. 230. {85d} munro, pp. 204, 205. {86} munro, p. 260. {88} _op. cit._ p. 172. {89} nicholson, _folk lore of east yorkshire_, p. 87, hull, 1890. {91} haddon, _the study of man_, pp. 276, 327. {95a} _man_, 1904, no. 22. {95b} for the caithness brochs, see dr. joseph anderson, _proc. soc. scot. ant._, 1900-1901, pp. 112-148. {95c} _native tribes of north central australia_, spencer and gillen, p. 274, 1894. {96} _northern tribes_, p. 268, fig. 87, 1904. {97a} _glasgow herald_, letter of october 17th, 1903. {97b} munro, pp. 251-253. {100a} vol. vii. p. 50, cf. _proceedings scots society of antiquaries_, vol. vi. p. 112, and, in appendix to the same volume, p. 42, plate xix. {100b} anderson, _scotland in pagan times_, p. 88. {101} munro, p. 249, fig. 63. {102a} _les ages prehistoriques_, p. 100; cf. j. l. de vasconcellos' _religioes da lusitania_, vol. i. p. 69. lisboa, 1897. {102b} _antiguedades monumentaes do algarve_, i. 298. estacio da veiga, lisboa, 1886. {102c} _religioes_, i. 69-70. {103a} _antiguedades_, vol. ii. 429-481. {103b} _religioes_, i. 168. {103c} _l'anthropologie_, vol. xiv. p. 542. {104} by gongora de martinez. madrid, 1868. {107} munro, pp. 232, 234. {108} munro, p. 228. {109} _tribes of central australia_, pp. 141-145. {111} munro, pp. 260, 261. {112a} munro, p. 158, pp. 223-227. {112b} munro, p. 261. {114} _op. cit._, p. 111-114. {115} _proceedings_, vol. xxiii. p. 272. {116a} munro, p. 255. {116b} _ibid_. {116c} _native tribes of central australia_, p. 150. {117a} _l'anthropologie_, vol. xiv. p. 362. {117b} cf. munro, p. 57. {118} _op. cit._, p. 84. {119a} munro, p. 230. {119b} _l'anthropologie_, vol. xiv. p. 548. dr. laloy's review of mr. y. koganei, _ueber die urbewohner von japan_. tokyo, 1903. {120a} munro, p. 141. {120b} see cappart, _primitive art in egypt_, p. 154, translated by a. s. griffiths. grevel, london, 1905. {121a} cappart, p. 90, fig. 60, p. 92, fig. 62. {121b} _ibid_. p. 95, fig. 66. {121c} munro, p. 80. {121d} _op. cit._, p. 449. {122} munro, p. 231. {123a} munro, p. 262. {123b} dr. murray in munro, pp. 257-258. {124a} munro, p. 148. {124b} munro, p. 264. {124c} munro, p. 262. {124d} munro, p. 220. {125} munro, pp. 231-235. {127} munro, pp. 56-73. {128} _portugalia_, i. p. 646. {130} see sr. severo in _portugalia_, vol. ii. part i., 1905. {132} all the specimens of this group were disinterred from the ruins of this fort. {137} see an interesting and well-illustrated paper in _report of bureau on ethnology_, u.s., vol. ii. {139} munro, _proc. soc. ant. scot._, 1900-1901, pp. 291-292. note: the spelling of some place names in the index differs from that given in the main text. how to observe in archaeology suggestions for travellers in the near and middle east the british museum 1920 contents preface. by sir f. g. keynon part i chapter i. introductory. by g. f. hill chapter ii. method. by w. m. flinders petrie list of the chief british institutions and societies concerned with the archaeology of the near and middle east list of the archaeological joint committee part ii introductory note chapter i. flint implements. chapter ii. greece proper. by t. p. droop chapter iii. asia minor. by j. g. c. anderson and j. l. myres chapter iv. cyprus. by j. l. myres chapter v. central and north syria. by d. g. hogarth chapter vi. palestine. by r. a. s. macalister chapter vii. egypt. by w. m. flinders petrie chapter viii. mesopotamia. by h. r. hall appendix summaries of laws of antiquities index list of illustrations and tables some hieroglyphic signs liable to be confused with each other flint implements types of greek pottery, &c. greek alphabets asia minor pottery types hittite inscriptions, &c. bilingual (greek and cypriote) dedication to demeter and persephone from curium syrian pottery. syrian weapons, &c. west semitic alphabets west semitic numerals palestinian pottery types egyptian pottery types mesopotamian pottery, seals, &c. cuneiform and other scripts preface this handbook is intended primarily for the use of travellers in the near and middle east who are interested in antiquities without being already trained archaeologists. it is the outcome of a recommendation made by the archaeological joint committee, a body recently established, on the initiative of the british academy and at the request of the foreign office, to focus the knowledge and experience of british scholars and archaeologists and to place it at the disposal of the government when advice or information is needed upon matters connected with archaeological science. the committee is composed of representatives of the principal english societies connected with archaeology, and it is hoped that it may be recognized as the natural body of reference, both for government departments and for the public, on matters connected with archaeological research in foreign lands. it represents no one institution and no one interest. its purpose is to protect the interests of archaeological science, to secure a sane and enlightened administration of antiquities in the lands which are now being more fully opened to research, and to promote the advance of knowledge in the spheres to which its competence extends. one means of serving this cause is to provide information for the guidance of travellers in the lands of antiquity. much knowledge is lost because it comes in the way of those who do not know how to profit by it or to record it. accordingly, just as the natural history museum has issued a series of pamphlets of advice to the collectors of natural history specimens, so it has been thought that a handbook of elementary information and advice may be found of service by travellers with archaeological tastes; and the trustees of the british museum have undertaken the publication of it. the handbook has been prepared by a number of persons, whose competence is beyond dispute; and the thanks of all who find it useful are due to mr. g. f. hill (who has acted as general editor as well as part author), prof. w. m. flinders petrie, mr. d. g. hogarth, prof. j. l. myres, mr. j. g. c. anderson, mr. j. p. droop, prof. r. a. s. macalister, mr. h. r. hall, mr. a. j. b. wace, mr. 0. m. dalton, mr. r. l. hobson, mr. e. j. forsdyke, mr. a. h. smith, mr. r. a. smith, mr. a. b. cook, and prof. g. a. cooke. each contributor has been left considerable latitude as to the method of treatment of the subject allotted to him, and no attempt has been made to bring the various sections into uniformity of pattern. owing to prof. petrie's absence in egypt, it has not been possible to submit final proofs of his contributions to him. suggestions for improvement in future editions will be welcomed, and will no doubt be forthcoming as the result of experience. meanwhile it is hoped that this little book will accompany many travellers in foreign lands, and that the labour expended on it will bear fruit in the improved observation and record of archaeological data, in establishing sound principles for the administration of antiquities, and in enforcing proper methods of excavation and conservation. it may also be found of service by those who study the results of research as they appear in museums. f. g. kenyon. part i chapter i introductory the hints which it is the object of this volume to convey are not meant for experienced archaeologists. they are rather addressed to those who, while anxious to observe and record the antiquities which they may see on their travels, are likely, owing to lack of training, to miss things that may be of importance, or, having observed them, to bring home an imperfect record. it is hoped also that they may catch the attention of some of those who are not interested in the subject, but, coming into possession of antiquities, may unwittingly do incalculable harm by allowing them to be destroyed or dispersed before any record has been made. most, if not all, of the countries with which we are concerned, have their laws of antiquities. it cannot be too strongly insisted that those laws, even if they might be better than they are, should be obeyed by the traveller. he should familiarize himself with their main provisions, which are summarized in an appendix. the traveller who makes it his object to loot a country of its antiquities, smuggling objects out of it and disguising the sources from which they are obtained, does a distinct dis-service to archaeological science. although he may enrich collections, public or private, half or more than half of the scientific value of his acquisitions is destroyed by the fact that their provenance is kept secret or falsely stated. such action is equivalent to tearing out whole pages from a history and destroying them for ever, for each antiquity, whatever it may be, is in its way a part of history, whether of politics, arts, or civilization. for the same reason anything like unauthorized excavation, especially by unskilled hands, is gravely to be deprecated. to dig an ancient site unskilfully or without keeping a proper record is to obliterate part of a manuscript which no one else will ever be able to read. the tendency of recent legislation is to allow more generous terms in the matter of licences for export to excavators and collectors, and the harsher provisions of some of the existing laws are likely soon to be amended. before leaving home, the traveller will be well advised to make inquiries at the museums or at the head-quarters of the archaeological societies which concern themselves specially with the places which he intends to visit. a list of these museums and societies is appended to this section (p. 26). it is hardly necessary to warn him that archaeological training cannot be acquired in a few days, and that he will have to buy his experience in various ways; but the more time he can devote to working through the collections in this country, the more useful will be his observations abroad. he will be able to learn what kind of antiquities it is especially desirable to look for, not merely with the object of filling gaps in the public collections, but for the advancement of archaeological knowledge in general. the object of archaeological travel and excavation is not to collect antiquities so that they may be arranged according to the existing catalogues of museums, but to collect fresh information to amplify and correct what we now know, to make our knowledge of the past more complete and useful. on arrival in the country of his choice, he is recommended to continue at the national museum the study, which we suppose he has already begun in the museums at home, of the kind of antiquities which he is likely to come across. but he should also take an early opportunity of getting into touch with the local british archaeological school or other similar institution, where he will receive advice what to look for and where and how to look, and assistance in procuring suitable equipment. thus the traveller who starts from athens or jerusalem should apply at the british school of archaeology. he may there, it he desires, receive instruction in any of the methods described in chapter ii, in which a little practical demonstration is worth pages of print, and will be given all possible assistance in obtaining such articles of equipment as are available on the spot. (photographic supplies and all scientific instruments should be brought out from england.) the best maps of the district will also be accessible for examination (but the traveller is recommended to make inquiries in this respect before leaving england); the libraries will provide the literature dealing with the routes he proposes to take; and such a collection as the type-series of pottery and the finlay collection of prehistoric antiquities at the british school at athens may be useful to supplement his previous studies at museums, and enable him to observe with intelligence the potsherds, &c., that he may find on an ancient site. in return, he will be expected to report his results either to the school or to some other scientific society or museum at home. it should be unnecessary to remind him that the conditions of the law of the land relating to the reporting of discoveries to the competent authorities should be strictly observed. such authorities should also be informed of any destruction or removal of monuments which may be noticed. another matter which should not be neglected is the obtaining of such licences as may be required by law for the acquisition in the country or export therefrom of objects of antiquity. advice on this matter can be obtained at the local school or national museum. it is possible that the traveller will begin his journey at a point other than the capital. inquiries should be made at the london headquarters of the schools concerning residents at such places who may be able to give advice to intending travellers. the traveller will doubtless bring back with him such antiquities as he is permitted to export. a word of general advice on this matter may not be out of place here. the essential value of antiquities, apart from their purely artistic interest, lies in the circumstances in which they are found. the inexperienced traveller is apt to pick up a number of objects haphazard, without accurately noting their find-spots, and even, getting tired of them, as a child of flowers that he has picked, to discard them a mile or two away. if the first act is a blunder, the second is a crime; it is better to leave them lying in place. for the same reason, it is highly desirable that objects found together (e.g. the contents of a tomb) should as far as possible be kept together, or at least that accurate record of the whole group should be made, since the archaeological value of a find may depend on a single object, apparently of small importance. nothing, for instance, is more common, or more distressing to the numismatist, than the division of a hoard of coins among various persons before they have been examined by an expert. if they must be divided, good impressions should at least be made by one of the methods described in chapter ii, and, if the coins are of gold or silver, the weights should be noted. this should be done even if the coins, to the inexperienced eye, appear to be all alike. the knowledge that any coin from a hoard may be of greater value than a similar coin found singly may induce finders to report such finds before dispersing them. what applies to coins is equally applicable, in various ways, to all classes of antiquities. it is assumed that the primary object of the traveller is not speculation in the pecuniary value of the antiquities that he may acquire, although he may be not unreasonably inclined to recover some of his expenses by disposing of objects which do not appeal to him. should that be so, although the authorities of public museums obviously cannot be agents or valuers in such transactions between the owner and private collectors, they are as obviously willing to consider offers which are made to their museums in the first instance and, if the objects are not required by them, to advise the owner in what quarter he may be likely to meet with a purchaser. chapter ii method 1. outfit. each traveller will require to provide for his special interests; but for any archaeological work the following things are desirable. notebooks of squared paper. drawing-blocks of blue-squared paper. paper for wet squeezes, and for dry squeezes. brush for wet squeezes (spoke brush). one or two so-metre tapes. a few bamboo gardening canes for markers in planning. divide one in inches or centimetres for measuring buildings. a steel rod, 3 ft. x 1 inch for probing. fieldglass, or low-power telescope. prismatic compass with card partly black, to see at night. large and small celluloid protractors for plotting angles on plans. plotting-scale, tenths of inches and millimetres. maps of the district, the best available. aneroid barometer, if collecting flints; small size; can be tested by observing in a tall lift, or by putting in a tumbler and pressing the hand air-tight over the mouth. the zero error, or absolute values, are not wanted for levelling, only delicacy in small variations. magnifiers, a few pocket size; will also serve for presents. indelible pencils, pens, and ink in strong corked pocket bottle. reservoir pens dry up too much in some climates. china ink for permanent marking. strips of adhesive paper, about a inch and a inches wide, to put round objects for labelling. strong steel pliers, wire-cutting. a few pocket-knives will serve for presents. it is best to carry money in a little bag or screw of paper, loose in the jacket pocket, it in a risky district. it can then be dropped on any alarm and picked up afterwards. photographic.[1] in the selection of a camera much will depend upon the nature of the work to be undertaken, the conditions of travel, and the climate to which the camera will be exposed. for accurate work a stand camera is always to be preferred to one of the hand variety, and care should be taken to choose an instrument that is strongly made and of simple construction. the essentials of a good stand camera are that it shall be rigid, possess a rising and falling front, a swing back, and bellows which will be capable of extension to fully double the focal length of the lens to be used with it. [1]prof. petrie is not responsible for this section, which is due to the kind assistance of some professional photographers.-ed. the rising and falling front gives a power of modifying the field of view in a vertical direction. the swing back preserves the verticality of architectural subjects. in some cases, when used with the pivots vertical, it is a help in focussing the subject. the possible extension of the distance between the lens stop and the ground glass to twice the focal length (which is as a rule the distance between the same points, when a distant object is in focus) enables a small subject to be reproduced in natural size. for work abroad where extremes of temperature or excessive variations have to be contended with, a special tropical camera is supplied by most of the leading makers. its well-seasoned hard wood and metalbound joints render it suitable for hard wear, and reduce the risk of leakage through warping or shrinkage. the tripod stand should be of the so-called threefold variety, with sliding legs which can be adapted to broken ground. if a loose screw is used for attaching the camera to the stand, a spare screw should be kept in reserve. it is important that this stand should be strongly made, and light patterns subject to undue vibrations in the wind should be discarded. for photographing small objects in the studio, a small table is more convenient than a tripod support. if the camera will not sit flat on the table, a bed can easily be designed for it. better work will be done if this is prepared in advance than if an improvised support is used. as regards the size of the outfit, quarter-plate (3 1/4 x 4 1/4 inches) will usually be found to be large enough for the traveller. for anything in the nature of studio work in a museum or in connexion with an excavation a half-plate camera (6 1/2 x 4 3/4 inches) is more satisfactory. where a hand camera is preferred it should be one capable of adjustment of focus, and here again, strength and simplicity should be looked for. it should be provided with effective tripod legs, for studied exposures. plates or flat films are preferable to roll fills [2] which are difficult to manipulate away from home. flat films are less bulky and less breakable than glass, and can be sent by post. they are supplied by the makers in packs of 12 for daylight loading into a film-pack adapter, which must be provided to take the place of the ordinary dark slides for glass plates. the lens should be a modern anastigmatic by a good maker. a focal length of about six inches will be best for a quarter-plate camera. a bad lens makes success impossible even by accident. [2] transcriber's note: 'fills' in the original text is possibly a misprint for 'films'. the stops will probably be of the iris pattern, incorporated in the lens and so not likely to be lost, as often happens with loose stops. a few words on the theory and use of the stops and on the f-notation may be of service. the speed of a photographic lens depends on the ratio of the effective aperture to the focal length. thus any two lenses used at apertures of f/8, that is at apertures having diameters one-eighth of their respective focal lengths, should be of the same speed, though both lenses and apertures may be very different. in a given lens, the speed varies directly with the area of the aperture admitting the light, that is with the square of the diameter of the aperture. the series of stops usually employed is calculated so that each aperture is half the area of the preceding. stated in terms of the focal length they are known as f/5.6, f/8, f/11.3, f/16, f/22.6, f/32, &c. since the squares of those numbers, 31.4, 64, 127.7, 256, 510.7, 1024 are approximately each twice the preceding number of the series, the apertures, f(ocal length), divided by the successive numbers as denominators, are each half the area of the preceding and require twice the exposure, f/16 requires twice the 'exposure of f/11.3, and four times that of f/8, and so throughout the scale. stops are used to regulate either 'depth of focus' or length of exposure. the 'depth of focus' means the distance before and behind the point in theoretically accurate focus, at which objects are sufficiently focussed, for the purpose the photographer has in view. this length is greatest when only the central portion of the lens is in use. it is greatest with a pinhole, and least with a full aperture. hence a small stop is required if the picture is to include near and far objects, while a large aperture may be used if all the subject is far enough away to be in clear focus--say more than 25 feet--or if it is a flat surface. the small stop is also required when the rising front or the swing back is in use. the power of regulating the time of exposure is convenient for shortening long exposures in dark interiors, or for lengthening inconveniently short exposures in a bright light. in practice it will be best to become familiar with the use of about three stops, say the full aperture (perhaps f/5.6 or f/8), f/16, and f/32. for judging long exposures, the use of an actinometer (issued in many inexpensive forms) is helpful. a telephoto attachment increases the photographer's power of rendering distant details on a large scale. the results are greatly superior to enlargements of a small plate. it is, however, useless in a wind, unless the camera is specially supported, and is otherwise rather tricky to use. the traveller is strongly advised to master its management at home. it should be adjusted by the maker to the camera for which it is intended. unless a photographer's dark room can be had the developing of the bulk is best left until the return home, but tests should be made to see that the exposures are correct. a piece of ruby fabric or ruby paper tied over an electric light will give a safe light after dark, and 'scalol' or some such one-solution developer which requires merely the addition of water, will give all that is needed for developing. for fixing use 4 oz. hypo to a pint of water. in warm climates, use cold water. if it is not cool enough, the gelatine of the negatives may give trouble. in that case, get colder water, and use an alum bath. if water is precious, plates can be sufficiently washed by moving them forward in succession, through half-dozen soup plates filled with water. if habitual use is not made of tabloid developers, &c., it is advisable to have some in reserve, for use in the case of broken bottles and spilt solutions. useful notes and maxims. an over-exposed plate gives no dark shadows in the print. an under-exposed plate gives no high lights. when in doubt, choose the risk of over-exposure. to test the safety of your camera--half draw the shutter, and expose part of the plate in the camera, in the sunshine, without uncapping the lens, and develop. to test the safety of your red light--expose a plate, divide it into two, develop half in the dark, and half for the same time, with the same solution by the light you are testing, and compare the results. this test is worth making, as photographers are apt to give themselves much discomfort from exaggerated caution. 2. itinerary. where there are efficient maps the only need is to mark in the position of any antiquities, by cross-bearings to clear points, with the compass, drawn in with a sharp pencil. where the maps are too small, or deficient, a continuous register of time should be made, noting the minute of starting and of stopping; this over known distances will serve to give the value over the unknown. note whether mounted or walking, and the compass bearing of the track; also the bearings of known points around, whenever stopping. without any known bearings pacing and compass used carefully may go over the roughest ground without five per cent. error in the day. it is better when on unknown ground to plot a map as you go, so that no misunderstanding of notes can arise after. if a squared block cannot be used, at least draw the bearings and distances roughly, writing in the amounts. this should be plotted up accurately in the evening. a photograph may be unintelligible later in its detail. it is best where known features, a temple, tombs, &c., are in a view, to sketch the outline when photographing, and write in the details, so as to give a key to the photograph. inquire about antiquities whenever stopping. when camping, villagers usually come up to see who it is; then tell them the directions of the places around. they will ask how you know; show them the map, and they are puzzled; talk over all the names a few miles round, and then anything notable in the district may be remarked, and inquiries made. several men together help each other to remember, and bring out more remarks. sometimes an intelligent man will describe all the antiquities he knows in the district: this should be followed closely on the map, and difficulties resolved at once, so as to get a clear record noted. of course, enormous exaggerations are met with, and not one report in ten will prove to be anything. tracking up the source of bought antiquities is one of the best methods, and the one by which naukratis was found. if travelling by camel, it is practicable to diverge widely on foot, if objects are looked for well ahead. a foot track diverging 4.5 degrees, and then converging likewise, will easily keep in touch with a baggage camel. fix on the camping-place in the morning, and let every one know of it, so that if accidentally parted all can rejoin by night. 3. recording. buildings or ruins. fix position by bearings to mapped points; also note bearings of any prominent feature near by, which may serve for finding the position again. sketch a plan, always north up in the book, note bearing of main wall, and then measure with bamboo rod all original dimensions, with some diagonals to fix angles; do not forget the thickness of the walls. it is best for a long length to stretch a tape, pegged down by the ring, and pulled tight by hand: read off all positions of doors, windows, cross-walls, &c., on one long length, and not as separate short lengths. if possible plot the measures on squared paper as you go, and then any errors or omissions will be checked at once. 'e. and o.e.' has no place in a plan. town mounds. estimate height over bare land outside; eye height is a trifle over five feet. at the foot of the mound see where the horizon cuts the shoulder of it to find eye height; walk up to that point, and sight another five feet; so on, till you see over the top. if there is any section, by a stream side, or digging, or land-slip, look for strata, stone or brick walls and floor levels, and for any distinctive potsherds; observing levels as before. look all over the top for potsherds, to find the latest period of the town. look around the mound for any early potsherds. sherds on the slopes are worth less; as they have probably slipped down. red burnt brick in egypt is all roman or arab; in greece and asia minor, red brick and mortar is roman, byzantine, or later. walk to the middle of the site or mound, and see its extent. then walk round the wall line, or circuit of it, pacing and compass noting, to sketch the shape and size of the site: especially look for any straight lines of wall showing. sometimes a mud-brick wall may be entirely denuded away, yet the position is shown by the sharp edge of the strew of potsherds on the surface. look for any slag-heaps; these are the remains of lime burning, and show where stone buildings existed; sometimes foundations still remain. look for any recent pits or trenches; these show where stone or burnt brick has been dug out in modern times, and may give the position and plan of a temple or church. see if any rubbish mounds can be traced outside of the town site; usually marked by a gentle walk-up slope, and a steep thrown-down slope, and mainly consisting of pottery, e.g. monte testaccio at rome, and mounds east of cairo. town sites rise in egypt about forty inches a century, by the dust, rubbish, and decay of mud-brick buildings. in palestine the rise is five feet a century, owing to the rains. cemeteries. these have generally been more or less plundered; if recently, the pits show; if anciently, there are scraps of pottery lying about. if there are pebbles or marl thrown up from deep levels, there is evidence of tombs, and they may be unplundered. blown sand or grass may hide all trace of tombs. sometimes the whole masonry of a tomb may have been removed, and the gravel filling-in have spread so uniformly that there is no sign of building, although a course or two of stone may yet remain under the surface. the surface of ground should be closely looked over at sunrise or sunset to show up the slight hollows or ridges by the shadows. after rain differences will often appear in the drying of the ground. ask any one near a site if he knows of any one getting stones, or bronze, or plunder from tombs. anything found will probably be greatly exaggerated, and no clear idea of the time of finding can be reached; yet any such detail may be useful. any large town site must have a cemetery, which is near it in most cases. in egypt the towns being in the inundated land, the cemeteries are at some miles distant on the desert. the prehistoric cemeteries may be anywhere; the historic cemeteries are usually round the ends of the dyke roads, which were thrown up in the early dynasties as irrigation dams, and still serve as the roads of the country. in greek lands cemeteries are always outside a town, usually by the side of the roads. caves should always be carefully explored; the roof and sides searched for inscriptions or carvings; rock pockets in the sides examined; and the floor dug over for potsherds and any small objects. if there are different strata these should be each removed separately, and the depth and positions of objects noted. 4. methods of planning. though we cannot here give full technical details of all the methods for plans and surveys, it will be useful to state the scope of each method, so that they may be kept in mind, and whichever is best suited to the individual and his work may be provided for. 1. plain pacing. after pacing lengths of a few hundred feet, up and down hill and flat, tape the distances, and learn true value of pace. careful pacing can be done to one or two per cent. of the whole; and properly used, in triangles, may give a useful plan. 2. pacing and compass. this covers large spaces quickly, but the compass is less accurate than the pace. 3. tape. lines of taping must be well planned, with triangle ties to secure the angles. pulling up straight is difficult in a wind, especially on broken ground, and one per cent. error is quite possible then. when working alone peg the tape down by the ring, or round a stone. 4. tapes and cross lines. stretch two strings crossing squarely on the ground: fix the square by laying a squared drawing block below and looking at strings over it. two helpers each hold a tape, zero on a string, and the two tapes are held together by the observer and read off, giving the distance to each string; this is to be plotted at once on squared paper, and the plan is completed in detail as it progresses, without any notebook or later plotting. the helpers must be capable of holding the tape square to the string. good for sites up to two hundred or three hundred feet. 5. plane table. excellent for some ground, where objects are visible from a distance: otherwise it requires a marker put up at every point to be fixed. cumbrous to carry, much slower than 4. 6. box sextant, used as giving angular accuracy to any of the foregoing; most useful with taping, and in following. 7. sextant and three points. the most rapid accurate method is to adopt three points visible all over the ground (as trees or chimneys) or set up three markers. find shape and size of this triangle. then at any point take two angles visible between the points, and this fixes position of observer. a large site may have forty points fixed in two hours thus to about 1 in 1000. for detail and plotting see petrie, _methods and aims in archaeology_. 8. theodolite. for the most accurate work a theodolite is used, giving points to about 1 in 5000. it is almost essential for any astronomical meridian or latitude. none of these methods necessitate any helper, except 4 which needs two helpers. the observation is from the point to be fixed in 1, 2, 3, 4, and 7; but it is _to_ the point, needing signals or visible features on the points, in 5, 6, and 8, and for those methods a large stock of rods must be taken, and the whole ground gone over, before the work of observation; such methods take far more time than the others. the able surveyor will know by instinct how to use all the inferior methods as supplements to the higher, whenever time demands and accuracy allows. when first searching a site, note the direction of any wall to the horizon point, and so see if other walls are parallel. in all cases a plumb line is wanted for alining foundations and scattered blocks. always carry six feet of thin string, and pick up the nearest suitable stone for a weight, up to three or four pounds in a wind. 5. drawing and copying. inscriptions. if there is any chance of being interrupted by any claimant, or by crowds, always make a hand copy at once, as quickly as possible. after a squeeze or photograph is taken, yet the hand copy is often of value to explain positions of squeeze slips or detail of photographs. if there is no chance of interruption, then a carefully drawn copy full size should be made. for this a dry squeeze is the ground work. lay a sheet of thin paper, such as thin wrapping or plain paper, on the stone, and press all the letters over with the fingers, so as to make a sharp bend; a break in the deep hollows does not matter. then, putting the paper on a drawing-board or sheet of millboard, cock it up so that the shadow of the squeeze is seen, and draw over the lines (starting at right base), referring to the stone whenever uncertain. this is the only right way to copy hieroglyphics by hand. note that the edges are usually rather worn, and the drawn lines should be inside the squeeze lines. if the stone is large, several lesser sheets are best. where there is writing, or the relief is too faint to squeeze, put the paper immediately below the first line, and draw it sign for sign, so that the spacing is preserved and no omission is possible. fold back the paper as each line is copied, and so always keep the copying close below the line of inscription. if the signs are in an alphabet that is not familiar, refer to the table of alphabets. sculpture sculpture in low relief can be copied best by dry squeeze. as the connexion of the sheets used should be exact, put up the first sheet truly vertical, and mark little pencil crosses at the corners on the stone. then the corners of successive sheets should be fitted into the angles of the crosses. when inking in the pencil drawings, do not carry the lines within two inches of the edges of the sheets. then place sheets edge to edge, adjust them to fit as best they may, weight them heavily with books, turn back one edge and weight it, and then slip a strip of wetted adhesive paper half-way under the edge that is down; at once liberate the edge that is up, and dab (not rub) both heavily down on the adhesive. this makes a joint free of cockling, and when dry the inking can be completed across the joint. where there is any colour remaining on sculpture or inscription, only dry squeezing is permissible. where signs are worn or decayed it is needful to try various lighting. this can be done in the open air, by shading the part by the hands placed around it as a sort of tube, the head blocking out the light over the tube. then quickly raise a hand alternately, so as to reverse the oblique lighting, and watch the effect on the sign. if the stone has not too tender a face, careful washing often brings out an inscription; and in such cases it is usually far easier to copy from a wet than from a dry stone. if reliefs have been much weathered they can be made plain for photographing by laying horizontal and covering with sand; on wiping away the sand from the relief the ground will be left flat sand, so hiding the confused hollows of weathering. the safest way for drawings to travel is to post them at the nearest post direct to where they will be worked up. the postal union takes rolls of 21 cm. thick, 60 cm. long, up to 5 kilos as parcels, or rolls of 10 cm. thick, 75 cm. long, up to 2 kilos by book post open at ends. this is far better than carrying rolls by hand. wet squeezing. where there is no colour, and the stone is strong and not crumbling, a wet squeeze is the best copy. there are three purposes for it, and the method differs for each; (1) thin single sheet kept fresh on the outer face for photographing later; or (2) single sheet well beaten in and patched, depending on pricking the outlines and hand-copy from it, or blacking over the relief on the inner side and photographing; or (3) double sheet hard beaten, and patched in the hollows, for plaster casting afterwards. for (1) there is no need to get an impression of the hollows to the bottom, and the face of the paper should be smooth. a soft paper, with little or no size, and a soft clothes-brush will do well for this. the sheet should cover the whole inscription, or have as few joints as may be. the stone should be dabbed with a wet brush so as to saturate the face, the sheet of paper well soaked in water laid upon it, taking care not to leave bubbles, and then dabbing firmly with the brush will drive the paper into the hollows. if the stone is polished or very smooth, it is needful to peel off the paper while wet by holding two corners, and lay it reversed on a flat surface to dry; if left on the stone the contraction will destroy the impress. out of doors the paper can be held down by pebbles around it, or by sand on the edges, to prevent the wind catching it. (2) the stronger squeeze should be of a tough paper with moderate sizing. cut the paper to the form of the stone. thrust it into a pail of water, knead it about vigorously, roll it into a ball and pummel it, so as to break the grain and let the water well into it. then wet the stone, shake out the paper like a wet handkerchief, full of creases, lay it on the stone and begin to beat it in with a hard, long spoke-brush. a few strokes round the edge will catch it down so that the wind does not disturb it. then begin to beat it heavily along the top edge; beat it to a pulp, and patch with strips left soaking in the water wherever breaks occur. if the stone is porous the paper may part from it, especially if expanded by beating; the only course then is to slush more water on the face so that it will go through the breaks and hold the paper down again. it may be needful to slit the paper to let the water go below it. beat down again, enough to fix it. (3) for casting purposes a final backing sheet, moderately beaten on, is needed to hold the squeeze together and stiffen it. either (2) or (3) can be left on the face of the stone till quite dry, and then carefully detached by lifting up from one corner, and slipping a dinner-knife or a slip of wood under the paper to lift any part that sticks. stiff squeezes as (3) must be packed flat; thin, as (1) and sometimes (2), may be rolled in a large curve, but this always deteriorates a squeeze. for plaster casting, a squeeze should be heated on a stove and brushed over with melted paraffin, or better wax, sufficient to cover the face without choking the finer detail. before each cast the face should be lightly oiled with a tuft of wool. small objects. these can be copied by a thin paper squeeze, and the squeeze may be mounted by pasting a card and lightly pressing the squeeze back down on it. this will take out all cockling and make it lie flat for photographing. tin-foil is very handy for squeezes, and may be saved from chocolate for this. press it firmly on a coin or seal with a tuft of wool, or beat it with a soft tooth-brush, being careful to avoid creases. the foil should then be floated on water, hollow back up, and blazing sealing-wax dropped into it to back it. the resulting positive can be then stuck on card. for plaster casts of coins the face should be dusted with french chalk, as also a smooth bed of plasticine; the coin can then be pressed in safely without any possible risk, and afterward plaster cast in the mould. sealing-wax is said to be sharper, but there is a risk of its sticking to the coin. if it is used, breathe hard on the coin, or wet it, before impressing; and when first set lift it slightly to detach it, and then replace till cold. or tin-foil may be used, as in making positives; but, instead of floating on water, press plasticine on the foil while it is still on the object. for curved surfaces, as cylinders, any of these methods can be used; the plasticine is the more successful. in all casting of plaster on a small scale, use a soft camel-hair brush. mix the plaster in the palm of the hand with a knife, take up some of the wettest to brush over the face of the moulds (a dozen scarabs or small coins done at once); then put he brush in water, and take up thicker plaster with a pocket-knife to drop on as a backing. this avoids air bubbles without using too weak a plaster. copying hieroglyphic inscriptions. where possible a wet or a dry squeeze should be taken of any inscription. when hand copying is necessary, the main matter is to get the cartouches of king's names accurately, and the date at the beginning, examining specially whether single strokes, i i i i, have been connected above, n n, forming the ten sign. the main difficulty for any one not knowing the 800 signs is to distinguish between those that are alike, especially when damaged. for this purpose the commonest signs that may be confused are here placed together, so that the essential points of difference may be noticed. a small cross is placed here by small points of distinction which might escape notice. [illustration i: some hieroglyphic signs liable to be confused with each other] 6. photography. the camera and material have been described under outfit. lighting and preparation of objects is a main element of success. when first looking over any ruins, make a list of every view wanted, with the time of day when the sun will be right for it. then follow the time-table, and so get the best lighting all in one day. for movable stones or figures place them in half-shade, as a doorway, and then tilt every way until the best lighting is found, fix them in that position, and then set up the camera square with them. the camera should usually be fixed to look downward vertically, and then variation up to 40 degrees can be got by the legs. hold the camera in the right position, keeping the legs off the ground, and then drop the legs to find their own place; thus very skew positions can be fixed quickly. small objects are best laid on black velvet, and taken vertically. scraps of charcoal are useful to prop them in exact positions. a sheet of white paper stuck on a leg of the stand may be useful to prevent shadows being too heavy. where outline, and not flat detail, is wanted, then a light ground is best; the most perfect is a sheet of ground glass with white paper a foot or two below it. if the ground glass cannot be had, a good substitute-also useful for a camera glass-is plain glass with a sheet of tissue paper (or the packing paper of films) stuck on with paraffin wax. the dressing of objects to show up clearly is often needful. incised objects can be filled in with charcoal powder if light, or chalk if dark; in any case a coarse powder, so as not to stain the object. for faint cutting on glass or crystal go over the lines with 'china ink in a pen, so as to cover them. harden the ink in the sun, and then gently wipe with a damp finger until all the excess is removed and only the roughness of the lines remains black. on large objects light dust or sand is often useful, to make relief clearer. for objects in a bad light, or in the interior of tombs, reflected light must be used. lids of biscuit tins serve well; a lid in the sun sixty feet off, and another lid reflecting the light on to a wall, will suffice for a two minutes' exposure of a slow plate. three or four successive reflections into a totally dark chamber will suffice in five or six minutes. when an important subject cannot be revisited it is well to take duplicates; the camera should be shifted laterally a few inches for a near object, or a few feet for a distant view, and then the two films will form a stereograph, if both succeed. in arranging groups of small objects, put together what will go in a three-inch circle, and minor pieces around, and then the best in the middle can be printed direct on lantern slides. 7. preservation and packing. while travelling little can be done for preserving objects. papyrus rolls should be wrapped at once in a damp handkerchief, to be carried, and then wrapped in paper, packed in a tin box, and filled round with cotton wool. small papyri can be safely damped in a wet cloth, and flattened out between the leaves of a book; secure one edge straight in the hinge, and gradually press flat and secure by advancing leaves over it. glass, if perfect, should be packed in tins with wool; old food or tobacco tins do well for tender things. flint implements and coins, though hardy, should be saved from grinding by wrapping in waste paper. ivory, if it has been buried, is very liable to flake. the cure is to soak it in paraffin wax; but temporarily it is secured by winding cotton thread round it in many directions. some anoint it with vaseline, but if vaseline penetrates the ivory, it will not take up paraffin or gelatine later. tender wood may be likewise saved. a much-cracked glazed jar was packed by winding string round it in all directions, with tufts of wool under the string. a whole mummy in most fragile condition, so that it could not be lifted, was made up solid with 40 lb. of paraffin wax which was melted out of it afterwards in england, making hardly any change. if contracted burials should be preserved, dust carefully, splash on about 5 lb. of paraffin wax heated to smoking-point. when cold, detach from soil, turn over, paraffin the lower side, and build up weak parts with a sludge of melted paraffin and sand, nearly chilled. about 8 to 10 lb. of wax will do the whole. the skull should be packed separately. pad all hollows of the body with soft rag to spread pressure in packing. paraffin wax is the best preservative as it is tough, and may be used as a coat over an object for safety. when not needed it can be cut away, or melted away, and cleaned off completely with benzol. it should be melted in an iron saucepan, as solder will give way if it is superheated. as it melts at about 120 degrees f., and boils at about 600 degrees f., it can be greatly superheated, and used when smoking, so as to penetrate deeply into wood or porous material. it is perfect for strengthening skulls; most rotten examples slopped with paraffin, and finally soused for a few seconds so as entirely to cover the bone in and out, will travel safely, if not crushed. boxes must always have corner posts, inside or out; see that the sides are nailed up to the edges to the posts, or the lid or bottom may part by the side splitting. see that all nails--except for the lid--are driven slanting alternately one way and reversed, this prevents sides or bottom drawing off. nail the lid with many short nails, so that it can be raised without splitting. to secure heavy objects in a mixed box, an inverted rough stool is the best, the cross piece on the object below, and the sides coming up to the lid. if cross bars are nailed in a box, damage may be done to an object in forcing the bars loose. it is often best to put heavy and light things in the same box, to equalize weights in journeying; if well secured, a mixed boxful travels well. be very careful that a wedge-shaped stone cannot force itself loose by repeated jolts, or it may split a box. slabs of stone ire best packed in open shallow boxes face down on straw or wool, secured by a few diagonal cross bars on the top, as then they do not need to be opened for customs. all stones of regular form should be supported at a fifth of the length from each end. no bedding on a box is worth anything, as the box will bend more than the stone, and the strain will all come on the middle. very heavy blocks are best with sacking on the face, and roped round in various parts. pottery is most difficult to pack safely. for large jars, mark the points of contact on the box, and nail on cushions of old cloth stuffed hard with straw, so as to pad the jar on all sides; make sure that it cannot twist about into a diagonal position off the pads. long boxes, five or six feet, with three or four cross divisions, are best. begin packing, say four pots with straw, at one end of the box, press up a cross board tight on them, and nail through the sides: then another batch likewise; about one inch thick of hard-pressed straw is needful at each contact. twist straw into rough bands, and wind it round each pot. fill up corners to prevent the bands shifting loose. empty small tins make good stuffing for blank spaces. old newspapers torn to bits and rolled into balls make good packing for pots and hold them firmly, but this method is dangerous if the packing becomes wetted. pots should always be packed tight. old sacking or cotton stuff may be tied on over the mouth of large pots, to prevent straw slipping in, and loosening the packing. bronzes and coins should not be cleaned in any way, till in a settled work place. 8. forgeries and. buying. most travellers wish to buy some things of interest, and in remote districts they may do good service in rescuing important objects which may be wanted in museums. forgeries are ubiquitous, even in most obscure places in the hands of peasants, either supplied by dealers, or casually obtained, often in good faith. it is best to inquire of local collectors and museums as to the kinds of forgeries met with. the following notes are to show the novice how far he may go safely. bronze figures with a thick red patina, which scales off readily sometimes, or with thick green patina cracked, or hard green or brown patina, are safe. thin green patina, or bare brown or black metal is dubious. papyri in roll, flexible though fragile, in known greek or egyptian writing, are fairly safe. lumps stuck together, brown and scrappy, are made up. coins cannot be safely bought unless patinated, copper or silver. only an expert can judge of gold or 'clean silver. jewellery of small size, as earrings and bracelets, is generally safe, if the age of the design is known. modern wire is always drawn, ancient is irregular. look for concretions of lime in the hollows, and for the dull face of old gold. if once cleaned there is little to distinguish old from modern gold. stone vases if turned are roman or modern. the ancient irregularities should be studied from specimens. scarabs with nacreous or decomposed glaze in the hollows (as in the deep cuts at the side) are safe; also, if there are natural cracks by age, which would prevent modern cutting. there is a large variety of skilful forgeries. stone statuettes: a skilled forger may be paid up to 100 pounds for a figure to order. only an expert can judge. never buy in the dusk or in dark rooms. when buying never have any one at hand who calls attention to things, nor let any attendant interfere. seem entirely unconcerned. get the reputation of never advancing on offers, or bargaining; let taking or leaving things at once be the rule. time and delays are money to the traveller, and it is worth much to save time in haggling. your donkey-boy will soon spread your character. when offering for single things to a peasant, put the money by the side of the antiquity, and say that he must take one or the other: fingering the cash is irresistible, and no time is lost. if it is likely that the source of an object will not be truly stated, the way is to make the best guess you can, and say it dogmatically: the pleasure of setting you right will often bring out the truth, or if you guessed right it will gain you credit and break down reserve. as a principle it is well to be looked on as a liberal buyer, so as to encourage the offer of antiquities. a little more thus spent will be a trifling extra on the whole journey, and may largely increase the results in objects and information for future work. though prices can only be learned by practice, and they vary in time and place, yet the following scale may be taken as fairly safe. bronze figures if good work, inches high squared = shillings: except in bad state, or osiris, or bad clumsy work, or votive animals. papyri or parchment, continuous text, 1 pound a square foot, accounts, half or a third. jewellery, between weight in coin and double that, according to work. scarabs, common but fair 2s., names 2s.-5s.; up to 5 pounds or 10 pounds if beautiful. engraved gems, small common roman, 2s.-4s. in london, more in east; for a fair greek 1 pound-10 pounds. coins often higher in the east than in london. in greek lands copper coins may be bought by weight, and picked over at leisure, and the worthless coins rejected. for single coins fix a price, say half a franc, and offers of large numbers may come in, from which the best can be chosen and the rest refused. glass vases, blown, inches high squared at 4d. or 6d. each. coloured glass double or triple. ushabtis, poor 1s.-4s., fair 5s.-10s., fine blue or engraved 1 pound10 pounds. list of the chief british institutions and societies concerned with the archaeology of the near and middle east. london. british museum, bloomsbury, w.c.1. director, sir f. g. kenyon, k.c.b., p.b.a. keeper of egyptian and assyrian antiquities, sir ernest wallis budge, litt.d. keeper of british and mediaeval antiquities (including prehistoric antiquities, ethnology, and oriental antiquities) sir hercules read, f.b.a., p.s.a. keeper of greek and roman antiquities, a. h. smith m.a. keeper of coins, g. f. hill, f.b.a. keeper of mss., j. p. gilson, m.a. keeper of oriental mss. and printed books. l. d. barnett, litt.d. victoria and albert museum, s. kensington, s.w.7. director, sir cecil harcourt smith, c.v.o. assistant keeper of architecture and sculpture, e. r. d. maclagan. assistant keeper of ceramics, c. h. wylde. keeper of metalwork, w. w. watts. keeper of textiles, a. f. kendrick. keeper of woodwork, e. f. strange, c.b.e. british academy, burlington house, piccadilly, w.1. secretary, sir i. gollancz, litt.d. british school at athens, 19 bloomsbury square, w.c.1, secretary, john penoyre, c.b.e. british school in jerusalem, c/o. palestine exploration fund, 2 hinde st., manchester square, w. 1. secretary, miss r. woodley. british school at rome, 19 bloomsbury square, w.c.1. secretary of the faculty of archaeology, history and letters, e. j. forsdyke. palestine exploration fund, 2 hinde st., manchester square, w.1 secretary, e. w. g. masterman, m.d. egypt exploration society, 13 tavistock square, w.c.1. secretary, miss jonas. egyptian research account and british school of archaeology in egypt. hon. director, prof. w. m. f. petrie, f.r.s., f.b.a., university college, gower st., w.c.1. society of antiquaries of london, burlington house, w.1. secretary, c. r. peers, f.s.a. royal asiatic society, 74 grosvenor st., w. 1. secretary, miss eleanor hull. society for the promotion of hellenic studies, 19 bloomsbury square, w.c.1. secretary and librarian, john penoyre, c.b.e. royal institute of british architects, 9 conduit st., w.1. secretary, ian macalister. society for the promotion of roman studies, 19 bloomsbury square, w.c.1. secretary, miss margaret ramsay. royal anthropological institute, 50 gt. russell st., w.c.1. secretaries, h. s. harrison, t. a. joyce, o.b.e. royal numismatic society, 22 russell square, w.c.1. secretaries, j. allan, lt. col. w. morrieson. royal geographical society, lowther lodge, kensington gore, s. w. 7. secretary, a. r. hinks, f.r.s. archaeological joint committee. hon. secretary, g. f. hill, british museum, w.c.1. cambridge. museum of archaeology and ethnology. curator, baron a. von hugel. fitzwilliam museum. director, s. c. cockerell, m.a. oxford. ashmolean museum. keeper, d. g. hogarth, c.m.g., f.b.a. athens. british school. director, a. j. b. wace. jerusalem. british school. director, prof. j. garstang. rome. british school, valle giulia. director, thomas ashby, d.litt. the archaeological joint committee society or other body. representatives. british academy sir f. g. kenyon, k.c.b. (chairman of committee). prof. percy gardner. sir w. m. ramsay. royal anthropological institute sir everard im thurn. prof. arthur keith. society of antiquaries sir arthur evans. sir hercules read. royal institute of british architects prof. w. r. lethaby. prof. a. g. dickie. royal asiatic society f. legge. r. sewell. british school at athens j. p. droop. byzantine research fund sir hercules read. egypt exploration society sir f. g. kenyon, k.c.b. dr. alan gardiner. egyptian research account prof. flinders petrie. prof. ernest gardner. society for the promotion a. h. smith. of hellenic studies g. f. hill (hon. sec. of committee). british school at jerusalem prof. flinders petrie. d. g. hogarth, c.m.g. royal numismatic society prof. c. oman, m.p. g. f. hill. palestine exploration fund dr. g. buchanan gray. prof. a. g. dickie society for the promotion of miss gertrude bell. roman studies o. m. dalton. -------------------------------------------british museum sir f. g. kenyon, k.c.b. victoria and albert museum sir cecil harcourt smith, c.v.o. part ii introductory note the aim of the special sections contained in chapters iii-viii is to describe, not the objects usually to be seen in museums, but only such things as will be found lying out on mounds and sites, and as are more or less distinctive of a period. thus certain comparatively trivial objects are named, because they are peculiar to a period, and likely to be found in a casual passage over a site, whereas other objects, common to several periods, are ignored. only the distinctive, key objects are mentioned. the great features of greek art, for instance, are not dealt with in chapter ii; nor are coins, the probabilities of finding them being too slender, and the possibilities too wide. nevertheless, coins when found should be carefully quoted. pottery naturally takes the largest place, as it was abundant, and its fragments are a good guide to period, and being practically indestructible and of no intrinsic value are most likely to be met with. the difference between pottery made with the use of the wheel and that made without is important to be noted. the use of the wheel can usually be detected through the slight inequalities of the clay that make a series of parallel lines on the inner surface. the diagrammatic representations of the pot-forms characteristic of various periods or of other objects ranging through a civilization the main features of which can be shown in outline will, it is hoped, be found useful. simplified tables of alphabets, intended to make it possible roughly to identify the script, if not the date, of an inscription, are also given. chapter i flint implements see diagrams, [illustrations ii: flint implements] as the development of flint implements follows more or less the same course in all the districts with which this volume deals, a general description is given here, to avoid repetition in the special sections. the earlier periods of man are so remote that geological changes, wet, and decay, have removed nearly all his works except the flint tools. it is to these chiefly that we must look for our knowledge of his abilities. flints are nearly all that we have for the early stages, to supply what arts, history, and literature give in later stages. to preserve and educe all we possibly can obtain from their situation, and purpose, is a main duty to history. to destroy or confuse the evidence, by removing specimens without a record, or by shifting them to a different place, is a crime in science. as there is no temptation to ignorant peasants to move flints until they are induced by collectors, so the whole fault of the wreckage that has taken place in many sites lies on the plundering collector. no money or reward should be given for any flints; a few fine specimens may be lost, but vastly more harm would be done by encouraging mere raiding. the periods and styles that are now recognized are shown on the diagram--and their conditions were: style climate sea level eolithic (pliocene) ? rostrocarinate (crag) ? strepyan warmer lower chellean warm low acheulian cooler rising mousterian cold high aurignacian less cold lower solutrean warmer low magdalenian colder rising neolithic as present differences of heat may be 20 degrees or 30 degrees + or differences of level may be 600-800 ft. + or the information required of all observers is the level and conditions of all flint tools that they may see or collect. gravels containing tools may be surface gravels on a plateau; note then the level, and the relation of them to any cliffs; do they end abruptly at a cliff edge, showing that the valley was filled up; or do they fade away to the edge, showing that they are older than the valley erosion? gravels may be the filling up of a valley which was previously eroded; note the highest level at which they can be traced; often little pockets of deposit, or traces of sandy strata, can be found clinging high up on cliffs; also note the depths in the gravel at which any tools are found. any shells or bones in the gravels are of the greatest value; the depth at which they are found should be written on them at once, with the locality. surface flints should have levels noted on them. if sharp they show that probably submergence has not reached that level since; if worn, then water has been up to a higher level, from which they have been washed down. levelling may be read from a contour map, if there is such available. in most countries it must be done by reading feet on an aneroid barometer, set with zero of level scale to 30 ins. or 760 mm. then visit as soon as possible some point where a level is marked on the map, as a hill top, and read the barometer. this will give the correction to be made to all the previous notes. if there is no level recorded, get down to a stream bed (the larger the better) and read it there, recording the exact place on the map. the level may then be worked out approximately by points above and below on the stream, for accurate reading, hold the aneroid face up, gently tap it, and read; then face down similarly, and take the mean. guard that the wind does not blow against any keyhole in the case. pencil all levels and localities on flints as soon as found. ink in the notes on the least prominent parts of the flint, in small capital letters, when in camp, with waterproof china ink. styles of flint work. the eoliths are worn pebbles, chipped as if for scraping. the rostrocarinate flints found at the base of the crag are long bars with a beak-end, suited for breaking up earth. the human origin of both of these classes is contested. flints of strepy type are nodular and partly trimmed into cutting edges, the smooth surface being left as a handle. the chelles types are remarkable for regularity and fine bold flaking; the worn butt (though best for handling) was eventually flaked away to obtain an artistic uniform finish. the st. acheul series has finer flaking, the crust being completely removed: there is a tendency to ovate or almond shapes, and the edges are often curved, the reverse s-curve being preferred, they diminish in size towards the end of the period. the chelles and st. acheul series are core implements, made by detaching flakes; and the succeeding (le moustier) method is to use the flakes, generally for scraping. the la, em the diagram is transitional from st. acheul to le moustier. the form marked m is the predecessor of the solutrean form next below it. the aurignacian is a smaller flake industry, with many lumps more or less conical, and often with careful parallel flaking or fluting. the solutre culture brought in a new style, particularly thin blades with delicate surface flaking which seems to have reappeared in the late neolithic. the pointed borers, certain arrow-heads and minutely chipped rods of flint are characteristic of the period, and flints of this age are found on the egyptian and syrian deserts. longer blades, sometimes very coarse, with ends worn by scraping, mark the period of la madeleine. they are found in prehistoric egyptian graves, along with neolithic knives and lances. as a technical advance on flaking by blows or pressure, grinding and incidental polishing of flint implements are regarded as characteristic of the neolithic period; and the practice may have started in areas devoid of flint, where it was necessary to utilize local material that could not be flaked like flint. in europe generally, polished celts belong to the megalithic or latest division of the neolithic, but this implement appeared much earlier, and in a sense succeeded the palaeolithic hand-axe. the latter is not known to have been hafted, and its working edges were at the pointed end; whereas in neolithic times the implement had become an axe in the modern sense, with the pointed end inserted in a haft, and the cutting edge removed to the broader end. there are many other neolithic types, used with or without a haft, and only a small proportion were finished by grinding on sandstone. chapter ii greece [see the diagrams of flint implements, [illustration ii] of pottery, [illustration iii]; and of alphabets, [illustration iv]] the periods into which the subject must be divided are roughly as follows: i. prehistoric down to about 1000 b.c. ii. prehistoric greek down to about 700 b.c. iii. archaic greek 700-500 b.c. iv. classical greek 500-300 b.c. v. hellenistic after 300. vi. roman. vii. byzantine. i. prehistoric a. north greece. neolithic.--neolithic settlements on low mounds (_maghoules_) rising from the plains. stone implements. axes, hammers, chisels, querns, &c. flint chips, bone needles, obsidian. pottery. hand-made burnished, yellow, brown, black or red. handles rare. holes in rim, or lugs pierced for suspension, earliest remains show painted sherds. long period of unpainted ware followed. patterns irregular, rectangular and curved. no naturalism. (figs. 1 and 2.) ware differs slightly with locality. in thessaly fine red ware undecorated contemporary with red decoration on white. chocolate paint on deep buff follows. incised ware, geometric patterns white rubbed in. figurines. rude clay. steatopygous. this civilization extended from northern edge of thessaly as far south as chaeronea. use of bronze before end uncertain. civilization undisturbed by aegean culture that spread over southern greece until just before both were swept away by iron-using people. b. crete, aegean, south greece. crete. neolithic. black or red burnished pottery. bronze age. early minoan. painted pottery, dark paint on light ground, geometric designs. unpainted, surface mottled red and black. middle minoan. circa. 3000 b.c.--white designs geometric on dark ground. orange and crimson added. pottery very thin and fine (kamares ware). patterns very various but not naturalistic except in rare instances. (figs. 3 and 4; hatched lines=red.) late minoan. circa. 1500 b.c.--return to use of light ground. brown lustrous paint, fine surface to clay. decoration naturalistic, flowers, cuttle-fish, shells, spirals, ripple patterns, white and orange dots and bands occasionally super-imposed on dark glaze (figs. 7, 10, and 12). white and orange disappear. decoration stiffer and more conventional. aegean. neolithic. nothing known. bronze age. contemporary with early minoan. pottery with geometric patterns normally dark on light buff or reddish coarse clay. sometimes red or white on black burnished clay. marble figurines 'fiddle-shaped' from naxos and paros (iii, fig. 6). contemporary with middle minoan. pottery with very pale sometimes greenish clay, and grey black totally unlustrous paint. patterns mainly geometric. rather sparse decoration. later, with addition of red, decoration becomes fully naturalistic. lilies and birds in red and black (melos) (iii, figs. 5 and 9; hatched lines=red). beaked jugs (iii, fig. 5) most characteristic shape of this period. cretan influence strong in middle minoan completely drowned local efforts in first late minoan days. thenceforward local ware imitative. south greece. neolithic. nothing known. bronze age. geometric ware with matt paint and pale clay corresponding to that of islands found in argolid and boeotia. 'urfirnis' ware. hand-made. whole vase covered with thin semilustrous wash varying from red-brown to black. sometimes mere smears. mainly found in boeotia, but extends north to valley of spercheius and south to argolid. date uncertain, but in boeotia evidence that it ended before rise of 'minyan' ware. 'minyan ware.' grey unpainted pottery, polished. no decoration except (rarely) incised lines. usually wheel-made. characteristic shapes: goblet with tall ringed stem (iii, fig. 15); wide open cup with high handles. appears to range between middle minoan ii and late minoan iii. most frequent in boeotia to which it owes its name. found as far north as thessaly and as far south as crete. local imitations, obvious but distinct, found with imported specimens (melos). provenance unknown; connexion with troy suspected. 'mycenaean.' the cretan civilization swept over south greece in the first late minoan period. characterized by exuberance both in shape and ornament (iii, figs. 11, 12, 13, 16, 17). bulk of what is likely to be found is of latest period when style has become conventionalized. compare fig. 11 (mycenaean) with iii, fig. 7 late minoan i. characteristic shapes high goblet and 'stirrup' vase (iii, figs. 17 and 16). female clay figurines common (iii, fig. 14), also animals, oxen. objects characteristic of aegean civilization. seal stones. round or bean-shaped, pierced for suspension, usually soft stone, e.g. slate or steatite. sometimes hard, as hematite or rock crystal. carved with naturalistic designs: lions, (iii, fig. 8), stags, bulls, cows or hinds suckling their young, cuttle-fish, dolphins, &c. two animals ranged like heraldic supporters characteristic. obsidian. natural glass, volcanic, black. source melos. used for knives throughout bronze age. chips of knife or razor blades, and sometimes the cores from which these were flaked, may be picked up on any bronze age site, and even on thessalian neolithic settlements. glistening black unmistakable. terra-cotta lamps. the characteristic lamp of the aegean civilization is open, as opposed to the greek and roman lamp where the body is partly covered in. walls. cyclopean walls of huge irregular stones. also good square-cut masonry. 'corbelling' system for arches, each layer of stones projecting inwards over the one below. also used for the vaults of 'beehive' tombs towards end of period. [illustration iii: types of greek pottery, etc.] ii. prehistoric greek geometric or dipylon period. pottery. iron age. circ. 1000 b.c.--absolute break in continuity from what preceded. no naturalism. prevalence of geometric patterns (iii, figs. 18 and 19). not much variety. meanders, lozenges, and zigzags. circles joined by tangents replace mycenaean spirals. ornament crowded. rows or single specimens of long-legged water birds. human figures rare, rude angular silhouettes. local characteristics discernible (e.g. between ware of thessaly, attica, boeotia, delphi, argolid, laconia, thera, and crete), but strong family resemblance. (lower specimen iii, fig. 19 characteristic of boeotia.) dark paint on natural clay (sometimes lightened by a white slip, e. g. laconia) differs distinctly from mycenaean. shapes fewer and curves less flowing. amphorae, plates, bowls, and jugs. trefoil lip to jug first appears. terra-cotta loom weights from now onwards often pyramidal in form and glazed. bronzes. figurines. three types:- human, rare (as on vases). quadrupeds, mainly horses. cylindrical muzzle and narrow cylindrical belly (iii, fig. 23). birds. long neck and legs, flat bill and body. stands to above, flat, square or round, with open-work snake or spiral. pins (to fasten dress at shoulder). long head with small bosses like strung beads sometimes separated by discs (iii, fig 21). sometimes larger flat disc at end of head (often missing) pin itself usually iron, rarely extant. brooches. 1. spiral type. of wire coiled into spirals. made of one, two, or three wires crossing with two, four, or six spirals respectively. boss at centre. spectacle type (two spirals) common. in 'spectacle' type (sometimes very large) spiral purely utilitarian, giving spring to the pin. with four or more spirals the additions are ornament, noteworthy in view of absence of spirals on pottery. 2. bow type. (a) high arched bow solid. (b) arched bow hollowed like boat inverted. this type often has flat plate attached to one end, lower edge of which is bent to form catch. plate incised, crossed leaves, ships, horses, or men. (c) arched bow consisting of crescent-shaped plate, similar incised decoration. paste beads. a type pyramidal, dark with yellow spirals round corners, much resembling 'bull's eye' sweets, was common in laconia (iii, fig.27). terra-cotta figurines. series of rude horses sometimes with riders characteristic of end of period. chiefly from boeotia. painted like pottery, but chiefly in lines. iii. archaic greek a. orientalising. pottery. 700 b.c.--influence from asia minor. recrudescence there of spirit of mycenaean art? lions, stags, sphinxes, sirens, either in procession or arranged in pairs like heraldic supporters. stylized plant motifs in decoration. rays (or flower petals) rising from foot most characteristic (iii, figs. 24, 26, and 28). use of purple paint to supplement black both for details of figures and for band decoration. geometric ornament (though perhaps with a difference) survives to fill blank spaces on backgrounds of scenes. varieties of style. beasts drawn in silhouette, heads outlined, eyes, &c., drawn in, early, and mainly in the islands (iii, fig. 29). later whole figures in silhouette with details incised, particularly identified with corinthian and boeotian and laconian styles (iii, fig. 26). styles most likely to be found on the mainland are 'protocorinthian' and 'corinthian'. 'proto-corinthian' (also called argive linear). small vases, very fine pale clay. decoration chiefly horizontal lines very fine. rays from feet. sometimes silhouette animals round shoulder. characteristic shapes: pear-shaped aryballoi, and lekythi with conical body, long neck, and trefoil lip (iii, figs. 24 and 25). 'corinthian'. clay pale buff to warm biscuit colour. rays round foot. purple bands. rows of usual animals. incisions. details in purple. ground ornaments, incised rosettes more or less carefully drawn. these in great profusion leaving very little bare space. (iii, fig. 26; hatched lines=purple.) throughout this period desire for a light ground was felt, and where the natural colour of the clay did not give sufficient contrast it was covered with a strip of cream-or white clay (e.g. rhodian, naucratite, laconian; see iii, fig. 28, early laconian vase). terra-cotta figurines. series that culminates with tanagra figures of fourth century begins. may be said always to be a step in advance of contemporary sculpture if any. statuettes rare at this date, but relief heads on flat plaques or on vase handles common. treatment of hair usually resembles restoration wig (iii, fig. 20). rosette frequent on shoulders represents head of bronze (rarely silver or gold) shoulder pin. bronzes. pins (to fasten dress at shoulder). three large bosses increasing in size as they near head replace many small equal bosses of preceding period. disc heavier (iii, fig. 22). brooches. spiral type has disappeared. couchant lion type with snake tail has been found at olympia and sparta. in general brooches cease to be common. plaques (doubtless affixed to wood). relief patterns of guilloches or rows of bosses. figure scenes similar to those on pottery. characteristic of seventh century. chance of picking up slight. inscriptions. earliest extant examples of use of greek script on stone may date from this period. for developments, see tables of alphabets, illustration iv. [illustration iv: greek alphabets] b. black figured period. 600 b.c.--predominance of attic pottery. decay of local styles. introduction of red colouring into clay and of superlative attic black glaze. figure scenes (battle scenes and scenes from mythology) largely predominate. black silhouettes, details marked with fine incisions, additions of purple and white (latter for linen and flesh of women). elaborate palmettos characteristic (iii, fig. 31). iv. classical greek red figured period. 525 b.c. same clay and glaze, but whole vase covered with glaze and figures reserved showing in colour of clay, details being added with fine-drawn lines of glaze. white attic vases. the older style of figures drawn in outline on a light ground (e. g. naucratite and rhodian ware), the space within outlines being filled more or less with wash of colour, survived in athens side by side with the more usual black glazed ware, and in the fifth century was particularly affected for the class of funerary lekythi, vases made for offering at a tomb (iii, fig. 30). outlines at first drawn in black, then golden brown, lastly a dull red. miscellaneous. walls. sixth century. characteristic type of polygonal wall, each irregular stone very carefully fitted to its neighbours. fortifications usually built with square towers and bastions projecting from the curtain. round watch towers here and there to be met with. bricks. baked bricks rarely used till roman days. bricks stamped by king nabis (early second century) have been found at sparta. terra-cotta roof tiles (sometimes with stamped inscriptions) largely used. laconian pottery characteristics. fragments of black glazed attic ware are the class of remains easiest to pick up on any greek inhabited site, except perhaps in laconia, where perhaps for political reasons the local style was never ousted and pursued its natural process of decay until hellenistic times. use of white slip over pink clay complete at end of seventh century, then partial; abandoned by beginning of fifth century. characteristic patterns, squares, and dots (iii, fig. 28) seventh century; lotus and pomegranates sixth century and fifth century. 500 b.c.--after the end of the fifth century, manufacture of vases at athens decayed. supply chiefly from south italy. growing use of additional white (rare in attic red figure vases), sometimes addition of detail in yellowish brown, and a general coarseness of execution, mark the change. terra-cotta figurines (figures of everyday life, mostly female; headquarters tanagra in boeotia) prevalent. v. hellenistic 300 b.c. side by side with decay of red-figure style appear two classes of vase that became very prevalent. (1) white designs, often floral, on totally black ground of inferior dull glaze. (2) black ware decorated not by paint but by moulded figures and patterns. also the handles of unpainted jars with stamped impressions (buff clay) not uncommon. provenance mainly rhodes. vi. roman hellenistic ware (2) is forerunner of samian or aretine red pottery with moulded designs. very widespread in greece in imperial days. vii. byzantine age remains as far as the scope of this section is concerned are few. fragments of pottery may be found at sparta. these bear strong resemblance to the contemporary wares found in egypt belonging to the early mohammedan period. transparent lustrous glaze. ground usually pale yellow or cream, sometimes pale green. designs childish in character. lions, birds, human figures painted in brown under the glaze or incised through. chapter iii asia minor [see the diagrams of pottery, illustration v: asia minor pottery] 1. introductory. travellers are more likely to make new discoveries elsewhere than on the actual sites of ancient towns and villages. in many cases the site is found to be entirely bare of all remains except sometimes small fragments of pottery. in general, inscribed and other stones have been carried away to serve as building material for mosques, houses, fountains, bridges, &c., or as headstones for graves in cemeteries or for other utilitarian purposes. it is, therefore, in and near modern villages and towns that inscriptions are chiefly to be found, as well as smaller antiquities, such as clay tablets, pots or fragments of them, terra-cotta figures, coins, and so forth. the smaller articles may sometimes be found in the bazaars, but they are usually in the hands of individuals. it should not be assumed that inscriptions which are exposed to public view have all been copied; moreover, new stones are constantly being turned up, especially where building is going on and where there are old sites or cemeteries close at hand. great numbers of inscribed stones are hidden away in private dwellings, where they are difficult of discovery and of access. travellers should take advantage of opportunities that may offer of examining antiquities in private houses, and of visiting sites or monuments about which information may be received, particularly if they are a little off the beaten track. reward will often come in the shape of valuable discoveries, of which many remain to be made. cilicia in particular has been imperfectly explored, and interesting monuments and inscriptions, particularly hittite, may be found there. 2. pottery fabrics. it is not yet possible to describe fully or accurately the succession of styles, or even to assign all known fabrics to their proper periods. for this reason, even the most fragmentary specimens are of interest, provided only that: (1) the outer surface is fairly well preserved, (2) the place of discovery is known. all fragments showing a rim or spout, handles or part of a base, should be preserved until they can be compared with a more perfect specimen. the following fabrics, however, are widely distributed, and usually seem to have flourished in the order in which they are here described: a. hand-made wares, rough within, but smooth or burnished surface, selfcoloured (drab or brown), or intentionally coloured black (by charred matter in the clay, or by a smoky fire), or red (by a clear fire, sometimes aided by a wash or 'slip' of more ferruginous clay). sometimes a black ware is 'overfired' to an ashy grey. in such wares ornament is rare, and consists mainly of (a) incised dots, dashes, or lines, in simple rectilinear patterns (chevrons, zigzags, lozenges), often enhanced by a white chalky filling (v, figs 58); (b) ridges or bosses modelled in the clay surface, or adhering to it. the forms are plump and globular, often round-bottomed or standing on short feet. rims are absent or ill-developed; necks actually prolonged into trough-spouts or long beaks; handles are very simple and short. vases are sometimes modelled like animals, or have human faces or breasts (v, figs. 1-4). these wares begin in the stone age, and seem to predominate in the early and middle bronze age. locally they may have lasted even later, but the use of the potter's wheel spread rapidly in the early bronze age. b. hand-made wares of light-coloured clay, with painted decoration, usually in black or reddish-brown. the paint is generally without glaze, but sometimes is decayed and easily washes off. the forms and ornaments resemble those of class a, but are less rude and more varied. distinct rims and standing-bases appear, and spouts give place to a pinched lip. c. hand-made wares of black or other dark clay, with painted decoration in white or ochre. these fabrics are rather rare, and the paint is easily washed off. the forms follow those of class b. classes b and c seem to begin early in the bronze age, and are gradually replaced by the corresponding wheel-made fabrics of class d. d. wheel-made pottery begins in the bronze age, and is distinguished by its symmetrical forms, and by the texture of the inner surface, especially about the rim and base, where the potter's fingers have grazed the whirling clay. self-coloured wares still occur, and are sometimes elegant ('bucchero' ware); but the improved furnaces now permit general use of light-coloured clays, suited to painted decoration. glazed paint is still rare, and may be taken as probable token of date not earlier than the end of the bronze age. the glazepainted wares of the greek island-world occasionally wandered to the mainland a little earlier than this, but not far from the coast. on wheel-made pottery the ornament is either (a) applied while the pot is on the wheel, and consequently limited to lines and bands following the plane of rotation, or (b) added afterwards, free-hand, usually between such bands, and especially on the neck and shoulder. simple rectilinear schemes are commonest (panels, lozenges, and triangles, enriched with lattice and chequers) (v, figs. 9, 10, 11, 12); with these in the early iron age appear little targets of concentric circles drawn mechanically with compasses (v, figs. 13-15); also, by degrees, birds (v, fig. 16), animals, and simple plant designs (rosettes, lotus, palmette), and occasionally human figures. but as a rule, the mainland pottery is very simply decorated, and insular imports are rare, except within the area within greek colonization. in the later iron age or historic period, from the seventh century onward, the pot-fabrics of asia minor rapidly assimilate two main classes of foreign fashions, greek and oriental. e. the oriental types (mainly from syria) are all plump and heavy looking, usually in coarse buff or cream-coloured ware, almost without paint. the greek forms are more graceful, varied, and specialized; light-coloured clays predominate, with simple bands of black ill-glazed paint, absorbed by the inferior clays. after alexander's time the greek and the oriental forms became confused; the general level of style and execution falls, painted decoration almost disappears, and the outer surface is often ribbed by uneven pressure of the fingers on the whirling clay. this fashion is a sign of late hellenistic or graeco-roman date. f. meanwhile, the black-glazed greek (mainly athenian) wares spread widely for table use, and were imitated locally from the fourth century onwards. the clay is pale or reddish (genuine greek fabrics are usually quite red within) and the glaze thick, black, and of a brilliant glassy smoothness. imitations are of all degrees of inferiority. g. other late fabrics have smooth ill-glazed surfaces, of various red, brown, or chocolate tints, over hard-baked dull-fractured paste not unlike modern earthenware, but usually dark-coloured. these wares begin in the hellenistic period, and go on into the roman and early byzantine ages. they have sometimes a little ornament in a hard white or cream 'slip' which stands up above the surface of the vase. these fabrics are all for table use, or for tomb-furniture, and are usually of small size. h. pottery with vitreous glaze like modern earthenware only appears on byzantine and turkish sites. there a few late greek and roman fabrics of glazed ware, mostly of dark brown and olive-green tints; but they are rare, and usually found in tombs. the earlier glazes are applied directly to the clay; later a white or coloured slip is applied first, and a clear siliceous glaze over this. 3. inscriptions and monuments. a. hittite civilization. (see figures, illustration vi: hittite inscriptions, etc.) (1) from 2000 b.c. onwards baked clay tablets with cuneiform (or wedge-shaped) writing (illustration vi, fig. 1) to be found anywhere in eastern asia minor, within the halys bend and south of it, in southern cappadocia, in cilicia, and in north syria up to the euphrates. (2) 1000-700 b.c. probably: inscriptions generally cut on stone, dark and hard (black basalt), or on the living rock, in hieroglyphic writing. the hieroglyphs are either cut in relief (vi, fig. 4) or incised (vi, fig. 2). found in the same region and sporadically west of the halys. (3) from 1400 b.c. and 900 b.c. onwards monuments and sculpture. human figures are short and thick, generally wearing boots with toes turned up (vi, fig. 3.) found in the same regions as the inscriptions and also west of the halys to the sea. b. lydian inscriptions. from about 500 b.c. letters mostly like greek capitals (sometimes reversed); (illustration iv, at bottom). c. lycian inscriptions and monuments. from about 500 b.c. inscriptions, sometimes with a greek translation. (iv, at bottom.) monuments, mostly with inscriptions, are generally tombs in stone, built to imitate wood, with the ends of beams projecting or showing. d. greek antiquities. (1) early period to 323 b.c. the great greek colonies on the seaboard and in the coast valleys really formed an outlying part of greece, and for them the section on greece should be consulted. (2) periods of seleucid and pergamene rule, 323-130 b.c. inscriptions of these periods to be found mostly in the coastal region, rarely on the plateau. chiefly royal ordinances, thank offerings, municipal honorary inscriptions, decrees, covenants, and the like. (3) graeco-roman period, 130 b.c.-a.d. 400. language of inscriptions remains normally greek, though the lettering gradually assumes a different character from century to century, steadily deteriorating. the phrygian language, written in greek letters, survives for several centuries in epitaphs, part of the inscription often being in greek. latin inscriptions are not common except in roman colonies during the earlier centuries of their existence. elsewhere they are chiefly official documents of various kinds (e.g. imperial ordinances, milestones usually of columnar shape with the emperor's titles, boundary stones, &c.), or expressions of homage to emperors, honorary inscriptions to governors and other officials, dedications, epitaphs, &c. sometimes a greek version is added. latin inscriptions of the republican period (recording decrees of the senate) are extremely rare. [illustration vi: hittite inscriptions, etc.] chapter iv cyprus [the traveller will find the _catalogue of the cyprus museum_, by j. l. myres and m. ohnefalsch-richter (oxford, 1899) indispensable for the study of cypriote antiquities. reference may also be made to myres, _catalogue of the cesnola collection of antiquities from cyprus_ (new york, 1914). they contain numerous illustrations of types, and make diagrams for the present section unnecessary.] the principal classes of ancient remains are as follows: settlements. these are usually much devastated by the removal of building materials to more recent habitations; or are obscured by modern towns and villages on the same site. all foundations in squared masonry, or composed of unusually large stones, should be noted and protected as far as possible. the frequent presence of large building stones, and especially of architectural fragments, in recent house-walls probably indicates the neighbourhood of an ancient building: and all reconstructions and fresh foundation-trenches should be kept under observation. the present antiquity law provides for the inspection and custody of ancient remains so exposed: the curator of ancient monuments is charged with the supervision of all buildings and monuments above ground; the keeper of antiquities for the custody of movable objects, and for the registration of those already in private possession. taking into consideration the utility of good building material to the present owners of such sites, active co-operation to preserve ancient masonry is not to be expected, unless local patriotism and expectation of traffic from tourists can be enlisted in support of government regulations. architectural fragments found in reconstruction are often best preserved by arranging that they shall be built conspicuously into one of the new walls, well above ground-level, or transferred to the nearest church or school-house. sanctuaries usually consist of a walled enclosure containing numerous pedestals and bases of votive statues and other monuments. usually only the foundation-walls are of stone, as the same sun-dried brick was commonly used in ancient as in modern times for the superstructure. such sites are often vary shallow, and when they occur in the open country are liable to be disturbed by ploughing, when the smaller statuettes and terra-cotta figures may be turned up in considerable numbers. as most of our knowledge of the sculpture, as well as of the religious observances, of ancient cyprus is derived from such sites, all such indications should be reported at once to the keeper of antiquities, and arrangements made for the site to be examined with a view to excavation before it is cultivated further. the sculpture on these sites begins usually in the seventh century b.c.; before that period terra-cotta figures were in use as far back as the ninth or tenth century. figures of 'mixed oriental' style, resembling assyrian or egyptian work, give place about 500 b.c. to a provincial greek style, which passes gradually into hellenistic and graeco-roman. the material is almost invariably the soft local limestone, and the workmanship is often clumsy; but even the coarser examples should be treated carefully, as they were sometimes completed in colours which are easily destroyed by too vigorous washing. the first cleaning should be with gently running water only. tombs are of all periods, and are found not only around historical sites and actual ruins, but also in localities where the settlement to which they belonged has wholly disappeared. though simple graves were always in use among the poorest folk, the commonest form of tomb at all periods is a rock-cut chamber entered by a door in one side, to which access is given by a shaft or sloping passage (_dromos_) cut likewise in the rock. the earliest are but a few feet from the surface, just deep enough to ensure a firm roof to the chamber; later the depth is as much as 12 or 15 feet. occasionally the chamber, and even the passage, is built of masonry and roofed with stone slabs or a corbel vault, and the simple door-slab gives place to a stone door, hinged, or sliding in a grooved frame. cremation was occasionally practised in the hellenistic age, but the regular custom was to bury the body; during the bronze age in a sitting or a contracted posture, in all later periods lying at full length. stone coffins (_sarcophagi_), with a lid, were used occasionally by the rich from the sixth century onwards, and wooden coffins in the graeco-roman period. there is always as rich a tomb-equipment as the mourners could afford, of personal ornaments, wreaths, provisions, weapons, and other gear, especially pottery; and terra-cotta figures of men, animals, furniture, and other objects for the use of the deceased. in graeco-roman tombs pottery is supplemented or replaced by glass vessels, and coins are frequent, and are important evidence of date. most of our knowledge of cypriote arts and industries comes from this tomb-equipment, which should therefore if possible be preserved entire and kept together, tomb by tomb; not neglecting the skeletons themselves, which are of value to indicate changes in the island population. the position of tombs was often marked by gravestones above ground; these remain scattered in the surface soil, or collected to block the entrances to later tombs. they are frequently inscribed. a very common form in greco-roman times is the _cippus_, a short column, like an altar. pottery and other objects from tombs, and also from settlements, is classified as follows: stone age: not clearly represented in cyprus; but some of the earliest tombs (with rude varieties of red hand-made ware) contain no metallic objects, and may belong to the latest neolithic period. stone implements are very rare, and should be carefully recorded, with a note of the spot where they were found. bronze age, early period (before 2000 b.c.): polished red ware, hand-made, sometimes with incised ornament filled with white powder. bronze age, middle period (2000-1500 b.c.): polished red ware, and also white hand-made ware with painted linear ornament in dull black or brown. bronze age, late period (1500-1200 b.c.): degenerate polished red and painted white ware; wheel-made white ware with painted ornament in glazed black or brown, of the 'late minoan' or 'mycenaean' style introduced from the aegean; various hand-made wares of foreign styles, probably from syria or asia minor. in these periods, weapons, implements, and ornaments are of copper (with bronze in the 'late' period); gold occurs rarely; terra-cotta figures are few and rude; engraved seals are cylindrical like those of babylonia. early iron age: wheel-made pottery, either white or bright red, with painted geometrical ornament in black (supplemented on the white ware with purple-red); there is also a black fabric imitating metallic forms. the early period (1200-1000 b.c.) marks the transition from bronze to iron implements, with survival of mycenaean decoration on the pottery, and replacement of cylindrical by conical seals. the middle period (1000-750 b.c.) has purely geometrical decoration: terra-cotta figures are modelled rudely by hand, and painted like the pottery. the late period (750-500 b.c.) shows foreign influences from greece and from phoenicia or egypt, competing with and enriching the native geometrical style. scarab seals, blue-glaze beads, and other personal ornaments, and silver objects, appear. terra-cotta figures stamped in a mould occur side by side with modelled. hellenic age, with increasing influence of greek arts and industries. early or hellenic period (500-300 b.c.): the native pottery degenerates, and greek vases and terra-cottas are imported and imitated; jewellery of gold and silver is fairly common and of good quality; with engraved seals set in signet rings: the bronze mirrors are circular, with a handle-spike. middle or hellenistic period (300-50 b.c.): the native pottery is almost wholly replaced by imitations of forms from other parts of the greek world, especially from syria and asia minor: large handled wine-jars (_amphorae_) are common: terra-cottas and jewellery also follow greek styles: coloured stones are set in rings and ear-rings. late or graeco-roman period (50 b.c.-a.d. 400): pottery is partly replaced by vessels of blown glass: clay lamps, red-glazed jugs, so called 'tear-bottles' of spindle-shapes, ear-rings of beads strung on wire, bronze rings and bracelets, circular mirrors without handles, and bronze coins are characteristics. byzantine age (after a.d. 400): christian burial in surface graves supersedes the use of rock-hewn tombs: funerary equipment goes out of use, except a few personal ornaments, which are of mean appearance, and may bear christian symbols. domestic pottery is coarse, ungraceful, and frequently ribbed on the outside. clay lamps have long nozzles, and christian symbols. glass becomes clumsy and less common; and glazed bowls and cups come into use. occasional rich finds of silver plate (salvers, cups, spoons, &c.) and personal ornaments, have been made among byzantine ruins. on mediaeval and later sites, various glazed fabrics of pottery are found, and occasionally examples of the glazed and painted jugs, plates, and tiles known to collectors as 'rhodian' or 'damascus' ware. inscriptions occur on settlement-sites, in sanctuaries and associated with tombs: usually cut on slabs or blocks of soft limestone, though marble and other harder stones were used in hellenistic and roman times. besides the ordinary greek (see illustration iv), and roman alphabets the phoenician alphabet (see illustrations x and xi) was in use at kition (larnaca), in the great sanctuaries at idalion (dali), and occasionally elsewhere; and from early times until the fourth century a syllabary peculiar to cyprus, often very rudely hewn, in irregular lines, on ill-shaped blocks. such 'cypriote inscriptions' (see accompanying illustration vii) are of great value and interest, and have been often overlooked among building material drawn from old sites. in all doubtful cases, a 'squeeze' should be made by one of the methods described in the first part of this volume and submitted to the keeper of antiquities. the stamped inscriptions on the handles of wine-jars are worth preserving, as evidence for the course of trade. coins were issued in cyprus from the sixth century onward; first in silver; later (in the fourth century b.c.) occasionally in gold, and from the fourth century commonly in copper. a ptolemaic coinage succeeded in the third century that of the local rulers; the roman coinage, with inscriptions sometimes in greek, sometimes in latin, lasts from augustus to the beginning of the third century. coins of the byzantine emperors and of the lusignan kings are common. [illustration vii: bilingual (greek and cypriote) dedication to demeter and persephone from curium.] chapter v central and north syria [see the diagrams of flint implements, illustration ii; of pottery and weapons, &c., viii & ix; of alphabets, x & xi.] the following notes are to be accepted as only a rough and imperfect guide, since no part of syria, north of palestine, has been widely or minutely explored, and the archaeology of the earliest period, in central syria, for example, is almost unknown. the periods into which the archaeological history of syria should be divided are roughly, as follows: i. neolithic and chalcolithic age, to about 2000 b.c. ii. bronze age or early hittite, to about 1100 b.c. iii. iron age or late hittite, to about 550 b.c. iv. persian period, to about 330 b.c. v. hellenistic period, to about 100 b.c. vi. roman period. vii. byzantine period. i. neolithic. no purely neolithic sites yet known, but lowest strata of remains at sakjegozu and sinjerli, on the carchemish citadel, and in certain kilns at yunus near by, and also pot-burials among house remains are of this age. (but see chapter viii, mesopotamia, whose neolithic period is similar.) stone implements: as in greece, including obsidian of very clear texture, probably of inner asiatic, not aegean production. bone needles and other implements. pottery. four varieties have been observed: (1) buff ground with simple linear decoration applied direct on the gritty body-clay in lustreless pigments, black, chocolate-brown, or red, according to the firing; (2) greenish-buff face, hand-polished, with polychrome varnish decoration of vandykes and other geometric motives; (3) monochrome, black to grey, not burnished, but sometimes decorated with incised linear patterns; (4) plain red or buff (e.g. large urns in which neolithic burials were found on the carchemish citadel). all pottery hand-made. figurines: rude clay and stone figurines are likely to occur, but have as yet been found very rarely in neolithic strata. copper implements: traces observed at carchemish: to be looked for. ii. bronze age (early hittite). (a) early period to about 1500 b.c. cist-graves made of rough stone slabs, near crude brick houses. conjunction of such slabs with bricks would be an indication of an early bronze age site. rare pot-burials survive. implements. spear-heads of long tapering form rounded sharply at the base which has long tang (ix, fig. 5): poker-like butts (ix, fig. 2): knives with curved tangs: 'toggle' pins: all bronze (but a silver toggle-pin has been found) (ix, figs. 1,8). pottery. all wheel-made but rough: light red or buff faced of reddish clay: decoration rare and only in simple zigzags or waves in reddish-brown pigment: long-stemmed vases of 'champagne-glass' form are common (viii, fig. 4): rarely a creamy slip is applied to the red clay. (b) later period. cist-graves apart from houses, in cemeteries. implements. long narrow celts often riveted: spear-heads, leaf-shaped or triangular (ix, figs. 3, 6, 10): axe-heads with socket, swelling blade and curved cutting edge: pins both 'toggle' and unpierced, straight and bent over. pottery. wheel-made, well potted, and commonly _ring-burnished_, the process beginning at the base of a vase and climbing spirally: little painted decoration: face usually dusky brown over pinkish body clay, but red and yellow-white faced wares also found: shapes, mostly bowls, open and half closed: ring feet, but no handles to vases: only occasionally lug-ears (ix, figs. 1,2,3,5,6). rims well turned over belong to the latest period, in which elaborate ring-burnishing is common. beads, &c. diamond-shaped, with incised decoration, in clay or stone, common. pendants, &c., of shell, lapis lazuli, cornelian, crystal. cylinders, of rude design like babylonian first dynasty, in stone and bone. spindle-whorls in steatite and clay. [illustration viii: syrian pottery] iii. iron age (late hittite). to this belong the mass of 'hittite' remains in syria. graves are unlined pits, with urn burials, the corpse having been cremated. cylinders, &c., showing traces of fire, will belong to this age. implements and weapons. arrow-heads of bronze: spear-heads of bronze and iron: axes, knives, and picks of iron (miniature models occur in graves): daggers of iron. _fibulae_, of bronze, semicircular and triangular (as in asia minor) (ix, figs. 4, 9, 11): plain armlets of bronze: pins, spatulae, &c., of bronze: thin applique ornaments. bronze bowls (gilt) with gadroon or lotus ornament (moulded) in later period. steatite censers, in form of a cup held by a human hand, are not uncommon (ix, fig. 7). pottery. tall narrow-mouthed urns, bath-shaped vessels, and bell-kraters common (viii, fig. 10): trefoil-mouth _oenochoae_ and _hydriae_; also _amphorae_ (viii, fig. 7). in earlier period, white or drab slipped surface with geometric patterns (rarely rude birds) in black. in later period, pinkish glaze with geometric patterns in black-brown, concentric circles being a common motive. tripod bowls in unslipped 'kitchen' ware (viii, fig. 8). blue or greenish glazed albarelli, with white, brown, or yellow bands, occur (as in rhodes). figurines. drab clay, painted with red or black bands and details. two types: (a) horsemen; (b) goddesses of columnar shape, often with flower headdresses, and sometimes carrying a child. seals, &c. scarabs with designs of egyptian appearance: cylinders, steatite or (more commonly) glazed paste, lightly and often scratchily engraved: hard stone seals finely engraved: flattened spheroids in steatite with hittite symbols on both faces, inscriptions being often garbled. inscriptions. most of those in hittite script, both relieved and incised, found in syria, are of this age, but chiefly of the earlier part of it (cf. illustration vi). those in semitic characters begin in this age; and to its later part (8th-7th cents.) belong important aramaic inscriptions, e.g. the bar-rekub monuments of sinjerli (shamal). see tables of letter-forms appended to palestine section, illustrations x & xi. iv. persian period. imported egyptian and egypto-phoenician objects (bronze bowls as in age iii: scarabs: figure-amulets), rhodian (pottery), attic (coins, small black-figure vases, &c.). weapons and implements. iron. long swords: spearheads, socketed, often with square or diamond mid-rib: short double-edged daggers with round pommels: chapes (bronze) with moulded or beaten relief-work: knives, small and slightly curved: arrow-heads (usually bronze and triangular): horsebits (usually bronze) with heavy knobbed side-bars: ear-rings, wire armlets and pins (generally plain) of bronze: _fibulae_ as in age iii: circular mirrors, plain, of bronze: anklets of heavy bronze: kohl-pots, bronze, of hollow cylindrical form, with plain sticks. pottery. as in age ii, plain, polished, rarely ring-burnished, but of less careful workmanship (viii, fig. 9.) glazed albarelli, 'pilgrimbottles', aryballi, &c., (as in age iii) common. white-yellow slipped ware with bands of black survives rarely from age iii. stone vessels. bowls on inverted cup-shaped feet not uncommon (viii, fig. 11). beads and seals. eye-beads in mosaic glass, and other glass beads (hard stone and bronze more rarely): conoid seals in hard crystalline stones, usually engraved with figure praying to the moon-god: also soft stone, glass and paste conoids. scarabs and scaraboids in paste. cylinders become scarce. v. hellenistic. vi. roman. vii. byzantine. most of the characteristic syrian products of all these periods do not differ materially from those found in other east mediterranean lands, e.g. greece and asia minor. the change to persian (sassanian) types comes in the late seventh century a.d. two classes of objects, examples of the first of which are mostly of age iii, but may be persian, hellenistic, or even roman, are very commonly met with in syria: 1. figurines, single or in pairs or threes, of bronze or terra-cotta, representing cult-types. most common is a standing god with peaked cap, short tunic, and arm raised in act of smiting: a seated goddess also common: figures of animals, especially a bull; and phallic objects (these mainly roman). 2. glass plain (iridescent from decay), ribbed, or moulded, in great variety of forms-bowls, jugs, cups, &c. mostly late hellenistic, roman, and byzantine, and especially common and of fine quality in the orontes valley. parti-coloured glass (with white or yellow bands and threads) is earlier (persian period). painted and enamelled glass with gilt or polychrome designs is later (ninth to fifteenth century, arab). [illustration ix: syrian weapons, etc.] chapter vi palestine [see the diagrams of flint implements, illustrations ii; pottery, xii; alphabets, xiv & xv.] i. general principles. 1. study of the pottery of the country, not merely from books but from actual specimens, is an absolutely essential preliminary. without an acquaintance with this branch of palestinian archaeology, so thorough that any sherd presenting the least character can be immediately assigned to its proper period, no field research of any value can be carried out. (see further v below.) 2. a knowledge of the various semitic alphabets is necessary for copying inscriptions. unless the traveller be also acquainted with the languages he had better be cautious about copying semitic inscriptions; without such knowledge he runs the risk of confusing different semitic letters, which often closely resemble one another. he should, however, be able to make squeezes and photographs. the following are the languages and scripts which may be found in palestinian epigraphy. egyptian, in hieroglyphics. greek. babylonian cuneiform. latin. assyrian cuneiform. arabic, in cufic script. hebrew, in ancient script. arabic, in modern script. hebrew, in square character. armenian (in mosaic phoenician. pavements, also graffiti moabite. in church of holy aramaic. sepulchre). tables of the chief alphabetic and numeral forms of the west semitic scripts are given in illustrations x & xi; for the greek, see illustration iv. 3. the traveller should have had practice in making measured drawings of buildings. 4. for some branches of work a good knowledge of arabic is indispensable--not the miserable pidgin jargon usually spoken by europeans, nor yet the highly complex literary language, which is unintelligible to the ordinary native, but the colloquial of the country, spoken grammatically and properly pronounced. work done through dragomans is never entirely satisfactory, because it requires the unattainable condition that the dragoman should be as much a scientific student of anthropology and of archaeology as the traveller himself. 5. the student for whom these pages are written should not attempt any excavation, unless he has been trained under a practical excavator, and has learnt how work, which is essentially and inevitably destructive of evidence, can be made to yield profitable fruit. there is plenty of work that can be done on the surface of the ground without excavation. [illustrations x & xi: table of west semitic alphabets & numerals.] ii. sites of towns and villages. 1. nomenclature. the sites of ancient towns and villages are usually conspicuous in palestine, and are recognized in the local nomenclature. they are denoted by the words _tall_, plural _tulul_, meaning 'mound', and _khirbah_, plural _khirab_ meaning 'ruin'. these words are commonly spelt in english _tell_ and _khirbet_ (less correctly _khurbet_) and we use these more familiar forms here. as a rule, though not invariably, the sense of these terms is distinguished. a tell is a site represented by a mound of stratified accumulation, the result of occupation extending over many centuries, and easily recognizable among natural hillocks by its regular shape, smooth sides, and flat top. a khirbet is a field of ruins in which there is little or no stratification. nearly all the sites of the latter type are the remains of villages not older than the byzantine or roman period. 2. identification of ancient sites. this is a task less easy than it appears to be, and many of the current identifications of biblical sites call for revision. similarity of name, on which most of these identifications depend, is apt to be misleading; in many cases sites identified thus with old testament places are not older than the byzantine period. [1] this similarity of name may sometimes be a mere accident; it may also sometimes be accounted for by a transference of site, the inhabitants having for some special reason moved their town to a new situation. in such cases the tell representing the older site may perhaps await identification in the neighbourhood. in attempting to establish identifications, the date of the site, as determined from the potsherds, and its suitability to the recorded history of the ancient site in question, are elements of equal importance with its name. [1] an example is khirbet teku'a, long identified with the biblical tekoa. note: the traveller should be cautioned against embarking on the study of place-names, identification of scriptural sites, &c., before mastering the principles of arabic phonetics. many of the attempts made at rendering the names of palestinian place-names in european books are simply grotesque. the following are the chief pitfalls: (1) confusion of the vowels, the pronunciation of which is obscure. (2) the consonant _'ain_, to which the untrained european ear is deaf, and which in consequence is often omitted. less frequently it may be over-conscientiously inserted in a place where it does not exist. sometimes the _'ain_ and its associated vowel are transposed (as _m'alula_ for _ma'lula_) making unpronounceable combinations of consonants. (3) the letter _kaf_, often dropped in pronunciation, and therefore often omitted. (4) the letter _ghain_, which an unaccustomed ear confuses with either _g_ or _r_. (5) the reduplicated letters, which a european is apt to hear and to write as single. (6) the nuances between the different _d_, _h_, _k_, _t_, and _s_ sounds. 3. surface-exploration of a tell. the stratification can rarely be studied on the surface only: superficial indications of this are obscured by the plough, weather, vegetation, and the activities of modern natives who grub for building-stone and for the chance of buried treasure. only by trenching can the strata be exposed. an exception to this rule is afforded by _tell el-hesy_ (lachish) explored by dr. petrie in 18901: here the erosion of a stream had exposed enough of the strata for a reconnaissance. in the majority of cases the most that a visitor can hope to do is to pick up stray antiquities on the surface of the ground, and ascertain therefrom the limits of date. the chief clue is afforded by the pottery (see below, v), sherds of which, large and small, are strewn in considerable numbers on every ancient site. scarabs, seals, bronze implements, iron fragments, beads, bone ornaments, and the like may also be noticed. a trained eye is essential even for such surface finds: one man may walk over a mound and find nothing, another may walk in his steps and gather quite an interesting harvest of small objects. surface indications of buried buildings (or rather foundations) may be noted both on the top and on the sides of a tell. lines of wall may not infrequently be traced. often the vegetation growing on the surface indicates the presence of structures underneath (either by burnt-up patches amid luxuriant growths, or vice versa). 4. surface exploration of a khirbet. the task here is, generally sneaking, simpler. in a khirbet there is usually no great depth of accumulation; indeed, the bare rock frequently crops up in the middle of such a site. there is, therefore, as a rule only one historical period represented. potsherds, coins (roman, jewish, byzantine, early islamic, sometimes crusader), tesserae of mosaic pavements, fragments of iron nails, beads, minute metal ornaments (as bronze wire finger-rings) are to be picked up on khirbet sites. the remains of walls are usually more easily traceable in khirbet than in tell sites, though much damage has been done by quarrying for modern buildings. these walls should be carefully examined: buildings other than mere houses (churches, synagogues, baths) may sometimes be detected. cisterns should be noted. some of these are not very obvious and the traveller should be on his guard against falling into them. all stones should be examined, as there is a chance of finding inscriptions. 5. in all work on ancient sites the investigator must make a point of noting everything, irrespective of its apparent importance, and of carefully training a critical judgement in interpreting his observations. it is impossible to lay down general principles that govern every case completely: every site presents its own individual problems. iii. rock-cut tombs. 1. all palestine is honeycombed with rock-cut tombs, which form a fascinating and inexhaustible field of study. unfortunately all that are in the least degree visible have long ago been rifled, and in recent years those pests, the curio-hunting tourists, have done incalculable harm by stimulating the native tomb-robber and dealer. 2. the explorer of rock-cut tombs must be indifferent to mud, damp, evil smells, noxious insects, and other discomforts, and he must be prepared to squeeze through very narrow passages, much clogged with earth. he is recommended to be on his guard against scorpions and snakes. 3. a plan and vertical section of the tomb should be drawn. the measurements should be taken carefully, not only for the sake of the accuracy of the plan, but also for metrological purposes. 4. the rock outside the entrance of the tomb-chamber should be examined. it often shows rebating or other cutting, designed to receive the foundations of a masonry mausoleum (resembling in general style the rock-hewn monuments in the kedron valley at jerusalem). as a rule such structures have been entirely destroyed for the sake of their stones. 5. the tool-marks of the tomb-quarriers should be examined, as they sometimes reveal interesting technical points. 6. every inch of the surface of the excavation, inside and out, must be examined for ornaments, symbols, or inscriptions. these may be either cut or painted, and often are very inconspicuous. ornaments are usually floral in type, though in late tombs figure-subjects are occasionally to be found. symbols are either jewish (the sevenbranched candlestick) or christian (the cross, a-omega, or the like). inscriptions are not necessarily formally cut: they are sometimes mere scratched graffiti, which would be sure to escape notice unless carefully looked for (as in the so-called 'tombs of the prophets' on the mount of olives). 7. dating of tombs. the savage rifling to which palestinian tombs have been subjected has much reduced the material available for dating them. the following general principles apply to southern palestine: those in northern palestine and syria still await a more exact study: the earliest tombs known in the country were mere natural caves, into which the dead were cast, often very unceremoniously. in the second semitic period (circa 1800-1400 b.c.) hewn chambers began to be used. these are in the form of cylindrical shafts with a doorway at the bottom leading sideways into the burial-chamber. natural caves are still frequently used. in the third semitic period (circa 1400-1000 b.c.) the shaft: form disappears and an artificial cave, rudely hewn out, takes its place. the entrance is in the side of the chamber, though not necessarily at the level of the floor. rude shelves for the reception of the bodies are sometimes, but not always, cut in the sides of the chamber. in the fourth semitic period (circa 1000-550 b.c.) the tombchambers are of the same kind, but are as a rule smaller. in southern palestine the well-made tomb-chambers, such as are to be seen in great numbers around jerusalem, are all post-exilic. there is an immense variety in plan, some tombs being single chambers, others complications of several chambers. the late excavation absurdly called the 'tombs of the kings' at jerusalem is quite a labyrinth of rockcut chambers. in exploring such a structure a careful search should be made for devices for deluding thieves: special precautions are sometimes taken to conceal the entrance to inner groups of chambers. there are some interesting examples of this in the cemetery in the _wadi er-rababi_, south of jerusalem. however, all tombs of this period fall into two groups, _kok_ tombs and _arcosolium_ tombs. in the former the receptacles for bodies are of the kind known by the hebrew name _kokim_--shafts, of a size to accommodate one body (sometimes large enough for two or three) driven horizontally into the wall of the chamber. in the normal _kok_ tomb-chamber there are nine _kokim_, three in each wall except the wall containing the entrance doorway. but there are many other arrangements. in the 'tombs of the judges' there is a double row of _kokim_ in the entrance chamber. the explorer should not forget that a _kok_ sometimes contains a secret entrance to further chambers at its inner end. in _arcosolium_ tombs the receptacles are benches cut in the wall, like the berths in a steamer's cabin. these are sometimes sunk, so as to resemble rock-cut sarcophagi. the late tombs round jerusalem are in the form of caves driven horizontally into the hill-sides. further south, e.g. in the region round beit jibrin, they are more frequently sunk vertically, the entrance being in the roof of the burial chamber, or approached by a square shaft (a reversion to the second semitic form, except that these latter have _round_ shafts). iv. caves. the history of the artificial caves hewn in the soft limestone of palestine, is quite unknown. the caves of the neighbourhood of beit jibrin provide ample material for several months' exploration. though the caves are labyrinthine there is little fear of an explorer losing his way: he should, however, be well provided with lights, as it would be extremely awkward to be left in the innermost recess of a cave consisting of ten or a dozen chambers united by narrow creeppassages, without adequate illumination. there are occasionally unexpected and dangerous pitfalls: and hyenas and serpents often shelter in the caves. the present writer has explored many of them entirely alone, but this is, on the whole, not to be recommended. besides planning the cave, its walls should be searched for inscriptions, &c. it should be remembered, however, that these may have been added at any time and do not necessarily belong to the original excavation. symbols, apparently of a phallic nature, are sometimes cut on the walls, as well as crosses and other christian devices, and cufic inscriptions. frequently the walls are pitted with the loculi of a columbarium, which, however, appear to be too small to receive cinerary urns and must be intended for some other purpose. v. pottery. owing to the importance of the subject a special section on pottery is given here, and the two accompanying plates (xii) show some of the commonest types of vessels. but the student cannot learn all he will need to know of palestinian pottery from a few pages of print. a representative series of specimens will be found in the jerusalem museum: he may supplement his study of these by the perusal of reports on excavations, such as petrie, _tell el-hesy_ (pp. 40-50); bliss, _a mound of many cities_ (passim); _excavations in palestine_ (pp. 71-141); macalister, _excavation of gezer_ (vol. ii, pp. 128-239; and plates); sellin, _jericho_; schumacher, _tell et-mutasellim_. pre-semitic period (down to circa 2000 b.c.). ware hand-modelled, without wheel, coarse, gritty, and generally soft-baked and very porous. the section of a clean fracture is usually of a dirty yellowish colour, resembling in appearance coarse oatmeal porridge. bases usually flat, loop-handles or wavy handles on the bodies of the vessels: mouths wide and lips curved outward. the body of the vessel often decorated with drip lines or with a crisscross, in red paint. first semitic period (circa 2000-1800 b.c.). similar to the last: but the potter's wheel is used, and horizontal painted and moulded rope-like ornament also found. combed ornament and burnished lines frequent. second semitic period (circa 1800-1400 b.c.). during this period imports from egypt, crete, the aegean sea, and especially cyprus were common, and potsherds originating in those countries are frequently to be picked up: also local imitations of these foreign wares. the ware of this period is on the whole wellrefined and well-modelled: the most graceful shapes, in jugs and bowls, belong to it. elaborate polychrome decoration, including figures of birds. but little moulded ornament. third semitic period (circa 1400-1000 b.c.). the same foreign influences are traceable, but rather as reminiscent local imitations than as direct imports. late minoan [mycenaean] sherds are, however, frequent. the shapes of vessels are less artistic than in the preceding period: the painted ornament is also degenerated, being traced in wiry lines rather than in the bold wash of the preceding period. fourth semitic period (circa 1000-550 b.c.). late cypriote imports. the local ware very poor, coarse, gritty, inartistic. no painted ornament except mere lines: clumsy moulded ornament frequent. post-exilic and hellenistic period (circa 550-100 b.c.). imports from greece (sometimes fragments of black or red figured vases, or lekythoi) and from the aegean islands (especially wine-jars from rhodes: stamped handles of such are frequent). the native ware is easily recognizable by its smoothness and hardness; when struck with a stick a sherd emits a musical clink. the vessels are very fair imitations of classical models, occasionally with painted ornament, but more frequently moulded. roman and byzantine period (circa 100 b.c.-a.d. 600). the unmistakable character of the ware of this period is the ribbed surface, with which nearly all vessels are decorated. fragments of ribbed pottery are strewn almost over all palestine. ornament consisting of repeated impressions of stamps now begins to appear. lamps with decoration, inscriptions, christian or jewish symbols common. glass vessels also frequent. arab period (circa a.d. 600 onwards). the early arab ware often bears painted decoration singularly like that on second and third semitic pottery, but a fatty soapy texture characterizes the arab ware, which is absent from the earlier sherds. there is likewise a complete absence of representation of natural forms (birds and the like). in or about the crusader period the use of ornamental glaze makes its appearance. [illustration xii: palestinian pottery types] vi. sanctuaries. the hill-top shrines, now consecrated to saints of islam, are doubtless in origin ancient canaanite high places. there is here a rich but a very difficult field for investigation. the difficulty lies in (a) gaining the confidence of those to whom the sanctuaries are holy, and (b) guarding against wilful or unconscious deception. only long residence and frequent intercourse, with the muslim population will make it possible for any one to obtain really trustworthy information as to the traditions or the sites of these ancient sanctuaries. a knowledge of arabic is essential for a study of the sites themselves, as there are frequently inscriptions cut or painted on the walls which should be studied. the casual traveller cannot hope to carry out researches of any value on these ancient sites. sometimes the buildings are crusaders' churches transformed. the one really certain fact as to masonry dressing in palestine may here conveniently be noticed--that crusader structures are built of wellsquared stones with a plane surface finished off with a dressing consisting of very fine diagonal lines. once seen, this masonry dressing is absolutely unmistakable. buildings thus identified as crusader should be examined for masons' marks. vii. miscellaneous. the following are some other types of ancient remains with which the traveller may meet almost anywhere in palestine: (1) prehistoric (stone age) sites. marked by being strewn with flint implements and chips: see a fine collection in the museum of the assumptionists (notre-dame de france) at jerusalem. specimens should be collected and the site mapped. (2) dolmens. frequent east of jordan; rare, though not unknown, in western palestine. should be measured, photographed, described, and mapped. (3) rock-cuttings of various kinds, which should be measured, planned, and mapped. among these the commonest are: (a) cisterns (usually bottle-shaped, a narrow neck expanding below). (b) cup-markings, common everywhere. often associated with cisterns. (c) wine and olive presses: there is a great variety in form, but they generally consist of two essential parts--a shallow _pressingvat_ on which the fruit was crushed, and a deeper _receiving-vat_ in which the expressed juice was collected. the vats are often lined with cement containing datable potsherds, and are sometimes paved with mosaic tesserae. (d) quarries. (4) sacred trees and bushes, recognized by the rags with which they are festooned. should be photographed and mapped, and their legends ascertained, subject to the cautions given above under the head of sanctuaries. (5) castles and churches, usually of the crusader period: early saracenic buildings. should be recorded by means of plans, photographs, measured drawings, and written descriptions. (6) mosaic pavements, usually belonging to byzantine buildings; should be recorded by means of coloured drawings. chapter vii egypt [see the diagrams of flint implements, illustration ii; pottery, illustration xiii; and the table of hieroglyphic signs liable to be confused with each other, illustration i] first prehistoric age, 8000?-7000? b.c. cemeteries of round or oval pits on the desert; no towns known. red faced pottery, often with lustrous black top, earliest with patterns of white slip lines: all hand-made. block figures of ivory or paste. combs with long teeth and animal tops. second prehistoric age, 7000?-5500 b.c. graves, square pits. red faced, and much coarse brown pottery. buff with red painting of cordage, spirals, and ships. pot forms copied from stone. some pots globular with wavy ledge handles, changing to cylinders with wavy band. slate palettes in all prehistoric periods. early dynasties, 5500-4700 b.c. towns and cemeteries. great mastabas of brick. wooden coffins begin. great jars; hard, wheel-made pottery. glazed tiles, &c. stone bowls common. cylinder sealings on clay. pyramid period, iv-vl dynasties, 4700-4000 b.c. sculptured stone tomb-chapels. diorite bowls. thick brown pot offering bowls. limestone statues, painted. cornelian amulets in strings. vl-xi dynasties, 4200-3600 b.c. copper mirrors begin. buttons, wide face, un-egyptian work. pottery models of houses placed on grave edge. middle kingdom, xll-xiii dynasties, 3600-2900 b.c. brick pyramids. large rock tomb-chapels, painted. hard drab pottery. alabaster kohl-pots, good forms. globular beads, large; cornelian, amethyst, and green glaze. scroll pattern scarabs. xiv-xvii dynasties. 2900-1600 b.c. small flasks with handles, black with pricked patterns. coarsely cut scarabs. shell beads. new kingdom xviii-xxi dynasties, 1587-952 b.c. small painted tombs. pottery, red face black edge to 1500; buff, red and black lines to 1400; blue bands 1400-1200. hard polished drab, about 1400-1350. glass beads, &c., abundant 1400-1300. glaze deep blue 1500, brilliant blue 1400, poor blue 1300, green 1200: deep blue ushabtis 1100, pale and rough 1000. ushabtis, stone or wood engraved 1550-1450, pottery 1450 to very coarse 1250, wood very coarse by 1250; glazed fine 1300, decline to small rough lumps 800. beads, minute coloured glaze and stone to 1450, thin discs 1450-1350, coloured pastes red and blue 1450 to 1300, yellow glass mainly 13001200, poor glaze after 1200. alabaster kohl-pots, clumsy forms to 1450; tubes of stone, glaze, wood, or reed 1450-1200. bubastites, xxii-xxv dynasties, 950-664 b.c. clumsy large jars, widening to bottom, small handles. green glazed figures of cat-head goddess, cats, pigs, and sacred eyes; coarse glass beads, yellow and black: copper wire bracelets. glass beads with blue spots in circles of brown and white. scarabs coarse and worst at 750. fine work revived at 700 by ethiopians. glazes dull, dirty, green. glass unknown. coffins very roughly painted. saites, xxvi-xxx dynasties, 664-342 b.c. pottery clumsy, mostly rough: some thin, smooth red. greek influence; silver coins from 500 onward. iron tools beginning. glaze pale greyish and olive: some fine blue at 350. no glass. bronze figures common. ushabtis with back pier and beard; fine 650 to poor at 350. ptolemies, 332-30 b.c. pottery clumsy and small. many rhodian jars with greek stamped handles. glazes, dark violet and yellow-green. glass revived for inlay figures in shrines: minute mosaic begins. glazed beads scarce, no scarabs. large copper coins, silver tetradrachms, base in later time, and concave on reverse. romans, 30 b.c.-a.d. 641. the earlier half, to a.d. 300. large brown amphorae, peg bottoms; ribbed after 180, wide ribbing at first, then narrower. glass blown; fine white and cut facets in 1st cent.; hollow brims 2nd-4th; stems and pressed feet, 3rd-4th. glass mosaic 1st cent.; coarser wall mosaic 2nd cent. glaze coarse blue, on thick clumsy bowls and jugs. red brick buildings as well as mud brick, coins: billon tetradrachms in 1st cent., almost copper in 2nd, small copper dumps in 3rd, leaden tokens from a.d. 180 to 260. some large copper in 1st and 2nd, thinner than the ptolemaic. potsherds used for writing receipts and letters. abundance of moulded terracottas, and small lamps. roman, second period, a.d. 300-641. the constantinian age brings in new styles. much salmon-coloured hard pottery, mainly platters and flat dishes. brown amphorae soft and smaller, with narrow ribbing. no glaze. much very thin glass. coins: little thin flat copper, as in rest of empire, ending about 450. no egyptian coinage, except a very few rough lumps from justinian to heraclius, i+b on back. letters written on potsherds and flakes of limestone. red brick the material for all large buildings. limestone capitals of debased leafage. rudely cut relief patterns in wood. coarsely carved and turned bone or ivory. pottery in byzantine age with white facing and rudely painted figures. textiles, with embroidery in colours, and especially purple discs with thread designs of the earlier arab period. a characteristic of late roman and arab mounds is the organic smell. muhammadan period. seventh to fifteenth centuries. characterized by great amounts of glazed pottery. smaller antiquities found in cemeteries or on ruined sites, the earliest transitional, and related to coptic examples of the same kinds. pottery: lamps at first continue christian forms and are unglazed; afterwards long spouted lamps of dark green glaze. fragments of vessels, &c., from the rubbish heaps of old cairo are glazed; a typical faience has a soft sandy body of light colour with painted designs in blue or blue and brown with transparent glaze. those of the mamluk period, and probably some of earlier date, show a general resemblance to western asiatic contemporary wares, due to importation of potters from syria, asia minor, and persia (between twelfth and fifteenth centuries). other varieties have decoration in metallic lustre on an opaque white tin glaze; others again have monochrome glazes imitating imported chinese wares. inscriptions very rare. glass: if found, is in fragments; rich coloured enamel designs are seldom earlier than the thirteenth century. textiles: chiefly found in small pieces; the colours rich; ornament consisting of geometrical designs and cufic inscriptions. any silk, or printed patterns, should be secured. no information about papyri is given here, for the reason that any site containing them should not be touched except by a trained excavator. [illustration xiii: egyptian pottery types] chapter viii mesopotamia [see the diagrams of flint implements, illustration ii; pottery and brick-forms, illustration xiv; cuneiform signs, and other scripts illustration xv]. mesopotamian antiquities are nearly always found in tells, or artificial mounds, which are the sites of ancient towns or temples. the surrounding plain for a distance of several hundred yards out, whether steppe-desert or untilled land, will usually be found to be productive of antiquities, either a few inches or few feet deep or, in the case of the dessert, actually lying upon the surface. these are usually the result of rainstorms washing out antiquities from the tell itself. each tell or ganglion of connected tells usually has a number of small subsidiary tells round about it, the sites of small isolated buildings or villages connected with the central settlement. originally the settlements were built upon natural rises of the ground which stood up as islands in the fen-country. visitors should give the local names of tells in arabic characters, when possible, so that mistakes in transliteration into english may be avoided. antiquities bought in the neighbourhood of a tell should be noted as coming from that neighbourhood. depredations by arabs (or by others!) should be noted, and reported to the nearest political officer or inspector of antiquities. the barbarous practice of forcibly dislodging inscribed bricks from walls, as trophies and 'souvenirs', which has unhappily been common during the war, should never be imitated and always discountenanced as much as possible. other good spots for antiquities than tells are rare. in the mountainous and stony country of the north we may meet with rocksculptures, as at bavian, and these should always be recorded by a traveller, even if he is not certain that they have not been remarked before: something new may turn up at any time. antiquities acquired in the neighbourhood of such monuments should be noted, and their precise place of origin ascertained, if possible, as in this way the site of some ancient settlement adjoining the monument may be identified. the open ruin-fields, or _khurbas_, characteristic of palestine are not usual, except in the case of parthian or sassanian palace ruins such as ctesiphon, hatra, or ukheidhir, which were often abandoned almost as soon as they were built, so that no later population could pile up rubbish-heaps or graves above them. in order to aid the visitor to get some idea of the age of a tell or other site from the antiquities found on its surface and its neighbourhood, and so to be able to give some idea of what is likely to be found in it, the following hints have been drawn up. in the first place, most of the surface remains, are, as elsewhere, pottery sherds. these should tell us their date by their appearance. it must be said, however, that our experience on the subject of the development of mesopotamian pottery is limited. owing to the attention of assyriologists having been so long focussed on the study of the cuneiform records, to the neglect of general archaeology, we have nothing like the knowledge of these things that we have in egypt or in greece. such minutiae of information as our common knowledge of ceramic development in egypt or in greece gives us with regard to these countries, enabling us to date sites with great accuracy, are not vet available for mesopotamia. and if for this reason all possible information as to the objects found on archaeological sites is desirable, it is also impossible yet to give the visitor any absolute guide to the distinctive appearance of pottery at every period. the main periods are known. the 'prehistoric', the sumerian, the late babylonian, and the parthian styles are easily distinguishable. if a visitor is able to tell us that such-and-such a mound is prehistoric or is parthian, or that settlements of both periods existed on it, this is what we want. one of the most general of criteria with regard to pottery is whether it is glazed or not. if glazed, it is, generally speaking, late. other things besides pottery are of course found, and the presence or the absence of metal, and the occurrence of stone implements, are important. but it must be remembered that stone was used long into the 'bronze' age, and contemporaneously with copper. there is no sudden break between the two periods. fragments of shell and mother-of-pearl, often with incised designs, are very characteristic of the earliest period. coins are of late date; a tell with coins on it is certain to contain buildings as late as the fourth or third century b.c. (though it may also contain far older buildings as well). one of the most useful criteria of age is: bricks. the form of the brick is a very good guide to date. the babylonians used both kiln-baked and crude bricks. the oldest type, whether baked or crude, is plano-convex in form, and uninscribed. the mortar is bitumen. later on rectangular bricks, often square, made in moulds, were introduced. these usually bore the name of the royal builder. later on bricks became generally oblong and much like our own. in the sixth century the square shape was revived. both shapes were in use at the nebuchadnezzar period. glazed bricks were then common. under the persians mortar took the place of bitumen. under the parthians and sassanians, bricks were yellow, oblong, small, and very hard. details will be found below, the names of various excavated sites are given in brackets as the 'classical' sources of information on certain points, and as the places from which type-antiquities have come to our museums. ancient names are in capitals; museums in italics. i. prehistoric (?) age: chalcolithic (aeneolithic) period, before 3500 b.c. until quite recently no traces of the stone age had been discovered in babylonia other than a few possible palaeoliths lying on the surface of the desert: all traces of a neolithic age were supposed to have been buried beneath the alluvium of the valley. in assyria, however, neolithic traces in the shape of obsidian flakes had been discovered by the late prof. l. w. king in the course of his excavation of the mound of kuyunjik (nineveh), besides fragments of painted pottery resembling those from the earliest deposits in asia minor and those found by the american geologist pumpelly in his diggings in the _kurgans_ of turkestan, (to which he assigned an extremely remote date b.c.). in persia, and about the head of the persian gulf, somewhat similar pottery was discovered by de morgan and the other french excavators at susa, tepe musyan, bandar bushir, and other places: here again the dates were put at a very remote period. with the exception of a few flint saw-blades from warka [1], fara, zurghul, and babylon [2], no similar remains had been found in babylonia until, in 1918, capt. r. campbell thompson, exploring on behalf of the british museum, discovered flint and obsidian flakes and painted pottery lying on the surface of the desert at tell abu shahrein (eridu), and also at tell muqayyar (ur). the continued excavations carried out by mr. h. r. hall for the museum in 1919 have produced more of the same evidence from both places, besides a new 'prehistoric' site at tell el-ma'abed or tell el-'obeid near ur. it seems that these antiquities date from the very end of the neolithic, or rather to the succeeding 'chalcolithic', age; whether they are really prehistoric, as regards babylonian history, must until more evidence from stratified deposits is found remain undecided. they prove the occupation of the head of the persian gulf at the beginning of history by a people whose primitive art was closely akin to that of early elam, and distinct from that of the sumerians. [1] found by loftus in 1854: their early date was not recognized at the time. [2] koldewey, _excavations at babylon, e.t._, p. 261, fig. 182. koldewey curiously speaks of the saw-blades as 'palaeolithic.' they are, of course, nothing of the sort. characteristics: flint, chert, obsidian, green and red jasper, and quartz-crystal flakes, arrowheads, cores, and saw-blades. chert and limestone rough hoe-blades (easily mistaken for palaeolithic implements; they are, however, much flatter); polished serpentine or jasper celts; lentoid (lentil-shaped), amygdaloid (almond-shaped), and discoid beads of cornelian, crystal, obsidian, &c., unpolished; nails of translucent quartz and obsidian (obviously imitations of metal types); hard grey pottery sickles, pottery cones of various sizes, and pottery objects like gigantic nails bent up at the ends; pottery painted with designs in black, usually geometrical (see illustration xiv, fig. 1), but sometimes showing plant-forms or even animals. this ware is often very fine, so much so as to look as if wheelmade. the shapes are chiefly bowls (often closely resembling early egyptian stone bowl types), pots with suspension-handles or lugs, and spouted 'kettles'. all these objects are at shahrein and el-'obeid found lying on the desert surface at the distance of 50 or 100 yards from the tell; they are supposed to have been washed out of the lower strata of the latter by rains. objects of this kind should be recorded from any site, and the neighbourhood of a desert tell should always be searched for them. [illustration xiv mesopotamian pottery, seals, etc]. [illustration xv: cuneiform and other scripts]. ii. early bronze (copper) age: first sumerian (pre-sargonic) period; c. 3500-3000 b.c. earliest sumerian civilization. typical sites. older strata at telloh (lagash); fara (shuruppak); tell 'obeid (ancient name as yet unknown); shahrein (eridu). characteristics. writing. first appearance of script, already conventionalized from pictographs. cut on stone and incised on clay tablets and bricks of characteristic early style. brick buildings, with crenellated walls (until the discovery of tell 'obeid supposed to date only from the later sumerian period) of typical plano-convex bricks, baked or crude, usually with thumb-mark down length of convex side (shahrein), or with two thumb-holes (for carrying the brick when wet?), or vent-holes ('obeid); at first uninscribed, later with long inscriptions; measuring 10 x 6 x 2-2 1/4 ins. (shahrein), and 8 x 6 x 2-2 1/4 ins. ('obeid); poorly shaped and baked (see xiv, fig. 3). bitumen used for mortar; laid very thick. hard white stucco on internal faces of crude brick house walls, often decorated with red, white, and black painted horizontal stripes (shahrein.) pottery. wheel and hand-made; drab, fine or coarse paste, unpainted and usually undecorated. typical shapes: (see xiv, figs. 2 abc) mostly handleless vases, and cups, and spouted 'kettles' (again often resembling early egyptian types). metals: copper. extensive use: large copper figures of animals, heads cast, bodies of copper plates fastened by nails over a core of clay with a mixture of bitumen and straw; the figures have eyes, tongues, and teeth of red and white stone and nacre (tell 'obeid); goat's head with inlaid eyes of nacre (fara). otherwise ordinary treatment of eye shows a number of wrinkle lines round it, and it is always disproportionately large (bull's heads, tell 'obeid and telloh). small fragments of copper or bronze on the surface of a tell should never be neglected, as there may be enough in any fragment to give an idea of possible archaic remains within the tell. silver. rare. fine engraved vase of entemena (telloh, _louvre_). gold. not uncommon. copper nails with gold-plated heads (shahrein). stone. portrait figures in round (bismaya, telloh, &c.), usually representing men, with face and head shaven; very prominent large curved nose; usually squatting with arms crossed, sometimes standing; only garment a kilt apparently made of locks of natural wool. usually inscribed in archaic characters on back of shoulders. material: a grey or a white limestone most usual; tufa and dolerite also used. reliefs: large stelae (stele of the vultures; telloh, _louvre_, fragment in _b. m._), completely inscribed; small relief plaques, inscribed (telloh, _louvre_). flint carved and engraved cylinderseals, of limestone, black basalt, jasper, diorite, &c. vases, bowls, and cups (usually fragmentary), of white and pink limestone and breccia. maceheads of breccia, granite, &c., of same type as the early egyptian (shahrein). shell. very largely used for decoration; small plaques of nacre often engraved with scenes of men worshipping, &c. (telloh); tessellated pillars with nacre plaques ('obeid). seal-cylinders of shell. wood. rarely survives; small beams plated with copper ('obeid). burials. pottery coffins with lids, mat burials; bodies contracted; funerary furniture, copper, stone or pottery drinking cups held near mouth: copper weapons, fish-hooks, net weights; beads of agate, lapis, shell (unpolished); colour-dishes, (fara). (the idea that the babylonians ever burnt their dead is now discredited; the supposed 'fire-necropoles' at zurghul, &c., are not substantiated.) the burials are hard to distinguish from similar contracted interments of later date, except that the furniture is more abundant in early times and mat graves are unusual in later days mounds of this age may be known by the occurrence on the surface of scraps of oxydized copper, nails, &c.; shell-fragments; undecorated light drab sherds; and the typical small plano-convex bricks. iii. middle bronze age. 1. early semitic or akkadian (sargonid) period; c. 3000-2500 b.c. characteristics. less crude style of art: development of writing (see xiv, fig. 1); first inscribed clay tablets of usual style; beginnings of cuneiform, developed from the archaic semi-pictographic character. bricks still plano-convex; stamped inscriptions begin. stone maceheads of same type as earlier. large and well-cut cylinder-seals of fine limestone, lapis, diorite, granite, and shell are characteristic of the period: they are generally of an easily recognizable form (reel-shaped) with sides showing a marked concavity (see xiv, fig. 5). the great development of art is shown by the stele of naram-sin (_louvre_) found at susa. not many mounds of this period have been dug. 2. later sumerian (gudea) and early semitic babylonian (hammurabi) periods; c. 2500-1800 b.c. characteristics. typical 'gudea' style of sculpture, in round and relief (telloh, _louvre_); materials hard diorite, dolerite and basalt as well as limestone: characteristic treatment of eye with heavily marked brows: elaborate tiaras and head-dresses of female figures, &c. very high development. regular use of cuneiform on clay tablets and cones (see xv, figs. 13-15); non-cuneiform character (in a developed form) still used in brick stamps (xv, fig. 10) and on stone monuments. bricks (xiv, fig. 4) now rectangular and well made, either square (14 ins., usually, by 2 1/2 ins. thick) or oblong (11 1/2 x 8 x 2 1/2 ins., or 10 x 5 x 2 1/2 ins.) with stamps or incised inscriptions of ur-engur, dungi, bur-sin, gudea and other kings (xv, fig. 10), from ur, shahrein, telloh, niffer, &c. bricks of bur-sin from shahrein often have inscription-stamps also on the smaller sides (thickness). great buildings of crude and baked brick (telloh, ur); temple-towers (ziggurats) of crude brick faced with burnt brick (ur, shahrein, niffer). town ruins of hammurabi's age (babylon): crude brick: plans always confused and haphazard. bitumen still used for mortar. burials, contracted, often in double pots (mouth to mouth), sealed with bitumen. with the bodies are found large numbers of agate and cornelian beads, unpolished. mounds of this period may be recognized by the typical square or oblong bricks (often with thumb-holes), with stamps of kings' names, &c., in non-cuneiform characters, or with hand-incised inscriptions in early cuneiform, made while the clay was wet; clay tablets or cones inscribed in early cuneiform; copper nails (those with goldplated heads found at shahrein may also date from this time); drab or black pottery sherds with impressed or incised designs, generally rough and evidently made with a piece of stick or the thumb-nail; rough stone quern-slabs with rubbers, grinding and hammer-stones, &c.; and the burials described above (these, however, also occur in later times). iv. later bronze age: kassite, middle babylonian, and early assyrian periods; c. 18001000 b.c. characteristics. stabilization of babylonian art; typical 'kassite' cylinder-seals with straight sides (xiv, fig. 6); disappearance of old non-cuneiform character with gradual disuse of sumerian; early stone-cut inscriptions in cuneiform (see xv, fig. 16; an elamite inscription). occasional and rare appearance of glazed pottery (imitation of egyptian), and multi-coloured glass; early assyrian sculpture (those unversed in minutiae of mesopotamian art will only be able to tell this earlier work from the later by the earlier style of the accompanying inscriptions). not many mounds of this period have been dug. v. early iron age: 1. late babylonian and assyrian periods; c. 1000-540 b.c. characteristics. flourishing period of assyrian art and writing (for details see the archaeological books, which are very full on this period). mounds may be known by the occurrence of fragments of granite or basalt bowl-querns, often with feet; pieces or whole vases of the multi-coloured opaque glass usually called 'phoenician' (which are already found in the preceding period); alabaster pots; straightsided cylinder seals (see xiv, fig. 6); syrian conical seals of steatite (xiv, fig. 7); small and rude clay figures of deities, such as ishtar or papsukal (the guardian of buildings), and animals, such as horses, sheep, doves, ducks, &c.; bronze pins, often with birds on the heads; baked clay tablets of the fine kuyunjik type (see xv, fig. 12; script, fig. 17); pottery lamps with long protruding curved nozzles; pottery vases simple and undecorated save by incised lines, as for many centuries past (for types see xiv, figs. 9 a b c d); light-blue glazed ware introduced from egypt towards end of period; polychrome glazed ware with designs of rosettes, chevrons) &c., somewhat earlier; large pots without feet common for storage of grain and oil, sometimes for tablets: mouth often closed with a brick. stone pithoi are also found. vertical drains or sinks, made of a number of pottery cylindrical drums, fitting on top of or into one another, are found everywhere on town-mounds of this period; visitors should avoid tumbling into them, as they are often open or only covered by a very thin crust of earth. usually they are perforated to allow of soaking into the surrounding earth, and are, when excavated whole, generally found capped by, a beehive-shaped perforated cover. sometimes these drains were made of old pots with their lower parts broken off, and fitted into one another. secular buildings were of burnt brick; sacred buildings usually of crude brick, from religious conservatism. crude bricks nearly always oblong; burnt bricks square (14 ins.) or oblong (9x6x3 ins.). the burnt brick of nebuchadnezzar's time is extraordinarily fine and hard, and the bitumen-mortar so finely spread as to be almost invisible (babylon). walls of this reign have a rock-like solidity and tenacity that should make them easily recognizable. those of immediately preceding reigns show the bitumen far more clearly, and the bricks are usually not as finely made as nebuchadnezzar's; at babylon the latter's work is thus at once distinguishable from that of nabopolassar. a typical brickinscription of nebuchadnezzar is illustrated above, xv, fig. 11. it is in the revived archaic script, always used for this purpose by the late babylonian kings. use of coloured glazed brick is characteristic of period; often relief figures of animals are made up of glazed bricks each specially moulded for its proper position and numbered (ishtar gate, babylon). royal palaces were often decorated with reliefs depicting conquests, &c., carved on slabs of alabastrine marble placed along the brick walls, with great statues of humanheaded bulls (_cherubim_), &c. (nimrud [calah], kuyunjik [nineveh], khorsabad. _brit. mus._ and _louvre_.) burials usually in drab clay pot-coffins (larnakes) with covers; bodies still contracted; funerary furniture scanty, consisting chiefly of pins, beads, an occasional cylinder-seal, and a few pots (xiv, figs. 9 a b c d). ribbed pots with blue (weathered green) glaze, often pitched both within and without, were also employed towards the end of the period, inverted over the bodies. also anthropoid pottery sarcophagi, an idea imported from egypt. child burials in bowls. iron objects sometimes buried with the dead; often found in palace-ruins (weapons, horse-furniture, &c.). bronze commonly used for gates, door, bolts, &c. (gates of shalmaneser's palace; _brit. mus._). 2. persian (achaemenian) period: c. 540-330 b.c. this period is distinguished from the former by the less frequent use of bronze, the introduction of coinage, and the development of the simplified persian cuneiform writing (never on tablets, only on stone monuments; see xv, fig. 18). bitumen ceased to be used as mortar in buildings. persian walls (e. g. the apadana at babylon) are easily distinguished by the use of clay mortar, and the unusual thickness of the mortar-courses between the bricks. burials in shallow trough-like pottery coffins, with the bodies at full length, but with the knees slightly flexed (these continued during the next period). vi. middle iron age: 1. greek and parthian periods; c. 330 b.c.-220 a.d. characteristics. sudden degeneration and disappearance of the ancient native civilization and art; imitation of greek culture, greek buildings (theatre at babylon), and inscriptions; greek legends on parthian coins; parthian kings call themselves 'philhellenes'; graeco-roman architecture imitated (hatra). graeco-roman terracottas, pottery lamps, pilgrim-flasks and bone-carvings; classical seal gems; roman glass; fragments of imitation of classical sculpture in marble (the material being adopted as well as the style); and, of course, coins--these are characteristic remains found on mounds of this period. about l00 b.c. the use of cuneiform was given up; clay tablets were no longer used. aramaic became the usual form of writing; ink used on sherds; wax tablets. small bowls often found with ink-written incantations in judaeo-aramaic (see xv, fig. 19). mounds of this period are perhaps most easily recognized by the quantities of deep-blue glazed sherds found lying about on them. the glaze is rather thin, laid on a coarse drab ware, and is often cracked. the blue is very fine, rivalling the old egyptian. burials of this period are often found in (besides the shallow pottery coffins mentioned above) rectangular oblong boxes of thin coarse ware with light friable blue glaze (babylon), or (later) in slipper-shaped coffins (possibly sassanian) of the same ware, rudely decorated with human figures (warriors) in relief, on panels (warka). the blue glaze has often changed to a dark green, especially in the case of the warka slipper-coffins. the lids are cemented to the coffins. internments are now full length, the old custom of contraction having been entirely abandoned [1]. gold ornaments and pieces of gold leaf, gold fillets, &c., are not unfrequently found with the bodies, besides armlets, toe and finger rings, &c., of silver and bronze, the finger-rings usually of ordinary roman types; pottery, lamps, and glass vessels. these coffins are often in brick vaults, usually placed haphazard in the ground, as in earlier times. bricks small, hard, and yellow. [1] the western custom of cremation was never adopted, in spite of the hellenization of culture. it offended both babylonian and iranian sentiment, although the parthians were never very orthodox followers of ahuramazda, and venerated (at least platonically) the most popular deities of the greek pantheon. 2. sassanian period; c. 220-650 a.d. characteristics. reaction towards oriental motives in art: a typical _antika_ of the period is the sassanian seal of cornelian, chalcedony, or haematite, in shape sometimes a ring, more often a flat sphere with one-third cut off to form a seal-base, perforated for stringing (see xiv, fig. 8), and inscribed in pehlevi (see xv, fig. 20) a script that to the unitiated looks very like cufie arabic: the language is old-persian, which was spoken by the court officials at ctesiphon, the language of the people being aramaic. sculpture barbarized, but with a picturesque character of its own (nakhsh-irustam, tak-i-bostan), sometimes reminiscent of indian work. architecture: parthian-roman traditions (ctesiphon). pottery usually glazed blue (thicker glaze). unglazed bowls with hebrew and mandaitic magical inscriptions. bronze no longer used except for coins. objects from mounds very like those of preceding age, but less of roman origin. not much known of burials; the warka slipper-coffins usually regarded as parthian may possibly be of early sassanian age. vii. later iron age: muhammadan period; c. 650-1500 a.d.[1] characteristics. development of art under persian influence till tartar conquest in thirteenth century: the destruction and depopulation of the country at that time brought all real artistic development to an end. flourishing period: the 'abbasid khalifate: ninth century: harun al-rashid. ruins of the ancient city and palaces of samarra: halls with modelled and painted plaster-decorations, not only geometrical but also (persian heterodox influence) representing trees, birds, &c. no more sculpture in round or relief of human figures or animals. the only survival of classical tradition would appear to be to some extent in architecture: greek architects. coins: thin gold, and silver, with cufic inscriptions only (see xv, fig. 21). mounds of this period may be known by fragments of marblecarving with cufic inscriptions, plasterwork, arab and persian vase and tile fragments in thick blue, green, yellow, or brown glaze, metallic lustre-glaze, &c., variegated glass bangles, and rings; bits of cloudy white glass (from lamps); fragments of wood, carved and inlaid with bone, nacre, &c., in geometrical patterns; textile fragments, (which are naturally not commonly found in older mounds), &c. nothing is said with regard to burials as these may not be touched. [1] the limit of age which constitutes an 'antiquity' for legal purposes is fixed in most antiquity-laws at 1500 a.d. appendix laws of antiquities the following brief notes on the laws of antiquities in force in the various territories with which this book is concerned must not be taken as absolving the traveller from the necessity of consulting the full text of the laws. at the time of going to press, the turkish law presumably prevails in such parts of the turkish empire as are not occupied by the troops of the entente; in the remainder, temporary regulations are in force which will doubtless be modified when the new governments are established; and it is possible that the turkish law itself may be brought into greater harmony with modern ideas. the greek law of antiquities. [greek], 24 july 1899, athens, [greek] 1889. all antiquities found are the property of the government and are controlled by an archaeological commission, consisting of the ephor general of antiquities and the ephors of the archaeological collections in athens. fixed antiquities must be reported by the discoverer to the ephor general or one of the ephors of antiquities or other official. damaging of ruins or remains of monuments is forbidden. owners of the land on which portable antiquities desirable for the national museums are found are compensated to the extent of half their value. any person who finds antiquities on his land must report them within five days, on pain of confiscation. the same applies to any one who finds antiquities on another person's land, or in any other way comes into possession of antiquities. informers against breaches of the law are rewarded by the amount of the compensation due to those who keep the law. objects not considered worth keeping by the museums are returned to the owner of the land. excavations, even on private property, must be authorized by the ministry of education. the government has the right of expropriating land for purposes of excavation. in government excavations, the owner of the land receives one-third of the value of the objects considered worth keeping by the museums. secret excavation is punished by confiscation of the finds, imprisonment and temporary loss of civil rights. in authorized excavations by a landowner or his representative the excavator receives half the value of the finds taken by the museums. any one attempting to excavate on another man's land is punished by imprisonment. antiquities found in the country may not be exported (on pain of imprisonment or fine and temporary loss of civil rights) without permission, which is only granted for objects not considered by the archaeological commission to be of use to the museums. such objects on export are subject to a tax of 10 percent. _ad valorem_ unless declared entirely valueless by the commission. antiquities imported into the country must be declared in the customs house and reported to the ephor general of antiquities, a descriptive catalogue in duplicate being sent, and cannot be reexported without permission, which is obtained by producing the articles with the original catalogue to the ephor general; if not reported they are regarded as having been found in the country. the turkish law of antiquities. loi sur les antiquites promulguee le 29 sefer 1324 (10 avril 1322). extrait du _levant herald_ du 8, 9, 11 et 13 juin 1906. constantinople, imprimerie du _levant herald,_ pera, 1906. antiquities are controlled by the director-general of the imperial museums and a commission, the directors of public instruction in the provinces acting as agents. all ancient monuments and objects (including those of islamic date) are the property of the government. any fixed antiquities discovered must be reported under pain of fine within 15 days to the official in charge of antiquities, or in his absence to the nearest civil or military official. punishment by fine and imprisonment is inflicted for destroying or injuring monuments, measuring or making impressions without authorization. transportable antiquities found on a man's land must be reported by him within a week. the landowner receives half the value of objects thus reported and bought by the state; objects not reported are confiscated, and the landowner fined. this clause applies to those who find antiquities on land belonging to other private persons or to the state. excavation is the exclusive privilege of the museums, but firmans may be obtained by scientific societies and specialists. unauthorized excavation is punished by imprisonment and confiscation. the state has the right of making preliminary soundings and of expropriation. applications for leave to excavate must be made to the minister of public instruction. all finds belong to the state. unauthorized dealing in antiquities is punishable by fine, imprisonment, and confiscation. exportation of antiquities found in the empire is forbidden. antiquities imported must be reported to the directorate of antiquities, and may not be sent from one part of the empire to another, or re-exported, without permission from the director-general. the cypriote law of antiquities. to consolidate and amend the law relating to ancient monuments and antiquities, and to provide museums. law no. iv of 1905. see sir j. t. hutchinson and s. fisher, _the statute laws of cyprus,_ 1878-1906 (london, 1906), pp. 595-608. objects later than the turkish conquest, and coins of byzantine or later times, are not deemed to be antiquities. all undiscovered antiquities of movable character are the property of the government; all immovable antiquities are also the property of the government, unless some person shall be the owner of them. all antiquities must be reported by the person in possession of them to the museum committee, on pain of confiscation; antiquities found except in the course of authorized excavations must be reported within five days to the district commissioner, one-third of such movable antiquities is taken by the government, one-third by the finder, and one-third by the owner of the land. damage to ancient monuments is punished by fine or imprisonment or both. unauthorized excavation, even on land belonging to the excavator, and the purchasing of objects illegally excavated, are punished by fine or imprisonment or both. application for leave to excavate must be made to the chief secretary for government. all antiquities found in excavation belong to the government; only duplicates, and objects not required by the museum, are given to the excavator. the government has the right to expropriate land for the purpose of excavations. the museum committee may acquire the interests of any private person in an antiquity on payment of compensation. if the sum agreed on is not paid within six months, the museum committee loses all right to its acquisition. export of antiquities is forbidden except with the permission of the high commissioner, which is granted only for objects not required by the museum or for antiquities the interests in which the museum committee has failed to acquire in the manner described. the egyptian law of antiquities. la nouvelle loi sur les antiquites de l'egypte et ses annexes. service des antiquites. le caire, imprimerie de l'institut francais d'archeologie orientala. 1913. all antiquities belong to the state. the state has the right of expropriating ground containing antiquities. transportable antiquities when found must be reported to nearest administrative authority or agents of the service of antiquities: the finder receives half the objects thus reported or their value. excavation, dealing in antiquities, and exportation are forbidden unless under authorization. destruction of and damage to antiquities is punishable by fine and imprisonment. applications for leave to export or to excavate should be made to the director-general of service of antiquities. a tax of 1 1/2 per cent. is levied on the declared value of objects passed for export. leave to excavate is granted only to savants recommended by governments or learned societies, or to private persons presenting proper guarantees. the excavator pays the cost of guarding the site. the government takes half the portable objects found. general principles of a model law of antiquities for the near and middle east. the following statement of principles which should form the foundation of the laws of antiquities to be enacted for the various provinces formerly under turkish rule was drawn up by an international committee in paris and recommended to the commission for regulating the mandates under the league of nations. it follows closely the recommendations of the archaeological joint committee on the same subject. it was proposed at the same time that the treaty with turkey should enjoin the adoption by that power of a law of antiquities on the same lines: principes du reglement devant etre adopte par chacune des puissances mandataires. 1. 'antiquity' signifie toute construction, tout produit de l'activite humaine, anterieur a l'annee 1700. 2, toute personne qui, ayant decouvert une antiquite, la signalera a un employe du departement des antiquites du pays, sera recompensee suivant la valeur de l'objet, le principe a adopter devant etre d'agir par encouragement plutot que par menace. 3. aucun objet antique ne pourra etre vendu sauf au departement des antiquites du pays, mais si ce departement renonce a l'acquerir la vente en deviendra libre. aucune antiquite ne pourra sortir du pays sans un permis d'exportation dudit departement. 4. toute personne qui, expres ou par negligence, detruira ou deteriorera un objet ou une construction antique, devra etre passible d'une peine a fixer par l'autorite du pays. 5. aucun deblaiement ni aucune fouille ayant pour objet la recherche d'antiquites ne seront permis sous peine d'amendc, sauf aux personnes autorisees par le departement des antiquites du pays. 6. des conditions equitables devront etre fixees par chaque puissance mandataire pour l'expropriation temporaire ou permanente des terrains qui pourraient offrir un interet historique ou archeologique. 7. les autorisations pour les fouilles ne devront etre accordees qu'aux personnes qui offrent des garanties suffisantes d'experience archeologique. aucune des puissances mandataires ne devra, en accordant ces autorisations, agir de facon a ecarter, sans motif valable, les savants des autres nations. 8. les produits des fouilles pourront etre divises entre le fouilleur et le departement des antiquites de chaque pays dans une proportion fixee par ce departement. si, pour des raisons scientifiques, la division ne semble pas possible, le fouilleur devra recevoir, au lieu d'une partie de la trouvaille, une juste indemnite. index abu shahrein, 85, 88, 90. achaemenian period in mesopotamia, 93. aegean, prehistoric age in the 36 f: pottery in palestine, 73. aeneolithic; see chalcolithic. akkadian period, 90. alphabets: see inscriptions. aramaic inscriptions, 62, 66; in mesopotamia, 93. archaeological joint committee, 38. arches, corbelled, 40. arcosolium tombs, 71 f. asia minor, 47 ff. assyrian period, 91. attic pottery, 44 f. babylon. 85, 90, 92 f. babylonian period, 91. bandar bushir, 85. barometer, 10, 33. bavian, 83. beads: cypriote, 56: egyptian, 78 f.; greek, 41; hittite, 60; mesopotamian, 88 ff.; syrian, 64. belt jibrin, 73. bitumen in mesopotamia, 84, 88. black-figured greek pottery, 44. bricks, 14 f.; in egypt, 82; in mesopotamia, 84-93. bronze age: in asia minor, 48; in cyprus, 56; in greece, 36 f.; in mesopotamia, 88; in syria, 60. bronze, forgeries in, 24. brooches (fibulae): greek, 40, 44; in syria, 61 f. bubastites, 79. buildings, recording of, 14. burials: see tombs. buying, advice about. 24 f. calah, 92. camera, 10 f. casting in plaster, 19. caves, 15, 72. cemeteries, 15, 55, 70, 78: see also tombs. chalcolithic period: in mesopotamia, 85: in syria, 59 f. cisterns in palestine, 77. coins; in cyprus, 58; in egypt, 79; in mesopotamia, 84, 92 ff.; forgeries of, 24; making impressions of, 19 f; recording finds of, 9. combs, egyptian, 78. committee, archaeological joint, 28. compass, prismatic, 10. copper: in mesopotamia, 88 f.; in syria, 60. copying, 17 ff. corbelled arches, 40. 'corinthian' pottery, 41. crete, 36; pottery from, in palestine, 73. crusaders' churches in palestine, 76. ctesiphon, 84, 94. cuneiform inscriptions: in asia minor, 51; in mesopotamia, 90 ff. cup-markings in palestine, 77. cyclopean walls, 40 cylinders and cylinder-sealings: in cyprus, 56; in egypt, 78; hittite, 60, 62, 64; in mesopotamia, 89 ff. cyprus, 54 ff.; law of antiquities, 97; pottery from, in palestine, 73. dipylon period, 40. dolmens in palestine, 77. drawing and copying, 17 f. egypt, 78-82; law of antiquities, 98. egyptian hieroglyphics, 20; pottery in palestine, 73; scarabs imitated in syria, 62; stone bowls, mesopotamian pottery types resembling, 88. eridu, 85, 88. excavations: laws controlling, 95 ff.; unauthorized, 7. fara, 85, 88 f. fibulae: see brooches. figurines: cypriote, 55; greek, 35, 40 f., 44 f.; syrian, 60, 62, 64. finds, importance of not breaking up, 9. flint implements, 29 ff.: see also stone age. forgeries, 24 f. geometric bronze age ware in greece, 36; period, 40. glass; in cyprus, 57; in egypt, 78 ff.; in mesopotamia, 91; in syria, 64. glaze, egyptian, 78 f.; imitated in babylonia, 91. greece, 35 ff., law of antiquities, 95. hatra, 84. hebrew alphabets, 66. hieroglyphics, copying of, 17, 20; hittite, 51, 62. hill sanctuaries in palestine, 76. hittite antiquities: in asia minor, 51; in syria, 59 ff. inscriptions: copying of, 17, 20 f.; aramaic, 63, 66, 93; cuneiform, 51, 87, in cyprus, 57, greek, 44, 51 f; hittite, 51, 62; latin, 53; lycian,51; lydian, 51; in palestinian tombs, 71; semitic, 62, 66 f., 87. institutions, archaeological, 26 f. iron age: in asia minor, 50; in cyprus, 56; in greece, 40; in mesopotamia, 91-93; in syria, 60, 62. itinerary, recording of, 13 f. jewellery, forged, 24. kassite period, 91. khirbet (khirbah), 68 ff. khorsabad, 92. kohl-pots, 62,78 f. kok tombs, 71 f. kuyunjik, 85, 92. laconian pottery, 45. lagash, 88. lamps, aegean, 37. latin inscriptions in asia minor, 53. laws of antiquities, 7, 95 ff. levelling, 33. licences for acquiring antiquities, 9. lycian inscriptions and monuments, 51. lydian inscriptions, 51. ma'abed, tell el-, 85. mastabas, 78. mapping, 13. mesopotamia, 83 ff. minoan age. 36; pottery in palestine, 73. 'minyan' ware, 37. mortar, bitumen, 84, 90, 92. mosaic, 77, 79. mounds, 14: see also tell. muqayyar, tell, 85. museums, use of, 7 f. 'mycenaean' age, 37; pottery in palestine, 73. naksh-i-rustam, 94. neolithic age: see stone age. niffer, 90. nimrud, 92. nineveh, 85, 92. numerals, west semitic, 67. 'obeid, tell el-, 85, 88 f. obsidian: aegean, 37; mesopotamian, 85, 88. olive-presses in palestine, 77. orientalizing greek antiquities, 41, 44. outfit, 10 f. packing of antiquities, 22 f. palestine, 65 ff. papyri, forged, 24. paraffin-wax, 22 f. parthian period in mesopotamia, 93. pehlevi script, 93 f. persian period: in mesopotamia, 92; in syria, 62. photography, 10 f., 21 f. phrygian inscriptions, 55. pins: greek, 40, 44; hittite, 60, 62; mesopotamian, 91. place-names, eastern, 68 f., 83. planning, 14, 16 f. plaster casting, 19 f. pottery, _passim_; hand-made and wheel-made, 29, 49 f; importance of, 29. 84; packing of, 23. preservation of antiquities, 22 f. 'proto-corinthian' pottery, 41. ptolemaic period, 79. red-figured greek pottery, 44. rhodian jar-handles: in egypt, 79; in palestine, 73. rock-cut tombs, 70 f. rock-sculptures in mesopotamia, 83. saites, 79. samarra, 94. sanctuaries: in cyprus, 54 f.; in palestine, 76. sargonid period, 90. sassanian period, 93 f. scarabs: in cyprus, 56; in egypt, 78; in syria, 62, 64; forged, 24. schools of archaeology, 8, 26 f. sculpture, squeezing of, 18. seals: aegean, 37; hittite, 62; mesopotamian, 86, 89, 91; sassanian, 93; syrian, of persian period, 64: see also cylinders, scarabs. semitic inscriptions, 62, 65-7, 87. shahrein, tell abu, 85, 88, 90. shuruppak, 88. sinjerli, 59, 62. sites, identification of, 68. societies, archaeological, 8, 26 f. squeezing, 17 ff. stone age, 29 ff.; in asia minor, 48; in cyprus, 56; in greece, 35 f.; in mesopotamia, 84 f., 88; in palestine, 76; in syria, 59 f. sumerian period, 88 ff. susa, 85. syria, central and north, 59ff. tak-i-bostan, 94. tall: see tell. telephotography, 12. tell (mound), 68 f., 83. telloh, 88 ff. tepe musyan, 85. terra-cottas; see figurines. trees, sacred, 77. tombs and burials: in cyprus, 55; in mesopotamia. 89-94; 'of the kings', at jerusalem, 71; rockcut, in palestine, 70 f.; in syria, 59 f: see also cemeteries. turkish law of antiquities, 96. ukheidir, 84. ur, 85, 90. 'urfirnis' ware, 37. ushabtis, 78 f. warka, 85, 93 f. wine-presses in palestine, 77. zurghul, 85, 89. [illustration: the later cave-men] industrial and social history series _by katharine elizabeth dopp, ph. d._ _the extension division of the university of chicago. author of "the place of industries in elementary education"_ #book i. the tree-dwellers.# the age of fear. illustrated with a map, 14 full-page and 46 text drawings in half-tone by howard v. brown. cloth. square 12mo. 158 pages. _for the primary grades._ #book ii. the early cave-men.# the age of combat. illustrated with a map, 16 full-page and 71 text drawings in half-tone by howard v. brown. cloth. square 12mo. 183 pages. _for the primary grades._ #book iii. the later cave-men.# the age of the chase. illustrated with 27 full-page and 87 text drawings in half-tone by howard v. brown. cloth. square 12mo. 197 pages. _for the primary grades._ #book iv. the early sea people.# first steps in the conquest of the waters. illustrated with 21 full-page and 117 text drawings in half-tone by howard v. brown and kyohei inukai. cloth. square 12mo. 224 pages. _for the intermediate grades._ _other volumes, dealing with the early development of pastoral and agricultural life, the age of metals, travel, trade, and transportation, will follow._ _to_ the children who are asking for more about the cave-men i dedicate this book [illustration: "_a feeling of awe came over them while they worked._"--page 172.] the later cave-men katharine elizabeth dopp _lecturer in education in the extension division of the university of chicago_ [illustration] rand mcnally & company chicago new york london _copyright, 1906_ by katharine elizabeth dopp _entered at stationers' hall_ edition of 1928 [illustration: the rand mcnally press rmn & co] made in u. s. a. * * * * * [illustration: preface] the series, of which this is the third volume, is an attempt to meet a need that has been felt for several years by parents and physicians, as well as by teachers, supervisors, and others who are actively interested in educational and social progress. the need of practical activity, which for long ages constituted the entire education of mankind, is at last recognized by the elementary school. it has been introduced in many places and already results have been attained which demonstrate that it is possible to introduce practical activity in such a way as to afford the child a sound development--physically, intellectually, and morally--and at the same time equip him for efficient social service. the question that is perplexing educators at the present time is, therefore, not one regarding the value of practical activity, but rather one of ways and means by which practical activity can be harnessed to the educational work. the discovery of the fact that steam is a force that can do work had to await the invention of machinery by means of which to apply the new force to industrial processes. the use of practical activity will likewise necessitate many changes in the educational machinery before its richest results are realized. yet the conditions that attend the introduction of practical activity as a motive power in education are very different from those that attended the introduction of the use of steam. in the case of steam the problem was that of applying a new force to an old work. in the case of practical activity it is a question of restoring a factor which, from the earliest times until within the last two or three decades, has operated as a permanent educational force. the situation that has recently deprived the child of the opportunity to participate in industrial processes is due, as is well known, to the rapid development of our industrial system. since the removal of industrial processes from the home the public has awakened to the fact that the child is being deprived of one of the most potent educational influences, and efforts have already been made to restore the educational factor that was in danger of being lost. this is the significance of the educational movement at the present time. as long as a simple organization of society prevailed, the school was not called upon to take up the practical work; but now society has become so complex that the use of practical activity is absolutely essential. society to-day makes a greater demand than ever before upon each and all of its members for special skill and knowledge, as well as for breadth of view. these demands can be met only by such an improvement in educational facilities as corresponds to the increase in the social demand. evidently the school must lay hold of all of the educational forces within its reach. in the transitional movement it is not strange that new factors are being introduced without relation to the educational process as a whole. the isolation of manual training, sewing, and cooking from the physical, natural, and social sciences is justifiable only on the ground that the means of establishing more organic relations are not yet available. to continue such isolated activities after a way is found of harnessing them to the educational work is as foolish as to allow steam to expend itself in moving a locomotive up and down the tracks without regard to the destiny of the detached train. this series is an attempt to facilitate the transitional movement in education which is now taking place by presenting educative materials in a form sufficiently flexible to be readily adapted to the needs of the school that has not yet been equipped for manual training, as well as to the needs of the one that has long recognized practical activity as an essential factor in its work. since the experience of the race in industrial and social processes embodies, better than any other experiences of mankind, those things which at the same time appeal to the whole nature of the child and furnish him the means of interpreting the complex processes about him, this experience has been made the groundwork of the present series. in order to gain cumulative results of value in explaining our own institutions, the materials used have been selected from the life of aryan peoples. that we are not yet in possession of all the facts regarding the life of the early aryans is not considered a sufficient reason for withholding from the child those facts that we have when they can be adapted to his use. information regarding the early stages of aryan life is meager. enough has been established, however, to enable us to mark out the main lines of progress through the hunting, the fishing, the pastoral, and the agricultural stages, as well as to present the chief problems that confronted man in taking the first steps in the use of metals, and in the establishment of trade. upon these lines, marked out by the geologist, the paleontologist, the archæologist, and the anthropologist, the first numbers of this series are based. a generalized view of the main steps in the early progress of the race, which it is thus possible to present, is all that is required for educational ends. were it possible to present the subject in detail, it would be tedious and unprofitable to all save the specialist. to select from the monotony of the ages that which is most vital, to so present it as to enable the child to participate in the process by which the race has advanced, is a work more in keeping with the spirit of the age. to this end the presentation of the subject is made: first, by means of questions, which serve to develop the habit of making use of experience in new situations; second, by narrative, which is employed merely as a literary device for rendering the subject more available to the child; and third, by suggestions for practical activities that may be carried out in hours of work or play, in such a way as to direct into useful channels energy which when left undirected is apt to express itself in trivial if not in anti-social forms. no part of a book is more significant to the child than the illustrations. in preparing the illustrations for this series as great pains have been taken to furnish the child with ideas that will guide him in his practical activities as to illustrate the text itself. mr. howard v. brown, the artist who executed the drawings, has been aided in his search for authentic originals by the late j. w. powell, _director of the united states bureau of ethnology, washington, d. c._; by frederick j. v. skiff, _director of the field columbian museum, chicago_, and by the author. ethnological collections and the best illustrative works on ethnological subjects scattered throughout the country have been carefully searched for material. many of the text illustrations of this volume are reproductions of originals found in the caves and rock shelters of france. k. e. d. _october, 1906._ * * * * * [illustration: contents] page _dedication_ 7 _preface_ 8 _contents_ 12 _illustrations_ 13 the later cave-men the age of the chase page the reindeer start for their summer home 15 chew-chew 20 fleetfoot's lessons 23 after the chase 27 why the cave-men made changes in their weapons 32 how the cave-men made delicate spear points 36 the return of the bison 41 the first bison hunt of the season 46 what happened when the children played with hot stones 50 why the children began to eat boiled meat 54 the nutting season 56 why mothers taught their children the boundary lines 62 what happened to fleetfoot 65 how the strangers camped for the night 69 fleetfoot is adopted by the bison clan 72 how the cave-men protected themselves from the cold 77 how the children played in winter 81 overtaken by a storm 84 how antler happened to invent snowshoes 88 how antler made snares 92 how spears were changed into harpoons 97 how the cave-men hunted with harpoons 101 how the cave-men tested fleetfoot and flaker 105 fleetfoot and flaker see a combat 109 what happened when fleetfoot and flaker hunted the bison 111 what the cave-men did for flaker 115 how flaker learned to make weapons of bone 118 how flaker invented the saw 121 the reindeer dance 124 fleetfoot prepares for his final test 128 fleetfoot fasts and prays 132 the meeting of the clans 139 what happened when the clans found fleetfoot 143 fleetfoot's return 147 willow-grouse 150 how fleetfoot and willow-grouse spent the winter 153 how willow-grouse learned to make needles 157 how flaker became a priest and a medicine man 161 how the cave-men learned to boil and to dry foods 165 the new home 168 how the clans united to hunt the bison 173 how things were made to do the work of men 178 how the cave-men rewarded and punished the clansmen 182 _suggestions to teachers_ 185 [illustration: illustrations] full page page "_a feeling of awe came over them while they worked_" frontispiece "_pigeon boiled meat and gave it to the men, and they all sounded her praises_" 14 "_the reindeer swam through the deep water and waded out to the opposite bank_" 17 _chew-chew telling stories to fleetfoot_ 21 "_then scarface threw, and all the horses took fright_" 25 "_chew-chew took her basket and started up the dry ravine_" 29 "_she took a flint point and scratched the men's arms until she made big scars_" 31 "_straightshaft saw the herd at sunrise and made a sign to the men_" 42 "_at the close of the day there was not a little valley in the surrounding country that did not have a herd of two or three hundred bison_" 45 "_with a quick snort he turned and charged_" 47 "_chew-chew tried to teach the children how to know the hissing sound_" 53 "_all the women and children went nutting_" 57 _the wild hogs were having a feast_ 59 "_mothers taught their children what the boundaries were_" 63 "_a big man caught him, and put him upon his shoulder_" 67 "_the tent was an old oak, which reached out long and low-spreading branches_" 70 "_greybeard asked fleetfoot to drop the hot stones in the water again_" 76 "_when the men saw the new garment they wondered how it was made_" 79 "_but many could find no protection, so they turned about and faced the storm_" 87 "_and so the cave-men tested the boys in many different ways_" 104 "_then their antlers crashed in a swift charge_" 108 "_they looked so much like wolves that they got very close before the bison threatened_" 113 "_what the cave-men did for flaker_" 116 "_people began to wander away from their old homes_" 129 "_it was the melting of this glacier which fed the little stream_" 136 "_greybeard, now old and feeble, walked all the way to the spot_" 171 _after the bison hunt_ 181 text _a reindeer_ 16 _a stone ax_ 24 _a stone knife_ 32 _a laurel leaf_ 32 _laurel leaf-shaped spear point_ 32 _a stone scraper_ 34 _a shaft-straightener_ 35 _a delicate spearhead_ 36 "_when the cave-men held the flint in the hand, the hand yielded to the light blow_" 37 "_while scarface placed the punch he sang in low tones_" 37 _straightshaft using a flaker_ 38 _a flaker_ 39 _an ibex_ 43 _a bear's tooth awl_ 51 _a scraper_ 73 _a skin stretched on a frame_ 73 _a hammer of reindeer horn_ 74 _a cave-man's glove_ 80 _a stone maul_ 89 _fur gloves_ 90 _a snowshoe_ 91 "_then she set snares on the ground and fastened them to strong branches_" 94 "_antler learned to protect the cord by running it through a hollow bone_" 94 "_so it ran along and nibbled the bait until its sharp teeth cut the cord_" 95 _a chisel-scraper_ 98 _a barbed point_ 99 _a harpoon_ 100 _chipper using a spear-noose_ 102 _a cave-man's carving of a "hamstrung" animal_ 114 _a wedge or tent pin_ 119 _the head of a javelin_ 120 _a small antler_ 121 _a knife with two blades, a saw, and a file, all in one_ 122 _a cave-man's dagger_ 123 _a cave-man's mortar stone_ 125 _a drum_ 126 _the engraving of a cave-bear_ 131 _a stone borer_ 134 _a necklace of fossil shells_ 139 _a throwing-stick_ 145 _an irish deer_ 146 _a fragment of a cave-man's baton, engraved_ 147 _a cave-man's nose ornament_ 149 _a cave-man's baton, engraved_ 149 _an eskimo drawing of reindeer caught in snares_ 151 "_a piece of sandstone for flattening seams_" 152 _a reindeer snare_ 152 _three views of a cave-man's spearhead_ 154 "_it was during this time that the bison clan learned to use the throwing-stick_" 155 _harpoons with several barbs_ 156 _a bone awl_ 157 _a bone pin_ 157 _a large bone needle_ 157 _a bone from which the cave-men have sawed out slender rods for needles_ 158 _a piece of sandstone used by the cave-men in making needles_ 158 _a flint comb used in rounding and polishing needles_ 158 _a flint saw used in making needles of bone_ 158 _a short needle of bone_ 159 _a flint comb used in shredding fibers_ 159 _a long fine needle of bone_ 159 _two views of a curved bone tool_ 160 _a cave-man's engraving of two herds of wild horses_ 162 _a cave-man's carving of horses' heads_ 163 _a cave-man's engraving of a reindeer_ 163 _harpoons of reindeer antler_ 166 _a flint harpoon with one barb_ 167 _a spoon-shaped stone_ 167 _a baby's hood_ 169 "_in summer he played in the basket cradle_" 169 _first step in coiled basketry_ 170 _second step in coiled basketry_ 170 _three rows of coiled work_ 170 _a water basket_ 172 _a cave-man's engraving of a tent showing the interior structure_ 175 _a cave-man's engraving of a tent showing the exterior_ 175 _a cave-man's engraving of a tent with covering pulled one side so as to show the ends of the poles which support the roof_ 175 _framework showing the best kind of a tent made by the cave-men_ 176 _a tent pin_ 176 _handle of a cave-man's hunting-knife with engraving_ 182 _a hunter's tally_ 183 _fragment of cave-man's baton_ 183 _engraving of a seal upon a bear's tooth_ 184 _a cave-man's hairpin, engraved_ 184 [illustration: "_pigeon boiled meat and gave it to the men, and they all sounded her praises._"--_page 166._] * * * * * the later cave-men the age of the chase i _the reindeer start for their summer home_ every winter the reindeer came to the wooded hills where the cave-men lived. no matter how deep the snow, they always found food. sometimes they stretched their slender necks and ate moss from the trees. again they scraped up the snow with their forefeet and found dry grass. the reindeer liked cold weather. they liked the north wind that brought the snow. as soon as the snow began to melt, they started toward the mountains. in the high valleys among the mountains, there was snow all the year round. one morning the cave-men awoke and found the south wind blowing. all the people were glad; for they knew it would drive the winter away. the reindeer sniffed the warm wind and knew it was time to go. each leader signaled to his herd. and soon the wooded hills were dotted with small herds moving toward the ford. straightshaft saw what the reindeer were doing and he signaled the news to the men. then the cave-men gathered around scarface, who was to lead them in the hunt. the children had listened to all that was said about the great herd. they could scarcely wait to see it. fleetfoot pulled his grandmother's hand and started up the cliff. chew-chew wanted to see the herds meet at the reindeer ford. all the women wanted to see the great herd before it went away. so they all climbed the cliff where they could get a good view. when the children saw a herd near the river, they clapped their hands and shouted. then chew-chew pointed out many herds and they all danced for joy. the scattered herds were coming slowly down the little valleys. each followed a handsome leader headed toward the ford. [illustration: _a reindeer._] "look!" said chew-chew as the leader of a herd plunged into the river. the herd plunged too, for reindeer know it is best to follow their leader. the reindeer swam through the deep water and waded out to the opposite bank. then the frightened creatures hurried on toward the well-known ford. [illustration: "_the reindeer swam through the deep water and waded out to the opposite bank._"] "why did the reindeer jump into the river?" asked fleetfoot of chew-chew. before she could answer eagle-eye pointed to a big cave-bear. the cave-bear was going into a thicket when fleetfoot heard his mother say, "cave-bears and hyenas hide in the thickets. they lie in wait for the herds." scarface seemed to be lying in wait on some rocks by an evergreen tree. he had stopped on his way to the reindeer pass to see what had frightened the herd. while the men were going to the pass, the reindeer were gathering at the ford. several herds of two or three hundred each were already there. other herds were coming. the flat sandy banks on one side of the river were already covered with reindeer. soon the ford was filled, and the reindeer began to press up the narrow river valley. when at last all the herds from the wooded hills were gathered at the ford, the handsomest leader of all stepped forth to lead the way. after looking around to see if an enemy was near, he started up the well-trodden trail through the narrow river valley. slowly the great herd began to move. to those watching from the cliff, it looked like a moving forest. those in advance were soon out of sight, and were going toward the pass. meanwhile the men had reached the pass where the bravest ones hid at the farther end. there they waited to spear the reindeer, while others hid behind rocks near the entrance to drive the reindeer on. while the women and children watched from the cliff a signal came from the men. it was a call for the women to come and carry the reindeer to the cave. the younger women went, but chew-chew stayed and watched with the children. at length the cave-men returned. the men brought trophies and the women brought heavy loads of meat. they found chew-chew and the children still watching from the cliff. there they all watched for a long, long time; for not until the sun was low down in the sky had the last of the reindeer left the ford. #things to do# _model a large river valley with many little valleys in it. show where the small herds were. model the cliffs along the river and show the flat sandy banks on one side, and the narrow valley with steep sides on the other._ _find rocks and make the reindeer pass. make the trail from the ford through the narrow valley to the pass._ _play the story this lesson tells._ _draw one of these pictures_:- _the reindeer stretched their slender necks and ate moss from the trees._ _the reindeer sniffed the warm wind and knew it was time to go._ _fleetfoot pulled his grandmother's hand and started up the cliff._ _the cave-bears and hyenas hide in the thickets._ _hunting at the reindeer pass._ _show how eagle-eye loaded a reindeer upon her back. model eagle-eye in clay so as to show how she carried the reindeer._ ii things to think about if you have read the story of "the early cave-men," tell how the cave that was flooded was made. can you think of any other way in which a cave might be made? if you have ever seen a shallow hole in a cliff, see if you can find out how it was made. if such a hole was made in a very soft rock what would happen to it? what would happen to a hole made in a hard rock? see if you can find a piece of limestone. what do we use limestone for? if we wanted a house of limestone, what would we do to get it? when the cave-men wanted a limestone house, what did they do? _chew-chew_ chew-chew was the oldest woman in the cave at the fork of the river. she was not as strong as she once had been; but she was still able to lead the women in their work. her sons' wives carried the heaviest burdens, but chew-chew still carried heavy loads. chew-chew was the wisest woman in the cave. when the other women did not know what to do, they always asked chew-chew. the bravest men were always glad to get chew-chew's advice. the children thought nobody could tell such stories as chew-chew told. chew-chew and all of her children belonged to the horse clan. all the children in those days took the clan name of their mother. chew-chew's sons had captured wives from the reindeer clan. and so the children in chew-chew's cave belonged to the reindeer clan. it thus happened that in every cave there were people of different clans. but since chew-chew was the oldest woman in the cave, we shall call the people at the fork of the river by the name of the horse clan. [illustration: _chew-chew telling stories to fleetfoot._] chew-chew often told the children about her first home. she told them about the cave near the river of snow, which was much like the cave which sheltered them. she told them about the wide shelving rocks which were like the ones above their cave. and she told how frightened her people were the day a rock fell near the mouth of their cave. no one knew at the time what made the rock fall. no one knew there was no need of being afraid. some one said that the god of the cliff was angry and that he had pushed the rock down. everybody believed the story. so nobody dared go near the cave. but the cave-men needed a shelter. so they offered gifts to the god of the cliffs. when they thought he was satisfied, they all went back to the cave. and after a while they used the big rock as a table for their work. chew-chew wanted the children to grow to be brave and wise. so she told them stories of the bravest and wisest people of her clan. she told them stories about their grandfathers who were the heroes of the olden times. and fleetfoot never grew tired of hearing about the wonderful things which his grandfathers did. and so chew-chew taught the children all she thought they ought to know. and they looked into her eyes and listened to all that she said. #things to do# _if there are cliffs or shelving rocks near by, go and see them. find places where you think caves may form. find out why it is that the rocks shelve. why does a shelving rock sometimes break and fall to the ground?_ _model the cliffs which you find. model a cave which is formed in a cliff._ _tell a story which you think chew-chew might have told to the children._ _play one of these plays:_- _chew-chew telling stories to the children._ _what the people did when the rock fell near the mouth of the cave._ _draw a picture of something which you have played._ iii things to think about why did chew-chew tell the children stories about their forefathers? why do we like to hear such stories? do you think that the later cave-men will hunt in just the same way that the early cave-men did? what change took place in the animals while the cave-men were learning to be good hunters? what change did the cave-men have to make in their hunting on account of this? of all the animals you know, which are the fastest runners? can you think how they became fast runners? _fleetfoot's lessons_ when the men were at home, fleetfoot liked to stay with them. he liked to watch them make spears; he liked to watch them run races; he liked to listen to the stories they told about the wild animals. when the men went out to hunt, fleetfoot wanted to go with them. but he was a little boy, and had to stay at home. sometimes he went with his mother when she went to dig roots; sometimes he went with her to gather twigs for baskets. but the safest place for little children was not far from the fire. so fleetfoot stayed at home nearly all the time. while the children played near the cave, chew-chew broke fagots with a stone ax. when she was ready to sit down, they all gathered around her. they knew that that was one of the times when chew-chew told them stories. [illustration: _a stone ax._] this time chew-chew began with a story of the early cave-men. she told of animals that stood their ground and fought instead of running away. she told about the strong spears and axes made to conquer the wild beasts. she told of brave and daring deeds of the heroes of olden times. none of the animals feared man before he had fire. and for a long time afterward none of them feared him without a torch. but the early cave-men made strong weapons after they had fire. they struck hard blows with their stone axes, which the animals learned to fear. grass-eating animals feared beasts of prey long before the tree-dwellers lived. wild horses learned to run fast by trying to escape from packs of wolves. they learned to keep sentinels to watch while the herd fed. all the grass-eating animals learned to do this. the sentinels signaled at a sign of danger, and then the herd ran; and so their enemies learned to hunt by following the chase. when chew-chew was tired of telling stories, she marked out a path for a race. then she showed the children how to get a fair start, by standing abreast and holding a stick. the children learned to keep in step until they reached the real starting place. then they dropped the stick and ran. and they all clapped their hands and cheered the one who won the race. [illustration: "_then scarface threw, and all the horses took fright._"] after the children had raced a long time, they came back to chew-chew for another story. and this time she told them stories about the men of their own clan. they often chased the animals from early morn until noon. at first they got very tired when they went on a long chase. but the more they practiced running, the better they hunted in the real chase. when the story was ended, the children climbed the cliff. chew-chew went with them and they all looked at the wild horses going up the trail. the horses had been to the river to drink and now they were going away. they were following their leader up the trail which led to the grassy plains. chew-chew knew where the men were lying in wait and she pointed out the spot. the children looked just in time to see straightshaft throw his spear. then scarface threw, and all the horses took fright. up hill and down, through bushes and briars, the horses galloped away. the cave-men followed the wounded ones, hurling their spears as they ran. the chase was long and weary, and some of the wounded horses escaped. but the men returned with many trophies and the women brought heavy loads of meat. the trophies the cave-men prized the most were the heads of the wild horses. they kept these trophies near the cave, and they thought that they were charms. the cave-men thought that the horses' heads would bring more horses to the hunting grounds. #things to do# _tell a story about the age of combat. tell a story about the age of the chase. draw a picture to illustrate each story._ _show on your sand-map where the men were lying in wait for the horses. model the trail which the horses followed._ _what chasing game do you know how to play? can you think how some of these games first started?_ _why do people not try to run as fast in a long race as in a short one?_ _model in clay something which you might name "the age of combat."_ iv things to think about how do you feel after you have had a long, hard chase? what does your mother tell you to do when you come in dripping with sweat? how do you think the cave-men learned to take care of themselves? when they were lame and stiff, do you think they would know what made them so? think of as many things as you can that they might do to make themselves feel better. _after the chase_ when the long, hard chase was over, the cave-men were tired and dripping with sweat. all but scarface threw themselves upon the cold ground to rest. it was scarface who blew the whistle which called the women to the spot. it was he who guarded the carcasses until the women came. and while the women skinned the horses he sat on a log to rest. it was sunset when they reached the cave. all joined in a feast upon horse flesh, then they slept until break of day. it was then that the men groaned with pain. their muscles ached, and they were so lame that they could scarcely move. scarface alone of all the men was not suffering with pain. perhaps you can tell what made the men lame. none of the cave-men knew. everybody thought that an angry god was trying to punish them. and so the men tried to drive the god away by raising fearful shouts. then they asked chew-chew's advice, and chew-chew took her basket and started up the dry ravine. there she found bitter roots which she gathered and carried home. no one knew at that time how to steep roots, for people had not learned how to boil. so chew-chew chopped the roots with a stone chopper and laid them upon hot stones. and while the men breathed the bitter fumes, chew-chew threatened the angry god and commanded him to go away. in a few days the men were well and it was almost time to go hunting again. straightshaft feared the angry god. he talked with the men and they wondered why it was that scarface escaped. they looked at his deep scar which a tiger's claw had made. and then they looked at the trophies of scarface which he wore about his neck. every cave-man admired the deep scar of the bravest man in the clan. every man wished that he, too, could show such a scar as that. and the men began to wonder if the scar was a kind of a charm. [illustration: "_chew-chew took her basket and started up the dry ravine._"] the more the men talked about the scar, the more they wanted scars. they talked with chew-chew about it, and at last decided to let her make scars. so chew-chew muttered prayers to the gods, and asked them not to hurt the cave-men. then she took a flint point and scratched the men's arms until she made big scars. years afterward, when people made scars, they stained them with all sorts of things. sometimes they stained the scars with juices of plants, and sometimes they colored them with paints. the cave-men thought they could protect themselves by scars, and by all sorts of charms. so they kept on making scars, and they hunted for all sorts of charms. but no matter how many charms they wore, they often were lame and stiff. some one must have noticed that they were more apt to be lame after sitting on the cold ground while they were warm. for after a while the custom grew of never sitting on the bare ground while they were warm. #things to do# _draw or paint a pattern which you think the cave-men might have tattooed upon their arms. where do we put the pictures which we make?_ _find and name as many roots and herbs as you can that are used as medicines._ _what animals have you seen eating herbs?_ _what mistakes did the cave-men make when they tried to cure themselves?_ [illustration: "_she took a flint point and scratched the men's arms until she made big scars._"] v things to think about what way can you use a spear besides thrusting it with one or both hands? what changes do you think the cave-men made in their spearheads when they began to throw spears? what changes do you think they made in the shafts? how do you think the cave-men made straight shafts for their spears? what do we do with wood when we wish to bend it? _why the cave-men made changes in their weapons_ [illustration: _a stone knife._] while the cave-men were resting from the hunt, they did a great many things. they practiced running; they hunted for stuff to make new weapons; they worked upon their weapons and trophies; they learned new hunting dances. no matter what they did, they always asked their gods to help. [illustration: _a laurel leaf._] [illustration: _laurel leaf-shaped spear point._] all the later cave-men learned to make light spears and javelins. the clumsy spear which served strongarm so well was not what scarface needed. but in the days of the early cave-men the heavy spear was a good weapon. strongarm cared as much for his spear as you do for your dog. it was like a friend in time of need. few animals could withstand strongarm's blow when he grasped his spear in one or both hands and lunged forward with all his might. his spear was a powerful weapon. but strongarm lived in the age of combat when people fought animals at close range. the later cave-men did not make light spears and javelins all at once. they began by throwing heavy spears. chew-chew could tell of many a hunter who lost his life throwing a spear. sometimes it was because the spear was too heavy to throw with enough force. sometimes it was because the shaft was crooked and the spear did not go to the right spot. when the cave-men practiced throwing, they did not stand still and throw. they took aim and threw as they ran. that was the kind of practice they needed for the real chase. the mark, too, was a moving mark. it was made of a bundle of branches, or an old skin stuffed with leaves. while one man dragged it by a long cord, the others ran after it, throwing their spears. a cave-man could wound an animal with a spear, but he could not give a deadly blow. there was always danger of the wounded animal turning upon the hunter. a skilled hunter with a good spear ran little risk in throwing it. but not all the cave-men had enough skill. not all of the cave-men made good enough weapons to be thrown with a sure aim. and so the cave-men learned new ways of making and using spears. perhaps they did not want to do it. but they had to do it or die. so you see why the men and boys spent most of their time in learning to follow the chase. even the women and girls learned to hunt and to make all sorts of weapons. long before scarface lived the cave-men began to make lighter spears. the straighter they made the shaft, the easier it was to hit the mark. and so the cave-men began to vie with one another in making the straightest and smoothest shafts. [illustration: _a stone scraper._] when they cut the sticks for the shafts the cave-men made gifts to the wood-gods, and asked for the straightest and toughest branches that grew on the trees. then they cut the branches carefully and carried them home to the cave. there they peeled them from butt to tip and smoothed them with stone scrapers. sometimes they rubbed them with fat and laid them away to dry. it was hard work to make a crooked stick straight. but the cave-men tried many ways and at last they learned to make as beautiful shafts as ever have been made. when the cave-men pulled the shaft back and forth on the sandstone, they made deep grooves in it. we have found pieces of grooved sandstone that the later cave-men used. sometimes they would clamp a crooked stick between a grooved piece of sandstone and a flat bone. then they would pull and twist, and pull and twist, and pull and twist that stick back and forth until the crooked place was made straight. [illustration: _a shaft-straightener._] when scarface was very old he made a shaft-straightener of a piece of reindeer horn. he carved the head of the reindeer upon it, and made a hole for the shaft. then he thrust the crooked stick through the hole and turned the shaft-straightener round and round as we turn a wrench, until he straightened the shaft. #things to do# _see if you can find a good branch for a shaft. if you have a right to cut the branch, see if you can make it into a shaft._ _find a stone which you can use for a scraper. what else can you use as a scraper?_ _if you do not care to make a shaft, make something else out of the stick which you straighten._ _name the things which you have at home or at school made of wood._ _make a collection of the different kinds of wood which you know._ _which of these are soft wood? what do we use soft wood for? which are hard? what do we use hard wood for?_ vi. things to think about can you think why the cave-men used stone for their spear points and knives before they used bone or horn? what tools did the cave-men need in making flint spear points? why did the cave-men have to learn to strike gentle blows in making their weapons? can you think of any way of removing little pieces of flint besides striking them off? _how the cave-men made delicate spear points_ perhaps you have seen very beautiful indian arrows. perhaps you have wished you could make such arrows yourself. the later cave-men first made such weapons and no people since have ever been able to make more beautiful ones. the early cave-men did not need such beautiful spear points. rough points of flint and heavy stone axes were the weapons they needed most. it was not until the age of the chase that people shaped stone into beautiful forms. [illustration] scarface always used flakes of flint for the points of spears and javelins. but in earlier times, people did not know how to strike off flakes of flint. they put the flint on a hard rock and struck it with a heavy blow. they smashed the flint, for the hard rock did not yield. they had not learned to let the flint break in its own way. when the cave-men held the flint in the hand, the hand yielded to the light blow. the flint broke in its own way. but the sharp edges cut the men's hands. so they covered the palms of their hands with rawhide and kept from getting hurt. when they worked in this way, they had no trouble in striking off flakes for spear points and knives. when the men worked on their flint points, fleetfoot liked to play near the workshop. he liked to watch straightshaft strike off flakes with a hammer-stone and punch. he liked to listen to the song that scarface and straightshaft sang. [illustration: "_when the cave-men held the flint in the hand, the hand yielded to the light blow._"] scarface and straightshaft always sang when they worked with the hammer-stone and punch. while scarface placed the punch he sang in low tones. and when he was ready for straightshaft to strike, he sang so as to let him know. then straightshaft took up the song and marked the time for each blow. [illustration: "_while scarface placed the punch he sang in low tones._"] the men always sang when they worked together. if one man stopped when it was his turn to sing, the other did not know what to do. besides marking the time, the song helped the men to measure the force of each blow. it helped them to strike off tiny flakes so as not to break the point. so, at length, the cave-men began to think that the song they sang was a charm. while the men struck off large flint flakes, fleetfoot played not far away. he played while they hafted long narrow flakes for knives, but when they began to chip spearheads, he came and watched them at their work. he listened to the song of scarface and straightshaft, while they shaped a fine spearhead. at length the spearhead was ready for the finishing touches. so straightshaft dropped his hammer-stone and picked up a queer little tool. he called it a flaker, and he used it to press off tiny flakes from the beautiful point. [illustration: _straightshaft using a flaker._] when straightshaft had finished, he dropped the flaker and fleetfoot picked it up. and he asked straightshaft if he might use it to press off little flakes. straightshaft let him try, but fleetfoot was not strong enough to press off hard flint flakes. so he listened to the story that scarface told of the young man who first made a flaker. holding up a little bone flaker, scarface turned to the men and said: "when i was a boy, no one pressed off flakes of flint. no one had a flaker. we hammered off flint flakes. "one summer when there were plenty of salmon, the neighboring clans had a great feast. nimble-finger came. i saw him. i heard him speak. the third day of the feast i saw him flake flint." [illustration: _a flaker._] as scarface went on he told how nimble-finger invented the flaker. he did it one day when he was making a bone handle for a knife. when he was scraping a bone with a flint scraper he happened to press off a flint flake. nimble-finger did not know how it happened. he tried again and again. at last he pressed off another flake; and this time he knew that he did it by pressing the point of the bone against one edge of the flint. nimble-finger never finished that bone-handled hunting knife. but he showed the people how to make a flaker. he became an inventor; for he gave the world a tool it had never had before. when the people returned from the feast many forgot about the flaker. others longed for delicate spear points like those nimble-finger made. so, at length, they tried to make flakers of their own. some tried to make them of wood; but the wood was too soft to break the stone. others tried to make them of ivory; but ivory was too hard to get a hold. at length all the cave-men made flakers of antler and bone, for they were hard enough to break the stone and soft enough to get a hold. when scarface finished, fleetfoot began to talk about nimble-finger. he asked scarface, "where does nimble-finger live? does he always come to the great feasts?" to the child's questions scarface replied, "while nimble-finger was still a young man he went far away. for many years he lived far north in a cave beside the river of stones. but years have come and gone since then. if he still lives, he is an old man; but of that i know not." #things to do# _if you can find a piece of flint strike off a flake with a hammer-stone. strike off a flake with an angular stone. strike off a flake by using a hammer and punch._ _sort out the flakes that are good for knives. put handles on them. sort out the flakes that are good for making into spearheads. see if you can strike off tiny flakes until the large flake looks like a spearhead._ _find something which you can use as a flaker. when you have made one, see if you can use it._ _make a collection of stones which you can chip or flake. tell all you know about each of those stones._ _think of scarface as he was telling the story. draw the picture._ vii things to think about what do our horses and cattle eat? where do we get their food? what do wild cattle and horses eat? see if you can find out whether wild cattle or horses have ever lived in a place where the ground is covered with snow part of the year. did you ever see cattle pawing the ground? did you ever see horses pawing the ground? did you ever see them paw the snow? see if you can find out something about the great herds of bison that used to live in this country. what has become of them? can you think why bison live in herds? what officers does a herd of bison have? can you think how the officers of a herd of bison are chosen? _the return of the bison_ ever since the reindeer went away the cave-men had been looking for the return of the bison. each summer the herds came up the valley to feed on green grass and tender shoots. each winter they went to the forests of the lowlands where they found shelter from the cold. the snow was now gone from the wooded hills and the days were warm again. the dingy brown coats of the hillsides were changing to the palest green. the buds were beginning to swell. everything seemed to say that summer was coming. each day the cave-men watched for signs of the coming of the great herd. each night they danced the bison dance and tried to make the bison come. one morning straightshaft climbed the cliff and looked far up and down the valley. looking north he could see the river of stones with high cliffs on one or both banks. he could see dense forests of evergreen that grew on the low banks. he could see hills and valleys beyond the cliffs where many wild animals lived. looking south, near at hand, was the fork of the river where little river joined the river of stones. here the cliffs were not very high; farther down, they became lower, and at last there were no cliffs. the edge of the lowland forest where the bison wintered could be seen far away. grassy lowlands near the forests stretched farther than the eye could see. it was here that the bison and cattle found the best winter pastures. it was in the lowland forests that they found shelter from the cold. [illustration: "_straightshaft saw the herd at sunrise and made a sign to the men._"] straightshaft looked toward the lowlands, hoping to see a bison. mammoths were feeding not far away, and beyond were woolly rhinoceroses. but there was not one bison. [illustration: _an ibex._] as straightshaft watched the second day, chamois and ibexes played on the hills. herds of horses came from the grassy uplands and returned after drinking at the ford. but no sign of a bison yet appeared. the third day straightshaft saw a black spot in the distance. it was far down on the river trail. as he watched, it became larger and larger. and then straightshaft knew that it was a bison coming in advance of the great herd. the morning of the fourth day the great herd came. a powerful bison led the way. strong sentinels guarded either side. the herd followed blindly, galloping eight or ten abreast. straightshaft saw the herd at sunrise and made a sign to the men. those who saw it passed it along, and soon all the people had seen the sign. then everybody climbed up a hill or a high cliff and watched the coming of the bison. nearer and nearer the great herd came, like a sea of tossing manes and horns. the earth trembled beneath their tread and the air was filled with their bellowing. when the bison reached the ford, the foremost creatures stopped to drink. but the solid mass, pressing on from the rear, crowded them up the river. soon the ford was packed with struggling beasts. some tried to escape by swimming up the river. others swam down the stream. and still the solid mass from the rear kept crowding on and on. at length the herd divided. one part followed the river trail, while the other went up the narrow valley. whenever a herd reached a branching valley, a big bison led off a small herd. this happened many a time. and at the close of the day there was not a little valley in the surrounding country that did not have a herd of two or three hundred bison. #things to do# _play you are a herd of bison, and show how the herd marched. show how it divided. show how you think it would come together again._ _show in your sand-box where straightshaft stood while he watched. show the trails the bison followed._ _think of the herd as it galloped up the river trail. draw the picture._ _make such a sign as you think straightshaft made._ _plan a bison dance._ viii things to think about if you were to hunt bison, what would you want to know about them? in what ways can bison notice signs of danger? in what ways can they help one another? watch animals, and see if they give signs to one another. what weapons do you think the cave-men would take when they went to hunt the bison? how could the cave-men help one another in hunting? how might one man hinder the others? [illustration: "_at the close of the day there was not a little valley in the surrounding country that did not have a herd of two or three hundred bison._"] _the first bison hunt of the season_ and now the great herd of bison had come, and the cave-men were eager to hunt them. while they were getting ready to start they kept up this merry song:- _the bison have come;_ _the bison have come;_ _now for the chase!_ _now for the chase!_ _bring axes and spears;_ _bring axes and spears;_ _now for the chase!_ _now for the chase!_ when scarface climbed the cliff he saw three herds of bison. the first was feeding in an open space; the second was on a hillside, and the third was in a narrow valley close by a deep and hidden ravine. this was a place where the cave-men liked to hunt. so they agreed to follow scarface through the hidden ravine. scarface led the way, and all the men followed. not a leaf rustled beneath their tread. not a twig broke as they crept up the side of the deep ravine and looked out at the herd. everybody wanted to get the yearlings or young cows, for their flesh was tender and sweet. but the cows and young bison were in the center of the herd. they were guarded by the sentinels, whose flesh was hard and tough. and so the cave-men wondered how to get a young bison. they wondered if the vigilant leader was more than a match for them. they watched his signals, and saw fresh sentinels take the places of the hungry ones. they noticed how quickly the bison obeyed every signal the leader gave. [illustration: "_with a quick snort he turned and charged._"] at last the cave-men decided to attack the leader first. they waited till he was not more than a stone's throw away. then scarface gave the signal and the men made a bold attack. straightshaft hurled his spear with all his might, then turned to give place to the others. the leader was taken by surprise. the men had crept up so quietly that not till the spear whizzed through the air did he suspect danger. with a quick snort he turned and charged. straightshaft ran, but the others met the charge. they hurled their spears and dealt heavy blows with their stone axes. before the leader could give the alarm he lay stretched out on the ground. the sentinels looked for a signal. meanwhile the cows and yearlings tried to make their escape. then each of several sentinels tried to lead. but the frightened herd did not know which one to follow. some of the bison rushed one way and some rushed another. then there was a general stampede. they gored one another with their sharp horns. they trampled one another under their feet. they were too frightened to know what they were doing. it was then that the cave-men singled out the young bison. when they had secured them for their prize, they started toward the cave, singing- _to-day we went hunting._ _we crept up the ravine;_ _we surprised the leader of the bison._ _he made a charge upon us--_ _we have his horns for a headdress._ _we killed many a young bison;_ _we have plenty of tender meat._ perhaps one of the sentinels became leader of the herd that very day. perhaps several battles were fought to see which sentinel was the strongest. for bison never follow a leader that is not stronger and wiser than themselves. #things to do# _show in your sand-box where each of the three herds was feeding._ _make a plan for hunting the herd that was feeding in an open space._ _draw one of these pictures:_- _the cave-men creeping up the banks of the steep ravine._ _the charge of the leader._ _the stampede._ _deciding which bison shall be leader of the herd._ _make a song to sing in getting ready to hunt the way you have planned. make a song to sing on your return._ _model a large, strong bison._ ix things to think about watch water when it is boiling, and see if you can tell what happens. why would it be harder for people to learn to boil than to roast? what kind of dishes did the cave-men have? what would happen to them if they were put over the fire? what does your mother do, when she wants to find out whether the flatiron is hot enough to iron? when the cave-men first learned to boil water, do you think they would think of boiling food? what might make them think of boiling food? _what happened when the children played with hot stones_ again the cave-men went out to hunt. again the women went out to gather roots and berries. only chew-chew and the children were left near the cave. chew-chew was curing the skins which the women had brought home. some of them were stretched out on the ground. others were stretched on frames. many of these were ready to be rolled up and put away. while the skins were drying, chew-chew had time for other work. she wanted to finish her basket, and so the splints must be put to soak. at a sign from chew-chew, fleetfoot went to the river for a bag of water. while he was gone, chew-chew began to make a place to put it. she dug a shallow hole in the ground and lined it with a skin. when fleetfoot came back they patted down the skin. then they poured the water into the skin-lined hole, and put the splints to soak. while chew-chew worked at her basket, fleetfoot played near at hand. often he came to his grandmother's side and talked about many things. at length chew-chew, holding up a skin, turned to fleetfoot and said, "do you know what animal wore this skin?" [illustration: _a bear's tooth awl._] "one of the reindeer we saw at the ford," quickly responded fleetfoot. "where have all the reindeer gone?" was chew-chew's next question. "to the cave of the big bear of the mountains," came the prompt answer. while chew-chew and fleetfoot talked the children played near the cave. pigeon was playing with stones which she had gathered and tossed into the fire. in trying to get them out again she burned her fingers, and began to cry. when chew-chew saw what had happened, she told fleetfoot to play with pigeon. and fleetfoot played with pigeon, and he showed her how to lift hot stones without getting burned. the children played and carried hot stones with tongs made of sticks. they ran back and forth between rows of skins until pigeon dropped a hot stone into the hole. no sooner had pigeon dropped the stone than she screamed, "a snake! a snake!" and she ran to her grandmother and sobbed, while she hid her face in her chubby arm. chew-chew thought that a snake was crawling about. fleetfoot helped her look under all the skins. they looked for some time, but they found no trace of a snake. then chew-chew asked pigeon to tell her all about it. and pigeon said, "a big snake hissed and made me drop the stone." just then fleetfoot dropped a hot stone and something went "s-s-s-s-s-s." pigeon screamed again, but a hearty laugh from chew-chew showed there was nothing to fear. chew-chew knew that the hissing sound was not the hiss of a snake. it was the sizzling of the water when it touched the hot stone. and so chew-chew tried to teach the children how to know the hissing sound. she picked up hot stones and dropped them into the water. each time a stone was dropped, the hissing sound was heard; and the children learned to know the sound, and they were no longer afraid. as chew-chew kept on dropping the hot stones, she did not notice all that happened. she thought only of teaching the children, so that they would not be afraid. but at last such a strange thing happened, that even chew-chew was afraid. the water no longer was still. it kept moving like the angry water in the rapids of the river. a thin mist began to rise, and a strange voice came from the water, saying:- "_bubble, bubble, bubble; bubble, bubble, bubble._" at the sound chew-chew was filled with fear. she was afraid the gods were angry. she looked about for an offering, and found a piece of bison meat. she dropped the meat into the water, hoping to appease the angry god. [illustration: "_chew-chew tried to teach the children how to know the hissing sound._"] the bubbling ceased, but chew-chew was still afraid. so she called the children together, and took them into the cave. when the men and women came home that night, chew-chew told them what had happened. they went to the spot and saw the meat, which they thought the god had left. then they listened in silence as chew-chew told them the story again and again. #things to do# _choose some one for each of the parts and dramatize the story._ _draw pictures which will show what happened._ _see if you can boil water by dropping hot stones into it._ _show in your sand-box how the skins were stretched out, and how the skin-lined hole was made._ x things to think about what do you think chew-chew might learn by dropping the meat into the hot water? what kind of boiling-pots did people first use? why didn't they hang their boiling-pots over the fire? _why the children began to eat boiled meat_ the more chew-chew thought about the bubbling sound, the more she wanted to hear it again. she wondered what the god wanted to say, and if he was asking for food. she wondered if she could make friends with him by giving him something to eat. chew-chew talked with eagle-eye and at length they tried to make friends with the god. they prepared a place for the water by making a skin-lined hole. eagle-eye poured the water into the hole, while chew-chew dropped in a piece of meat. then they looked and listened for a sign, but no sign was made. they tried it again and again, but still there was no sign. at length chew-chew thought of the hot stones she had dropped when she heard the voice. so she and eagle-eye heated stones and dropped them into the water. as they did it they muttered prayers to the gods and asked them to protect the cave-men. before the women had dropped many stones, the children crowded around. nobody was frightened this time when the hissing sound was heard. but their eyes opened wide when the water began to bubble. chew-chew dropped the meat into the water as an offering to the god. everybody watched as she dropped the meat. everybody breathed more freely when the bubbling ceased. and chew-chew said, "the god is pleased with the offering of meat." many times after that chew-chew dropped hot stones into the water, and offered meat to the god. but when she did it she never thought that she was cooking meat. she thought she was helping the cave-men by winning the favor of the god. sometimes when the children were hungry, chew-chew let them tear off strips of partly boiled meat. sometimes she let them drink the broth from bone dippers and horns. the children liked to eat the boiled meat and to drink the rich broth. but they always thought the meat and broth were what the god had left. #things to do# _make tongs out of sticks and see if you can lift small objects with them._ _watch water when it boils, and tell where the steam comes from._ _where does it go? hold a cold plate over the steam and see what happens. where do the drops of water on the plate come from?_ _when water stands in the open air, what becomes of part of it?_ _why do we hang clothes out on the clothes-line to dry?_ _what becomes of the water that was in the clothes?_ _tell what you think happens just as clouds form. see if you can do something that will show what happens at the time._ _what happens to the clouds just as it begins to rain?_ xi things to think about why would the grass-eating animals go from place to place during the summer? what do you think the cave-men would do when the herds went away? at what season of the year are nuts fit to gather? is there any place near by where you have a right to go nutting? what animals eat nuts? what animals store nuts? do you think the cave-men would gather many nuts? _the nutting season_ summer passed as summers had passed before. when the bison went to the higher lands, the cave-men followed them. when they started toward their winter pastures, the cave-men came home. [illustration: "_all the women and children went nutting._"] it was the nutting season when they returned. all the beech, walnut, and butternut trees were heavily laden that year. the ground underneath their branches was nearly covered with nuts. slender hazel bushes bent under their heavy loads. wild hogs and bears had begun to harvest the nuts before the cave-men returned. each day they went to the trees and ate the nuts that had fallen. when eagle-eye saw what they were doing, she said, "bring your bags and baskets and come. if we do not look out the hogs will get the best of the nuts this year." then all the women and children went nutting. they gathered the nuts that lay upon the ground and put them in their baskets. some climbed trees and shook the branches until they got a shower of nuts; others took their digging sticks and beat the heavily laden branches. the children had a feast that day. they sat down under the trees and cracked all the nuts they could eat. they gathered handfuls and helped their mothers fill baskets and skin bags. they climbed the trees and they laughed and played all day long. when the women first came to the trees, they heard the wild hogs in the distance. once a big hog came up and tried to eat the nuts out of a basket. but eagle-eye chased him with a big stick and drove him away from the spot. when eagle-eye was coming back from the chase, she saw other trees heavily laden. she called to the women, and they came to the spot and forgot all about the nuts they had gathered. [illustration: _the wild hogs were having a feast._] it was chew-chew who first thought of the pile of nuts they had left on the ground. it was she who ran to the trees and found the wild hogs having a feast. chew-chew struck one of the hogs with her digging stick. he was munching the nuts she had gathered. he turned away and she struck another; then the first hog came back. chew-chew soon found that unless she had help the hogs would eat all the nuts, for as fast as she drove one hog away another one came back. chew-chew screamed for help and the women came with their digging-sticks. the women drove the hogs away, but they returned again and again. and so the women learned to keep a close watch while they were gathering nuts. but in spite of all their trouble, they had a good time that day. it was not until they were starting home that they found that a serious thing had happened. they did not know all about it then, and some of them never knew. it was all about fleetfoot. when eagle-eye looked for him, he was nowhere to be seen. at first she thought he was with chew-chew, but chew-chew had not seen him since morn. fleetfoot had played near his mother nearly all day. he had cracked nuts; he had climbed trees; he had mimicked the squirrels; he had scattered burrs in the rabbits' paths, and he had done all sorts of things. but now fleetfoot was lost, and everybody began to hunt for him. eagle-eye found the stones he had left only a short time before. she found his tracks and followed them until they crossed the boundary of the hunting ground. there she lost all trace of him. she called, but the "caw-caw" of a crow was the only answer. the men heard her call, and came to join in the search. but in spite of all they could do, they did not find the child. and so the cave-men thought they would never see fleetfoot again. they thought he had lost his way in the forest and had been killed by a cave-bear. for a few days they mourned for the child, then they spoke no more of him. #things to do# _tell a story of what happened one time when you went nutting._ _name all the nuts you can that grow on trees. name those that grow on bushes. where do peanuts grow?_ _dramatize this story._ _draw a picture of the part you like the best._ xii things to think about why do people put up such signs as "keep off," "do not trespass"? why do people build fences around their land? do you think the cave-men could hunt wherever they chose? why did each clan have its own hunting ground? what kind of boundaries did the hunting grounds have? why was it not safe to go on the land of a stranger? why did mothers teach their children the boundary lines? what do you think some mothers mean when they tell their children that the "bogie-man" will get them? _why mothers taught their children the boundary lines_ each day brought so many hard things to do that most of the cave-men forgot fleetfoot. but his mother and grandmother did not forget him. they often thought of the boy they had lost. other mothers were afraid they might lose their children. so they tried to keep them from running away. most of all, they tried to keep them from running across the boundary line. when pigeon tried to run away, eagle-eye would say, "the cave-bear will get you." mothers tried all sorts of ways to keep their children from danger. each clan had its own hunting ground. the people who lived together shared it, but no one else was allowed to hunt on the land. it was not even safe to cross the land of a stranger. sometimes the cave-men had to do it. sometimes they had to call upon their neighbors for help. but since there were people who had lost their lives when trying to cross the land of strangers, the cave-men learned to use signs to show what they wanted. they carved pictures upon sticks, which told what we might tell in a letter. when a stranger carried a message-stick, it was safe for him to do his errand. people knew what he wanted and why he came, so they let him go on his way unharmed. but when a stranger had no message-stick, his life was not safe in a strange land. [illustration: "_mothers taught their children what the boundaries were._"] and so people learned to stay on their own lands and mothers taught their children what the boundaries were. they taught the children to name them over and over again. they taught them to know how the boundaries looked. for a long time pigeon had to tell her mother each day the boundaries of the hunting grounds. she would stand on the cliff and point north to the narrow valley, then south to little river. then she pointed to a high ridge of hills toward the east and west to the river of stones. while pigeon was so small that eagle-eye had to take her by the hand, her mother took her to the boundaries. eagle-eye had taught her so well that she knew them as soon as she saw them. perhaps you have heard the story told about mothers who taught their children the boundary lines. it is told that mothers used to be so anxious to have their children remember the boundaries that they whipped them at each one. then the story is told that in later times instead of beating the children, people let them beat the boundaries. some day you may be able to learn more about the strange customs of beating the boundary lines. #things to do# _mark out in your sand-box the boundary lines of the hunting ground of the horse clan. show a good place for another hunting ground._ _ask some one to read you the story, "the goblins will get you if you don't watch out." what do you think the story means?_ _climb a hill, or look out of a high window, and see if you can find land which at one time was a good hunting ground._ _see if you can make a message-stick._ xiii things to think about what do you think had happened to fleetfoot? if strangers found him, what do you think they would do with him? _what happened to fleetfoot_ perhaps you have been wondering what happened to fleetfoot. perhaps you would like to know how he happened to wander away from his clan. it happened in this way. he cracked all the nuts he could eat; he climbed trees; he threw sticks and stones; he watched the wild hogs eating nuts; he listened to the whistle which scarface blew to call the men to the hunt. he wished that he could blow the whistle and hunt with the men. then a rabbit hopped across his path and stopped and looked at him. how fleetfoot longed to catch the rabbit and to hold him in his hands! he stood perfectly still; he could hear himself breathe; he tried to breathe more quietly, for he did not want to frighten the rabbit. the rabbit started. how fleetfoot wished he would go down the path where he had scattered burrs! but the rabbit took another path and fleetfoot ran to catch him. he was almost sure he could lay his hands on the rabbit's stumpy white tail. the rabbit was too quick for him, yet fleetfoot did not give up. he started on a hard chase and forgot about everything else. up hill and down the rabbit ran and fleetfoot followed after. not until the rabbit was out of sight did fleetfoot give up the chase. then he stopped and rested a while and tried to get his breath. while fleetfoot was resting he looked at the squirrels which were chattering in the trees. he watched them hold nuts with their forepaws while they gnawed through the shells. he listened to their chattering and then he wandered on. fleetfoot did not know that he had crossed the narrow valley. he did not know that he had wandered into a strange land. he thought nothing about where he was until some time had passed. but after a while everything seemed still, and fleetfoot began to feel lonesome. and so he turned around to go back to the women and children. fleetfoot walked and walked, but he did not find them. he called, but no answer came. so he wandered on and on. soon fleetfoot knew he was in a spot he had never seen before. everything seemed strange. he looked this way and that; but he could not tell which way to go. and so the lost child wandered farther and farther away from home. he was choking down a sob when he caught sight of some women with packs upon their backs. fleetfoot thought he had found his people going home with their loads of nuts. he ran and called to his mother. a strange woman stopped and looked at the child. then she gave a signal to her clan. fleetfoot was within reach of the strange woman before he saw his mistake. he tried to run away. but he could not do it. a big man caught him and lifted him up and put him upon his shoulder. strange men, women, and children crowded around and stared into his face. [illustration: "_a big man caught him, and put him upon his shoulder._"] bighorn asked him where he lived; but fleetfoot was too frightened to speak. he remembered the stories chew-chew had told about strange clans. he wondered what the strangers would do. how he wished he were safe at home! but poor fleetfoot did not see his home again for many long years. he was in a strange land, and soon he was traveling with the strangers far away from his home. a woman, whose name was antler, took charge of fleetfoot. she took him by the hand until he was too tired to walk. then she carried him until they came to the place where they camped for the night. #things to do# _choose some one for each of the parts and see if you can act out this story. draw pictures to illustrate the story._ _name the wild animals you can find in your neighborhood. notice what they eat. do they help or harm the people near where they live?_ _model one of these animals in clay._ xiv things to think about what kind of a shelter do you think the people will have for the night? think of as many easy ways as you can of making a shelter out of trees. _how the strangers camped for the night_ the camping place was an old one. it had been used many times. the strange clan always used it on their way to and from the lowland plains. it was under a big oak tree, and near a spring of fresh water. when the strangers reached the camp, greybeard took charge of fleetfoot. the women quickly unloaded their packs, and began to build a tent. it did not take long to make the tent, for it was almost ready-made. it was an old oak, which reached out long and low-spreading branches. the branches had been bent to the ground many times, and now they nearly touched it. so all that the women had to do was to fasten the ends firmly. they did it by rolling a stone over the end of a branch, and sometimes they tied the end of a branch to a peg which they had driven in the ground. all the cave-men made such tents in the summer when they were away from the caves. when the branches were not thick enough for a shelter, the women broke saplings and leaned them against the tree. while chipper worked at a spearhead, the other men were moving about. bighorn feared that fleetfoot's clan might follow their tracks. long after fleetfoot fell asleep, the strangers talked quietly. they held their ears close to the ground and listened. they went and looked at fleetfoot, now fast asleep. then they all sat down by the fire. [illustration: "_the tent was an old oak, which reached out long and low-spreading branches._"] at length the men turned to greybeard. and greybeard spoke to them and said, "when i was young my clan lived in a cave near sweet briar river. every year, in the salmon season, the neighboring clans met at the rapids. the horse clan came from the fork of the river, where the sweet briar joins the river of stones. they may live there still. this boy may belong to them." "do you think they will follow us?" asked bighorn. greybeard looked up, but did not speak. he seemed to be trying to think. at length he turned to the men and said, "sleep until the moon sets; i'll watch and wake you." so the cave-men went to the tent and slept while greybeard kept watch. not a sound escaped his ear that night. not a leaf rustled that he did not hear. not a twig broke, as wild animals passed, but that he found out what it meant. as greybeard watched in the moonlight he heard many a familiar sound. now he heard the roar of a tiger, and again the "hoo-hoo" of an owl; now the howling of hyenas, and again an eagle's scream. among all these sounds greybeard heard nothing that seemed to come from the lost child's clan. but when the moon was set he roused the people, and under cover of the darkness they hurried toward home. they let fleetfoot sleep, for fear he might answer if he were called. and so the child slept while he was hurried away through the darkness. at daybreak, when he awoke, he found himself in a new home. #things to do# _see if there is a tree in your neighborhood that could be made into such a tent as the cave-men made._ _find a thick branch and make such a tent in your sand-box._ _draw one of these pictures:--_ _the council of the clan before going to sleep._ _greybeard watching in the moonlight._ _hurrying home under cover of the darkness._ _fleetfoot awakes and finds himself in his new home._ _act out part of this story and let some one guess what it is._ _write as many calls of the birds as you know. model one of the birds in clay. if you know its nest, model that._ xv things to think about how do you think fleetfoot felt the first few days he was with the strange clan? what do you think he will learn of them? what do you think he can teach them? _fleetfoot is adopted by the bison clan_ for a few days fleetfoot missed his mother and chew-chew more than he could tell. he missed little pigeon, too. he missed the people he had always seen. but he said very little about them. it was greybeard who told him that he was now living with the bison clan. not all of the people belonged to that clan, but there were more of that clan than of any other. and so they were known as the bison clan. at first fleetfoot was afraid of the men and large boys. most of all he was afraid of bighorn, for it was bighorn who captured him. but before one moon had passed, he was adopted by the bison clan. and soon after that, he began to feel at home. greybeard told him stories, and gave him little spears. antler was kind to him, and the children were always ready to play. [illustration: _a skin stretched on a frame._] fleetfoot liked to play with the children. he liked to play with flaker best of all. flaker was antler's child, and he was about the size of fleetfoot. [illustration: _a scraper._] as the days became cold, the women worked upon skins. there was not a smooth spot near the cave which was not covered with a skin. fleetfoot watched antler as she cut little slits in the edges. he helped stretch the skins out on the ground and drive little pegs through the slits. he watched her stretch a skin on a frame and put it near the fire. antler scraped a skin until the fat was off, and the inner skin was removed. then she roughened it by scraping it crosswise, so as to make it flexible. when fleetfoot saw antler roll the skins in a loose roll, he asked if she was going to chew them. antler smiled as she asked fleetfoot how his mother softened skins. fleetfoot showed how his mother did it. and he told antler about chew-chew. he told her that chew-chew got her name because she learned to chew the skins. while antler and fleetfoot were talking, all the women and children gathered around. they wanted to see what they were doing, and to hear what fleetfoot said. then antler said to the women and children, "these skins are ready to soften. come, join hands and show fleetfoot how we soften hard skins." [illustration: _a hammer of reindeer horn._] what a noisy time they had for a little while! each group wanted to finish first. some of them stamped the skins, and kept time by singing. others pounded the skins with their hands, and still others pounded with hammers of reindeer horn. they had such a merry time that fleetfoot could not keep still. he was soon stamping and singing as well as any one. when the skins were softened, antler told fleetfoot that once her people chewed the skins. but since they had found an easier way, they chewed only the edges they wished to sew. and so fleetfoot began to learn lessons of the bison clan. but once he was the teacher. it was when he showed flaker what happened the day pigeon played with hot stones. flaker told his mother, and antler told greybeard. and then greybeard asked fleetfoot to drop the hot stones in the water again. all the cave-men gathered around to see what fleetfoot did. when the steam began to rise from the water, they stepped back. but when they saw that the child was not afraid, they came forward cautiously. when the water began to bubble, they were all filled with fear. they looked upon fleetfoot in silence. they called him a wonderful child. #things to do# _tell a story about dressing skins. draw pictures which will show all that is done in dressing the skin._ _dramatize the part of the story that tells what fleetfoot taught the bison clan. draw a picture of it._ _make a song that people might sing in stamping upon the skins._ _make a song to sing while beating the skins._ xvi things to think about what kind of clothes do you wear in winter? what do you think the cave-men wore? can you think how they learned to fit skins to their bodies? what part of an animal's skin could they use for sleeves? what part could they use for leggings? how do you think they learned to make mittens and gloves? how many ways do you know of fastening garments? which of these do we use? which of these do you think the cave-men used? what did they use instead of a needle? what kind of thread did they have? [illustration: "_greybeard asked fleetfoot to drop the hot stones in the water again._"] _how the cave-men protected themselves from the cold_ one morning fleetfoot started out of the cave, but a cold wind drove him back. snow had fallen during the night, and the air had grown very cold. it was not fit for a bare-backed boy to go out on such a day. so fleetfoot stayed in the cave all day long. all the cave-men stayed in the cave nearly all the day. once chipper went out and found fresh tracks. he followed the tracks until he came within close range of a reindeer. but his bare arms shook with the cold, and he missed his aim. the next day was bitterly cold. the river was frozen almost into silence. only the ripples of the swiftest currents laughed aloud at the frost. the snow was deep on the hillsides. it was deeper in the valleys, and the narrow ravines were almost filled with snow. the third day was still very cold and everybody was hungry and cross. the children were crying for food, and since antler had nothing to give them, she was trying to get them to play. at length the children began to take turns at playing they were cave-bears. now it was fleetfoot's turn to be the bear, and when antler saw him she laughed. the cave-men looked up in surprise. everybody was so hungry and cross it seemed strange to hear any one laugh. but antler really was laughing. fleetfoot had found a cave-bear's skin on a ledge in the cave. he had wrapped it around him so that he looked like a little cave-bear. the children kept calling him "little bear," and he was trying to act like one. soon all the people were laughing. they forgot, for the time, how hungry they were. and the next day they had meat, for it was warm enough to go hunting. many times after that the children played cave-bear. many times the people laughed when they saw the children dressed in cave-bears' skins. once when antler looked at them, she got an idea about making clothes. when antler took a large skin and wrapped it around her, fleetfoot thought that she was going to play "bear." but antler was not playing. she was thinking of the cold days when the children had no food. she was thinking that if she could make a warm dress, perhaps she could go out in the bitter cold. antler talked with birdcatcher about it, and birdcatcher helped her fit the skin. birdcatcher fitted the skin of the head over antler's head so as to make a warm hood. then she run a cord through the slits along the edges and tied the ends under antler's chin. antler fastened the skin down the front with buckles. she covered her arms with the skin of the forelegs. she cut off the skin that hung below the knees, and afterward used it to make a pair of leggings. when the garment was fitted, antler took it off. then the women sat down and worked until it was done. they punched holes through the edges with a bone awl. then they threaded the sinew through the holes in an "over-and-over seam." [illustration: "_when the men saw the new garment, they wondered how it was made._"] when the men saw the new garment, they wondered how it was made. so antler and birdcatcher showed them how it was done, and helped them to make warm garments of their own. [illustration: _a cave-man's glove._] and so all the cave-men soon had warm garments of fur. sometimes they fastened them with buckles, and sometimes they used bone pins. they made long leggings of soft skins, and moccasins for their feet. perhaps you can think how they learned to make mittens and gloves. we know that they had warm mittens and gloves, for we have found pictures they made of them. when they dressed in their warm fur garments, the cave-men did not fear the cold. if they wanted food, they put on their garments and went wherever they pleased. #things to do# _if you can get a small skin, fit it to a doll the way you think the cave-men fitted skins to their bodies. if you cannot get a skin, cut a piece of cloth so as to make it the shape of a skin, and show how the new suit was made._ _find as many things as you can that you can use for pins, buttons, and buckles._ _find as many ways as you can of sewing a simple seam. when you go to a museum notice how the seams are sewed. why do you think people invented new stitches? visit a shoemaker and notice how he sews._ _draw one of these pictures:_- _the cold wind drives fleetfoot into the cave._ _playing "cave-bear."_ xvii things to think about how do you think the children played in the winter? what do you play in the winter? how do you think the cave-men would hunt when there was only a light fall of snow? how would they hunt when the snow was deep? how would they hunt when there was a hard crust on the snow? _how the children played in winter_ when the children saw their fathers and mothers go out of doors, they, too, wanted to go. but they had no warm clothing, so their mothers tried to keep them in doors. sometimes fleetfoot and flaker teased to go out and play in the snow. and when the days were warm enough, antler let them go out and play. but on very cold days they had to stay in the cave. the children had good times in the cave. they played many animal games. they played they were grown men and women, and they made believe do all sorts of work. they peeked out of the cave many times each day. they heard their fathers and mothers talk. and they listened to greybeard's stories. and so the children always knew what the men and women were doing. after a heavy fall of snow, they knew they would trap the animals in the drifts. when a hard crust formed, they knew they would dig pitfalls. antler often wished that the children might play out doors every day. greybeard wanted the boys to learn to make pitfalls and traps. but neither antler nor greybeard had thought of making clothing for little children. the day antler thought of making clothes for the boys, was the day they ran away to the pitfall. it was soon after chipper came to the cave and said that two reindeer were in the pit. when the boys heard what chipper said, they were playing they were bighorn and chipper. they had tied the skins of wolves' heads over their heads, and they let the rest of the skins hang down as if they were capes. when the news came about the reindeer, everybody was excited. everybody hurried to the pitfall so as to see the reindeer. nobody noticed the boys steal out of the cave. nobody noticed them run to the pitfall. but soon after she started, antler saw the tracks of their bare feet. she guessed at once where the boys had gone. and it was then that she thought of making them clothing. while the children slept that night, antler talked with the women. and when morning came, the women took skins and made the children warm clothes and moccasins. when the children put on their wolf-skin suits, they looked like a pack of wolves. sometimes they played they were wolves. then they chased make-believe wild horses. sometimes when the children were playing in the snow, they found the antlers of a full-grown stag. the children began to look for the antlers of the full-grown stags in early winter. but they knew that the other reindeer kept their antlers until early spring. an old stag's antlers were large and strong, and the children liked to find them. they would pick them up and hold them in their hands and would then make believe they were cave-men trapping reindeer in the snow. one day greybeard showed fleetfoot and flaker how to trap the reindeer in the snow. he showed them how to dig a pitfall in the drifts. the boys found a large drift near the trail and they cut out a large block of snow. they hollowed a deep pit under the crust which they took pains not to break. then they fitted the block of snow in its place, thus covering the pit. to make sure that the reindeer would come to the pitfall they scattered moss over the thin crust. then greybeard taught them to say, "_come down to the river, reindeer;_ _come down to the river to drink._ _come eat the moss i have spread for you,_ _come and fall into my trap._" all the cave-men believed that these words would charm the reindeer to the spot. they always muttered such lines as charms when they went out to hunt. and so greybeard taught the boys the lines, for he wanted them to know all the cave-men's charms. #things to do# _name the animals which you know by their tracks. draw a picture of the tracks you know best._ _tell a story about hunting an animal by tracking it._ _next time there is a heavy fall of snow, play hunting animals by driving them into the drifts._ _see if you can show in your sand-box how the pitfall was made._ _see if you can think of a way of having real drifts in your sand-box._ _draw a picture of the children playing with the antlers of the reindeer._ _draw a picture of the reindeer in the pitfall._ xviii things to think about do you know whether we can tell what the weather is going to be? have you ever heard any one talking about the signs of the weather? what signs do you know? notice animals and see how they act before a storm. notice what animals and birds are here in summer that are not here in winter. are any here in winter that are not here in the summer? why did the bison go away from the cave-men's hunting grounds each winter? when they went away would they go in large or small herds? if the weather kept pleasant how do you think they would travel? what would they do if it looked like a storm? notice the animals that live near you and see whether they turn their heads or backs toward the storm. _overtaken by a storm_ winter passed and summer came and now it was almost gone. the cattle had gone to the forests in the lowlands where they spent the winter. straggling lines of bison were moving down the valley. now and then they stopped a few days to eat the tall grass. then they slowly moved onward toward the lower lands. the days were like the indian summer days which we sometimes have in late autumn. everybody enjoyed each day as it came, and thought little about the coming cold. but one morning the sky was gray and gloomy, and the sun could not pierce through the heavy clouds. the air was cold and now and then a snowflake was falling. there was no meat at the cave, and everybody was hungry. so bighorn said to the men, "let's hunt the bison to-day." the men crowded around, for they were always glad to go hunting with bighorn. as soon as he had shown them his plan, they took their weapons and started toward the herd. bighorn expected to find the herd feeding quietly on a hillside. but, instead, the bison were tossing their horns, sniffing the air, and looking this way and that. bighorn saw that the bison were restless and that he could not take them by surprise. "we shall have a hard chase," said he to the men, "if we get a bison to-day." the men stood still for a moment, for they did not know what to do. fine snowflakes were now falling and the dark clouds threatened a heavy storm. but the men were hungry and they were not ready to give up the hunt at once. "listen!" said bighorn, as a low rumbling sound came from the upper valley. the cave-men put their ears to the ground and heard a sound like distant thunder. as they listened it came nearer and nearer and the ground seemed to shake. the cave-men were not afraid. they knew what the sound meant. the bison, too, knew what it meant. they knew that winter was coming, and that it was time for them to be gone. they knew that the laggard herds were racing with the storm. and so the sentinels of the scattered herds gave signals to the bison. and before the cave-men were on their feet, the bison had started toward the ford. louder and louder the rumbling sound grew as the great herd galloped on. the snow was now falling thick and fast, and a cold northwest wind was blowing. but in spite of the wind and the snow, the cave-men pressed on toward the ford. bighorn still hoped to get a bison as the great herd passed. by the time the herd reached the ford, the wind had become a strong gale. the air was so thick with the snow that it nearly blinded the men. then bighorn turned and said to the men, "we must find a shelter from the storm." the bison, too, tried to find a shelter. some of them hugged up closely to the sheltered side of the cliffs. others sought cover in the ravines. but many could find no protection, so they turned about and faced the storm. [illustration: "_but many could find no protection, so they turned about and faced the storm._"] the cave-men wished they were safe at home, but they dared not go through the storm. they huddled together and felt their way to a spot where the snow did not drift. there they lay down in the snow and waited for the storm to cease. #things to do# _name some bird that migrates. tell all that you know about the way it migrates._ _when you go out to play, show how the bison migrated in warm weather. show how they migrated in cold weather._ _show in your sand-box where the deep drifts would be. show places where the snow would not drift. if you cannot be sure about where the drifts would be, see if you can find out by watching the storms during winter._ _if the cave-men are buried in the snow, how do you think they can get air to breathe? how can they tell when the storm is over?_ xix things to think about what do you think those who stayed in the cave will do during the storm? can you think of any way by which they could get food? did you ever walk on snowshoes? how do you think people came to make snowshoes? _how antler happened to invent snowshoes_ antler saw the coming storm and at once she thought of the fire. she called to the women. and soon they were all breaking branches with stone axes and mauls. the children piled the fagots together and carried them to the cave. [illustration: _a stone maul._] the snow was falling fast before they finished their work. they watched the storm for a little while and then went into the cave. the children were hungry and asked for meat. but there was no meat in the cave. antler tried to get the children to play and to forget that they were hungry. and the children played for a little while, but they soon grew tired. and so antler gathered the children together and began to tell them stories. as the storm raged fiercer and fiercer, antler told stories of other storms. she had braved many storms on the wooded hills and the children liked to hear her stories. among the stories she told that day was the story of the big bear. she said that the big bear lived in a cavern away up in the mountain. she said that he kept watch of the game and that sometimes he shut the game in his cavern. antler said she had often heard the big bear above the voice of the storm. and fleetfoot, listening for his voice, thought he heard it in the wailing of the storm. in spite of the stories antler told, the day was long and dreary. the next day was still more dreary, for the children were crying for food. toward the close of day they were very tired, and soon they fell asleep. most of the women slept that night, but there was no sleep for antler. she could not sleep when the children were hungry and when the men were out in the storm. she stayed awake and watched and listened all through the long dark night. [illustration: _fur gloves._] toward morning the storm began to slacken, and antler gave a sigh of relief. she felt sure that many bison were floundering in the drifts. she hoped they were not far away from the cave. so she dressed in her fur garments and took a large knife and an ax. and at break of day she set out hoping to find a bison. but the snow was very deep and antler could scarcely walk. she was faint from hunger and cold. for a while she struggled through the drifts, but soon her strength failed, and she sank down in the snow. as antler lay in the deep drifts, she seemed powerless to move. the thought of the hungry children, however, made her turn to the gods. then the branches of spruce trees seemed to urge her on. and so antler took courage and grasping a strong branch of a friendly spruce struggled through the deep snow. she stepped upon the partly buried branches and they helped her on her way. a bison, floundering in a drift, filled her heart with hope. but when she started toward the bison, antler sank down once more into the drifts. so again she turned to the friendly trees, and again she reached out to them for aid. and she broke branches from the trees and bound them to her feet. starting once more, antler walked as if on winged feet. she ran over the deep drifts. and since she could hunt as well as the men, she soon had plenty of meat. as antler was strapping her load upon her back, she heard a familiar voice. quickly she turned, and her heart beat fast as she listened to hear it again. and seeing the men struggling through the drifts, she knelt and gave thanks to the gods. soon antler arose and laid down her load; and breaking a handful of branches, she hurried over the drifts and met the cave-men. [illustration: _a snowshoe._] when the men saw antler gliding over the drifts they wondered if it was one of the gods. not until antler spoke were they really sure it was she. and not until she showed them how to tie the branches to their feet did they understand what she had done. and even then they did not know that antler had invented the snowshoe. many people worked upon snowshoes before fine snowshoes were made. for when people heard what antler had done, they tried different ways for themselves. of course all the people were glad when antler returned with the men. they feasted and told stories all day long. and afterward the children played they were hunters overtaken by a storm, and they made little snowshoes and learned to walk over the drifts. #things to do# _the next time there is a storm listen to it and see if you can hear what the cave-men thought was the voice of the big bear. see if you can tell what it is that makes the music of the storm._ _listen to the music of the birds and see if you can give their songs and calls._ _what other animals do you hear calling one another? see if you can give their calls._ _tell a story of some storm you have seen._ _draw one of these pictures;_- _antler praying to the gods for help._ _a bison floundering in the drift._ _antler bringing aid to the men._ _find a picture of a snowshoe, and tell how you think it was made._ _find something which you can use for making snowshoes. make a pair, and use them when you have a chance._ _see if you can find out why the snowshoe keeps one from sinking in the snow._ xx things to think about why would the women be apt to make traps before the men did? what animals did the men hunt most? how did they hunt them? what animals did the women hunt most? how? how many kinds of knots can you tie? which of these knots slip? which of these knots would be the best to use in a trap? _how antler made snares_ while fleetfoot and flaker were little boys, they learned a few lessons in trapping. the men seldom trapped at that time, but the women trapped in several ways. antler was only a little girl when she learned to catch birds with a seed on a string. she was called snowflake then and she lived in another cave. snowflake's mother taught her to do all the things that little girls needed to know. she learned to hunt for roots and berries, to catch birds, and to make traps, besides learning to make tents, to prepare skins, and to make them into garments. it would take too long to tell all the things that little girls learned in those days. snowflake learned her lessons well and she found new ways of doing things. it was when she found a reindeer caught in the vines that she took the first step in making a snare. she had started to the hillside to dig roots and had gone only a little way when she heard something pulling and tugging among the vines. she peeked through the branches to see what it was, and there stood a beautiful reindeer. his antlers were caught in the tangled vines and he was trying to get loose. snowflake's heart went pit-a-pat, pit-a-pat, when she saw the reindeer. but she kept going nearer, and the reindeer pulled and pulled until he was strangled by the vines. when snowflake came to the cave dragging the handsome reindeer, the people shouted for joy. and when they had knocked off the beautiful antlers, they gave them to snowflake and changed her name. whenever she went to the spot where the reindeer was caught she always looked for another reindeer. but the reindeer kept away from the spot. so, at length, antler thought of cutting vines and fastening them to branches. then she learned to tie knots that would slip and tighten when pulled. and, after a while, she used the slipknots in making many kinds of snares. [illustration: "_then she set snares on the ground and fastened them to strong branches._"] antler watched the birds until she knew the spots where they liked to alight. then she set snares on the ground and fastened them to strong branches. the birds, alighting on the spot, caught their feet in the snare. when they tried to fly away, they pulled the slipknot which held them fast. [illustration: "_antler learned to protect the cord by running it through a hollow bone._"] some of the birds were frightened away, and did not return to the spot. so antler tried to coax them back by scattering seeds near the snare. once antler set a snare in a rabbit path just high enough to catch the rabbit's head. a rabbit was caught, but he nibbled the cord and ran off with the snare. and so antler learned to protect the cord by running it through a hollow bone. there was no better trapper than antler among all the cave-men. it was she who taught the boys and girls how to make and set traps. when the marmots awoke from their long winter's sleep, all the children learned to catch them in traps. they learned to loosen the bark of a tree without breaking it except along one edge. they used the bark as a leadway to a trap which they set near a marmot's hole. after placing the noose inside the bark, they fastened it to a bent sapling. [illustration: "_so it ran along and nibbled the bait until its sharp teeth cut the cord._"] when the children went to the trap, they clapped their hands and shouted. then they took the marmot out of the trap and carried it to the cave. and they made a great noise when bighorn said, "you will soon be very good trappers." then the children wanted to catch another marmot, so antler went with them and showed them how the trap worked. the marmot coming out of his hole smelled the bait on the string. so it ran along and nibbled the bait until its sharp teeth cut the cord. then the sapling sprang up and jerked the snare upward. and the weight of the marmot, pulling downward, drew the slipknot tight. #things to do# _tie a slipknot at one end of a string, and show how to set it for snaring birds. show how to set it for snaring rabbits. find a hollow stick or a bone to protect the snare from the rabbit's teeth. show how the marmot trap was set._ _tell how you catch mice. tell how you catch flies._ _what animals do you know that sleep during the winter? how can they live so long without eating?_ _draw one of these pictures:_- _snowflake finds a reindeer caught in the vines._ _antler teaches the children to set traps._ _model a marmot in clay._ _name all the animals you know that burrow in the ground. watch one of them and find out what it does._ xxi things to think about why would the cave-men be apt to lose many spears and javelins? how could they keep from losing the shafts? can you think of how they might find a way of saving their spearheads? find a picture of a barbed spearhead. why did people begin to make barbs? _how spears were changed into harpoons_ none of the clans could make better weapons than the men of the bison clan. since boyhood, greybeard had been known for his delicate spear points and knives. no workshop in all the valley was better known than his. but even greybeard's weapons sometimes were known to fail. even his spear points sometimes were lost in the chase. for several days the men were at home making new weapons. they never made spears and javelins with sharper and finer points. they never made straighter and smoother shafts. when they started out to hunt, they were proud of their new weapons. all the cave-men expected that before the day passed, they would have new trophies and fresh meat. the women, trapping birds on the hillsides, listened from time to time. they expected to hear bighorn's whistle when the animals were ready to be skinned. but the day passed, and no signal came. at sunset the men returned, but they were gloomy and silent. they brought no trophies, and they spoke not a word of the chase. no wonder the men were gloomy and silent. their precious spears and javelins had been lost in the chase. it was not because the men were careless. it was not because they were not skillful in making spears and javelins. it was because these weapons, when thrown from the hand, could not strike deadly blows. the cave-men had thrown at the wild horses with a sure aim. their javelins and spears went right to the mark. when the horses ran, the cave-men followed. but in spite of all they could do, the wild horses were soon out of sight. some of the horses received ugly wounds and carried the weapons far away. others received slight wounds; they brushed off the spears and javelins, which fell and were lost in the tall grass. [illustration: _a chisel-scraper._] time and again, hunted animals had escaped with only a wound. wounded animals had often escaped with a spear or javelin. but never before had so many animals escaped with so many precious weapons. of course there was nothing for the cave-men to do but to make new weapons. but it took a long time to season the sticks for straight and smooth shafts. it took patience and skill for the cave-men to make delicate flint points. perhaps this was why the cave-men learned to retrieve the weapons they threw. ever since the cave-men had learned to make spears, they had lashed the head to the shaft. they thought that this was the only way to make a good spear. chipper was the first cave-man who invented a new way. chipper was all alone in the workshop. he had finished a spear point which he held in his hand. without thinking what he was doing, he slipped the tang into a hollow reed which he picked up from the ground. if it had not been for a hungry wolf, he might have thought no more about it. but the wolf had smelled the meat which was on the ground close to the workshop. hearing a sound, chipper looked just in time to see the wolf spring toward the meat. the spear flew from chipper's hand before he stopped to think. and chipper sprang upon the wolf and engaged in a hand-to-hand fight. at the first sound of the combat the cave-men rushed to the spot. there they found that chipper had already secured his prize. while the cave-men looked at the wolf, chipper told them what had happened. he showed them the reed which he had used in hurling his new spear point. the men looked at the hollow reed and tried it to see how it worked. other reeds were on the ground. so the men fitted spearheads into the reeds and practiced throwing that way. they played with the reeds the rest of the day. [illustration: _a barbed point._] when they worked at their weapons again, chipper, alone, tried a new way. he made a loose shaft with a socket in the end. during the next chase they lost many weapons. chipper lost many spearheads; but he always found his loose shaft. when the cave-men noticed that chipper never lost his shaft they began to make loose shafts. and they got the idea of a barbed spearhead from a wound which was made by a broken point. they found such a point deep down in the wound of a bison. the sharp edge had caught in the bison's flesh. and every movement of the bison had driven the spearhead deeper. [illustration: _a harpoon._] it was by paying attention to such little things that the cave-men learned to make barbed spears. when the cave-men learned that barbed spearheads made very dangerous wounds, they were willing to take the trouble of making the barbed points. but no cave-man was willing to lose one of his barbed spear points. perhaps that is why the men began to tie the barbed heads to the loose shaft. when they first did this, they did not know that their spears had become harpoons. #things to do# _find a hollow reed and use it for a shaft. make a shaft with a socket in it. fit a spearhead into the socket. change the spear so as to make a harpoon._ _draw a picture of the chase of the wild horses._ _think of a wild horse running very fast. see if you can model a wild horse in clay so as to show that it has great speed._ xxii things to think about why was the harpoon a better weapon for hunting than the spear or javelin? what could hunters do to keep smooth shafts from slipping from their hands? what is the harpoon used for to-day? why do animals become more cunning after they are hunted? _how the cave-men hunted with harpoons_ once again the cave-men went out to hunt the wild horses. once again they took new weapons. but instead of spears and javelins they carried barbed harpoons. from a high hill they saw the horses on the edge of a grassy upland. they hurried over the wooded hills and crept through the tall grass. when bighorn gave the signal the sentinels pricked up their ears. but before they could give the alarm, the men had thrown their harpoons. the frightened horses crowded upon one another. snapping sounds of breaking shafts, sharp cries of wounded horses, and loud shouts of cave-men added to their terror. the snorting of the sentinels warned the cave-men back. a signal from the leader brought order to the herd. it began to move as though it were one solid mass. away the herd galloped, striking terror to all creatures in the way. but the wounded horses soon lagged. in vain they tried to keep up. at each step the shaft of the harpoon swung under their feet. at each step the barbed head pierced deeper and deeper. so the cave-men had little trouble in finishing the chase. perhaps you think the cave-men had no trouble in hunting after that. they had less trouble for some time, and they all prized their harpoons. but on cold days, when their hands were stiff, the smooth shafts slipped from their grasp. when they used shafts with knobs and large joints, it was easy to keep a firm hold. so the men made shafts with larger knobs and they put girdles around the smooth shafts. [illustration: _chipper using a spear-noose._] at their games of throwing spears and javelins, bighorn was almost sure to win. it was partly because he had large hands and very strong fingers. by bending one finger like a hook and striking the butt of the shaft, he could send a harpoon straight to the mark. chipper's hands were not very large. his fingers were not so strong as bighorn's. but chipper was a bright young man, and he found a way of using a spear-noose so that he could throw as well as bighorn. the spear-noose was a simple thing. chipper made it by tying a noose in each end of a cord. when he used it, he slipped one noose around his thumb and the other around one finger. then he grasped the spear near the butt and slipped the cord around the knob. the spear-noose was a great help to hunters whose hands were not large and strong. every time the cave-men made new weapons, they worked very well for a short time. but as soon as the animals learned about them, they became more cunning in getting away. wild horses kept sentinels on knolls and hilltops so that they could see an enemy from afar. they guarded their herds so carefully that the cave-men could scarcely get near enough to hit them with their harpoons. and so the cave-men returned many times bearing no trophies. they returned many times giving no signal for the women to come for fresh meat. #things to do# _take a harpoon and show how the shaft would swing against the feet of an animal that had been hit by the head._ _make a girdle around a smooth shaft, or make a shaft with a knob or large joint near the butt._ _make a spear-noose and show how chipper used it._ _think of the wild horses during the first few minutes after the men threw their harpoons. see if you can draw a picture of them._ xxiii things to think about think of as many hard things as you can that the cave-men had to do. why did they have to do these things? what kind of men did the cave-men have to be? think of as many ways as you can that the cave-men would use to teach the boys. what tests do you think they would give the boys? [illustration: "_and so the cave-men tested the boys in many different ways._"] _how the cave-men tested fleetfoot and flaker_ winters came and went, and fleetfoot and flaker grew to be large boys. they watched the men; they heard them talk; they learned what a cave-man had to do. greybeard told them stories of brave hunters that lived long ago. he told them about the animals they must learn to hunt. the boys listened to the stories. and they thought there was no animal too fierce for them to fight. they thought there was no river too swift for them to cross. they thought there was no mountain too steep for them to climb. but the boys had not learned how fierce a bison can be. they had never crossed a raging river nor climbed a mountain peak. the men knew that the boys needed to try their strength before they could be really strong. they knew they must do brave deeds before they could be really brave. they knew they must suffer patiently before they could have self-control. and so the cave-men tested the boys in many different ways. if the boys stood the tests, the cave-men shouted praises; but if they showed any sign of fear, the cave-men jeered at them. sometimes the boys were given nothing to eat until they brought food from the hunt. and even then they were not always allowed to touch the food which was near. when the boys were fasting, the cave-men tempted them with food. and if the boys took even a bite, they failed in the test. so fleetfoot and flaker learned to fast without a word of complaint. one of the hardest things which the boys had to do was to make their own weapons. at first, greybeard helped them; but, later, they had to do their own work. so the boys learned to go to the trees that had the best wood for shafts. they learned to cut, and peel, and scrape, and oil, and season, and polish the sticks before they were ready to use. no wonder the boys became tired before all this work was done. then they worked very carefully before they could make good spearheads. they hunted for the best stones and learned to shape them very well. when they forgot and struck hard blows, they spoiled the flint points. then greybeard would tell them that the strongest and bravest hunters were those who could strike the gentlest blows. it was work of this kind that was harder for the boys than chasing a wild horse or a reindeer. if they had not known that they must have weapons, they would not have had patience to do it. while the boys worked at their weapons, they thought of what they would do with them. they thought of the trophies they would bring home and what the people would say. and they learned to sing at their work and to mark the time for each blow. and so they managed to keep at work until the weapons were done. one day when the boys were flaking spear points, fleetfoot turned to flaker and said, "do you know who made the first flaker?" "yes," answered flaker, "it was greybeard." "no, no!" said fleetfoot, "nimble-finger did it." greybeard heard fleetfoot speak his name and he came to the spot. then it was that fleetfoot learned that greybeard was nimble-finger. after that fleetfoot took great pains to learn how to flake flint points. he watched greybeard as he worked and he listened to all he said. before many years had passed, the boys could make good weapons. they knew every spot on their own hunting ground. they knew the wild animals that lived there and what they liked to do. they knew each animal by its track. each sound of the woods, each patch of light, they learned to read as you read a book. #things to do# _name things you will have to learn before you are full-grown._ _what kind of tests do you have to take?_ _tell a story of the way the cave-men tested fleetfoot and flaker._ _tell a story of all that you think happened the day that fleetfoot learned that greybeard was nimble-finger._ _name the birds you can tell by their song. name those you can tell by sight._ _draw one of these pictures:_- _testing fleetfoot and flaker._ _fleetfoot and flaker in the workshop._ _fleetfoot discovers nimble-finger._ [illustration: "_then their antlers crashed in a swift charge._"] xxiv things to think about what animals would the cave-men see just before winter? which of these live in herds? how are the leaders of the herds chosen? what kind of a voice does the reindeer have when it is good-natured? what kind of a voice does it have when it is angry? _fleetfoot and flaker see a combat_ one day just before winter, fleetfoot and flaker went out on the hills. the reindeer were coming back and the boys wanted to see them. they had gone only a little way, when they saw two handsome stags. each wanted to be leader of the reindeer herd, and so they were trying their strength. the stags stood head to head, their red eyes blazing like fire. their hair stood on end. they stamped their hoofs on the hard ground. they hissed fierce blasts to and fro. slowly and carefully they changed their position, still keeping head to head. each reindeer knew that the lances of the other could strike deadly blows. each reindeer had fought too many battles to expose himself to such blows. and so the stags eyed each other, getting more angry all the while. louder and fiercer sounded their blasts. then their antlers crashed in a swift charge. they pulled and pushed with all their might in a life and death struggle. not until their strength was exhausted did they stop a moment to rest. then they tried to draw apart, but they found they could not do it. each stag was held a prisoner by the antlers of the other. in vain the handsome creatures pulled and pushed. each was held fast. and the boys, seeing their chance, secured both of the reindeer. perhaps it was well for the reindeer that the boys were there. at least, the boys saved them from a more horrible death. reindeer caught in this way have suffered from hunger and thirst many days before death came. the boys admired the beautiful reindeer as they lay stretched out on the ground. they felt of their polished antlers that had dealt many powerful blows. and they wished they had such weapons as these to use all of the time. #things to do# _show how the reindeer stood in the combat and how they changed their positions. draw the picture._ _take a flat surface of clay and see if you can model a reindeer so that it will stand out a little from the surface._ _tell a story of what you think happened at the cave after the boys killed the reindeer._ xxv things to think about if you have ever seen a cat hunt, tell how she does it. can you think why cats do not hunt together? do dogs hunt alone, or with one another? how do wolves hunt? in what ways can animals help one another in hunting? what animals do wolves hunt to-day? what animals did the wolves hunt in the time of the cave-men? _what happened when fleetfoot and flaker hunted the bison_ when summer came, fleetfoot and flaker watched the bison from day to day. the wolves, too, watched the bison. one day the boys saw two wolves hunt a bison that had strayed from the herd. the wolves walked boldly up toward the bison until they were only a few paces away. then they went cautiously. the bison paid no attention at first; but when the wolves came closer, he stamped his foot and shook his horns. any animal could know that the bison meant, "it is dangerous here. keep away!" but the wolves had a plan and they carried it out. the smaller wolf kept the bison's attention by making believe attack from the front. this gave the big wolf a chance; and he cut the large muscles of the bison's knees with his sharp teeth. the bison was thus crippled so badly that the wolves were more than a match for him. "i wonder if we could get a bison," said flaker as the boys watched the wolves at their feast. "let's try," said fleetfoot. "but how can we get close up," said flaker, "without frightening the bison away?" "let's dress in wolf-skins," said fleetfoot, "and make believe we are wolves." and the boys dressed in wolf-skins and took their best hunting knives. they watched the herd until they saw a large bison stray away. then the boys approached the bison, and they looked so much like wolves that they got very close before the bison threatened with his horns. then the boys made the attack. flaker took the part of the little wolf and attacked the bison's head. fleetfoot took the part of the big wolf and tried to cripple the bison. but the boys had not counted upon the bison's tough skin. they had not counted upon his muscles, which were as hard as boards. flaker's dagger glanced off at one side and merely scratched the bison. but it made the creature so angry that he charged upon flaker. meanwhile fleetfoot was doing his best to cut the hard muscles of the bison's knee. he forgot about everything else until he had lamed one of the forelegs. it was then that the bison charged and that flaker called for help. and then fleetfoot tried to rescue flaker by drawing the bison's attention away. fleetfoot did this just in time to save flaker's life. he struck at the bison's head, then dodged in time to escape his horns. he dodged again and again until he was almost exhausted. the bison limped, but he seemed as strong and as furious as ever. once again the bison charged, and again fleetfoot dodged. then a spear whizzed past fleetfoot's head and a voice called, "climb a tree." [illustration: "_they looked so much like wolves that they got very close before the bison threatened._"] fleetfoot never remembered running to the tree. he never remembered climbing it. but for many days he seemed to see himself in the tree and the bison just beneath. for many days he seemed to hear greybeard's welcome voice. [illustration: _a cave-man's carving of a "hamstrung" animal._] greybeard and fleetfoot stayed in the trees until the bison started up the ravine. then they climbed down from one of the trees and hurried to see what had happened to flaker. #things to do# _tell something that you have learned from watching an animal._ _mention as many things as you can that you think the cave-men learned from animals._ _straighten and bend your elbow or knee so as to find where the strong muscles are._ _tell why the cave-men tried to cut the strong muscles of the bison's knee. we say when we cut these large muscles that we have "hamstrung" the animal._ _look at the picture of a cave-man's carving of an animal which has been "hamstrung." can you tell what animal it is?_ _think of the two wolves coming up toward the bison. model one of them in clay. see if the children can guess which one it is._ xxvi things to think about what do you think had happened to flaker? if any of his bones were broken, do you think the cave-men could set them? do you think there were doctors when the cave-men lived? who would do the work which doctors do to-day? _what the cave-men did for flaker_ fleetfoot ran ahead of greybeard and found flaker on the ground. fleetfoot stooped and looked into his face. he called him by name. no answer came. then fleetfoot asked greybeard if flaker was dead. greybeard shook his head as he bent down and laid his hands upon the boy. he examined his wounds, then said to fleetfoot, "let's carry him down to the cool spring." so greybeard and fleetfoot lifted flaker and carried him gently down to the spring. there they bathed his face and the ugly wounds with fresh cool water. they bound his wounds with strips of the skins that the boys wore that day. when greybeard tried to set the broken bones, flaker began to moan. he opened his eyes for a moment; then he fell back in a swoon. then greybeard sent fleetfoot to the cave for help. and fleetfoot hurried and told antler; and antler, picking up some little things which she knew she would need, and telling the women to follow quickly with a large skin, went with fleetfoot to the spot where flaker lay. greybeard was watching beside the boy when antler arrived. he helped her set the broken bones and then they prepared to carry him home. [illustration: _what the cave-men did for flaker._] taking the skin which the women brought, antler stretched it upon the ground. then the women helped her lift the boy and lay him upon the skin. gently they laid him upon the stretcher. softly they stepped as they carried him home. they tended him carefully many days. flaker's wounds soon healed. but when he was strong enough to walk, the cave-men saw that he was lame. flaker was always lame after that. the bones had slipped out of place and now it was too late to reset them. afterwards the cave-men learned better ways of setting broken bones. they found better ways of holding them in place while they grew together. perhaps the cave-men learned this by watching the wild animals. some birds, when they break a leg, hold the bones in place with wet clay. sometimes we use a plaster cast, but the cave-men knew nothing about such a way. the days seemed long to flaker while he was getting well. everybody was kind to him, but it seemed hard to keep quiet when everybody else was moving about. when fleetfoot went out to hunt, flaker wanted to go too. but he could not go, and so fleetfoot used to tell him everything that happened. #things to do# _show how the women helped antler put flaker upon the skin. show how they carried him home. draw one of the pictures._ _find out why a child's bones will grow together more easily than an old person's bones. see if you can find out what bones are made of. soak a bone in acid and see what happens to it. burn a bone and see what happens to it. why do a child's bones break less easily than an old person's?_ _if there is a spring in your neighborhood, go and see it. find out where the water comes from._ xxvii things to think about if flaker is lame, how will he be able to get food? what do you think he can do that will be useful to the clan? do you think the cave-men took as good care of the sick, and the lame, and the old people, as we do? what could they do for them? why did the men use weapons more than tools? why did the women use tools more than weapons? think of as many tools as you can that the women used. _how flaker learned to make weapons of bone_ before flaker was hurt he and fleetfoot had planned to do many things. but now flaker was lame, and all the cave-men knew he would never be able to hunt. when flaker first knew it, he was very sad. and so fleetfoot tried to comfort him. each day he brought him a bird or a rabbit, and he told him all that had happened. for a while flaker thought that if a man could not hunt, there was nothing else for him to do. but soon he found there were many things to do besides going out to hunt. flaker began by doing a few little things to help fleetfoot. he helped him flake heads for harpoons and javelins and make strong shafts. when greybeard and fleetfoot praised his work, flaker was very happy. and so flaker busied himself in the workshop when the men went out to hunt. sometimes chipper helped him, and often greybeard worked with him. when flaker was tired he would look at the trophies which were fastened on the wall near the cave. he was always glad to see the locked antlers of the two stags. as he looked at the strong antlers, he could almost see the handsome stags. he thought of them standing head to head ready to strike deadly blows. and he wished he had had such powerful weapons to meet the bison's charge. [illustration: _a wedge or tent pin._] the children wanted to be good to flaker and so they brought him the antlers they found. they liked to play with the antlers, and their mothers used them in many ways. they had learned to cut them with choppers and chisels, and sometimes they cut them with stone knives. all the women used the small prongs of the antlers. they used them as wedges in prying the bark loose from the sap-wood of young trees. all the women had learned to make hammers of antler by making two cuts near the base. and sometimes they used the broad end of the brow antler instead of a stone chisel. once when flaker was watching antler, he thought she was making a dagger. but antler had not thought of making a dagger. she was making a hammer and wedge. when she had finished, she dropped the long beam of the antler upon the ground and went away with her tools. flaker kept his eyes fixed upon the long beam. the more he looked at it, the more it looked like a dagger. at length he reached and picked it up. then he took his knife and began to cut it. [illustration: _the head of a javelin._] that night when fleetfoot came home, flaker gave him a dagger of reindeer horn. fleetfoot showed it to bighorn, who took it, then tossed it on the ground. bighorn had never seen such a dagger. he thought a good dagger had to be made of stone. so he made fun of flaker's weapon, then thought no more about it. but greybeard and chipper did not make fun of the weapons flaker made. they tried the dagger next day, and found that it stood the test. so they asked flaker to make each of them daggers and javelins of reindeer horn. #things to do# _tell all you know about the antlers of full-grown stags. tell all you know about the antlers of other reindeer._ _look at the antlers in the pictures on pages 16, 17, 108, and 121. find the part that would make such a wedge as is shown on page 119. find the part that would make such a hammer as is shown on page 74. find a part for a chisel or scraper. find the long beam that was used in making such a dagger as is shown on page 123. do you think that flaker's first dagger was carved in this way? can you tell why the cave-men carved their weapons?_ _act out the part of this story you like best._ _draw one of these pictures:_- _flaker watching for fleetfoot's return._ _the children bringing antlers to flaker._ _the women at work making tools._ _fleetfoot showing the dagger to bighorn._ _greybeard and chipper asking flaker to make daggers._ _make as many simple tools as you can out of bone or horn. find ways of using them._ xxviii things to think about what do you think flaker used in cutting the antler? what tools will he need to use in making weapons of bone or horn? what do you think the first saws were? how do you think people came to use saws? how large do you think they were? what are files used for? can you think what the first files were like? what do you think they were used for? _how flaker invented the saw_ [illustration: _a small antler._] how glad flaker was when greybeard and chipper asked him to make them some daggers! he looked at all the antlers the children had brought. he thought of the reindeer he had seen with antlers such as these. he remembered the handsome reindeer with their deadly weapons, and at length he chose the large antlers which had belonged to a handsome stag. flaker looked at the long beams and decided to use them for daggers. he took his knife to cut off the prongs, but he could scarcely cut them with a knife. flaker knew that the women cut the prongs with a chopper, but a chopper was a woman's tool. and flaker wanted to be like the men. and so he kept working with his knife, but he wished he had taken a beam which the women had left. [illustration: _a knife with two blades, a saw, and a file, all in one._] when he was tired using his knife, he played with some flint flakes. he ran his fingers over the sharp edges. then he carelessly pressed off tiny flakes. but flaker soon tired of this and he picked up the antler again. he pushed a flint flake back and forth upon one of the prongs of the antler. flaker was simply playing at first; but when he saw that the flint was cutting, his play became real work. and he kept on pushing and pulling the flake until the prong fell to the ground. then he sawed off other prongs, but he did not know he was sawing. flaker had never seen a saw and he did not know what it was. he did not know that when he pressed off the tiny flakes he made the teeth of a flint saw. but flaker had made a saw. it was only the rough edge of a flint flake. no doubt such rough edges had been made many times before. but flaker learned to use the rough edge by pushing and pulling it back and forth. [illustration: _a cave-man's dagger of carved antler._] when flaker sawed the prongs from the beam, some of the places were rough. so he rubbed them with the face of the flint until he made them smooth. when flaker did this, the flake, which had been only a knife, became a file as well as a saw. greybeard and chipper tried the new daggers and found that they were sharp and strong. and the next time they went on the chase they took the new weapons along. bighorn saw the new weapons, but he said little about them. for bighorn knew better than to make fun of weapons greybeard used. nothing pleased flaker more than to be able to help greybeard. and so he cherished the new tool that he used in shaping reindeer horn. sometimes he showed it to greybeard, who was always kind to the boys. but even the wise old man had no idea of what a wonderful tool it was. the other cave-men saw the tool, but they thought very little about it. they cared a great deal about the weapons they used in the chase. but few of the cave-men ever thought of making anything they did not need right away. and so little was said about the new tool which was a knife with two blades, a saw, and a file, all in one. nobody dreamed at that time that the little tool was the forerunner of a great change. #things to do# _if you can strike off a large flint flake with three faces, see if you can make it into a knife-saw-file._ _look at the picture, or at the real tool you have made, and find the plain face that can be used as a file._ _find the two edges which can be used as knives. find the edge which has a crest of teeth, and which can be used as a saw._ _draw one of these pictures:_- _the women chopping prongs from the beam of the antler._ _flaker sawing the prongs off the antler._ xxix things to think about can you think why the females and the young males of the reindeer herd could drive the old stags away during the winter? could they do it in the summer? why can the reindeer walk easily in the snow or on slippery places? what is it that makes the clicking sound when reindeer walk or run? why were the cave-men careful to make no mistake in the dance? _the reindeer dance_ fleetfoot did not hunt with the men, but he learned many things from them. in early winter, he heard them tell stories of dangerous encounters with ugly stags. when the old stags shed their antlers, he saw the men dance the reindeer dance. fleetfoot mimicked the reindeer's movements and the grunting sounds they made. but he was not allowed to join with the men in dancing the reindeer dance. only brave men were allowed to join in the dance. only the bravest men were allowed to lead. [illustration: _a cave-man's mortar stone for grinding paint._] but fleetfoot stood near and saw everything that was done. some of the men put on headdresses made of the antlers of the reindeer. others put on reindeer suits without the headdress of antlers. those that were to be the cave-men painted their faces and carried trophies. fleetfoot wished that he could have a headdress and take part in the dance. he wondered how long he would have to wait before he could dance with the men. he wondered how many brave things he must do before he would rank as a man. and when fleetfoot saw the men standing in silence while greybeard made offerings to the gods, he looked at the brave old man and wondered how a man could be so wise. then he thought of chew-chew's stories of brave men of olden times. at length fleetfoot saw flaker, who was sitting all alone. he went and sat beside him and they watched the men dance. the men had finished dressing, and the women were seated on the ground. they had rolls of skin, and rude drums, and rattles of reindeer hoofs. at a signal from bighorn, a group of men came dancing to the music of the rattles. they moved about and made low grunting sounds as though they were a reindeer herd. then the music changed. the women drummed upon skins and hummed in a weird way. they tried to show by the sound of the music the coming of a storm. [illustration: _a drum._] at the first sound of the weird music, the reindeer pricked up their ears. then the larger reindeer that had lost their antlers started off to make-believe higher lands. there they made believe paw the snow until they found the moss. as the music of the storm grew louder, the herd followed to the higher lands. and with many an angry threat they drove the old stags away. then the drumming and humming became fainter, and at last the sounds died away. but still the faint clicking of the rattles marked each step of the men in the dance. another signal from bighorn marked the change to a new scene. trails were marked upon the ground and sticks placed for hills and streams. while the reindeer pretended to feed, a group of cave-men appeared. bighorn, who was still the leader, sent little-bear to watch where the trail crossed the hills. chipper was sent to lie in wait at the spot where the trail crossed the river. and bighorn, himself, took his stand at the point where the trails crossed. when the men took their places, others crept back of the herd. only the light music of the rattles sounded as the reindeer moved about. as the men came nearer the reindeer herd, the sentinels showed signs of fear. the clicking of the rattles was quicker. the herd became thoroughly alarmed and the women shook the rattles and made a loud din. then the reindeer started on their old trails and came near the spots where the men were hid. the clicking of the rattles marked the time for the running, and the beating of the drum showed when javelins were hurled. soon the shouts of the men and the rattles and drums made a loud noise. all the cave-men enjoyed the dance. they danced it without a mistake. and so they felt sure that the god of the reindeer would give them success in the chase. #things to do# _model in your sand-box the spot where the reindeer dance was danced._ _model the trails where the cave-men thought the reindeer would run when alarmed._ _make rattles of something which you can find, and show how to mark time with them._ _if you can get a skin, see if you can stretch it over something so as to make a drum. try different ways, and tell which is best._ _dramatize this lesson._ _draw a picture to illustrate it._ xxx things to think about can you think why hunters frequently have famines? at what season of the year would they be most likely to have a famine? can you think why they did not preserve and save food in times of plenty? if game should be scarce on a hunting ground, do you think all of the people could stay at home? what do you think would happen at such a time? have you ever heard that the indians used to be afraid of having their pictures taken? why were they afraid of it? _fleetfoot prepares for his final test_ toward the close of winter rumors of famine came to the bison clan. several times people came from neighboring clans and asked antler for food. there was plenty of meat in the cave, so she gave to those who asked. the strangers soon went away, and the bison clan forgot about them. the next summer game was scarce on several of the old hunting grounds. there was not enough food for all. people began to wander away from their old homes. small groups of men, women, and children, set out in different directions. game was still plenty on the lands of the bison clan. when the neighbors knew this, they came to hunt on these lands. the day fleetfoot went away to fast, strange people came and camped. the next day the bison clan drove them away. a few days later other strangers came, and they, too, were driven away. bighorn was angry when the strangers first came, but soon he became alarmed. just as the men and women were holding a council to consider what to do, the strangers disappeared. not until fleetfoot returned did the bison clan know who they were or why they came. [illustration: "_people began to wander away from their old homes._"] before fleetfoot went away to fast, he had been curious about the big bear. he had heard many stories about the big bear ever since he was a child. he had heard that the big bear guarded the game and kept the animals in the rocky cavern. he had wondered if he could climb the mountains and find the cave of the big bear. before flaker was hurt, the boys had planned to go to the mountains. they had planned to make friends with the big bear and learn where he kept the game. they had planned to climb the highest peaks and see what there was beyond. once, when the boys asked greybeard if they might go to the mountains, greybeard said, "no, no, my children! wait a while. you are not yet old enough to go." and so the boys waited, but they still talked about going to the cavern of the big bear. after flaker was hurt they still planned, but they planned for fleetfoot to go alone. one day when the boys were talking together, greybeard came to fleetfoot and said, "the time you have waited for has come. prepare for your final test." this was glad news for fleetfoot. at last he was to have a chance to prove himself worthy to rank with the men. flaker rejoiced with fleetfoot, yet he could not help feeling sad. the bison clan had decided that fleetfoot should go to a quiet spot. there he was to fast and pray until he received a sign from the gods. and when he had done their bidding, he was to return for his final test. this test once passed, fleetfoot would be counted one of the men. before fleetfoot went, greybeard instructed him in the use of prayers and charms. antler gave him a magic powder and showed him how to prepare it from herbs. and the men told him of their tests, and the signs they received from the gods. flaker had listened to every word that greybeard had said. he had thought of all the dangers which fleetfoot might encounter. and he wondered if there was not a way to protect fleetfoot from harm. flaker knew that the reindeer dance was a prayer of the cave-men to their gods. he knew each movement in the dance was to help the gods understand. he felt sure that the gods would help fleetfoot if he could make them understand. and so he determined to make a prayer which fleetfoot could carry with him. [illustration: _the engraving of a cave-bear on a pebble._] perhaps you will think that the prayer flaker made was a very strange prayer. but many people in all parts of the world have made such prayers. it was a prayer to the big bear of the mountains. flaker scratched it upon a smooth pebble with a flint point. it was a picture of the big bear, and flaker made it so that fleetfoot could control the actions of the big bear. when flaker gave the prayer to fleetfoot he told him to guard it with great care. fleetfoot took the prayer and promised to keep it near his side. then the boys made an offering to the big bear and asked him to guide the way. when at length fleetfoot was ready to start, greybeard spoke these parting words: "forget not the offerings to the gods, and remember they must be made with true words and a faithful heart." #things to do# _show in your sand-box where you think the mountains were. model them and show that they were almost covered with snow. show good places for neighboring hunting grounds._ _tell why game might be scarce in some hunting grounds and plenty in others._ _dramatize this story. draw pictures which will show what happened. see if you can engrave some animal upon wood or soft stone._ xxxi things to think about where do you think fleetfoot will go while he is away from home? find a picture of a glacier, and see if you can tell how a glacier is made. in what places does the snow stay all the year round? if a great deal of snow falls each year, what do you think will become of it? find out whether there have ever been glaciers near where you live. if there have, see if you can find any traces of them. _fleetfoot fasts and prays_ none of the cave-men knew where fleetfoot would go to fast and pray. he scarcely knew himself, but all the time he kept thinking of the big bear of the mountains. and so he turned his steps toward the high mountain peaks. he followed the bison trail, for that was a sure guide. it led up the river a long way, and then skirted a dark forest. he crossed the river and went to the forest. there he sought out a lonely spot where he stayed several days. as soon as he had made a fire, fleetfoot made offerings to the gods. his offerings were fish he caught in the river and birds he caught in snares. although fleetfoot offered meat to the gods, he did not taste it himself. when he was ready to sleep, he rubbed a pinch of wood-ashes upon his breast and prayed thus to the fire god: "o fire god, hover near me while i sleep. hear my prayer. grant good dreams to me this night. grant me a sign that thou wilt aid me. lead my feet in the right way." the first night fleetfoot had no dreams. the second night he dreamed he was a child again and that he lived in his old home. the third night he dreamed of the big bear of the mountains. he thought that he climbed the mountain crags and went to the big bear's cave. he dreamed that the big bear spoke to him and asked him whence he came. then strange people seemed to come out of the cave and wave their weapons in a threatening way. after that fleetfoot remembered nothing except that the big bear seemed like a friend. at daybreak fleetfoot awoke, and at once he thought of his dream. he took the pebble from a little bag. then he made an offering to the bear as he spoke these words: "o big bear! o mighty hunter! show me the way to thy caverns. show me where thou keepest the game. give me strength to meet all dangers. fill my enemies with fear." then, remembering what greybeard had said, fleetfoot gave offerings to all the animals he hoped to kill. in this way he thought the gods would help him when he went out to hunt. as soon as the offerings were made, fleetfoot looked for a sign from the gods. the winds began to blow. dark clouds began to climb the sky. then the thunders pealed through the heavens. [illustration: _a stone borer, used in making a necklace._] fleetfoot, faint from his long fast, took courage from these signs. the winds seemed to be messengers bearing his prayer to the gods. the dark clouds seemed to be the enemies he would meet on the way. the peals of thunder sounded to him like promises of strength. the bright lightning in the sky flashed a message of hope. a flock of swallows circling near seemed to point the way. and so fleetfoot refreshed himself and started toward the mountains. it would take too long to tell all the things that happened to fleetfoot before he returned. one of the first things he did was to kill a cave-bear and take the trophies. when fleetfoot started out again, he wore a necklace of bear's teeth. he wore them partly because they were trophies and partly because they were charms. fleetfoot followed the trail along the edge of the forest until he reached a ridge of hills. behind him lay the river of stones and all the places he had known. before him lay a pretty valley about a day's journey across. to his left the snow-covered mountain peaks shone with a dazzling light. he stopped only to sleep and to make offerings to the gods. fleetfoot was full of courage, and yet he was weak from his fast. he longed to be strong against all foes. he longed to be a great hunter. he longed to strengthen his people and to meet the dangers which threatened his clan. at midday he reached the river, where he sat down to rest. then he went up the little river, which flowed over a rocky bed. fleetfoot followed the river until he came to a spot where it seemed to end. great masses of snow and ice covered the river bed. farther up they reached the top of the cliffs and stretched out into the valley. it was the melting of this glacier which fed the little stream. fleetfoot stood and gazed at the glacier with its rough billows of snow and ice. he looked at the green forests which stretched to its very edge. he looked at the great ice sheets which covered the mountain peaks. he looked at the bare crags which jutted out from the rocks. and he wondered if the big bear's cave was in one of these rocks. [illustration: "_it was the melting of this glacier which fed the little stream._"] then he crossed the stream and approached the cliff on the opposite side. there he found a cave, and he looked about, but he found no one at home. as fleetfoot was looking about, he began to think of chew-chew. everything upon which his eyes rested seemed to speak of her. and yet he could not remember seeing the place before. night came again and fleetfoot slept. again he saw the big bear in his dreams. again he saw the enemies of his clan, and again he dreamed of his old home. for several days fleetfoot explored the country near the mountains. he found several good hunting grounds, but he did not find the big bear. as the days passed it seemed to fleetfoot that he was no longer alone. he heard no steps, and he saw no tracks; yet he felt sure that some one was near. one morning, when he awoke, there was some one watching him through the thick leaves. he grasped his spear and was ready to throw, when he heard a merry laugh. then a lovely maiden appeared with dark and glossy hair. her eyes shone with the morning light and her breath was as fresh as the dew. fleetfoot dropped his spear and stepped forward to greet the girl. a moment they gazed in each other's eyes, and then they knew no fear. they sat on a mossy bank where they talked for a long, long time. and fleetfoot learned that she was called willow-grouse and that her people were away. before he could ask her more, she inquired from whence he came. and then she asked him what had brought him so far away from his home. while fleetfoot was telling his story, willow-grouse listened with sparkling eyes. when he had finished, her eyes fell, and she seemed to be buried in thought. willow-grouse knew that her own people were plotting against the bison clan. she wanted fleetfoot to stay with her; and she feared that if she told him what her people were doing, he would go away. for a few minutes willow-grouse kept silent; but, at length, she decided to speak. she told fleetfoot of the famine of the springtime and of the scarcity of game. she told how the people separated and traveled far and wide. many of her own people had been to the grounds of the bison clan. now the clans were at the rapids. but as soon as the salmon season was over, they were going to attack the bison clan. when fleetfoot heard what willow-grouse said, he gave up his search for the big bear. he decided to go to the salmon feast and learn what the clans were doing. he hoped he could do this and still have time to warn the bison clan. #things to do# _see if you can find a way of making a glacier in your sand-box._ _model a river valley whose upper part is filled with a glacier. show where the bed and banks are covered with snow and ice. show where the cliffs are covered. show where the ice-sheets are. show on the sand-map fleetfoot's journey to the place where he fasted. show the remainder of his journey._ _draw pictures of the following:_- _fleetfoot prays to the fire-god._ _fleetfoot receives signs from the gods._ _fleetfoot standing on the ridge of hills._ _fleetfoot's meeting with willow-grouse._ xxxii things to think about can you think why the salmon feast was at the rapids of the river? show in your sand-map a place where rapids might be. if there is a river near you which has rapids, go to the spot and see if you can tell what it is that makes the rapids. show in your map the hunting grounds of the clans which met at the rapids. find the trails they would follow in going to the rapids. find out all you can about the habits of the salmon. [illustration: _a necklace of fossil shells._] _the meeting of the clans_ at his parting from willow-grouse, fleetfoot gave her a necklace of fossil shells. then saying, "we shall meet when the new moon comes," he started on his way. he followed sweet briar river on his way to the meeting of the clans. at sunset he knew he was nearing the place where willow-grouse said they had met. he could hear the roaring of the rapids, and above this sound, the shouts of the clans. fleetfoot waited for the cover of darkness, for he did not wish to be seen. then he approached cautiously toward the spot where the camp fire crackled and blazed. in the light of the flames dark trunks of oaks and fir trees stood out of the blackness. then moving forms appeared on the banks and lighted the clans seated around the fire. at first fleetfoot did not go near enough to see the faces distinctly. but he could tell from the various movements that they were preparing for a dance. all eyes seemed fixed on an old woman who was offering gifts to the gods. she lifted hot stones from the fire and dropped them into a basket of water. then she took a piece of salmon and dropped it into the water. as fleetfoot watched the old woman, he thought of chew-chew and his old home. then he wondered if all women would look like chew-chew when they grew old. when the offerings were made, the men began a war dance. some were dressed in masks of horses, and others wore masks of reindeer and cattle. when the men took off their masks, fleetfoot looked as if in a dream. for among the strangers moving about there appeared familiar forms. for a few minutes fleetfoot could not tell whether he was awake or asleep. what he saw seemed very real, and yet it seemed like a dream. he had almost forgotten his own people. he had not seen them since the day he was lost. and now, only a few paces away, stood scarface and straightshaft. then other familiar forms appeared moving near the fire. and among the women who had beaten the drums were chew-chew and eagle-eye. when fleetfoot saw his mother and chew-chew, he almost shouted for joy. he wanted to go and speak to them, but something seemed to hold him back. then his heart began to beat so loud and so fast that fleetfoot was afraid he would be discovered; so he hurried away from the spot to a hollow tree where he spent the night. for a long time he lay awake thinking about what to do. he could not go back to willow-grouse and leave his work undone. he could not make himself known to cave-men who were planning to attack the bison clan. he could not return to the bison clan without learning the enemies' plans. and so fleetfoot took the pebble from its bag and asked the big bear for aid. then he fell asleep and did not awake until the break of day. all through the day he watched the clans. he saw them fish at the rapids and feast and play around the fire. he saw them go to a smooth spot near the bank where they played games. when night came he said to himself, "i'll watch the dance and learn their plans." scarface offered gifts to the gods before the dance began. as he performed the magic rites, all the people were still. every eye was turned toward the old man. no one suspected danger. fleetfoot, watching from a safe retreat, had heard a rustling sound. and, looking in the direction from which the sound came, he saw a big tiger in a neighboring tree. the tiger had crept out on a strong branch and was watching for his prey. the eyes of the big cat snapped fire as they followed each movement that scarface made. there was not a moment to be lost. the tiger was about to spring. fleetfoot's spear whizzed through the air and dealt a powerful blow. another followed, but with less force although fleetfoot hurled it with all his might. with a cry of rage the tiger turned, and leaving scarface upon the ground, he sprang toward fleetfoot. and the cave-men grasped their weapons and rushed to the spot. they found the tiger dying from the effect of the first blow. they watched his death struggles. then they looked for the man who had hurled a spear that struck a death blow. if fleetfoot had not been struck senseless, he might have made his escape. but as it happened, the cave-men found him lying on the ground, and they raised him up and carried him to a spot near the bright camp-fire. #things to do# _show on your sand-map where the clans had camped. show where you think fleetfoot watched. show where the ceremonies were performed._ _draw one of these pictures:_- _fleetfoot bids farewell to willow-grouse._ _the clans seated around the camp-fire._ _fleetfoot watching the dance._ _fleetfoot saves scarface's life._ _watch a cat as it springs upon a mouse, and then think of the tiger as he sprang upon scarface. model it in bas-relief._ xxxiii things to think about what do you think the people will do with fleetfoot? can you think of any way that fleetfoot might prevent them from attacking the bison clan? _what happened when the clans found fleetfoot_ while chew-chew and eagle-eye were attending to scarface, others took care of fleetfoot. they knew nothing about him except that he had saved scarface's life. everybody wanted to see him; and so a great crowd gathered around. people looked at the strange young man as he lay pale and still on the ground. they looked and looked again, then said, "how like he is to scarface." eagle-eye had not forgotten fleetfoot. she never spoke of him, but she still hoped that he was alive and that she would see him again. when strangers came she always inquired for tidings of the lost boy. and so when eagle-eye heard what the people said, she pushed her way through the crowd. the moment she saw him, she cried, "fleetfoot!" and then bent over his lifeless form. chew-chew, hearing eagle-eye's cry, hurried to the spot. she knelt by his side and murmured his name, and thought of scarface when he was young. those who stood near turned and asked, "who is fleetfoot?" many of the people had never heard of him. others had heard of eagle-eye's boy. all were curious to know more about the strange young man. all were anxious to know if he was dead or alive. fleetfoot was not dead. he was only stunned by the tiger's blow. when eagle-eye bathed him with cold water, he began to show signs of life. when at length he opened his eyes, he knew that he was recognized. when those who stood near found out who the young man was, they shouted the tidings to those who were farther away. then the people rejoiced and thanked the gods for thus befriending them. before fleetfoot slept that night, he wondered how the meeting would end. he wondered if he could find a way to prevent an attack upon the bison clan. and, turning once more to the big bear, he soon fell asleep. next morning the people caught salmon just below the rapids. they feasted a while and then played games in which fleetfoot took part. when the games were over, the young men crowded around him. they asked him how he could throw a spear so as to strike a deadly blow. fleetfoot told all he knew about the use of spears and harpoons, but he scarcely knew himself how he had thrown with such force. but he took two spearheads in his hand, just as he had held them when he saw the tiger. he threw one at a mark and the spear went with such force that the young men shouted for joy. then they all practiced throwing until they could throw in the same way. it was in this way that people learned to hurl weapons with a throwing-stick. instead of hurling one spear by resting the butt against the barb of another, as fleetfoot had done when he threw at the tiger, they learned to shape sticks for throwing spears, and they called them "throwing-sticks." [illustration: _a throwing-stick._] the older men watched as fleetfoot showed the young men how he threw spears and harpoons. and soon they all agreed to ask fleetfoot to lead in the dance that night. scarface invited him to lead, and fleetfoot accepted. he was glad to lead in a real hunting dance, but he was still more glad to have a chance to prevent an attack upon the bison clan. and so he resolved to plan a dance which would make them forget their plan. when the time came to begin the dance, fleetfoot was ready to lead. he knew that the men all wanted to find good hunting grounds. so he showed them where to find such grounds and what trails to follow. [illustration: _an irish deer._] a few days later he went with the people to these very grounds. there they hunted the bison herds and the irish deer. and when each of the clans had chosen a place to camp, fleetfoot bade them farewell. then it was that the bravest young men came forward and said that they would follow him. and so the young men agreed to be brothers and to help one another in times of need. they agreed upon signs which they should use when they wanted to meet. and when fleetfoot started homeward, the young men escorted him. of the adventures on the way to the bison clan's cave there is little time to tell. all the young men were faithful. and as they journeyed on their way, they recalled fleetfoot's brave deeds in a victory song. #things to do# _show how the people acted from the time fleetfoot threw his spear until they knew who he was. draw pictures which will illustrate the story._ _make such a hunting dance as you think fleetfoot led. show in your sand-map the places where the hunting grounds were._ _name all the running games you know. tell how you play one of them. draw a picture of the cave-men playing games._ _make a throwing-stick._ _look at the picture of the irish deer and tell how it appears to differ from other deer you know. for what do you think it uses its large and heavy antlers?_ xxxiv things to think about what do you think flaker will do while fleetfoot is gone? what do you think the bison clan will do when fleetfoot returns? which do you think will be the greater man--fleetfoot or flaker? what things do you think fleetfoot will do? what do you think flaker will do? _fleetfoot's return_ [illustration: _a fragment of a cave-man's baton, engraved with the heads of bison._] flaker missed fleetfoot more than he could tell. awake, he thought of his dangerous journey. asleep, he was with him in his dreams. many, many times each day he prayed for fleetfoot's safe return. ever since the strangers had camped on their lands, the bison clan had been anxious. when questioned about it, greybeard was sad and bighorn shook his head. so the women were trying to arouse their courage, and flaker was carving prayers. when fleetfoot announced his return, it was flaker who heard his whistle. it was he who shouted the glad tidings to all the cave-men. and though he was lame, he was the first who ran ahead to greet him. fleetfoot and his companions had halted on a hillside not far from the cave. it was from this hill that fleetfoot whistled so as to announce his return. here his companions waited, while fleetfoot advanced alone. while fleetfoot greeted his friends and showed them his wonderful necklace, his companions chanted his brave deeds in a victory song. it was thus that the bison clan learned of fleetfoot's brave deeds. it was thus that they learned of his courage which came from fasting and prayer. when the song was ended, bighorn advanced with fleetfoot, and together they escorted the brave young men to the cave of the bison clan. there they feasted, and rested, and played games until it was time for fleetfoot's last test. meanwhile the young men became acquainted with flaker. fleetfoot had told them about him. he had shown them the dagger flaker made and the engraving of the big bear. and so the young men were glad to see him and make him one of their brotherhood. when the time came for fleetfoot's last test, he asked permission to speak. and when bighorn nodded his head, fleetfoot told the people the story of how he and flaker had worked and played together. he told of flaker's bravery the day he was hurt by the bison. he told of flaker's poniard which he used to kill the cave-bear. he told of the tools which flaker had made for working bone and horn. [illustration: _a cave-man's nose ornament._] then he said that the people of the bison clan had taught them to worship the gods. he said that flaker had the favor of the gods and that his prayers would bring success. and he urged the cave-men, on account of these things, to forget that flaker was lame, and to admit him into the ranks of the full-grown men. the cave-men listened to what fleetfoot said and they all gave assent. and when they made ready to receive fleetfoot, flaker was brought forward. the nose of each of the boys was pierced and they were given nose ornaments. on account of his bravery fleetfoot was given a baton which showed that he might lead the men. and flaker, too, received a baton, but his was to show that he could lead in the worship of the gods. [illustration: _a cave-man's baton engraved with wild horses._] and so every one knew that fleetfoot and flaker were brave young men. they had passed the tests that had been given for courage, and patience, and self-control. fleetfoot's companions stayed at the cave until the ceremonies were ended. then they renewed their vows to help one another and took leave of the bison clan. and fleetfoot, having done his duty, was free to return to willow-grouse. #things to do# _see if you can make such a victory song as you think the young men sang. see if you can make the speech which fleetfoot made for flaker._ _dramatize this lesson, and then draw a picture of the part you like the best._ _see if you can make a baton._ xxxv things to think about why do you think people began to live in places where there were no caves? can you think what kind of a shelter they might find? find out all you can about the difference between the winter and summer coat of some animal you know. which skins do you think would be used for curtains and beds? which skins would be used for clothing? which for the heavy winter coats? _willow-grouse_ soon after the salmon feast, willow-grouse saw her people again. when they went away, no one knew why she stayed behind. when they returned, no one noticed how eager she was to hear all that was said. so willow-grouse kept her secret from every one in the clan. many days the people hunted; but, at length, there were signs of the coming cold. it was then that the wise men gave an order to prepare for the journey to the winter home. all but willow-grouse obeyed; but she heeded not what was said. it was not because she did not hear the command. it was not because she did not care to live with her own people. it was simply because she remembered fleetfoot and was waiting for his return. and so, when the women chided her for being a thoughtless girl, they little thought that willow-grouse was making plans of her own. in the confusion of packing, nobody noticed that she stayed behind, and many moons passed before they learned what willow-grouse did. as soon as her people were out of sight willow-grouse began to make ready for fleetfoot. there was no cave near at hand, but there were high overhanging rocks. under one of these the people had camped. they found the roof and back wall of a dwelling ready-made. so they simply camped at the foot of the rock and built their camp-fire. willow-grouse knew that the bare rock was a good shelter in summer. but she also knew that it would soon be too cold to live in such an open space. so she cut long poles and braced them under the roof so as to make a framework for front and side walls. then she covered the framework with plaited branches, and left a narrow doorway which she closed with a skin. it was hard work to make the rock shelter, but willow-grouse did not mind it. she kept thinking of fleetfoot all the time, and she hoped the rock shelter would be their new home. [illustration: _an eskimo drawing of reindeer caught in snares._] when willow-grouse looked at her dress, she saw it was much the worse for wear. so she set snares in the reindeer trails and caught two beautiful reindeer. [illustration: "_a piece of sandstone for flattening seams._"] the soft summer skins of the reindeer had short, fine hair. willow-grouse scraped and pounded them and then polished them with sandstone. willow-grouse took great pains in making her new garments. she flattened the seams with a piece of sandstone until they were nice and smooth. then she gathered fossil shells from the rocks and trimmed the neck and sleeves. and she made a beautiful headband and belt, and pretty moccasins for her feet. [illustration: _a reindeer snare._] and when the time drew near for fleetfoot's return, willow-grouse dressed in her new garments. she put on the necklace of fossil shells and thought of fleetfoot's last words. fleetfoot kept his promise. when the new moon came he appeared. then willow-grouse became his wife and he lived with her in their new home. #things to do# _look at the picture of a rock shelter on page 14._ _find some large rocks and put them in your sand-box so as to show a natural rock shelter. make a framework for front and side walls, and see if you can make it into a warm hut. model the upper valley._ _find a piece of sandstone which you can use in polishing skins._ _dress a doll the way you think willow-grouse dressed. dress a doll the way you think fleetfoot dressed._ _find pretty seeds and shells which you can use in trimming belts and headbands. before sewing the seeds or shells on the band, lay them so as to make a pretty pattern. after you have made your pattern draw it on paper, so that you can look at it while you are trimming the band._ xxxvi things to think about look at what you have modeled in your sand-box and see if you can tell in what parts of the valley the snow will be deepest. when the snow is very deep, what do the wild animals do? what do the people do? can you think how people learned to use poison in hunting? does the poisoned weapon poison any part of the animal's flesh? why do people try to be careful not to leave poison around? _how fleetfoot and willow-grouse spent the winter_ when willow-grouse was living alone, she had to hunt for her own food. sometimes she caught animals in traps, and sometimes she hunted with spears and harpoons. when the wounded animal escaped, willow-grouse was disappointed. so she tried all sorts of ways to make sure of the game. one day she happened to use a harpoon which had been thrust into a piece of decayed liver. she wounded a reindeer with the harpoon and the animal soon died. [illustration: _three views of a cave-man's spearhead with a groove to hold poison._] and so willow-grouse soon learned to mix and to use poisons. when fleetfoot made simple spearheads of antler, she helped him make grooves to hold the poison. when they used poison on their weapons, they were sure of the game without a long chase. they lived happily in the rock shelter until the middle of winter. then heavy snowstorms came and the wild animals went away. fleetfoot and willow-grouse were left without food. they ate a piece of sun-dried meat which willow-grouse had left in a tree; and when that was gone, they put on their snowshoes and started toward the south. before many days had passed, they arrived at the cave of the bison clan. there they were made so welcome that they stayed for two moons. it was during this time that the bison clan learned to use the throwing-stick. while fleetfoot taught the use of the throwing-stick, flaker made wonderful harpoons. and as fast as fleetfoot found new ways of using weapons in hunting, flaker invented new weapons for the men to use. ever since fleetfoot had been away, flaker had been working at harpoons. he had made harpoon heads with two or three barbs, and now he was trying to make a harpoon with four or five barbs on each side. it took a long while to make a harpoon with many beautiful barbs. it took more patience to make it than most of the cave-men had. for when flaker traced a regular outline of the harpoon on one side of the antler, he traced the same outline upon the other side. then he cut upon these lines, and he shaped the barbs one by one, until he had made them all of the same shape and size. [illustration: "_it was during this time that the bison clan learned to use the throwing-stick._"] he finished the base of the head with a large ridge near the end so as to make it easy to attach it to the shaft. then he traced fleetfoot's property-mark upon it, and thought that it was done. but willow-grouse, who had been watching him, spoke up and said, "no, there is one thing more. you must put a groove in each of the barbs to carry the magic poison." and so, although willow-grouse learned a great deal from watching flaker use his tools, she taught him something he did not know. when the harpoon was really finished, flaker gave it to fleetfoot. and all the cave-men gathered around to see the new harpoon. when everybody had seen it, fleetfoot placed the harpoon upon his throwing-stick and hurled it again and again. to the people who stood near, the barbs carried the harpoon through the air like the wings of a bird. the deep grooves which held the poison carried sure death with each wound. and the throwing-stick with which it was hurled helped in getting a firm hold and a sure aim. [illustration: _harpoons with several barbs._] #things to do# _find a piece of soft wood and trace the outline of a harpoon upon it. see if you can whittle a harpoon with barbs._ _experiment until you can tell whether you like to have a ridge on the base of the harpoon head._ _draw one of these pictures:_- "_heavy snowstorms came and the wild animals went away._" _fleetfoot and willow-grouse find some dried meat in a tree._ _fleetfoot and willow-grouse arrive at the cave of the bison clan._ _flaker working at the barbed harpoon._ "_the barbs carried the harpoon through the air like the wings of a bird._" xxxvii things to think about how did people sew before they had needles? what bones do you think the cave-men would use first in making needles and awls? why would people want the hardest bones for needles? [illustration: _a bone pin._] [illustration: _a large bone needle._] see if you can find out where the hardest bones are found. see if you can think of all the things that would have to be done in making a needle out of a piece of ivory or a large bone. why do we sometimes wax thread? what do you think the cave-men would use instead of wax? why did the cave men make holes in their awls? what were the first holes which they made in their needles used for? how do you think they would think of carrying the thread through the needle's eye? why do we use thimbles when we sew? when do you think people began to use thimbles? what do you think the first thimbles were like? _how willow-grouse learned to make needles_ [illustration: _a bone awl._] willow-grouse soon made friends with the women. they admired the clothing she wore, and they wanted to learn how to polish skins and to make beautiful clothing. so willow-grouse showed the women how to polish skins and to make them into beautiful garments. while the women sewed with bone awls, willow-grouse watched flaker, who was sawing a bone with a flint saw. it was soon after this that willow-grouse learned to make needles of large hard bones. the first ones she made were not very beautiful needles. they were not so smooth nor so round as the awls she had made of bird's bones. but she made a beginning and after a while all the women learned to make fine needles. [illustration: _a bone from which the cave-men have sawed out slender rods for needles._] [illustration: _a piece of sandstone used by the cave-men in making needles._] they made the needles of a hard bone which they took from the leg of a horse. they traced out the lines they wished to cut just as flaker traced the harpoon. then they sawed out slender rods and whittled one end to a point. the other end they made thin and flat, for this was the end where the hole was made. they made the rods round and smooth by drawing them back and forth on a piece of soft sandstone. this made long grooves in the sandstone, which became deeper and deeper every time the sandstone was used. then they polished the rods by drawing them back and forth between the teeth of a flint comb. [illustration: _a flint comb used in rounding and polishing needles._] the first needles had no eyes. they were more like awls and pins, than needles. perhaps the first eyes were made in needles to keep them from getting lost. [illustration: _a flint saw used in making needles of bone taken from the leg of a horse._] it was hard work to saw the bone rods and to round and polish them. no wonder the women did not want to lose them. no wonder they bored little holes in the thin flat end and hung them about their necks. [illustration: _a short needle of bone._] it may have been willow-grouse who first discovered that the eye of the needle could carry the thread. she may have discovered it when she was playing with a needle she carried on a cord. at any rate, the women soon learned to sew with the thread through the needle's eye. and then they began to make finer needles with very small eyes. [illustration: _a flint comb used in shredding fibers._] these fine needles were used at first in sewing the softest skins. they were used, too, in sewing trimming on beautiful garments. but when the women sewed the hard skins, instead of a needle they used a bone awl. [illustration: _a long fine needle of bone._] at the meeting of the clans in the salmon season, the cave-men wore their most beautiful garments. and soon the clans began to vie with one another in wearing the most beautiful skins. and the women hunted for the choicest sands to use in polishing their needles. they still gave the first polish with a piece of sandstone or a gritty pebble. but when they gave the last polish the women used a powder of the finest sand. instead of beeswax, the women used marrow which they kept in little bags. instead of a thimble, they used a small piece of leather. and instead of pressing the seams with a hot iron, they made them smooth with a rounded stone. from the tough sinews of the large animals, every cave-man made his own thread. all the children learned to prepare sinew and to shred the fibers with a jagged flint comb. #things to do# _find bones which you can make into needles. see if you can find a piece of flint for a saw._ _find a piece of sandstone with which you can polish your needle._ _make a collection of the different kinds of sand in your neighborhood and tell what they can be used for._ _make a collection of needles and find out how they were made._ xxxviii things to think about if the animals went away in search of shelter from the storms, do you think the cave-men would know where they went? what do you think they would say when they noticed that the animals had gone? [illustration: _two views of a curved bone tool used by the cave-men in polishing skins._] how did the cave-men learn what they knew? why did they make more mistakes than people do to-day? what changes did the cave-men see take place in the buds? in seeds? in eggs? when they found shells in the hard rocks instead of in the water, what do you suppose they would think? have you ever heard any one say "it rained angleworms?" have you ever heard any one say that cheese or meat had "changed to maggots?" can you tell what really happened in each of these cases? can you see how stories of animals that turned into men could be started? is there anything that we can learn from these stories? _how flaker became a priest and a medicine man_ the winter was long and stormy. wild animals found little food. herds of horses and reindeer went to the lowland forests. game was scarce on the wooded hills. few horses or reindeer were seen near the caves. the trails were filled with snow and everything seemed to tell of the coming of a famine. the people ate the frozen meat that was left near the caves, and when they found they could get no more they began to pray to their gods. "o, big bear," they prayed, "send us thine aid. help us now or we die. drive the horses and reindeer out of thy caverns. send them back to our hunting grounds." when the first rumor of famine came, fleetfoot took down his drum. and he set out over the hills to call a meeting of the brotherhood. at the first sound of the drumbeat, the people knew what it meant. everybody felt a gleam of hope. the young men passed the signal along and fresh courage came to the hearts of the people in the neighboring clans. buckling their hunger-straps around them, the young men started at fleetfoot's call. they met near the bison clan's cave. there they told of the heavy snowstorms and the disappearance of the herds. they told of the beginnings of famine and considered ways of finding food. some said, "let us leave the old hunting grounds for our elders. let us take wives and go to far away lands." others said, "no, let us dwell together and let each clan keep its own hunting ground." "but how can we dwell together," said one, "when there is not food enough for all?" [illustration: _a cave-man's engraving of two herds of wild horses._] the silence which followed the young man's question showed that no one could reply. it was then that fleetfoot turned to flaker and asked him to speak what was in his mind. and flaker arose, and turning his eyes toward the heavens, he raised his baton, whereupon all the young men were silent. then he turned to the young men and said, "the gods will surely provide food for the hungry cave-men." "but the people need food and game is scarce," said one of the brave young men. "how can we prevent the famine? how can we make the gods understand?" "remember the big bear," said flaker. "he heard our prayer when we made his likeness on stone. let us make likenesses of the animals. the gods will then understand our prayers and send many herds to our hunting grounds." saying this, flaker picked up a flint point and a flat piece of stone and quickly engraved two herds of wild horses. the young men believed in the power of magic. and when they saw flaker engraving the herds, they believed the wild horses would come. and so they all tried to make the likeness of an animal they wished to hunt. [illustration: _a cave-man's carving of horses' heads._] when they had made offerings to the gods, the young men were ready to go out to hunt. flaker stayed at the cave, but it was he who directed them in the right way. he remembered all that the cave-men had said about the reindeer and the wild horses. and so when they started flaker said, "follow the trail to the dense forests." it so happened that just as the young men were starting to hunt, the herds were coming back from the forests. and so the young men had great success, and soon all the cave-men had plenty of food. [illustration: _a cave-man's engraving of a reindeer._] when the young men returned to their homes, they had strange stories to tell. they said that flaker had brought back the herds by his wonderful magic. they showed the engravings they had made and told of their magical power. and so wherever stories of fleetfoot's bravery went, stories of flaker's magic were told. and just as fleetfoot worked to learn all the arts of the hunter, so flaker worked to learn the arts which made him both a priest and a medicine man. flaker listened to all the stories that were told by the best hunters. he questioned them eagerly and learned many things which the hunters themselves soon forgot. he learned the haunts of the wild animals in the various seasons. he knew where to look for the best feeding grounds and the places of shelter from storms. and so when the fame of flaker was noised about among all the clans, people came from near and from far to make gifts and to get his advice. #things to do# _find soft wood or stone and see if you can engrave some animal on it._ _find a stick with branches and carve the head of some animal upon the end of the short branches._ _dramatize this story._ _draw one of these pictures:_- _fleetfoot starting out with his drum._ _flaker speaking to the young men of the brotherhood._ _flaker inquiring of returning hunters about the game and the feeding grounds._ _strangers coming with gifts to get flaker's advice._ xxxix things to think about think of as many simple ways of catching fish as you can. how do you think the cave-men fished? what do you think people mean when they say that some one is living a "hand-to-mouth" life? how do you think people learned to dry meat, fish, or fruit? why would the people honor the one who taught them to preserve food by drying it? can you think of anything which could be used as food when it was boiled, that would not be a good food eaten raw? name a bitter vegetable. what happens to the water in which a bitter vegetable is boiled? name a sweet vegetable. what happens to the water in which a sweet vegetable is boiled? what do you mean by "parboiling?" do you think the cave-men will learn how to boil food? _how the cave-men learned to boil and to dry foods_ again the salmon feast came, and again the neighboring clans camped at the rapids. this time they caught more salmon than they had ever caught before. and this was the summer that the cave-men began to dry salmon and to fish with harpoons. it was willow-grouse who thought of drying salmon, and carrying it to the caves. she remembered the berries dried on the bushes, and the dried meat she found in a tree. no doubt all the cave-men had eaten dried meat many times before. often the cave-men left strips of meat hanging from the trees. anybody could leave meat which he did not care to eat. anybody could eat meat which had been dried in the sun. but not every one was bright enough to think of drying meat. chew-chew had never dried meat, nor had any of the women. it was enough for them to prepare the meat which they needed day by day. few of the people ever thought of laying up stores for the morrow. they lived a "hand-to-mouth" life. but willow-grouse remembered the famines. she knew food was scarce in the early spring. and when she saw the river full of salmon, she thought of the sun-dried meat. and so willow-grouse caught some salmon and cleaned them and hung them on the branches of a tree. and when they had dried, she took them down and the cave-men said that dried salmon were good. and so all the people caught salmon and dried them in the sun. the first few days the people fished as they had fished before. they waded in the water and caught salmon with their hands, or they stunned them with clubs or with stones. but soon the men began to catch salmon by spearing them with barbed harpoons. [illustration: _harpoons of reindeer antler used for fishing._] afterward the cave-men fished with harpoons which had barbs on only one side. perhaps they first used a broken harpoon. perhaps they found they could throw with a surer aim when the barbs were on only one side. at any rate, the cave-men used harpoons with barbs on one side for fishing, while they used harpoons with barbs on both sides when they went out to hunt. it was about the time of the salmon feast that people began to boil food. pigeon first boiled food to eat. she remembered the broth and partly boiled meat which chew-chew said the gods had left. and she boiled meat and gave it to the men, and they all sounded her praises. for a while the only boiling pot pigeon used was a hole in the ground which she lined with a skin. then she used a water-tight basket for boiling little things. [illustration: _a flint harpoon with one barb._] pigeon always boiled by dropping hot stones into the water. she had never heard of a boiling-pot which could be hung over the fire. she had never heard of a stove. the cave-men knew nothing about such things as stoves. it would have done them no good if they had, for their boiling-pots could not stand the heat. so instead of putting the boiling-pot over the fire, the cave-men brought the fire to the boiling-pot by means of hot stones. in times of famine, pigeon learned to boil all sorts of roots and leaves. many bitter plants, when boiled, were changed so that they tasted very well. some plants which were poison when eaten raw were changed to good foods by being boiled. [illustration: _a spoon-shaped stone made and used by the cave-men._] and so the young women had their share in procuring food for the clans. while the young men invented new weapons for hunting, and tried to control the animals by magic, the young women learned to preserve foods and to keep them for times when game was scarce. when the end of the salmon feast came, the people had dried many salmon. it was soon after this that the young men captured wives and took them to new hunting grounds. and one of the very bravest young men was the one who captured pigeon. #things to do# _find some kind of raw food which you can dry. dry it and tell what happens. what dried foods do we eat? in what kind of a place do we keep dried foods?_ _find the best way of boiling bitter vegetables. tell what happens when you boil them. find the best way of boiling sweet vegetables._ _draw one of these pictures:_- _catching salmon just below the rapids._ _drying salmon._ _pigeon boiling meat for the cave-men._ xl things to think about do you think that any of the young men and their wives would live with fleetfoot and willow-grouse? where do you think flaker will live? can you think why willow-grouse would take great pains to embroider her baby's clothing? why would willow-grouse want pretty colors? think of new ways she might find of getting pretty colors. how could she get the color out of plants into the stuff she wished to color? why was it easier to make pretty dyes after people knew how to boil? _the new home_ a year or so passed and fleetfoot and willow-grouse were settled with their kinsfolk in a new rock shelter. its framework was covered with heavy skins instead of woven branches. heavy bone pegs and strong thongs served to keep the skins in place. flaker and other young men with their wives lived in the rock shelter. there were little children, too, and tiny babies. [illustration: _a baby's hood._] willow-grouse had a baby and she thought he was a wonderful child. she dressed him in the softest skins which she embroidered with a prayer. and she hung a bear's tooth about his neck because she thought it was a charm. in winter she put him in a skin cradle and wrapped him in the warmest furs. in summer he played in a basket cradle which willow-grouse wove on a forked stick. in all that willow-grouse did, she always asked the gods for help. the baskets she made for boiling food, were also prayers to the gods. [illustration: "_in summer he played in the basket cradle which willow-grouse wove on a forked stick._"] she searched for the choicest grasses and spread them on a clean spot to dry. no one knew so well as willow-grouse when to gather the twigs. she knew the season when they were full-grown and gathered them before the sap had hardened. she gathered them when the barks peeled easily and when the rich juices flowed. when the twigs were gathered the women soaked them and peeled off the bark. they left some of the twigs round, but others they made into flat splints. sometimes they stained them with the green rind of nuts, and sometimes they dyed them with pretty dyes. [illustration: _first step in coiled basketry._] [illustration: _second step in coiled basketry._] instead of weaving the baskets, willow-grouse sewed them with an over-and-over stitch. in this way she made the soft grasses into a firm basket. she began by taking a wisp of grass in the left hand and a flat splint in the other. she wound the splint around the wisp a few times then turned the wrapped portion upon itself. when she had fastened it with a firm stitch, again she wound the splint around the wisp and took another stitch. [illustration: _three rows of coiled work._] sometimes willow-grouse made baskets for boiling food, and sometimes she made them for carrying water. the baskets she prized most were the ones into which she put a prayer. the prayer was a little pattern which she made for a picture of one of the gods. sometimes it was a wild animal and sometimes it was a bird. sometimes it was the flowing river and sometimes a mountain peak. and sometimes it was a flash of lightning, and sometimes it was the sun. all the cave-men wanted the gods to be friendly and they wanted them to stay near. that is why they took so much pains in making pictures of them. that is why that soon after the rock shelter was made they engraved a reindeer upon the wall. [illustration: "_greybeard, now old and feeble, walked all the way to the spot._"] greybeard, now old and feeble, walked all the way to the spot. fleetfoot and flaker wanted him to perform the magic rites. [illustration: _a water basket._] not all the people who lived there were allowed to take part in the ceremonies. only the grown people were allowed to see the first part. and only the wisest and bravest ones went into the dark shelter. for a moment, those who went in stood in silence waiting for a sign. then, by the light of a torch, fleetfoot chiseled a reindeer on the hard rock, and greybeard, holding a reindeer skull, murmured earnest prayers. a feeling of awe came over them while they worked. they began to feel that the god of the reindeer was really there with them. they asked the god to take good care of those who lived in the rock shelter, and to send many herds of reindeer to the cave-men's hunting grounds. #things to do# _make a rock shelter with walls of skin instead of plaited branches. use bone pegs to keep the curtains drawn tight._ _find a forked stick and several smaller ones and make a framework for a basket-cradle. if you cannot weave such a cradle as the one shown in the picture, make one in some other way and fasten it to the framework._ _find grasses and splints and see if you can make a sewed mat or basket. make a simple pattern for your mat._ _look at the picture of a water basket. why do you think it was made to bulge near the bottom? why was the bottom made flat? why was the neck made narrow? why were handles put on this basket? tell or write a story about this basket._ _turn to the frontispiece and find a picture with this legend: "a feeling of awe came over them while they worked."_ xli things to think about what might happen that would lead the cave-men to work together? at what times might the clans help one another? think of as many ways as you can of making tents out of poles and skins. _how the clans united to hunt the bison_ in spite of all the cave-men did to appease the wrath of the gods, it seemed to them that a powerful god was trying to do them harm. soon after the bison came, the grass near the caves disappeared. then the herds scattered and the cave-men said, "the god has driven them away." as the word passed from cave to cave, all the people were frightened. wise men shook their heads and looked about in despair. then it was that the younger men spoke of fleetfoot and flaker. scarface knew of fleetfoot's courage. and when he heard of flaker's magical power, he sent messengers, bearing gifts, to invite them with their people to a meeting of the clans. fleetfoot and flaker accepted the gifts and made ready to go. the women made a stretcher for flaker. and when they had buried their household treasures, all set out to the meeting of the clans. they arrived at the fork of the river where fleetfoot had lived when he was a child. there the frightened clans had gathered to seek aid against a common foe. when the people saw flaker upon the stretcher, their voices were hushed and all was still. and when flaker, arising, fixed his eyes upon something that no one else could see, they scarcely breathed. they were sure that something was going to happen. instead of offering gifts, flaker threatened the angry god. he made faces at him; he shook his fists, and he made a great noise. and the people, becoming excited, joined flaker in making threats. they made faces, they joined hands, they danced about and they made such a horrible noise that they began to feel that the god was frightened and that he had gone away. when the ceremony was ended, the people hoped to find the herds. scarface asked for young men to go ahead and act as scouts. several young men at once stepped forward from different parts of the circle of the clans. and scarface selected fleetfoot and blackcloud to go in search of the herds. [illustration: _a cave-man's engraving of a tent showing the interior structure._] the people listened as scarface spoke thus to the young men: "go follow the tracks; listen to each sound; find where the herds are feeding. do not frighten them away. return quickly and report what you have seen. if you speak not the truth when you return, may the fire burn you; may the lightning strike you; may the big bear shut you in his dark cavern!" [illustration: _a cave-man's engraving of a tent showing the exterior._] the scouts nodded their heads, and looked to flaker for a sign. and flaker, turning to the scouts, said, "the gods will lead you. follow where the green grass is cropped. follow where the grass is trampled. these are the signs which the gods will give to show that you are on the right way." the scouts departed. the first day the clans made ready to move. the second day the scouts returned and brought news of the herds. the third day all the clans were traveling toward the fertile plains. [illustration: _a cave-man's engraving of a tent with covering pulled one side so as to show the ends of the poles which support the roof._] fleetfoot and blackcloud led the way and at midday caught sight of the herds. at once, fleetfoot gave the signal and scarface ordered the clans to stop. then the men prepared to attack the herds, while the women built the tents. there were no large trees in sight, but there were a few small ones. a grassy plain stretched all around for a long, long way. and so the women built their tents out of slender saplings. [illustration: _framework showing the best kind of a tent made by the cave-men._] most of the women made a framework by leaning poles against the branch of a tree. the roof and the walls of such a tent were one and the same thing. willow-grouse and her companions tried a different way. it was by trying different ways in the different places where they camped, that the women at length learned to make tents with the roof separated from the wall. the cave-men made pictures of some of these tents upon a piece of antler. [illustration: _a tent pin._] when the men parted from the women, they considered ways of attacking the herd. it was hard to approach it on the grassy plain without being seen. and the men knew that if the herd was alarmed, it would gallop far away. at length fleetfoot showed the cave-men a plan for surrounding the herd. and he asked who would volunteer to follow two leaders in separate lines. all the bravest men volunteered, for they were eager to make an attack. fleetfoot placed them in two lines and told them what each one was to do. fleetfoot led one of the lines through the grass to the right, and blackcloud led the other to the left. they crept softly through the tall grass until they had surrounded the herd. approaching the herd cautiously, they drew nearer and nearer together. fleetfoot gave the signal to attack when they were about a spear's throw away. at once the harpoons whizzed through the air and struck many a mortal blow. the bison were taken by surprise and they attempted to escape. but no sooner had they run from one side than they were attacked from the other. many a bison was killed that day and many others were wounded. many of the cave-men carried away marks of an ugly bison's horns. but all of the people had food and all the people were happy. and to show that they honored both fleetfoot and flaker they bored holes through their batons. #things to do# _make such a stretcher as you think the women made to carry flaker._ _make tents whose roof and walls are one and the same thing. make a tent whose roof and walls are separated. tell how you think people learned to make such perfect tents._ _dramatize one of the following scenes and then draw a picture to illustrate it:_- _the fear of the people at the disappearance of the herds._ _bearing gifts to fleetfoot and flaker._ _flaker threatening the angry god._ _sending the scouts._ _surrounding the herds._ _showing honors to fleetfoot and flaker._ xlii things to think about if there were not men enough to surround a herd can you think of anything the cave-men might do to drive them where they wanted them to go? how do we get animals into traps? why do you think people first began to make fences and walls? how do you think they used them? why do we have fences? what do we use them for? _how things were made to do the work of men_ when the clans returned to their own hunting grounds, they could not surround the large herds. there were not enough men in one cave to hunt in this way. sometimes they partly surrounded a herd and drove the animals over a cliff, but unless the herd was near the cliff, there were not enough men to drive them. and so the men tried to coax the animals to the edge of the cliff. sometimes they did it by imitating the cries the animals made. sometimes they did it by dressing so as to look like the animals themselves. but even then they often failed to get the animals into their trap. it was when fleetfoot saw a bison frightened by a feather that he thought of making things do the work of live men. the greater part of the day the bison fed some distance from the cliff. fleetfoot wanted to find a way of driving them up to the very edge. the bison drive which he invented was the way he succeeded in doing it. it was shaped like a letter #v# with the point cut off. the sides were piles of brush, or stones, or vines stretched from tree to tree. at the edge of the cliff where they started, the sides were only a short distance apart. but the farther out they extended, the farther they were apart. men, women, and children joined in making the bison drive. they piled stones and heaped up brush, and they hunted for long vines. then they hunted for feathers and bits of fur, which they tied along the lines. flaker performed the magical ceremony before the hunt began. fleetfoot dressed in a bison's skin so as to coax the herd along. women and children hid behind piles of stone and brush. and the men formed themselves in line far out from the cliffs in the rear of the herd. everybody kept still until fleetfoot's signal sounded. then the men sprang up and with loud shouts they ran after the herd. the bison saw fleetfoot in disguise; and, thinking he was one of the herd, they followed where he led. when the bison came near a pile of stones a woman or child frightened them. when they came near the fence of vines they were frightened away by the feathers and fur. and so the herd kept on toward the steep cliff. and with loud shouts and drumbeats, with the clatter of weapons and hard hoofs, the bellowing herd galloped madly on toward the steep cliff. then fleetfoot, throwing off his disguise, slipped under one of the lines; but the frantic herd rushed headlong to the brink of the precipice. then, seeing the danger, the foremost ones attempted to escape. but the maddened herd pressed blindly on and pushed them over the cliff. after such a hunt as this, there was food enough for many days. very likely the women dried meat during this time. #things to do# _model in your sand-box a good place for the bison drive. make the drive and show what happened from first to last._ _draw one of these pictures:_- _bison feeding some distance from the cliff._ _building a bison drive._ _fleetfoot leading the herd._ _the bison at the edge of the cliff._ _drying meat._ xliii things to think about can you think why people make rules and laws? why do we have them? what kind of rules and laws do you think the cave-men made? what laws do you think they would make about hunting animals? what laws would they make about the use of plants? what people did the cave-men honor most? what must any one do to be honored? what were some of the signs that a man was honored? when dangerous work needs to be done, what kind of men and women are needed? [illustration: _after the bison hunt._] _how the cave-men rewarded and punished the clansmen_ again the clans went to hunt on the fertile plains. again the women built the tents while the men went out to hunt. but before the tents were finished, the women heard the thunder of the galloping herd. angry shouts followed, and the women began to feel alarmed. all the men were angry with blackcloud. he had frightened the herd away. fleetfoot had planned to surround the bison as they were surrounded before. but a stronger and braver young man than blackcloud, helped fleetfoot lead the lines. [illustration: _handle of a cave-man's hunting-knife with engraving of a man hunting the bison._] nobody dreamed that blackcloud would do it. everybody knew that each one must be careful not to frighten the herd. the men crept quietly through the grass when they saw a bison browsing near the line. but when blackcloud saw a young cow, he rushed forward and made an attack. the loud bellow of the wounded cow gave the alarm to the herd. and before the cave-men could stop them, the bison were galloping madly away. and so all the men were angry with blackcloud. bighorn wanted to have him flogged. others wanted to kill him. he dared not come near them for many days. no one would hunt with him, and no one would give him food. [illustration: _a hunter's tally._] afterward, when he begged to be taken back, the people let him come. but first they gave him a hard flogging in the presence of the clan. as years passed, the custom grew of making rules for the hunt. and those who broke any of the rules were punished by the clan. every day the cave-men recited the brave deeds of the clan. they watched every one carefully, so as to know who the brave men were. those who were found most useful to the clan were given special honors. and when a man did a very brave deed he was given a hole in his baton. brave hunters, besides keeping trophies, engraved a record of their brave deeds. sometimes they kept a hunter's tally, and sometimes they engraved the animal they killed. [illustration: _fragment of cave-man's baton engraved with reindeer._] many of the cave-men engraved these records upon the weapons they used in the chase. they believed that the weapons which had such engravings were of great value for their magical powers. the wise men, who led the people, engraved their records upon their batons. others engraved them upon their trophies or upon bone hairpins which they used in their hair. [illustration: _engraving of a seal upon a bear's tooth._] the engraving of a seal upon a bear's tooth probably recorded a trip to the sea, while the rude sketch of the mammoth made on the mammoth's tusk, probably recorded a great hunt. by all these signs of brave deeds, the cave-men knew who the brave men were. and these same records help to tell the story of the later cave-men. #things to do# _write out some of the rules you have helped make for your games._ _do you think the rules are good ones?_ _see if you can engrave or carve an ornament on some weapon you have made. before doing it, think what you would like to have the ornament mean._ _draw one of these pictures:_- "_all the cave-men were angry with blackcloud._" _engraving records upon trophies and batons._ _tell a story of how bone hairpins came to be used._ _tell a story of the cave-men's trip to the sea._ _tell a story of a mammoth hunt._ [illustration: _a cave-man's hairpin engraved with wild horses._] * * * * * [illustration: suggestions to teachers] "the industrial and social history series," of which this is the third number, emphasizes, first of all, the steps in the development of industrial and social life. but in addition to its use as a series of text-books in history or social science, it has a place as a mode of approach to the different subjects included in the curriculum of the elementary school. whether the work suggested under "things to think about" and "things to do" is carried out in the period devoted to the study and recitation known as history (possibly some may prefer to call it reading), or in those periods devoted to geography, nature study, language, constructive work, and art, is largely a question of administration. the point for the teacher to make sure of is that the interests of the child which are aroused through the use of the books be utilized not merely in history, but in geography, nature study, reading, language, constructive work, and art. if this is done, subjects which too long have been isolated from the interests of real life, will become the means of stimulating and enriching all of the activities of the child. the list of references and the tabulated facts presented in _the early cave-men_, pp. 159-165, will be of service to the teacher who wishes to engage in a further study of the subject. special suggestions _lesson i._ it seems best to let the child read the first story before asking questions. afterwards, however, the following questions may be of service: did you ever see a reindeer? where do reindeer live now? where were the reindeer at the time of the tree-dwellers? where were they at the time of the early cave-men? (see _the tree-dwellers_, pp. 125-129, and _the early cave-men_, pp. 163-167.) why did the reindeer come to the wooded hills by the caves at the time of the cave-men? why do reindeer live in herds? name other animals that live in herds. do you think the reindeer herds would stay near the caves all the year? should any child inquire how we know that it was once very cold here, tell him of the tracks that the glaciers made, and of the work of the glaciers in grinding hard rocks so as to make fertile soil. let the children turn to the picture of a glacier on page 136, and let them hunt for a rock which has markings made by glacial action. but reserve the fine points of this topic for a later period. the children will be helped to get a conception of the great number of reindeer in a herd partly through the story, partly through illustrations, and partly through tearing reindeer from paper and mounting them so as to represent great herds. the child's experiences in seeing processions or large numbers of people assembled can also be used in forming a picture of the large number of reindeer that met at the ford. in this and in succeeding lessons, which refer to the women carrying the fresh meat to the cave, remember that animals no larger than the reindeer were carried to the cave. larger animals, such as the wild horse, the cow, and the bison, were divided on the spot. the bones having the greater amount of flesh were removed from the carcass and carried to the cave where the flesh was eaten and the bones left. three women could carry the flesh of one bison without the skin. when the skins were good they were carried to the cave. in addition to the skin and the flesh the cave-men prized the head as a trophy and also as a means of gaining control over the animals by sympathetic magic. all the skulls were broken, probably for the sake of removing the brains, which are usually considered a delicacy among primitive peoples. _lesson ii._ help the children to see that when people had no books, the person who knew most was of great service to the clan. the older people, because they had more experience, took the place of books. that is one reason why people were glad to take care of older and wiser people than themselves, when the latter were no longer able to do hard work. _lesson iii._ this lesson illustrates one form which education among primitive peoples takes. relate what is given regarding the speed of the wild horse in the lessons on pp. 61-71, in _the tree-dwellers_, which show the influence of such flesh-eating animals as wolves in developing the speed of the wild horse on the grassy uplands. _lesson iv._ this lesson illustrates the ideas of primitive peoples regarding sickness and methods of treating the sick, which consisted largely of ceremonies for driving the "angry god," the "evil spirit," away. in dealing with a superstition of primitive peoples always try to lead the child to discover the mistaken idea which gave rise to it. _lesson v._ let the children experiment in making straight shafts. the value of this work is not in the product--the shaft--but in its power to arouse the inventive spirit, to call forth free activity, and to yield an experience which lies at the basis of a great variety of subjects. _reference_: katharine e. dopp, _the place of industries in elementary education_, pp. 133, 140, 145. _lesson vi._ in most places throughout the united states there is some one who has a small collection of indian arrows. if the children can see some of these arrows or other flint implements, it will add greatly to their interest in this subject. in places where flint can be found, the children should collect specimens and experiment in chipping and flaking off small pieces. where no flint is to be found, it is possible to get good specimens by exchanging materials with children in other localities. _references_: katharine e. dopp, _the place of industries in elementary education_, pp. 72, 138-140. _lessons vii and viii._ the habit horses have of pawing the ground is thought to be a survival of the ancient habit of pawing snow away from the grass. the horses and reindeer stayed in the neighborhood of the caves all through the winter, going to protected places only in times of severe storms. the bison and wild cattle, on the contrary, went to the lowland plains and forests at the close of summer, and returned only after the snow had melted. since few children now have the opportunity to observe the bison, and no child has the opportunity to see great herds, they must rely upon books, pictures, and other symbols as sources for the necessary facts. in bringing the sources of knowledge to the children, the teacher should remember that the modern european bison, which is a descendant of the aurochs of pleistocene times, the species of bison we are considering, is smaller than the ancient form. the pleistocene bison of europe was similar to the american type that lived in the woodlands. although the teacher should make use of available materials in supplying herself with information regarding the bison, the following summary is presented, especially for those who do not have access to public libraries. the bison are naturally shy, avoiding the presence of man; they have a keen sense of smell, and hence man has difficulty in approaching a herd, except from the leeward side. they have little intelligence, are sluggish and timid, rarely attacking man or beast, except when wounded or in self-defense. in migrating they travel in large herds, but when feeding they separate into herds of about two or three hundred each. the leader maintains his position by superior intelligence and brute force. if he fails in duty he is punished. scouts go ahead of the herd in search of new pastures; and guards, or sentinels surround the herd and guard it while feeding and during the night. when the guards have been on duty awhile, they give place to fresh guards. in case of danger, the guards give a signal of alarm by tossing up the head and bellowing furiously. at this the leader gives a signal and the herd starts off at once. bison run swiftly for a short distance, but are not able to continue a rapid flight. they can run faster than cattle, however, and when pursued always run against the wind. when surprised or wounded, they turn upon their assailants and attack them furiously, fighting with horns and hoofs. they show their rage by thrusting out the tongue, lashing the tail, and projecting the eyes. at such times they are fierce and formidable. the enemies of the bison are the carnivorous animals. a herd of bison has no cause to be afraid of wolves or bears, but solitary bison are often killed by these creatures. the cry of a bison resembles that of a groan or grunt. in case the leader is killed and no bison is able to assert his authority, there is great confusion until the question of leadership is settled. _references_: richard irving dodge, _the plains of the great west_, pp. 119-147. w. t. hornaday, _the extermination of the american bison_, in "the smithsonian report of the u. s. national museum," 1887, pp. 367-548. poole's index will supply references to magazines, and the encyclopedias and natural histories will furnish further facts. _lessons ix and x._ boiling is such a common process that one seldom thinks of the importance of the discovery of the art. these lessons will show the child how people may have learned to boil and the explanation they would be apt to give of the changes which take place during the process. boiling was undoubtedly used as a religious ceremony long before it was used for cooking food. _lessons xi and xii._ if possible let the children take a field trip in connection with these lessons. if there are no nuts or wild fruits to gather, let the children gather fruits from a garden or some of the products of the farm. the particular conditions in which the children are placed will determine the form this lesson shall take. at any rate, there will be an opportunity to observe birds, squirrels, or rabbits. _lessons xiii and xiv._ the shelter described is a very early form and is important as a step in the evolution of shelter. the remains found give ample evidence that such a form was adopted by the cave-men of france. _lesson xv._ it was a common practice among primitive peoples to adopt a child or even a grown person into the clan. the custom is important as revealing one method of introducing new ideas at a time when means of communication were undeveloped. the description of the method of softening skins by beating and treading upon them illustrates the common use of rhythm and song as a means of holding the attention to what otherwise would be tedious work. _lessons xvi and xvii._ the data for these lessons is taken from drawings made by the cave-men and from the results of anthropological research among primitive peoples. it will be best not to confine the children to any one mode of clothing, but to allow them to express their own ideas regarding the first forms used. _lesson xviii._ in connection with this lesson the children will be interested in observing the signs of a storm, the actions of animals before and during a storm, methods they adopt to protect themselves, as well as the animals and birds which migrate from the place where the children live. _lesson xix._ let the children think of ways in which snowshoes might be invented, and the things the cave-men would be able to do after having the snowshoes. _lesson xx._ the invention of traps requires more forethought than the invention of weapons and was at a later date. the accidental catching of animals in natural traps, such as vines, pot-holes, soft places in the marshes and cliffs, offered a suggestion; and the tediousness of lying in wait, on the one hand, and the danger of a direct conflict with large animals, on the other, offered a strong motive for the use of nature's suggestions in the way of traps. undoubtedly women made a large use of traps in catching the smaller animals before men gave much attention to this mode of hunting. if the children make as many simple traps as they can think of and arrange them in the order of their complexity, they will be able after a few months to work out a fairly complete series in the evolution of traps. _lesson xxi._ this lesson illustrates the constant interaction between man's inventions and the animal's habits. a new invention which gives man greater power in hunting, makes the animals more timid, more watchful, more skillful in escaping from man's presence. hence, man is constantly stimulated to make new inventions, in order to be successful in the hunt. _reference_: katharine e. dopp. _the place of industries in elementary education_. (see index under _animals_ and _traps_.) _lesson xxii._ no animal was more difficult to hunt than the wild horse. herds of horses were organized under a leader and sentinels which were very alert in detecting the least sign of danger; and as soon as the alarm was given, the herds would run with great speed until they were out of sight. when unable to escape they would fight furiously with hoofs and teeth. when in need of a new pasture, scouts--the old, experienced, wise, cautious, and observant members of the herd--would be sent out to search for good feeding grounds and to report to the herd. _lesson xxiii._ help the children to see that, although the children of the caves did not go to such schools as we have, they had lessons to learn and tests to take. those who lived together had to learn to work together. each one must learn to be patient, brave, and self-controlled. the thoughtless, impatient, and cowardly were apt to prevent the capture of wild animals in the hunt, and to risk the lives of their clansmen. hence, from early childhood the old men and women gave attention to teaching the children, preparing them for the tests which must be passed before they ranked with the men and women. _lesson xxiv._ instances of stags meeting death by having their horns interlocked are well known. _lesson xxv._ encourage the children to notice the difference between those animals which live in herds and those which lead a solitary life. although the dog has changed greatly since it was domesticated, a study of the dog will be helpful in understanding the habits of packs of wolves. jack london's _call of the wild_, and ernest thompson seton's stories will be helpful in this connection. the cat, having changed less than the dog, will furnish the child with a good type of carnivorous animals that lead a solitary life. _lesson xxvi._ from an examination of the skeletons which have been referred to the late pleistocene period, it is evident that the cave-men were able to treat wounds and to set bones. "no one could have survived such wounds as we have described," writes mr. nadaillac, "but for the care and nursing of those around him, such as the other members of his tribe. the wounded one must have been fed by the others for months; nay more, he must have been carried in migrations, and his food and resting place must have been prepared for him." _lesson xxvii._ there was little difference between weapons and tools until the period of the later cave-men. a piece of chipped stone served as a tool and a weapon. the children learned when they read _the tree-dwellers_ how people used the tools in their bodies and how they supplemented these by the use of natural tools, such as sticks, stones, shells, bones, and horns. in reading _the early cave-men_ they learned how people chipped flint and bound strong handles to heavy spear points and axes. at this time they can learn how people came to make use of new materials--materials which require the use of _tools_ in shaping into weapons. tools had been used by women from a very early time. the digging-stick, the hammer-stone, the chopper, the knife, and the bone awl are tools which every woman used. men, on the contrary, were more interested in weapons than in tools, and it is quite likely that the first steps which led to the differentiation of tools from weapons was made by a man who had been wounded and thus disabled for the hunt. the incident of bighorn making fun of the bone dagger is introduced to illustrate the conservative tendency which is still present in society, a tendency less powerful now than in early times, yet strong enough to keep many people out of sympathy with the forces which work for progress. let the children examine a real antler, if possible, and notice its fitness for being made into a variety of tools and weapons. if no antler can be found let them examine the picture of one, so as to determine what part of it is used in making a dagger, a hammer, a baton, a tent peg, and an awl. _lesson xxviii._ the invention of the flint saw marks an important step in the evolution of both tools and weapons. without the saw it would have been impossible to use such material as bone, horn, and ivory. it is interesting to notice that the saw was at first not clearly differentiated from the file and the knife, the three tools being united in one piece of flint. _lesson xxix._ in representing the action of a story by means of pantomime, let the children choose a leader who shall take charge of the action. where this has been tried the results have been very satisfactory. the children, because they feel the responsibility, are stimulated to their best thought. the pleasure they take in the play leads them to a far more careful study of the book than they would make without this stimulus. in addition to this, it leads them to be alert in making use of various sources of knowledge. _lesson xxx._ hunting peoples, because they live a hand-to-mouth life, have either a feast or a famine. game was so plentiful during the late pleistocene period that we may suppose that the cave-men usually had plenty of food. the time when a famine was most likely to occur was early spring, before the grass furnished food for the herds which came a little later. when food supplies begin to fail, the clan breaks up into smaller groups, and, in case of great scarcity, each of these groups subdivides so that food may be found. the worship of the bear and other large animals can be traced back to a very ancient period. it undoubtedly originated in the pleistocene period when man first stood in fear of these animals and tried to win their favor by offering gifts. _lesson xxxi._ in central france, the region from which the greater part of the data used in this book is derived, small glaciers were to be found in the upper portions of the mountain valleys, but they did not extend far down the river valleys. in other places, however, glaciers extended far down into the lowlands. while this is not the place for a thorough study of the glacier, it is possible for the children of primary grades to understand certain phases of the subject. the teacher who attempts to make clear the formation of the glacier may find the following quotation from prof. shaler helpful: "when a glacial period comes upon a country, the sheets of ice are first imposed upon the mountain tops, and then the ice creeps down the torrent and river beds far below the snow line, in a manner now seen in switzerland and norway. as long as the ice streams follow the torrent-channels, they act in something like the fashions of the flowing waters--to gouge out the rocks and deepen the valleys; but as the glacial period advances and the ice sheet spreads beyond the mountains enveloping the plains as well, when the glacier attains the thickness of thousands of feet, it disregards the valleys in its movements and sweeps on in majestic march across the surface of the country. as long as the continental glaciers remain the tendency is to destroy the river valleys. the result is to plane down the land and, to a certain extent, to destroy all preëxisting river valleys." if this subject is studied while snow is on the ground it will be interesting to the children to experiment out of doors in making glaciers. if there are no hills present the children can readily make small hills on their playground and the falling and partial melting of the snow will do the rest. _lesson xxxii._ neighboring clans are accustomed to meet at the rapids of a river during the salmon season. at such places, and in all places where abundant sources of food are to be found, neighboring clans participate in feasting, dancing, and general merrymaking. just as scarcity of food tends to separate people, so abundance of food tends to draw them together. at such gatherings people of different clans exchange ideas, learn new ways of doing things and become accustomed to act in larger groups for the accomplishment of a common purpose. _lesson xxxiii._ on the side of invention the throwing-stick is a point to be emphasized in this lesson. on the side of social coöperation, the organization of the brotherhood is the point of interest. such organizations are characteristic of primitive peoples, and similar organizations among children are of common occurrence. _lesson xxxiv._ this lesson serves to bring out the contrast between fleetfoot, the brave, active young man, who is beginning to develop the arts which require great personal bravery and force, and flaker, the crippled young man, whose ability is directed toward the development of tools and the arts which later make him a priest and medicine man. originally, there was no sharp distinction between the priest and the medicine man. one person performed both functions, and in many cases this person was a woman. later, those who made use of supplication and entreaty constituted the priesthood, while those who attempted to frighten the gods were known as medicine men. _lesson xxxv._ overhanging rocks were made use of for natural shelters from the earliest times. the improvement of the natural shelter by the addition of front and side walls was a later step and was doubtless an invention of woman. the motives for such an invention may be found in the fact that in many places near good hunting grounds there were not enough caves to shelter the people. under such circumstances, as well as in districts where no caves abound, women would not be slow to take advantage of the overhanging rocks and to use their ingenuity in converting them into comfortable habitations. let the children compare summer and winter skins, if possible; if not, let them notice the difference between the horse's coat in winter and summer. _lesson xxxvi._ to help the children to realize the importance of the discovery of the use of poison, let the children think of the many advantages which the cave-men enjoyed because they could use it. the dependence of man upon animals for his food supply is shown here. the disappearance of the herds caused fleetfoot and willow-grouse to leave the rock-shelter. this is the beginning of a series of events which culminates in a famine. with this in mind, the teacher can emphasize the points which lead up to the famine. _lesson xxxvii._ let the children bring together from various sources the materials and tools required to make needles by the processes of the cave-men. do not require the children to make needles, but permit them to experiment with the materials so as to understand the subject. if the children label and arrange the collection they make in an orderly way, the work itself will be of great value to them, and the collection will constitute an interesting feature in the children's industrial museum. _lesson xxxviii._ such a lesson as this ought to be helpful in freeing the child from superstitions without putting him out of sympathy with people who entertain them. in their origin superstitions are unsuccessful attempts to explain the phenomena of life. in spite of the fact that many of the beliefs of mankind have been false, they have served a useful purpose in the development of the individual and in uniting individuals into social groups. the art of the cave-men, as illustrated in this and in other lessons, shows a belief in sympathetic magic, a belief that is universal among primitive peoples. the fear formerly entertained by the american indians of having their photographs taken was due to a belief in sympathetic magic. the one who possessed the likeness was supposed to have some mysterious power over the person. help the children to distinguish between the things the cave-men did which really helped and those which they thought helped. notice that flaker actually learned a great deal about the topography of the country, the location of the best hunting grounds, the movements and habits of the herds, and, because of this, was often able to give the cave-men good advice. the magical ceremonies he practiced were of use to him in getting the people to believe in his wonderful power. (see, also, notes under _xxxiv_.) _lesson xxxix._ although there was a great variety and abundance of fish, not all the cave-men used fish. from the remains which have been found, however, we know that different clans used nearly all the varieties of fish which still may be found in our rivers and lakes; and we may readily believe that a salmon stream would be held as property common to all the neighboring tribes, as it is to-day among hunting and fishing peoples. fishing tackle of the cave-men was very crude. fish were sufficiently abundant, however, to be caught with the hands or by means of stones and clubs. a fish hook made of a bear's tooth, by removing the enamel and crown and lessening the thickness by rubbing, has been found. the barbed harpoons, which were originally made for hunting, were later used in spearing fish. harpoons with barbs on both sides were well adapted for throwing through the air, while those with barbs on one side were better adapted for use in the water. an experiment with a pencil in a glass of water will show the child that the part in the water is not where it appears to be, and from this he can readily reach the conclusion given above. _lesson xl._ if one will notice the clothing and the cradles of the north american indians in a museum, he cannot fail to observe that care was taken in their preparation. they are comfortable and, in many cases, beautiful. we may well believe from what is known that among all primitive peoples the beauty, especially that of ornamentation, was for the sake of some supposed magical power. the representation of an animal was supposed to secure the especial protection of that animal, which was worshiped as a god. the bear's tooth, which was pierced and strung about the neck of an infant, served a useful purpose when the child was cutting teeth, and it was supposed to be a charm which served to protect the child. _lesson xli._ the strongest motives for coöperation were doubtless the common need of protection from dangerous beasts of prey and the need of adopting methods of hunting wild animals which required the united efforts of many people. notice that the different batons and fragments of batons represented in this book differ in the number of holes bored through them. it is thought that the number of holes indicated the rank of the owner. although many theories are given regarding the use of batons, the one which seems most tenable to the author is that which views them as marks of distinction and instruments used in magical ceremonies and in hunting dances. _lesson xlii._ the method of hunting herds by surrounding them is a coöperative method suitable to such regions as grassy plains, and comparatively level tracts which are sparsely wooded. the drive, on the contrary, is adapted to regions where steep cliffs are to be found. it is a natural development of the earlier method of hunting by taking advantage of the proximity of animals to steep cliffs. in that case man's part was to lie in wait until a favorable opportunity presented itself for frightening the animals over. the lesson in _the tree-dwellers_ on "how the hyenas hunted the big-nosed rhinoceros," and the one in _the early cave-men_ on "hunting the mammoth," illustrate early stages of this method. notice that there is a new principle employed in this lesson--that of the decoy--and that the method of hunting by means of the drive makes use of various ideas worked out before. _lesson xliii._ the experience of children in games is sufficient to enable them to realize the necessity of making laws and rules for regulating the conduct of the members of the group. this lesson should serve to connect this narrow experience with that of the race. many of the representations of the cave-man's art, as shown in the illustrations of this book, might well have been made the subjects of special lessons. the limits of this book, however, forbid further expansion. * * * * * industrial and social history series _by katharine elizabeth dopp, ph. d._ _lecturer in education in the extension division of the university of chicago. author of "the place of industries in elementary education."_ what the books are _book i._ #the tree-dwellers.# the age of fear. _illustrated with a map, 14 full-page and 46 text drawings in half-tone by howard v. brown. cloth, square 12mo, 158 pages. for the primary grades._ this volume makes clear to the child how people lived before they had fire, how and why they conquered it, and the changes wrought in society by its use. the simple activities of gathering food, of weaving, building, taming fire, making use of stones for tools and weapons, wearing trophies, and securing coöperative action by means of rhythmic dances, are here shown to be the simple forms of processes which still minister to our daily needs. _book ii._ #the early cave-men.# the age of combat. _illustrated with a map, 16 full-page and 71 text drawings in half-tone by howard v. brown. cloth, square 12mo, 183 pages. for the primary grades._ in this volume the child is helped to realize that it is necessary not only to know how to use fire, but to know how to make it. protection from the cold winters, which characterize the age described, is sought first in caves; but fire is a necessity in defending the caves. the serious condition to which the cave-men are reduced by the loss of fire during a flood is shown to be the motive which prompts them to hold a council; to send men to the fire country; to make improvements in clothing, in devices for carrying, and in tools and weapons; and, finally, to the discovery of how to make fire. _book iii._ #the later cave-men.# the age of the chase. _illustrated with 27 full-page and 87 text drawings in half-tone by howard v. brown. cloth, square 12mo, 197 pages. for the primary grades._ here is portrayed the influence of man's presence upon wild animals. man's fear, which with the conquest of fire gave way to courage, has resulted in his mastery of many mechanical appliances and in the development of social coöperation, which so increases his power as to make him an object of fear to the wild animals. since the wild animals now try to escape from man's presence, there is a greater demand made upon man's ingenuity than ever before in supplying his daily food. the way in which man's cunning finds expression in traps, pitfalls, and in throwing devices, and finally in a remarkable manifestation of art, is made evident in these pages. _book iv._ #the early sea people.# first steps in the conquest of the waters. _illustrated with 21 full-page and 117 text drawings in half-tone by howard v. brown and kyohei inukai. cloth, square 12mo, 224 pages. for the intermediate grades._ the life of fishing people upon the seashore presents a pleasing contrast to the life of the hunters on the wooded hills depicted in the previous volumes. the resources of the natural environment; the early steps in the evolution of the various modes of catching fish, of manufacturing fishing tackle, boats, and other necessary appliances; the invention of devices for capturing birds; the domestication of the dog and the consequent changes in methods of hunting; and the social coöperation involved in manufacturing and in expeditions on the deep seas, are subjects included in this volume. _other volumes, dealing with the early development of pastoral and agricultural life, the age of metals, travel, trade, and transportation, will follow._ _write us for detailed information regarding these books and a complete list of our up-to-date publications._ #rand mcnally & company# educational publishers chicago new york london [illustration : bulletin 249 washington, d.c. 1968] museum of history and technology contributions from the museum of history and technology _papers 52-54 on archeology_ smithsonian institution washington, d.c. 1968 _publications of the united states national museum_ the scholarly and scientific publications of the united states national museum include two series, _proceedings of the united states national museum_ and _united states national museum bulletin_. in these series, the museum publishes original articles and monographs dealing with the collections and work of its constituent museums--the museum of natural history and the museum of history and technology--setting forth newly acquired facts in the fields of anthropology, biology, history, geology, and technology. copies of each publication are distributed to libraries, to cultural and scientific organizations, and to specialists and others interested in the different subjects. the _proceedings_, begun in 1878, are intended for the publication, in separate form, of shorter papers from the museum of natural history. these are gathered in volumes, octavo in size, with the publication date of each paper recorded in the table of contents of the volume. in the _bulletin_ series, the first of which was issued in 1875, appear longer, separate publications consisting of monographs (occasionally in several parts) and volumes in which are collected works on related subjects. _bulletins_ are either octavo or quarto in size, depending on the needs of the presentation. since 1902 papers relating to the botanical collections of the museum of natural history have been published in the _bulletin_ series under the heading _contributions from the united states national herbarium_, and since 1959, in _bulletins_ titled "contributions from the museum of history and technology," have been gathered shorter papers relating to the collections and research of that museum. the present collection of contributions, papers 52-54, comprises _bulletin_ 249. each of these papers has been previously published in separate form. the year of publication is shown on the last page of each paper. frank a. taylor _director, united states national museum_ papers _page_ 52. excavations at clay bank in gloucester county, virginia, 1962-1963 1 ivor noël hume 53. excavations at tutter's neck in james city county, virginia, 1960-1961 29 ivor noël hume 54. the "poor potter" of yorktown 73 part i: documentary record c. malcolm watkins part ii: pottery evidence ivor noël hume index 113 papers 52-54 on archeology contributions from the museum of history and technology: paper 52 excavations at clay bank in gloucester county, virginia, 1962-1963 _ivor noël hume_ historical background 4 archeological and architectural evidence 8 method of excavation 10 archeological stratigraphy 11 the artifacts 12 conclusions 14 [illustration: figure 1.--detail from augustine herman's map of virginia which was published in 1673.] _ivor noël hume_ excavations at clay bank in gloucester county, virginia, 1962-1963 _this paper describes and analyzes artifacts recovered from the jenkins site at clay bank, gloucester county, virginia. the building which overlay the excavated cellar hole does not appear on any known map. among the number of interesting objects recovered was a large stem and foot from an elaborate drinking glass or candlestick of fine quality english lead metal. it was found in association with crude earthenwares, worn out tools, and broken and reused clay tobacco pipes, suggesting that this material was derived from various sources._ the author: _ivor noël hume is director of archeology at colonial williamsburg and an honorary research associate of the smithsonian institution._ early in january 1962 a brick foundation was discovered at clay bank in gloucester county following the removal of a walnut tree beside the residence of mr. william f. jenkins. the tree was of no great antiquity but the foundation beneath it was thought by mr. jenkins to be worthy of archeological examination. the author, therefore, visited the site late in the same month and found that the brick footings were certainly of colonial date. from the small collection of ceramics and other artifacts also exposed by the tree, there was reason to suppose that the building had ceased to exist late in the 17th or perhaps early in the 18th century. the site lay on the north bank of the york river on rising ground immediately west of clay bank landing. little or nothing was known about the property in the colonial period and it was apparently identified on no known maps or land plats. however, the fact that it was adjacent to part of the 18th-century page family plantation (whose mansion house had been included in previous archeological work[1]) and because the clay bank site gave promise of yielding information regarding domestic life in the late 17th century, the author decided to undertake limited excavation in the area of the structure. with the assistance of local volunteer labor and the archeological staff of colonial williamsburg, two trenches were dug, one exposing a larger area of the brick foundation, and the other parallel to it some 11 feet to the west in the direction of the river. the first cutting revealed the remains of a massive brick chimney measuring 10 feet 2 inches by 6 feet using oystershell mortar and laid in english bond. the brickwork was not bonded to, or abutting against, any wall foundation and it was therefore presumed that the building to which it belonged had stood on piers. the second trench cut through mixed strata of sand, black soil, and scattered oystershells extending downward to a depth of at least 3 feet 9 inches, at which level a thick layer of shells was found. in the top of the shell stratum were fragments of glass wine bottles of the late 17th century and parts of an iron can. it was clear that the trench was not wide enough to enable the artifacts to be studied in situ or removed in safety, and consequently work was halted until the project could be developed into an area excavation. both the stratigraphy and the similarity in date of artifacts from top to bottom of the test trench strongly indicated that we were cutting through one deposit, probably the filling of a cellar belonging to the same building as the large brick chimney to the east. remembering the huge quantities of artifacts that had been recovered from a single hole at neighboring rosewell, it was hoped that yet another significant contribution would be made to the archeology of colonial virginia. but in the final analysis the clay bank site was to prove less rich and less historically important (owing to a lack of adequate documentation) than had been anticipated. on the credit side, however, it did contribute new facts relating to building construction in 17th-century virginia, as well as yielding a series of closely dated tools and miscellaneous artifacts, plus one piece of glass that is not only without parallel in america, but which is of sufficient importance to merit a place in the annals of english glass. for this one object alone, the clay bank project would have been eminently worthwhile. historical background archeology may be termed the handmaiden of history in that it is truly the servant of the historian, providing information that is not to be gleaned from documentary records. at best it is a poor substitute for the written word, but when the two are used together the pages of history may acquire an enlivening new dimension. this is particularly true of american colonial history where the documentation often is extremely full. unfortunately gloucester county was one of those whose court records were destroyed during the civil war, and it is difficult and often impossible to establish property histories over an extended period of time. however, it is debatable just how much of the blame can be laid at the doors of war, as many of the county's colonial records had already been destroyed in a fire at the clerk's office of the gloucester courthouse in 1820. no acceptable evidence has been found to definitely identify the original owner or the name of the building revealed by the 1962 excavations, though it has been supposed that the adjacent "ardudwy" (the present home of mr. and mrs. jenkins) was originally named "new bottle" and was built by robert porteus at the beginning of the 18th century. it was hoped that artifacts found on the site might provide evidence to support the porteus association, but nothing conclusive was forthcoming. the only conceivable shred of evidence, thin to the point of transparency, was provided by a handsome 17th-century latten spoon bearing a thistle as its touchmark, suggesting, perhaps, that it was made by a scots craftsman. as the family of edward porteus, the emigrant and father of robert porteus, came from new bottle in scotland, it might be argued that the spoon was among edward's possessions when he arrived in virginia. such a deduction is readily assailable, but it is no more so than much other "documentation" relating to the porteus family in virginia. the distinguished gloucester county historian, dr. william carter stubbs undertook considerable research into the history of the porteus family, the results of which may be summarized as follows: edward porteus was living in gloucester county by 1681 in which year he married the widow of robert lee. he died in 1694 leaving a widow and one son, "capt." robert porteus who became heir to "new bottle" plantation. robert married the daughter of john smith of "purton" and after her death he married a daughter of governor edmund jennings of "rippon hall" in york county. his two wives bore him 19 children, the best known of whom was beilby porteus who was born in 1731 after robert had returned to england (in about 1727) to live at york. beilby porteus became bishop of chester and then of london, and died in 1808. robert lived on in york until his death in 1758.[2] the location of "new bottle" has been the subject of dispute for many years, and as the recent excavations have done nothing to resolve the matter, it is not necessary to explore the conflicting opinions and evidence in detail. it is enough to recall that the _vestry book of petsworth parish_[3] clearly places robert porteus in the second precinct which extended from bennit's creek up the york river to jones' creek. the first precinct had begun at clay bank creek and had reached to bennit's creek. today most of these names have been changed; clay bank creek is marked as aberdeen creek, the creek at clay bank which was apparently originally known as bennit's creek now has no name at all, and only jones' creek remains the same. the only extant map that shows both clay bank creek and bennit's creek is the augustine herman map of virginia and maryland published in 1673 (fig. 1). but this shows bennit's creek as being as long as the present jones' creek, while the latter is omitted from the map altogether. however, as the parish records delineating the bounds of the precincts in 1709 refer to both bennit's creek and jones' creek there cannot have been any confusion between them. it is therefore reasonably well established that the porteus property lay between those creeks, which would place it north of the modern community of clay bank and south of jones' creek. although it has not been proved that the porteus land included the york river frontage, it is reasonable to suppose that it did. thus, if that conjecture is accepted, it becomes highly probable that the present "ardudwy" and the adjacent early foundation are on what were once porteus acres.[4] the porteus family continued to own this or other land in the second precinct until at least 1763 as the bounds of that precinct were ordered to be processioned in 1751, 1755, 1759 and 1763 beginning "on the land of robt porteus esqr."[5] as robert porteus never returned to virginia after 1727 and died in 1758, it must either be assumed that the plantation was taken over by a son or that it was operated by a tenant or manager on "capt." robert porteus' behalf. in the absence of any other documentation indicating the presence of any members of the porteus family in gloucester after october 1725,[6] the latter construction seems most reasonable. the continuing references to robert porteus' land in the second precinct until 1763 may be explained as referring to the estate of the late robert porteus. [illustration: figure 2.--plan of excavations in relation to the existing house.] [illustration: figure 3.--plan of excavated areas and structural remains.] even if the modern jenkins property is accepted as having been part of the porteus plantation it does not necessarily follow that either the excavated foundation or the much modernized "ardudwy" represent the remains of the porteus house. however, there may be some grounds for arguing that the foundation and cellar hole were part of the house of edward porteus the emigrant. according to legend, robert porteus' property had once belonged to a dr. green at whose house nathaniel bacon died in 1676.[7] clues to the appearance of robert porteus' house are provided by an entry in the _petsworth parish vestry book_ for november 12, 1704. there it was recorded that the churchwardens drew up an agreement "... wth ezra cotten for ye building of a gleebhouse & a kitchen ye sd house to be of ye same dementions as mr robt pourtees. & to be framed on good white oak sills and to stand upon blocks & to be lathd. wth goo[] oak lathes and shingled wth good siprus shingles the sd house to be 36 foot in length & 20 foot wide, ye roof to be 18 inches jet and to have two outside chimnies and two closets adjoyning to them, and all things ells pertaining according to ye dementions of ye above sd robt pourtees house, viz, ye above sd kitchin to be foot long & foot wide"[8] the two important features of these instructions are the measurements of the building and the fact that it was raised on blocks and, therefore, did not have a walled basement beneath it. but while the measurements are stated to be those of the porteus house, it does not necessarily follow that the elevation of the glebe house on blocks also drew its precedent from that source.[9] however, if it did, then the modern "ardudwy" could not have been the porteus home as this building not only measures 47 feet 3 inches by 15 feet 10 inches, but it is also built over a substantial brick-walled basement. on the other hand, the excavated cellar hole (though apparently having ended its life prior to about 1700) was almost certainly part of a building built on blocks or piers. it seems reasonable to suggest that ezra cotten was assumed by the churchwardens to know more about the porteus house than was given in their specifications, in which case it might be supposed that he had actually built that house. by extension it might also be assumed that the job had been completed a comparatively short while before the building of the glebe house was proposed. therefore, if it can be established that robert porteus built himself a new house not too long before november 1704, it would probably follow that he had lived in his father's old house until that time. if edward's house was then destroyed, it would certainly add further support to the theory that the excavated remains are part of that building. unfortunately, there seems little likelihood of obtaining any additional information regarding either the site of, or the appearance of robert porteus' house. the glebe house does not survive, having been abandoned in 1746,[10] and the only other potential source of information has seemingly been lost. the reverend robert hodgson in his _the life of the right reverend beilby porteus_[11] stated that the bishop possessed "... a singular picture which, though not in the best style of coloring, was yet thought valuable by sir joshua reynolds, as a specimen of the extent which the art of painting had reached at that time in america: and he himself very highly prized it, as exhibiting a faithful and interesting representation of his father's residence." this last statement is assumed to be hearsay as beilby porteus was born in england in 1731 and did not, as far as we know, ever visit virginia. attempts to find the picture have met with no success[12] and in all probability it has long since been destroyed or at best, robbed of its identity. archeological and architectural evidence it is not within the purpose of this paper to include an architectural study of "ardudwy." neither the building's measurements nor its basement lend credence to the belief that it was once the home of robert porteus. in addition, the 1704 specification called for exterior chimneys while those of "ardudwy" are interior. the basement walls use shell mortar and include bricks of widely varying sizes, but although many of them have an early appearance, they may well have been reused from elsewhere. interior details such as mantels and doors would seem to date from the early 19th century. what little of the framing that is visible is pegged but is liberally pierced with both wrought and cut nails. all in all, it seems probable that "ardudwy" was built in the very late 18th or early 19th century. archeological evidence supports this belief in that the property is richly scattered with artifacts of the late 17th century and of all dates after about 1800, but has yielded very few items that can be attributed to the 18th century. all appearances point to the abandoning of the immediate area as a habitation site after the destruction of the excavated building around 1700. the subsequent building of "ardudwy" so close to the early house may be assumed to be coincidental, though the site is certainly a desirable and obvious location for a residence. little information as to the above ground appearance of the 17th-century structure was forthcoming, partly because it had almost certainly stood on piers or blocks, and partly because the excavations were restricted by limitations of time, labor, and the desire of the owners to retain at least something of their garden. neither extensive probing nor a soil resistivity survey revealed evidence of a second chimney, nor did they give any clues as to the total length or breadth of the cellar hole. the back wall of the chimney had been deliberately dismantled and only a thin skin of brickbats and mortar on the bottom of the robber trench survived to mark its position. it is therefore quite possible that another chimney was dismantled with sufficient completeness to elude discovery by either of the exploratory methods used. [illustration: figure 4.--the chimney and underhearth foundation.] the jambs of the partially surviving chimney (fig. 4) were laid in english bond and were 1 foot 7 inches thick and 4 feet 4 inches long.[13] the interior width of the fireplace measured 7 feet, which was large by 18th-century domestic standards, but not uncommon in the 17th century before separate kitchens became the rule.[14] both jambs were built into the side of the cellar hole and were seated on a bed of small rocks, but the robbed back-wall had rested only on the natural sandy clay at a depth of 2 feet 3 inches below the modern grade. in front of the chimney, and rising from the cellar floor, was a massive brick-walled underhearth 7 feet 6 inches wide and projecting out from the fireplace to a distance of 5 feet. a curious and still unexplained feature of the underhearth was a 4-by 3-inch channel running across the top of the surviving foundation for a distance of 6 feet 9 inches, starting at the south face and terminating 9 inches short of the north. this channel had been bricked over and the remaining bricks had dropped into it (fig. 5) presumably after a wooden beam, which once occupied the space, had rotted or burned out. traces of burned or carbonized wood lay on the clay bottom of the channel, but the bricks over it displayed no evidence of fire. the only conceivable explanation for the presence of the wood must be that it was part of a frame used to hold the block of natural sandy clay together while the underhearth wall was being erected around it. as the underhearth foundation would have originally risen at least another 2 feet 6 inches above the timber to the floor level of the house, the wood would not have been in danger of igniting from the heat of the domestic fire. but if the house ultimately burned, it is possible that the exposed end of the timber might have caught fire and slowly been consumed along its entire length. the cellar hole had been cut into natural sandy clay to an average depth of 5 feet 3 inches below the modern grade. its backfilling was predominantly of the same sandy clay and, consequently, the exact edge of the cellar hole was sometimes hard to determine. it was probably because of this similarity between the natural subsoil and the cellar's fill that the feature failed to show up in the soil resistivity survey. owing to previously mentioned limiting factors, only the southeast corner of the cellar hole was found and only parts of the south and east walls were traced out. consequently, it can merely be said that the cellar exceeded 27 feet in east/west length and 11 feet 2 inches in width (fig. 3). three post holes were found against the south face, while the rotted remains of another vertical post were found north of the chimney supporting a much-decayed horizontal board that had served to revet the east face. a broad-bladed chisel (fig. 14, no. 6) was found behind the board where it had probably been lost while the timbering was being installed. further slight traces of horizontal boards were found along the south face, suggesting that the soft sides of the large cellar hole had been supported in this way. but it was not possible to determine whether the boards had been placed only on sections of the wall that seemed in danger of sliding in or whether the entire interior had been sheathed with planks. the south side of the cellar hole sloped outwards at an approximate 65 percent angle and the traces of boards lay against it.[15] however, it was not possible to tell whether the vertical posts had been similarly sloped, but it is reasonable to assume that they would have done so. [illustration: figure 5.--detail of collapsed bricks in the underhearth. (_photo courtesy of e. dehardit._)] parts of the cellar's wooden floor still survived (figs. 6 and 7) and comprised boards ranging in width from 5 to 7 inches laid over sleepers or joists 4 to 6 inches wide. the height of the underlying timbers could not be determined as the weight of the cellar fill might be assumed to have pressed the floorboards down as the wood of the sleepers decayed. only occasional floorboards survived and the channels left by decayed sleepers did not extend across the full width of the excavated cellar. from these facts it was deduced that the boards had been cut from woods of different types, some of which had decayed more completely than others, and that the sleepers were made from short and sometimes roughly cut lengths of timber. these sleepers may, in fact, have served only as a base for anchoring the ends of floorboards, as was certainly the case northwest of the underhearth where the nails from the ends of five boards had dropped through into the channel left by the decayed sleeper. it may be supposed, therefore, that the sleepers' location would have been dictated by the vagaries of board length rather than by the design of a planned, measured foundation and that they served as ties for the floor, rather than joists raising it off the natural clay beneath. in addition to the remains of the carefully laid floor, another much-decayed board, 10 inches wide, and of uncertain thickness, was found running north/south immediately west of the underhearth. this board was partially covered by mortar, suggesting that it had been set on the dirt during the building of the brick structure. the filling of the cellar in the vicinity of the chimney and underhearth comprised a single massive deposit of sandy clay, scattered through which were numerous iron nails, isolated oystershells and occasional fragments of pottery, glass, and tobacco-pipe stems. a similar unified filling was encountered at the western end of the excavation, but towards the middle a large and irregular deposit of oystershells was sealed within the sand at a depth of 4 feet 6 inches sloping upward to 3 feet 6 inches towards the south wall. the shell layer averaged from 6 to 9 inches in thickness and was found to contain many of the more important artifacts. [illustration: figure 6.--remains of wooden floor boards in the cellar. (_photo courtesy of e. dehardit._)] on the wooden floor of the cellar lay a thin 1/2-to 1-inch layer of wood ash, mortar, and occasional brickbats. had this accumulation been considerably thicker it might have suggested that the building above had been destroyed by fire. but although the presence of this skin of debris could not be explained, it was far from sufficient to support such a conclusion. the topsoil over the entire area had been disturbed to a depth of at least 1 foot, presumably by deep plowing. over the cellar fill, humus and a sandy loam extended to a depth of 1 foot 8 inches at the south edge and to 2 feet 1 inch in the middle. the bottom of this stratum contained nothing but late 17th-or early 18th-century artifacts, including an important and well-preserved latten spoon.[16] a small 19th-century disturbance cut into the south cellar edge towards the west end of the excavation, but caused little disturbance to the main fill. another, much larger, late 19th-century trash deposit had been dug into the fill to the northwest of the chimney and this had reached to a depth of 3 feet 6 inches below the modern grade. the removal of the walnut tree had created a similar disturbance immediately south of the refuse deposit, while a trench for a 20th-century water pipe had cut yet another slice through the same area. none of these disturbances had caused any damage to the lower filling of the cellar. dating evidence for the cellar the majority of the excavated artifacts were scattered throughout the cellar fill and were of similar types from top to bottom of the deposit. these objects included wine-bottle and drinking-glass fragments, potsherds of english and perhaps portuguese tin-enamelled earthenware, and more that 600 tobacco-pipe fragments, all of them indicating a terminal date of about 1700. a quantitative analysis of the tobacco-pipe stem fragments using the binford formula[17] provided a mean date of 1698. method of excavation digging was initially confined to the immediate vicinity of the chimney foundation (area b on fig. 3) and to the previously described test trench (a). an east/west trench (d) was next dug to link the two and to isolate the disturbed areas of the tree hole and 19th-century pit in areas c and g. owing to a shortage of labor and the rigors of the weather, it was necessary to confine the digging to small areas which could be completed in a single day's work. consequently, it was not possible to clear the whole area, as one part would be back-filled during the digging of the next. mr. and mrs. jenkins, the owners of the property, were extremely tolerant of the damage that was done to their gardens, but after the clearance of the large area e, they indicated that the project had gone far enough. nevertheless, they were persuaded to permit the cutting of another smaller test area to the west (f), but when this, too, failed to find the westerly extremity of the cellar, the project was abandoned. subsequently, relatives of the owners cut into the exposed north face of area e and extracted a number of potsherds and other fragmentary objects from the sand filling.[18] the undercutting of the bank extended to a distance of 1 foot 6 inches without encountering the north edge of the cellar, thus showing that the total width was in excess of 14 feet. extensive probing all around the total area of excavation failed to produce any further traces of the building, though the 1 foot 8 inches of topsoil and sandy loam was found to be bedded on numerous small deposits of oystershells and scattered brickbats. test holes found that all the located deposits north and west of the existing house had been laid down or disturbed in the 19th century. five test traverses with a soil resistivity meter west and south of the excavation area produced numerous anomalies which, when checked out, all failed to be associated with the 17th-century cellar. it seemed that the misleading readings were caused by variations in the density and moisture-retaining qualities of the natural sandy clay subsoil. early in 1963, while planting a small tree to the south of the existing house, mr. jenkins encountered a stratum of oystershells at approximately 8 inches below the present grade. (fig. 2, area k.) a series of small test holes was subsequently dug to the south and southeast of the house, and showed that the layer of shells (average thickness 4 inches) overlay the subsoil and was spread over an area at least 15 by 10 feet. a small number of 19th-century pottery fragments were found mixed into the stratum, but the vast majority of the artifacts comprised bottle glass and earthenwares of similar types to those encountered in the cellar hole excavation.[19] the most important item was a pewter spoon handle of late 17th-century character (fig. 15, no. 27) stamped with the initial "m." the presence of this obvious domestic refuse was not satisfactorily explained, but it is concluded that it was originally deposited on the land surface and later disturbed by cultivation. [illustration: figure 7.--remains of decayed board on floor in front of underhearth. (_photo courtesy of e. dehardit._)] landscaping work towards the york river west of the house had yielded a few widely scattered fragments of colonial and indian pottery as well as numerous 19th-century sherds. the colonial material was predominantly of late 17th-or early 18th-century date, but two sherds of staffordshire combed dishes were of a type unlikely to date before about 1720. no archeological digging was undertaken in these areas. archeological stratigraphy each excavated area was given an identifying letter (fig. 3) and each stratum a number. thus an artifact marked "b2" was found in the archeological area that contained the chimney and was recovered from the top stratum of sandy loam and clay. it should be noted that not all layers and deposits tabled below were encountered in any one excavation area, while some were confined to single locations. 1. topsoil and brown loam to 1 foot 8 inches over cellar hole. 2. sandy loam merging into top of sandy clay fill or silting, spreading over edges of cellar hole and sealing the chimney remains. about 1690-1700 with some top disturbance. 3. main sandy clay fill, extending to oystershell deposit in central areas. about 1690-1700. 3a. sandy clay fill extending to within 6 inches of floor in area b, against wall north of chimney. the same as strata 3-5 but without the oystershell layer that divided them elsewhere. about 1690-1700. 3b. sandy clay as above, but from areas where stratum 4 was absent. about 1690-1700. 4. oystershell deposit in areas a, c and e, sealed by sandy clay stratum 3. about 1690-1700. 5. sandy clay under oystershell layer, reaching to cellar floor. about 1690-1700. 6. ash and sand layer on remains of cellar floor; principal artifacts concentrated against south face of cellar hole in areas d and e. about 1690-1700. 6a. similar layer to stratum 6, confined to area b north of the chimney and underhearth foundation. about 1690-1700. (the same number is given to a chisel found behind a horizontal wall board at this level, but which may have been deposited when the cellar was built rather than at its date of abandonment. fig. 14, no. 6.) 7. objects lying in slots left by rotted-floor sleepers. about 1690-1700. 8. late disturbance at southwest corner of excavation, area e. 19th century. 9. 3-inch layer of light-grey soil beneath stratum 2 extending down to top of oystershell layer (4) from southwest; confined to areas e and f. about 1690-1700, possibly disturbed at upper west edge. 10. unstratified material from all areas of the cellar-hole excavation, derived from frost disturbances and the results of removing the walnut tree. 11. finds from oystershell and artifact layer beneath topsoil southeast of the existing house. about 1690-1700 with a few much later intrusions. (area k, fig. 2.) 12. surface finds recovered from field west of existing house. the artifacts the collection of objects from the clay bank cellar hole is important for a small number of rare items and because the deposit provided accurate dating for a much larger group of less impressive artifacts. unfortunately, neither category included pieces that were of much help in establishing anything of the history of the property. a small cannonball of the 3-pound type used by light fieldpieces of the minion class was found in the top of the sand stratum (d3) against the south face of the cellar. guns of this caliber may well have been used during bacon's rebellion, and there might be some who would care to use the excavated ball to support the legend that bacon died at clay bank. the ball, it has been argued, could have been left behind by bacon's forces when they vacated the site in the fall of 1676. however, such a conjecture, based on so little evidence, can hardly be taken seriously. the single clue pointing to a porteus family association, the latten spoon with its presumed scottish mark, hardly merits any more serious consideration than the cannonball. somewhat more tenable, however, may be the suggestion furnished by two artifacts, that the cellar hole was in the vicinity of a cooper's workshop. the objects in question were a "chisel" (fig. 14, no. 7) used specifically for driving down barrel hoops, and a race knife (fig. 12, no. 3), a tool frequently used by coopers to mark the barrels. no documentary evidence has been found to indicate the presence of a cooper in the second precinct of petsworth parish in the late 17th century though the vestry book does contain an entry for october 4th, 1699, ordering an orphan to be indentured to a cooper in king and queen county.[20] other tools from the clay bank cellar included spade and hoe blades, a large wedge, and a carpenter's chisel, a range of items that did nothing to support a coopering association, but which did tend to indicate that the artifacts might have come from a variety of sources. the pottery included a high percentage of coarse earthenwares, among which were fragments of two, or possibly three, lead-glazed tygs and a similarly glazed cup (fig. 15, nos. 7, 8, and 9), all objects that would have been best suited either to a yeoman's household or to a tavern. the large quantity of tobacco-pipe fragments present might support the latter construction but the dearth of wine-bottle pieces does not. numerous fragments of english delftware were found scattered through the filling from top to bottom, most of them in very poor condition. while none of the pieces was of particularly good quality, a medium-sized basin with crude chinoiserie decoration in blue, is of some importance. the vessel (fig. 15, no. 1) is of a form that is extremely rare from the 17th century, but which clearly was the ornamental ancestor of the common washbasins of the 18th century.[21] in marked, and even staggering contrast to the assemblage of cheap and utilitarian earthenware, was the presence of a massive lead-glass stem from a "ceremonial" drinking glass or candlestick, a form undoubtedly made in london in the period 1685-1695 (fig. 10). although the double-quatrefoil stem units and central melon knop are paralleled by existing glasses, the heavily gadrooned foot is seemingly unknown. this last feature gives the foot such weight that it has led mr. r. j. charleston, keeper of ceramics at the victoria and albert museum in london, to suggest that the stem may come from a candlestick (fig. 11) rather than from a large, covered glass. however, no parallels for such a candlestick are known. one might be tempted to believe that a glass candlestick would be more likely to have been brought to 17th-century virginia than would a seemingly pretentious, covered, "ceremonial" drinking-glass. but in 1732, thomas jones[22] of williamsburg made a settlement upon his wife in case of his death, and among the possessions listed were "6 glass decanters, 6 glasses with covers...."[23] covered glasses ceased to be popular after about 1720 when fashions in glass were turning from the icy sparkle of mass towards more delicate and lighter designs. it is possible, therefore, that the jones' glass might have been of the general type indicated by the clay bank stem. but be this as it may, there is no doubt that the excavated stem is the finest piece of glass of its period yet discovered in america, and that it is sufficiently important to be able to add a paragraph to the history of english glass. other glass objects included the powdered remains of a small quatrefoil-stemmed wineglass, a form common in the period 1680-1700.[24] like so many glasses of its type, the metal was singularly impermanent when buried in the ground, and little or nothing could be salvaged of it. also present were fragments of at least seven wine bottles of the short-necked, squat-bodied forms of the late 17th century, as well as one fragment of a short-necked and everted-mouthed case bottle. a few fragments of cylindrical pharmaceutical bottles were also found as was a well-preserved bottle of similar metal but in wine-bottle shape (fig. 9 and fig. 15, no. 19). such bottles are thought to have been used for oils and essences, and their manufacture seems to have been confined to the period about 1680-1720. tobacco-pipe fragments (fig. 16) were plentiful throughout the cellar fill and provided a useful range of bowl forms as well as a key to the dating of the deposit. all the bowls were of types common in the last years of the 17th century, a period in which the two english bowl styles of the second half of the century (one evolving with a spur and the other with a heel) merged together into the single spurred form of the 18th century.[25] in addition, the clay bank cellar contained examples of bowls with neither heel nor spur, a style never popular in england, and which seems to have been developed specifically for the american market initially copying the shape favored by the indians. no fewer than 648 stem fragments were recovered from the cellar and their stem-hole diameters, using j. c. harrington's chart,[26] indicated a manufacture date in the period 1680-1710. because pipes are considered to have had a short life, it is generally assumed that the dates of manufacture and deposition are not far apart. other artifacts from the deposit, notably the large glass stem, the wine bottles, small wineglass and, of course, the pipe bowl shapes, together suggested a terminal date for the group within the period 1690-1700. using the binford formula,[27] the 648 stem fragments suggested a mean date of 1698. experience has shown that the formula is likely to be accurate to three or four years either way on a sampling of that size.[28] the presence of the same maker's initials, i·f, on pipe bowls at different levels of the cellar fill strongly pointed to a homogeneity of deposition. although it is impossible to identify the owners of the initials with any certainty, it is worth noting that there was a josiah fox making pipes in newcastle-under-lyme in and after 1683 whose initials are the same as those most common in the clay bank cellar. the i·f mark was somewhat unusual in that it was impressed between two x's across the top of the stem (fig. 16, no. 11). all other marks, save one, were in the normal position, to left and right of the heels. these comprised w f (william ferry, marlborough, about 1700?), or perhaps w.p., ii i (henry jones, london, 1688?)[29] and v r. the remaining mark, s a (fig. 16, no. 14) occurred on the bases of two bowls with neither heels nor spurs. from the oystershell layer south of the existing house came a bowl fragment ornamented with the name of a well-known bristol pipe-making family, i tippet, in a raised cartouche on the side. this was probably jacob tippett whose name appeared in the bristol freedom rolls in 1680.[30] in addition to the few marked bowls, two stems were of interest in that they had been ground or pared down to enable the pipes to be used again, one being only 2-1/4 inches in length (fig. 16, nos. 12 and 13). such frugality might be construed as being associated with a household of small means. also present were a few brown stem fragments and part of one decorated bowl (fig. 8, no. 9) of virginia, possibly indian, manufacture. conclusions the importance of the jenkins site cellar hole lies solely in its provision of a valuable group of closely dated artifacts. the excavations failed to reveal either the size of the building or any indication of its original ownership and purpose. the structure does not appear on any known map nor can it be equated with any specifications contained in the _vestry book_ of petsworth parish or any other documentary source now available. much local legend and speculation has been considered and regretfully rejected in the absence of any supporting evidence. the site does lie in the second precinct of petsworth parish and it has been established that the porteus family did own land therein. consequently it is quite possible that the jenkins site was once part of that tract. but it does not necessarily follow that the cellar hole was part of the edward porteus family residence. a _terminus post quem_ of about 1700 for the filling of the cellar hole has been well established on the archeological evidence. the structure itself is represented by the large cellar hole which had been floored and walled with boards and vertical posts, and by the massive chimney at the east end. the absence of any abutting walling, coupled with our inability to find any traces of other foundations, strongly suggests that the building stood on piers or wooden blocks. the artifacts include a number of extremely interesting objects; but the curious juxtaposition of the large glass stem (figs. 10 and 11) with crude earthenwares, worn-out tools and broken and reused clay tobacco pipes makes it probable that the refuse was derived from different sources. whereas the iron objects resting on the cellar floor may have been in the building when it was destroyed, it is clear that the large oystershell deposit (and therefore, the glass stem that it contained) must have been brought from elsewhere. it might therefore be deduced that the excavated structure had been a kitchen building or, perhaps, an overseer's house rather than the home of the owner of the glass stem. the dearth of 18th-century colonial artifacts on the jenkins property seems to indicate, at best, a less intensive occupation after the destruction of the building that overlay the excavated cellar hole. it seems improbable, therefore, that the existing "ardudwy" was in existence before the late 18th century. illustrations the objects illustrated in figures 8 through 16 are representative of the principal artifacts found in the clay bank excavations. the dating given below refers to the objects' period of manufacture; their terminal or throwaway date is determined by their archeological contexts, which are indicated by area and stratum designations. (see p. 11, archeological stratigraphy, and fig. 3.) figure 8 1. marly fragment from small plate, english delftware, decorated in blue with chinoiserie design, probably of chinamen, rocks, and grasses. the background color has a very pale-blue tint, unlike the pure whites and pinkish whites that are generally associated with london pieces of the period. the closest parallel for this sherd is in the bristol city museum in england[31] and is attributed to brislington. an example of the style, attributed to lambeth and dated 1684 is illustrated by f. h. garner in his _english delftware_;[32] but unlike the clay bank fragment, the central decoration does not reach to the marly. about 1680-1690. e4. (fig. 15, no. 6.) 2. handle fragment from chamberpot or posset pot, english delftware, decorated with irregular horizontal stripes in blue. the handle is pronouncedly concave in section, and lacking ornament on its edges (as usually occurs on posset pots)[33] a chamberpot identification seems most likely. the form ranges from the late 17th century at least through the first quarter of the 18th. e2. 3. mug or jug, lower body and base fragment only, english delftware, white inside, with manganese stipple on exterior. probably southwark, first half of the 17th century. e4. (fig. 15, no. 4). 4. basin, english delftware, wall fragments only illustrated (for full reconstruction see fig. 15, no. 1), the glaze, pale blue, ornamented with central chinoiserie design of similar character to no. 1. the wall was decorated with narrow horizontal bands and a wide foliate zone below the everted rim. the bowl is important in that it is one of the earliest extant examples of the simple washbasin form that was to become common throughout the 18th century. about 1680-1690. illustrated sherds a3, c3, f2. 5. basal fragment of plate, tin-glazed earthenware, decoration of uncertain form in two tones of blue outlined in black. portuguese? 17th century. c4. 6. base fragment from globular jug, english brown salt-glazed stoneware, probably from same vessel as no. 7. late 17th or early 18th century. c3. 7. neck fragment from bulbous mug or jug, decorated within multiple grooving,[34] ware and date as above. a3. 8. tyg fragments, black lead-glazed, red-bodied earthenware (sometimes called cistercian ware), the body decorated with multiple ribbing. (for reconstruction see fig. 15, no. 7.) such drinking vessels were made with up to six or eight handles, but two was the most usual number and those were placed close together as indicated here. the form was prevalent in the period 1600-1675, though taller examples were common during the preceding century.[35] a3, c3. 9. tobacco pipe bowl, pale-brown ware, burnished, and decorated with impressed crescents and rouletted lines, local indian manufacture?[36] second half of 17th century. e4. 10. body fragment of cord-marked indian cooking pot, stony creek type,[37] light red-tan surface flecked with ocher and with a localized grey core. middle woodland. b1. 11. projectile point, buff quartzite, broad stem and sloping shoulders. late archaic. e9. [illustration: figure 8.--fragments of english delftware, stoneware, earthenware, and indian objects.] [illustration: figure 9.--bottle of green glass in the form of a miniature wine bottle.] figure 9 a small glass bottle in wine-bottle style but probably intended for oil or vinegar, and fashioned from a pale-green metal comparable to that used for pharmaceutical phials and flasks. the base has a pronounced conical kick, but is not appreciably thicker than the walls of the body. the mouth is slightly everted over a v-sectioned string rim. on the yardstick of wine-bottle evolution such a bottle is unlikely to have been manufactured prior to 1680 or later than about 1720. e5. (see also fig. 15, no. 19.) figures 10 and 11 stem and foot fragment from an elaborate drinking glass or candlestick, english lead metal of splendid quality. the solid stem is formed from two quatrefoil balusters between which is a melon knop with mereses above and below. the stem terminates in two mereses of increasing size and is attached to an elaborately gadrooned foot, only part of which survives. any suggestion that the foot is actually part of the base of the bowl is negated by the presence of a rough pontil scar inside it, as well as by the fact that the surviving fragment spreads out at so shallow an angle that no other construction is possible. [illustration: figure 10.--an elaborate stem of english glass, london, about 1685-1695.] the stem form is most closely paralleled by two goblets illustrated in w. a. thorpe's _history of english and irish glass_,[38] one of which contains within its stem an english fourpenny piece of 1680. because no known goblet exhibits the high, gadrooned foot of the clay bank example, it has been suggested that the stem may be that of a candlestick.[39] while this is certainly a reasonable supposition, it must be added that neither have examples of candlesticks been found in this form. (for conjectural reconstruction see fig. 11.) although it is extremely unfortunate that no upper fragments were found, there is no doubt as to the date of the surviving section, nor is there any denying that it is on a par with the best english glass of its period. london, about 1685-1695. height of fragment 5-1/4 inches. e4. [illustration: figure 11.--the clay bank stem reconstructed as both a drinking glass and a candlestick. height of fragment is 5-1/4 inches. about 1685-1695.] figure 12 1. spoon, latten, tinned, the bowl oval and the handle flat with a trilobed terminal. the back of the bowl possesses an extremely rudimentary rat-tail that is little more than a solid v slightly off-center at the junction of stem and bowl. the maker's mark inside the bowl bears the initials w w flanking a thistle, perhaps suggesting a scots origin for the spoon. last quarter of 17th century. e2. 2. cutlery handle, bone, roughly round-sectioned at its junction with the iron shoulder but becoming triangular towards the top. a4. 3. race knife, steel, a tool used by coopers and joiners to inscribe barrels and the ends of timbers. at one end is a tapering, round-sectioned tang to which a wooden handle was attached; beside this, and probably originally recessed into the wood, is a rectangular-sectioned arm, terminating in a small blade curved over at the end. the arm is hinged at the shoulder of the tool and could be folded back to inscribe large arcs and to be used as an individual cutting instrument. at the other end is a small blunt spike with spiral grooving and raised cordons, and a small fixed knife with a curved blade that could be used to cut in the opposite plain to that of the moveable arm. the arm is stamped with the maker's name ward. attempts to identify an english toolmaker of that name working in the second half of the 17th century have been unsuccessful. the tool is well made and possesses a surprising amount of decoration on the shoulders, in the shape of faceting at the corners and sculpturing of the flat surfaces.[40] e4. (see also fig. 15, no. 22.) [illustration: figure 12.--latten spoon and other small finds.] [illustration: figure 13.--cheekpiece from bit, saw set, and other iron objects.] 4. gimlet, iron, the shaft drawn out at the top to grip the wooden handle, the spoon-shaped blade is badly distorted but the terminal worm still survives in part. b6a. 5. tack, brass, probably from trunk or upholstery, convex head roughly trimmed, diameter 1/2 inch. c3. 6. boss, cast brass, from cheekpiece of bridle; the slightly dished edge and central nipple appear to have been ornamental devices more popular in the 17th than in the 18th century.[41] this object overlay the robbed rear-chimney foundation at its northeast corner. b2. 7. strainer fragment, brass or bronze; the edge flat and therefore not part of a colander, probably originally attached to an iron handle. diameter approximately 8-1/2 inches. e2. figure 13 1. object of uncertain purpose, iron, the pointed "blade" without cutting edge and 1/8 inch in thickness, the tang drawn out, rectangular in section and clenched at the end. a2. 2. object similar to the above,[42] but heavier, the tang wider than the thickness of the "blade," 3/8 inch and 3/16 inch respectively. e4. 3. knife blade, iron, small flaring shoulders and round-sectioned tang. the blade is of unusual shape and may have been honed down to its present size. c4. 4. saw wrest or saw set, iron, used to grip and bend the teeth of saws sideways to enlarge the width of the cut and thus prevent the blade from binding.[43] c2. 5. object of uncertain purpose, iron, comprising a flat strip 5/8 inch in width at one end and tapering to 9/16 inch at the other which exhibits a small right-angled flange before turning upwards and back on itself, narrowing to a thinner strip measuring 5/16 inch in width, and forming a loop. the base strip has a small notch at its broad end.[44] c3. 6. cramp(?), iron, perhaps intended to be set in mortar and used to join masonry; rectangular in section and drawn down almost to a point at either end. e4. 7. cheekpiece from snaffle bit, iron, incomplete, angular knee with hole for linking element between rein and bit. this is a 17th-century characteristic common at jamestown[45] but rare among the many bits from williamsburg. e2. 8. staple, iron, both points broken and the back somewhat bowed, probably as a result of having been driven. c3. figure 14 1. eye of hoe, iron, possibly a grub hoe similar to no. 2, in an advanced state of decay with the blade represented only by the narrow triangular spine; no trace of a maker's mark. c3. 2. grub hoe, iron, the eye and part of the blade surviving, the spine thick and narrow, no maker's mark. the form has no published parallel either from jamestown or williamsburg. an example with similar shoulders, but with a v-shaped blade edge, was found on the challis pottery kiln site in james city county in a context of about 1730. [c.s.21f; unpublished.] e4. 3. broad hoe, iron, with eye and part of the originally d-shaped blade surviving; the spine shallow, short and flat, with clearly impressed maker's initials i h within an oval. circular and oval marks are common in the 17th century but are rare in the 18th.[46] e4. 4. hoe blade, iron, from which the eye and spine appear to have been removed. it cannot be ascertained whether the blade is part of a cut-down broad hoe or whether it was always roughly square in form. the latter shape was well represented in a cache of agricultural tools of uncertain date found in excavations at green spring in james city county.[47] e4. 5. stirrup, iron, rectangular footplate with its surface hammered to increase the grip, the sides round-sectioned but flattened towards the leather-loop which is drawn out into ornamental ears. the style was common in the late 17th century. e4. 6. forming chisel, iron, socketed for attachment to a wooden handle, the socket and shaft square-sectioned, the blade 2-1/4 inches wide and the cutting edge improved by a welded plate of superior metal extending 1-7/8 inches up the blade. found behind a wallboard at floor level. b6a. 7. cooper's chisel, iron, the blade 1-3/4 inches in width and with a groove running the length of the 1/8-inch broad edge to grip the edge of the hoop while hammering it into place. the shaft is round-sectioned and spreads into a flat mushroom head. c4. 8. wedge, iron, of large size, rectangular head measuring 2-3/8 inches by 1-7/8 inches, length 7-3/8 inches and weight 4 pounds. the head shows no evidence of heavy usage and consequently there is no clue as to why such an object should have been thrown away. a close parallel (7-1/4 inches in length) was found at ste marie i in canada on the site of the early jesuit settlement of 1639-1649.[48] b3a. 9. spade, iron edge from wooden blade, the upper edge of the metal split and the extended sides possessing small winglike projections, and nails at the ends which together served to attach the iron to the wood. iron edges for wooden spades are not included in the artifact collections from 18th-century williamsburg, but were plentiful in various sizes in mid-17th-century contexts at mathews manor in warwick county. [unpublished.] c3. 10. projectile, solid iron, cast in a two-piece mold, diameter 2-3/4 inches, weight 3 pounds 1 ounce. this is possibly a ball from a minion[49] whose shot weight is given in chambers' _cyclopaedia_ (1738) as 3 pounds 4 ounces, the difference possibly being occasioned by the clay bank specimen's decayed surface. d3. figure 15 1. basin, english delftware, reconstruction on basis of rim, body and base fragments, about 1680-1690. (fig. 8, no. 4) a3, b1, b3, c3, c4, e2, f2, h3. 2. basin as above, lower body fragments. 3. basin as above, base fragment. 4. mug or jug, lower body fragment, manganese stippled. first half of 17th century(?). (fig. 8, no. 3.) e4. 5. plate, english delftware, rim and base fragments (also section), decoration in two tones of blue, the fronds outlined in black. london(?). about 1670-1700. a3, e3. 6. plate, english delftware, about 1680-1690. (fig. 8, no. 1.) e4. 7. tyg, black lead-glazed red ware, double handled; height conjectural. 17th century. (fig. 8, no. 8.) a3, b3, b6a, c3, c4, e3, e9, f3, g2, g3a, h3, 10. 8. tyg, rim sherd only, brown lead-glazed red ware, thinner than no. 7 and its ribbing not extending as close to the mouth; diameter approximately 4-1/2 inches, 17th century. b1. 9. mug, black lead-glazed red ware, thin-walled bulbous body; handle conjectural. the form's closest published parallel is a red ware example which was exhibited at the burlington fine arts club, london, in 1914, and bore the legend mr. thomas fenton in white slip below the rim. the piece was identified as staffordshire, about 1670.[50] a comparable mug was found in 1964 in excavations at mathews manor in warwick county in a context of the second quarter of the 17th century. [w.s.199; unpublished.] a3, g3a, h3. 10. rim sherd from large pan, red body liberally flecked with ocher, thin lead glaze, the rim folded and flattened on the upper edge. this fragment is of importance in that it is almost certainly made from the local tidewater virginia clay, yet the rim technique has not been found on any of the pottery kiln sites so far located. date uncertain. k11. [illustration: figure 14.--iron tools, stirrup, and cannon ball.] [illustration: figure 15.--drawings of pottery, glass, and metal objects.] 11. rim sherd from pan or wide bowl, red ware with greenish-brown lead glaze, the rim thickened and undercut. this form, and variants on it, were common from the mid-17th century and on through the 18th, and they are therefore impossible to date on stylistic grounds alone. probably english. c4. 12. rim sherd from large shallow pan, red ware with yellowish-green lead glaze; the rim thickened, folded and undercut, the upper surface flattened and with a pronounced ridge at its angle with the bowl; diameter approximately 1 foot 6 inches. dating considerations as no. 11. probably english. e4. 13. rim sherd from storage jar, red ware with brown lead glaze, the rim thickened, folded, and flattened on the top; diameter approximately 10-1/2 inches. the form was common from about 1650 to 1750. probably english. e2. 14. storage jar or pipkin, pale-pink ware flecked with ocher and occasional granules of quartz, a clear lead glaze imparts an orange color to the surface, and is locally streaked with green. the rim is heart-shaped in section, having a groove along its upper surface, and the body is extremely finely potted. there is good reason to suppose that this vessel is of virginia manufacture, in which case the 17th-century colony possessed a potter of greater ability than any of those whose kilns have yet been found. another fragment of this pot, or one identical to it, was found to the southeast of the existing house. c4, e4, 10, k11. 15. rim sherd from wide bowl of colono-indian[51] pottery, grey shell-tempered ware with stick-or pebble-burnished reduced surface, the rim everted and flattened. the ware is contemporary with the european artifacts from the site and is the earliest datable fragment yet recovered. a3. 16. rim sherd from bowl of colono-indian pottery, buff shell-tempered ware with stick-or pebble-burnished oxidized surface, the rim everted, flattened and very slightly dished. k11. 17. wine bottle, olive-green glass in an advanced state of decay, the neck short and broad and the mouth slightly everted over a roughly applied string rim, the body squat and slightly broader at the shoulder than at the base, a domed basal kick and no obvious pontil scar. this is a composite drawing illustrating the shape typical of the bottles from the clay bank site cellar hole. the two fragments cannot be proved to be part of the same bottle. about 1680-1700. neck a2. body f3. 18. wine bottle, half-bottle size, olive-green glass in an advanced state of decay, the form similar to the above but slightly weaker in the shoulder. about 1680-1700. c4. 19. bottle, in form of miniature wine bottle, the glass a pale green similar to that used in the making of pharmaceutical phials. (fig. 9.) about 1680-1720. c4. 20. base of pharmaceutical bottle, pale-green glass with pronounced conical kick and rough pontil scar, the metal very thin. the principal dating characteristics of these bottles are the shapes of the mouths and the slope of the shoulders; in the absence of those, no close dating is possible.[52] c4. 21. ring, iron, round section, considerable evidence of wear at one point on the inside edge suggesting that this object had been attached to a link of chain or perhaps has been held by a staple or eye. such rings are frequently to be found attached to stalls in stables. b6a. 22. race knife, the dashed outline indicating the angle of the hinged blade in its open position. (see fig. 12, no. 3.) e4. 23. object of uncertain purpose, iron, slightly convex on the upper face, flat behind, and with a small, flat tongue projecting from the rear. a much rusted lump adhering to the front may conceal a similar projection or it may have simply attached itself in the ground. c3. 24. collar, iron, four unevenly spaced nail holes for attachment to a wooden shaft having an approximate diameter of 3-1/2 inches. d6a. 25. object of uncertain purpose, iron, rectangular-sectioned bar narrowing to a small blade-like ear at one end and flattened into the opposite plain at the other, apparently for attachment. e4. [illustration: figure 16.--drawings of tobacco-pipe bowl shapes from clay bank and aberdeen creek.] 26. staple or light handle for a small box, the narrow ends perhaps originally clenched and since broken. c3. 27. handle of spoon, pewter, a heart-shaped terminal above two small lobes, the letter m stamped with a well-cut die close to the edge, and a roughly incised cross below it. a late 17th-century terminal form. k11. figure 16 1. tobacco-pipe bowl, clay, white surface and grey core, the bowl heavy and bulbous, large flat heel, rouletted line below the mouth, stem-hole diameter 7/64 inch. (see no. 19 for possible parallel.) about 1650-1690. e7. 2. tobacco-pipe bowl and incomplete stem, clay, white surface and grey core, cylindrical bowl form with shallow heel extending from the fore edge of the bowl, initials v r on either side of heel, stem-hole diameter 6/64 inch. about 1680-1700. e4. another example from b6a. 3. tobacco-pipe bowl, clay, white surface and grey core, form similar to no. 2, but the heel slightly more pronounced and with rouletted line below the mouth, stem-hole diameter 6/64 inch. about 1680-1700. a3. 4. tobacco-pipe bowl, white clay, form similar to no. 2, but more slender and the heel smaller, stem-hole diameter 6/64 inch. about 1675-1700. e7. 5. tobacco-pipe bowl, white clay, evolved form of no. 2, the bowl at a more pronounced angle to the stem, stem-hole diameter 6/64 inch. about 1690-1720. a3. 6. tobacco-pipe bowl, white clay, the bowl shape a cross between no. 2 and the more elegant and slender style of no. 7, pronounced and somewhat spreading heel with maker's initials h i on either side, stem-hole diameter 6/64 inch. about 1670-1700. a3. 7. tobacco-pipe bowl, clay, white surface and grey core, narrow "swan-neck" form with small heel that is almost a spur, rouletted line below the mouth, stem-hole diameter 7/64 inch, about 1680-1700. e4. another example (not illustrated) bears the maker's initials wp (or r) on the sides of the heel,[53] stem-hole diameter 6/64 inch. a3. 8. tobacco-pipe bowl, white clay, form similar to no. 7 except that the bowl is not quite as long and the fore edge of the heel is less pronounced, stem-hole diameter 6/64 inch, about 1680-1700. a3. 9. tobacco-pipe bowl, white clay, the bowl broader and at a sharper angle to the stem than in the preceding examples, the heel shallow and its fore edge extending from the bowl as in nos. 2-5, stem-hole diameter 6/64 inch, about 1690-1720. a3. this example is significant in that it represents the evolutionary merging of the cylindrical and bulbous bowl forms, with their varying heels and spurs, into a single bowl shape that persisted through the 18th century. it should be noted that the illustrated bowl retains the thin-walled circular mouth common to most examples of its period. the mouth often becomes more oval and the walls thicker in specimens dating later into the 18th century. 10. tobacco-pipe bowl, white clay, more or less cylindrical rouletted line below the mouth, and with neither heel nor spur. the absence of these last features is thought to have been dictated by english pipemakers catering for the american indian market and initially copying aboriginal forms. stem-hole diameter 7/64 inch, about 1680-1700. h3. 11. fragment of tobacco-pipe bowl and stem, clay, white surface and pink core to bowl, but burnt white through stem; bowl shape apparently similar to no. 10, stamped initials across top of stem at the fracture, i·f flanked on either side by a period and a cross,[54] stem-hole diameter 6/64 inch. e4. 12. tobacco-pipe bowl and stem fragment, white clay, the form very similar to no. 10 but without rouletting below the mouth. the pipe is of interest in that the stem fracture has been pared down after breaking to create a new mouthpiece and a stem only approximately 2-1/4 inches in length. stem-hole diameter 7/64 inch, about 1680-1700. c4. 13. tobacco-pipe stem fragment, white clay, broken off at junction with bowl and pared down at the other end as no. 12 thus creating a 3-inch stem. hole diameter 6/64 inch, date indeterminate. b6a. 14. tobacco-pipe bowl, white clay, bowl shape similar to no. 2 but without heel; maker's initials on the base of the bowl, almost certainly sa though the companion initial has been lost from the other side.[55] stem-hole diameter 6/64 inch, about 1680-1700. c4. 15. tobacco-pipe bowl, clay, white surface and grey core, slightly more evolved than no. 10 being more sharply angled at its junction with the stem as well as being slightly longer and narrower in the bowl. note that this pipe still possesses the rouletted line below the mouth that tends to be characteristic of 17th-century examples. stem-hole diameter 5/64 inch, about 1690-1710. a3. 16. tobacco-pipe bowl, clay, white surface and grey core, essentially similar to no. 15, but longer in the bowl and even more angled at its junction with the stem. stem-hole diameter 6/64 inch, about 1690-1710. b3a. (nos. 17-21 are surface finds from an as yet unexcavated site on farmland owned by miss elizabeth harwood, approximately a mile and a quarter south of clay bank, and north of aberdeen creek. they are included here as examples of earlier 17th-century occupation in the clay bank area, and because one of the stem fragments from this site bears the same x·i·f·x mark as appears on five examples (no. 11) from the jenkins site cellar hole.) 17. tobacco-pipe bowl, white clay, flat broad heel, the bowl somewhat bulbous in the mid section, neat rouletted line below the mouth. stem-hole diameter 7/64 inch, about 1630-1670. 18. tobacco-pipe bowl, white clay with slipped surface, the bowl shape characteristic of the mid-17th century, flat heel, and roughly applied rouletted line below the mouth; maker's mark vs stamped on upper surface of stem. stem-hole diameter 7/64 inch, about 1650-1690. 19. tobacco-pipe bowl, fragment only, clay, white surface and grey core, the bowl extremely bulbous and with a pronounced flat heel. maker's mark vs stamped on the upper surface of the stem; dies different to those used for no. 18, but undoubtedly the same maker. this is important in that it illustrates the wide difference in bowl shapes produced, apparently contemporaneously, by a single maker. stem-hole diameter 7/64 inch, about 1650-1690. 20. tobacco-pipe bowl, white clay, the bowl and early form of no. 3 ornamented on the sides with six molded dots in high relief,[56] the heel similar to no. 17 though slightly deeper. stem-hole diameter 8/64 inch, about 1640-1670. 21. tobacco-pipe bowl, white clay with slipped surface, heavy bulbous bowl and flat heel with the maker's mark m b on the base; a narrow rouletted line around the bowl mouth. stem-hole diameter 7/64 inch, about 1650-1680. acknowledgments i am greatly indebted to mr. and mrs. william f. jenkins for drawing the clay bank site to my attention, for permitting me to do considerable damage to their garden in the course of its excavation, and for generously presenting the illustrated artifacts to the smithsonian institution. i also owe much to their daughter mrs. william dehardit for valuable historical information as well as for her constant and vigorous assistance with the actual digging. i am equally grateful to my wife, audrey noël hume, and to mr. john dunton of colonial williamsburg for their part in the excavation, also to mr. a. e. kendrew, senior vice president of colonial williamsburg, and mr. e. m. frank, its resident architect, for their comments on both the chimney foundation and on the age of the existing house. i am also indebted to mrs. carl dolmetsch of colonial williamsburg's research department for her pursuit of cartographic evidence. in addition i wish to express my thanks to mr. r. j. charleston, keeper of ceramics and glass, victoria and albert museum, london, for examining and commenting on the glass, and to mr. w. d. geiger, director of craft shops, colonial williamsburg, for similar assistance in identifying the tools. finally, i am indebted to miss elizabeth harwood of aberdeen creek for permission to illustrate examples of tobacco pipes found on her land, and to colonial williamsburg for subsidizing the preparation of this report. _may 1965_ i. n. h. u.s. government printing office: 1966 for sale by the superintendent of documents, u.s. government printing office, washington, d.c., 20402 price 30 cents footnotes: [1] ivor noël hume, "excavations at rosewell, gloucester county, virginia 1957-1959" (paper 18 in _contributions from the museum of history and technology: papers 12-18_, u.s. national museum bulletin 225, by various authors; washington: smithsonian institution, 1963), pp. 153-228. hereafter cited as _rosewell_. [2] dr. & mrs. william carter stubbs, _descendants of mordecai cooke and thomas booth_ (new orleans, 1923), p. 14 (footnote). [3] _vestry book of petsworth parish, gloucester county, virginia 1677-1793_, annotated by c. g. chamberlayne, the library board (richmond, 1933), p. 97. hereafter cited as _vestry book_. [4] _records of colonial gloucester county virginia_, compiled by polly cary mason (newport news, 1946), vol. 1, p. 86. the gloucester rent roll of 1704 showed robert porteus owning 892 acres and madam porteus (presumably his widowed mother) with 500 acres. the latter may have been situated elsewhere in the parish and have been property inherited by her at the death of her first husband, robert lee. [5] _vestry book_, pp. 284, 295, 304, 318. [6] _vestry book_, october 6, 1725, pp. 186-187. "petso parish detter this year in tobacco ... to robert portuse esqr for keeping two barsterd children vizt john & watkinson marvil 01333 1/2." [7] _william & mary quarterly_ (1896), ser. 1, no. 5, p. 279. "oldmixon says that bacon died at dr. green's in gloucester, and hening describes this place in 1722 as 'then in the tenure of robert porteus esq.'" but as robert porteus purchased additional land in 1704, dr. green's home site may not have been the same as that of edward porteus. [8] _vestry book_, p. 85. the kitchen measurements are absent. [9] _vestry book_, pp. 74-75. at a previous vestry meeting on 28th june, 170[2?] details of the proposed glebe house were given as follows: "six & thirty foot long & twenty foot wide with two outside chemneys two 8 foot square clossetts planckt above & below, with two chambers above staires and ye staires to goe up in ye midst of ye house with 3 large glass windows below stair [] each to have 3 double lights in ym with a glass window in each chamber above staires each to have 3 lights in ym & each clossett to have a window in it and each window to have 3 lights." there is no evidence that these specifications were derived from robert porteus' house. [10] _vestry book_, p. 273. may 28, 1746: "ordered this present vestry, have thought it better to build a new glebe house rather then to repair the old one...." then follow specifications for the new building. [11] robert hodgson, _the life of the right reverend beilby porteus d.d._ (london, 1823) pp. 3-4. hodgson describes newbottle in the following terms: "it consisted chiefly of plantations of tobacco; and on one of these, called newbottle (from a village of that name near edinburgh, once belonging to his family, but now in the possession of the marquis of lothian), he usually resided. the house stood upon a rising ground, with a gradual descent to york river, which was there at least two miles over: and here he enjoyed within himself every comfort and convenience that a man of moderate wishes could desire; living without the burthen of taxes, and possessing, under the powerful protection of this kingdom, peace, plenty, and security." [12] a request for information was published in the english magazine _country life_ (may 24, 1962), vol. 131, no. 3403, p. 1251. this yielded a reply from the reverend w. b. porteus of garstang vicarage, mr. preston, lancashire. he noted that bishop beilby porteus was buried at sundridge in kent and that prior to the second world war family connections of the bishop's wife named polhill-drabble still lived in that village and were deeply interested in their lineage. the rev. porteus feared that mr. and mrs. polhill-drabble were now dead, and as i have been unable to trace them, i assume that this is the case. [13] seven courses surviving, top at 2 ft. 2 in. below modern grade. shell mortar. specimen bricks: 9 in. by 4-1/8 in. by 2-7/8 in. (salmon) and 7-1/2 in. by 4-1/4 in. by 2 in. (dark red). [14] a late 17th-or very early 18th-century house at tutter's neck in james city county, measuring 42 ft. 3 in. by 19 ft. 1 in., possessed a chimney at either end with dimensions of 9 ft. 11 in. by 4 ft. 11 in. and 9 ft. 9 in. by 5 ft. the jambs varied in thickness from 1 ft. 6 in. to 1 ft. 11 in. see footnote 22. [15] albert c. manucy, "the fort at frederica," notes in _anthropology_ (tallahassee: florida state university, 1962), vol. 5, pp. 51-53. an excavated powder magazine of 1736 exhibited similar construction. [16] e2. figure 12, no. 1. [17] see footnote 27. [18] the undercutting is shown on the plan (fig. 3, area h) as a straight-edged unit. this has been done for the sake of neatness, but it should be noted that there was actually a series of holes that presented an extremely ragged appearance. [19] an unusual lead-glazed earthenware rim sherd from a jar was probably from the same pot as other fragments (fig. 15, no. 14) found in the cellar hole. [20] _vestry book_, p. 56. "necholas lewis" indentured to "henry morris of straten major in ye county of king and quine ... to learn ye said orphant ye art of coopery." [21] _rosewell_, fig. 26, nos. 1-4. [22] thomas jones was the younger brother of frederick jones, whose james city county home site at tutter's neck was excavated in 1961. see ivor noël hume, "excavations at tutter's neck in james city county, virginia, 1960-1961" (paper 53 in _contributions from the museum of history and technology_; u.s. national museum bulletin 249; washington: smithsonian institution), 1965, fig. 20, no. 8. hereafter cited as _tutter's neck_. a fragment of a lead-glass gadrooned romer of the same period as the clay bank stem was found on the tutter's neck site. [23] mary stephenson, "cocke-jones lots, block 31" (ms., research dept., colonial williamsburg, virginia, 1961), p. 6. [24] _tutter's neck_, fig. 17, no. 17; also i. noël hume, "some english glass from colonial virginia," _antiques_ (july 1963), vol. 84, no. 1, p. 69, figs. 4 and 5. [25] ivor noël hume, _here lies virginia_ (new york: knopf, 1963), fig. 105. [26] j. c. harrington, "dating stem fragments of seventeenth and eighteenth century clay tobacco pipes," _archeological society of virginia, quarterly bulletin_ (september 1954), vol. 9, no. 1. [27] mathematical formula based on harrington's chart, prepared by lewis h. binford, university of chicago. see lewis h. binford, "a new method of calculating dates from kaolin pipe stem samples," _southeastern archaeological newsletter_ (june 1962), vol. 9, no. 1, pp. 19-21. [28] audrey noël hume, "clay tobacco-pipe dating in the light of recent excavations," _archeological society of virginia, quarterly bulletin_ (december 1963), pp. 22-25. [29] adrian oswald, "the archaeology and economic history of english clay tobacco pipes," _journal of the archaeological association_ (london, 1960), ser. 3, vol. 23, pp. 40-102. [30] adrian oswald, "a case of transatlantic deduction," _antiques_ (july 1959), pp. 59-61. [31] w. j. pountney, _old bristol potteries_ (bristol, 1920), pl. 3 (lower left), and p. 37. [32] f. h. garner, _english delftware_ (london, 1948), pl. 26b. [33] for a posset pot with these handle characteristics attributed to brislington, 1706-1734, see w. m. wright, _catalogue of bristol and west of england delft collection_, (bath: victoria art gallery, 1929), pl. 3. [34] for shape parallel (but not body) see _tutter's neck_, fig. 18, no. 21. [35] barnard rackham, _mediaeval english pottery_ (london: 1948), pl. 94. barnard rackham, _catalogue of the glaisher collection of pottery and porcelain_ (cambridge, 1935), no. 20, pl. 3a. griselda lewis, _a picture book of english pottery_ (london, 1956), fig. 23. [36] j. c. harrington, "tobacco pipes from jamestown," _archeological society of virginia, quarterly bulletin_ (richmond: june 1951), fig. 4. [37] i am indebted to dr. b. c. mccary of the archeological society of virginia for the identification of the prehistoric indian artifacts. clifford evans, "a ceramic study of virginia archeology," (bureau of american ethnology bulletin 160; washington: smithsonian institution, 1955), p. 69. [38] w. a. thorpe, _a history of english and irish glass_ (london, 1929), vol. 2, pl. 29 and 31, no. 2. [39] see p. 13. [40] henry c. mercer, "ancient carpenters' tools," _bucks county historical society_ (doylestown, pa., 1951), p. 51 and fig. 49. john l. cotter, "archeological excavations at jamestown, virginia," _u.s. national park service archeological research series_, no. 4 (washington, 1958), p. 174, pl. 72 top. [41] cotter, no. 1, p. 176, pl. 74 top. [42] these objects are extremely common on 18th-century sites. _rosewell_, p. 224, and fig. 36, no. 8. _tutter's neck_, fig. 16, no. 12. [43] mercer, op. cit., p. 295ff. [44] two larger examples were found in a cache of metal objects deposited in about 1730 and found on the challis pottery kiln site in james city county. two more were encountered in excavations on the hugh orr house and blacksmith shop site on duke of gloucester street in williamsburg where they apparently dated from the mid-18th century. [45] carl gustkey, "sir francis wyatt's horse," _the national horseman_ (april 1953), [no pagination] fig. 2. [46] the majority of marked 18th-century hoes excavated in virginia exhibit rectangular stamps, while postcolonial marks tend to be stamped on the blades rather than the raised spines and without any die edge being impressed. [47] louis r. caywood, "green spring plantation," _archeological report_, virginia 350th anniversary commission (yorktown: united states national park service, 1955), pl. 9 (bottom). [48] kenneth e. kidd, _the excavation of ste marie i_ (toronto: university of toronto press, 1949), p. 108 and pl. 24b. [49] see p. 12 for a consideration of the ball's possible significance. [50] _catalogue of exhibition of early english earthenware_, burlington fine arts club (london, 1914), p. 29 and fig. 41. [51] ivor noël hume, "an indian ware of the colonial period," _archeological society of virginia, quarterly bulletin_ (september 1962), vol. 17, no. 1, p. 5. [52] ivor noël hume, "a century of london glass bottles, 1580-1680," _the connoisseur year book_ (london, 1956), p. 102, fig. 14 right. [53] a william partridge was named in the bristol freedom roll for 1689, cf. oswald, op. cit. (footnote 30), p. 88. [54] _ibid._, p. 70. perhaps jacob fox, bristol freedom roll for 1688, or john fletcher, chester freedom roll 1673, or josiah fox of newcastle-under-lyme who was working in 1684. other examples with this mark occur in groups a3 and a4, also on the harwood property (surface find) close to the north bank of aberdeen (clay bank) creek. see p. 14. a single unstratified example has been found in williamsburg, coming from disturbed topsoil behind capt. orr's dwelling on duke of gloucester street. [55] oswald lists no maker with these initials in the appropriate period. however, a bowl impressed on the back with the initials s a over the date 1683 was found in the river thames at queenhithe (london) and is in the author's collection. see also d. r. atkinson, "makers' marks on clay tobacco pipes found in london," _archaeological news letter_ (london, april 1962), vol. 7, no. 8, p. 184; no. 24; and fig. 2, no. 24. see also _rosewell_, p. 221 (footnote 96). [56] a pipe with similar ornament is in the author's collection of examples from the river thames at london. contributions from the museum of history and technology: paper 53 excavations at tutter's neck in james city county, virginia, 1960-1961 _ivor noël hume_ location of the site 32 history of the site 32 the excavation 42 the residence 43 the kitchen 45 the refuse pits 46 animal remains 51 the artifacts 52 conclusions 55 [illustration: figure 1.--_top_: hypothetical elevations based on foundations discovered on tutter's neck site. _bottom_: conjectural reconstruction based on elevations of the tutter's neck site, about 1740. elevations by e. m. frank, director of architecture, colonial williamsburg; conjectural drawings by r. stinely.] _ivor noël hume_ excavations at tutter's neck in james city county, virginia, 1960-1961 _land clearance for reforestation of property leased from williamsburg restoration, inc., resulted in the exposure of numerous fragments of early 18th-century pottery and glass. partial excavation of the site, known as tutter's neck, revealed foundations of a small colonial dwelling and outbuilding, both of which had ceased to exist by about 1750._ _this paper describes and analyzes the artifacts recovered from refuse pits on the site. these artifacts, which have been given to the smithsonian institution, are closely dated by context and are valuable in the general study of domestic life in early 18th-century virginia._ the author: _ivor noël hume is director of the department of archeology at colonial williamsburg and an honorary research associate of the smithsonian institution._ in the summer of 1959 the chesapeake corporation undertook land-clearance operations prior to reforestation on property leased from williamsburg restoration, inc., lying to the east of college creek, which runs into the james river below jamestown island (see fig. 2). in the course of this work the foundations of a small and hitherto unrecorded colonial residence were bulldozed and largely destroyed. in the spring of 1960, mr. alden eaton, director of landscape construction and maintenance for colonial williamsburg, while walking over the razed area, picked up numerous fragments of early 18th-century pottery and glass which he later brought to the writer for identification. as the result of this find a survey of the site was undertaken, and two colonial foundations were located and partially excavated.[57] the area available for study was limited by the need to cause as little disturbance as possible to the newly planted seedlings, by a shortage of time and labor, and by the remarkable speed with which the ground became overgrown with locust trees and infested by mayflies and mosquitoes. the location of the excavation area, nearly a mile from the nearest road, and off a track pitted with mud-filled depressions, made access impossible during most of the winter months; consequently, work was possible only in the spring and fall of 1960. by the summer of 1961 both the approach and the site itself had become completely overgrown. regardless of these limitations it was possible to obtain full details of the surviving remains of both the dwelling and its associated kitchen, as well as recovering a number of informative groups of domestic artifacts from trash pits under and around the latter structure. fortunately, the presence of seal-adorned wine bottles in two pits provided data that led to the identification of one of the owners of the property, and thence to a reconstruction of the history of the site in general. it should be noted that whereas the colonial artifacts that have been excavated from marlborough and rosewell provide a useful range of household items of the middle and third quarters of the 18th century, respectively, the tutter's neck material belongs only to the first 40 years of that century, with the emphasis largely upon the first decade. this last is a phase of tidewater archeology about which little is known, falling as it does after the end of the jamestown era and at the beginning of the williamsburg period. although, of course, williamsburg was already being built at the turn of the century, so intensive was the occupation in the following 75 years that few archeological deposits of the city's early days have remained undisturbed. the fact that the tutter's neck site was abandoned before 1750, and never again occupied, consequently enhances its archeological importance. location of the site the site lies on a steeply sloping promontory at the junction of kingsmill and tutter's neck creeks, which flow as halfway creek into college creek approximately 1,050 yards to the west. the house stood on the crown of the slope facing west, some 260 yards from the junction of the creeks, and thus possessed a commanding position. perhaps, at that time, there was a clear view of all vessels passing up college creek--the main waterway to williamsburg from the james river. as the crow flew, the house stood approximately three miles from williamsburg, but by road the route was close to four miles to the eastern edge of the town. while the largest ships generally unloaded their cargoes at landings on the james, the smaller vessels would often carry their cargoes up college creek to college landing, about a mile and a quarter from williamsburg. it seems reasonable to suppose that halfway creek was also navigable for these vessels on the high tide. in view of the fact that the curve of the creek's main stream today touches the southern edge of tutter's neck, it is likely that a landing existed there in the 18th century. however, no traces of such a landing are now visible. history of the site there was no known record of the existence of the houses when the chesapeake corporation stripped the site in 1959. the only colonial map of the area, the so-called desandrouin map of 1781 (fig. 4), shows the neck covered by thick woodland, but indicates two or more buildings some distance to the east. these sites also lay within the bulldozed area, but, paradoxically, no traces of these have been found. comparison of the desandrouin map with the aerial photograph (fig. 3) will show that a small, marsh-flanked stream flowed across the back of the neck in the 18th century and emptied into kingsmill creek. this stream has since silted up and has cut a new channel that causes it to open into tutter's neck creek to the north of the house site. [illustration: figure 2.--the tutter's neck site in relation to college creek and the james river.] [illustration: figure 3.--aerial photograph of tutter's neck taken soon after bulldozing and before the jones site (arrow) was found. photo courtesy city of williamsburg.] the desandrouin map suggests that the buildings on tutter's neck had ceased to exist by 1781, and this conjecture is supported by the artifacts from the site, none of which date later than mid-century. considerable difficulty in establishing the lifespan of the house and outbuilding has resulted in part from the fact that any evidence for a terminus ante quem had been stripped away by the bulldozing and in part from the absence of any maps that identify this promontory as tutter's neck. indeed the entire premise is built upon the discovery of wine-bottle seals in one refuse pit beneath the kitchen chimney and in another approximately 125 feet southeast of the house. these seals, bearing the initials "f i," were identified as having belonged to frederick jones, who later became chief justice of north carolina. the identification was arrived at on the evidence of the will of david bray, of james city county, that was contested in 1732. in the legal action, reference was made to "... one messuage,[58] plantation, piece or parcel of land," known as tutties neck, or "three hundred acres, more or less, lying and being in the parish of bruton." this land was stated to have been purchased by bray's mother, judith bray, from frederick jones; it then was obtained by john randolph and passed by him in exchange to thomas bray.[59] [illustration: figure 4.--detail of colonel desandrouin's map of 1781. arrow indicates jones site.] thus we know that frederick jones had owned a 300-acre tract known as tutties neck. consequently, the discovery of bottle seals bearing the initials "f i" in the vicinity of a "messuage" at the mouth of tutter's neck creek was not without significance. further corroboration was provided by a letter of 1721 from frederick jones to his brother thomas, in williamsburg, regarding the incorrect marking of merchandise on the former's account "marked by mistake f i."[60] it was common practice for plantation owners to use the same shipping marks that they used for their wine-bottle seals, and therefore it may be assumed that jones also owned bottles bearing the initials "f i." having established with reasonable certainty that the site in question was the "tutties neck" that had been purchased by judith bray from frederick jones, the next step was to attempt to piece together the history of the site both before and after that transaction. unfortunately, during the civil war the james city county records were removed for safekeeping to richmond where they were destroyed. this loss makes any research into the early documentary history of the county extremely difficult, and in many cases well nigh impossible. source material must be drawn from family papers and from passing references in the records of other counties. although the history of tutter's neck has many significant facts missing, it is surprising that the record is as full as it is. the first reference occurs in 1632 (or 1642) when mention is made of "great neck at the barren neck, next adjoining to tutties neck, a branch of archers hope creek."[61] similar references to "tutteys" neck and "lutteyes" neck occurred in 1637[62] and in 1646.[63] later, in 1679, a deed of sale from edward gray to william south of gloucester county refers to a parcel of land at "tuttis neck."[64] the same spelling was used in 1682 in the will of otho thorpe, of the parish of all hallows at the wall in london, who left to his cousin john grice and grice's two elder children his plantation in virginia called "tuttis neck."[65] john grice is recorded as having been a justice in james city county in 1685 and 1694.[66] no further references to tutter's neck are to be found until 1711 when frederick jones obtained 100 acres commonly called "lutties neck,"[67] escheated land,[68] from one mathew brown. it is at this point that we run into trouble, for the contents of the pits in which the jones bottles were found included many items of the late 17th century and none dating later than the first decade of the 18th century. the pit beneath the kitchen chimney also contained a bottle bearing the seal of richard burbydge and dated 1701.[69] the inference, therefore, was that frederick jones was on the site during the first years of the 18th century. jones came from england in 1702,[70] having inherited considerable estates from his father, capt. roger jones. in 1704 he is shown in the virginia quit rent rolls as possessing 300 acres in james city county, 500 acres in new kent county, and 2,850 acres in king william county.[71] were it not for the purchase of 1711, it would be reasonable to assume that the 300 acres in james city county were the same that jones sold to judith bray at some unspecified date prior to 1722, the year of his death. [illustration: figure 5.--plan of excavated features.] we know that as early as 1703 frederick jones had interests in north carolina, because it was in that year that one jeremiah goodridg brought suit against him and he was then described as "late of london."[72] in 1707 jones received a grant of 4,565 acres in what are now jones and craven counties in north carolina.[73] at that time he was living in or near williamsburg--presumably on his 300 acres in james city county; in 1705 he was a vestryman of the parish of bruton with its church in williamsburg,[74] and in the same year both he and david bray were listed as being among the directors for the building of williamsburg.[75] it would seem that he was a man of consequence in the county at that time. among the papers of the jones family are indentures dated 1708 transferring property in both king william and new kent counties from frederick to his brother thomas jones,[76] and it may well be construed that this transfer occurred at the time that frederick moved to north carolina. in the same year his plantation in chowan precinct, north carolina, described as "land whereon the church now stands" was chosen as the site for a glebe.[77] this is presumably the same chowan county plantation on which jones died in 1722. [illustration: figure 6.--frederick jones' wine-bottle seals showing matrix variations: 1, initials from single matrix, with right side of "i" poorly formed (same die as fig. 7, left); 2, initials from separate matrices, with large serifs on "f" and small serifs on "i"; 3-5, initials from separate matrices, with small serifs on both letters; 6, 7, initials from separate matrices, with heavy serifs on both letters. seal 5 came from pit a; all others from pit b. the use of single-letter matrices suggests a 17th-century date for the bottles' manufacture, while the presence of various die combinations makes it probable that the bottles were not all made at the same time. it is likely that the bottles were among jones' possessions when he emigrated to virginia in 1702.] in 1711 frederick jones and others residing in north carolina appealed to governor spotswood of virginia for help against the indians.[78] in the same year his name again occurs on an address to spotswood concerning colonel cary's rebellion.[79] almost a year to the day later, he is recorded as applying at a council meeting for the return of salt carried from his house ostensibly for "supporting ye garrisons."[80] in july 1712 jones acquired an additional 490 acres in north carolina.[81] all of this evidence points to his being well settled in his new home by 1712. [illustration: figure 7.--wine bottles of frederick jones and richard burbydge, from pit b. for scale see figure 19.] the colony of north carolina developed more slowly than did virginia. the first permanent english settlement in north carolina was on the chowan river in about 1653, with the population being drawn from virginia. in 1663 the settled area north of albemarle sound became albemarle county, when charles ii granted the territory to eight proprietors, in whose families it remained until an act of parliament in 1729 established an agreement with seven of them (the eighth refused to sell) and thus turned the territory into a royal colony. consequently, when jones moved south, north carolina was still in its infancy, a haven for piracy and beset by private feuds and troublesome indians. in the years 1711-1712 occurred an indian uprising of proportions comparable to those that had threatened the life of the virginia colony 90 years before.[82] it was this massacre of 1712 and its effect on the jones family that occasioned the foregoing apparent digression into the early history of north carolina. the war with the tuscarora indians had begun in 1711 at about the time that jones and his neighbors had appealed to virginia for aid, and it was not to end until 1713 when the greater part of the defeated tribe moved north to new york to become the sixth part of the iroquois confederation. in october 1712 jones' plantation was attacked; but in a letter from the president of the council, pollock, to the governor of south carolina, it was stated that the attackers were "... beat off, none killed of our people."[83] although there was no loss of life, it would appear that the effect on jones' plantation was considerable. in the journal of the house of burgesses at williamsburg it was recorded that on november 5, 1712, "frederick jones, who some years ago removed two slaves out of this colony into north carolina, his plantation having been totally ruined by the hostilities there; asks permission to bring his said negroes back again without paying duty."[84] although the petition was granted, there is no indication that jones did, in fact, return. the important phrase in this notice of petition is the "who some years ago," for it seems probable that this refers to the time when jones left james city county to settle in north carolina. working on the assumption that "some years ago" would be unlikely to refer to a period of time short of three or four years, it can be construed that the date of removal fell in 1708 or 1709 at the latest. however the evidence is interpreted, it still remains curious that jones should have purchased the 100 acres of "lutties neck" in 1711 and that he should sell a 300-acre tract known as "tutties neck" to judith bray, when in fact he appears to have possessed a total of 400 acres in james city county, only one of which is known to bear a name resembling tutter's or tutties' neck. the only reasonable construction must be that mathew brown's escheated acres adjoined 300 acres that already constituted tutter's neck. but even then there remains the problem of why only "by estimation, three hundred acres, more or less"[85] were sold to mrs. bray. no evidence has been found to show what became of the remaining 100 acres, and the only virginia property mentioned in frederick jones' will of april 9, 1722, was described as "lying in king william county in virginia, commonly called horns quarter."[86] it is unfortunate that the direst gap in the documentary evidence spans much the same period as does the archeological data. however, the genealogy of the bray family is of some assistance, providing clues even if it cannot offer direct answers. when thomas bray died on august 2, 1751, he was described as "col. thomas bray, of 'little town,' next to 'kingsmill,' on james river."[87] that property, lying to the east of the kingsmill tract, can be traced back as far as 1636, and it is known to have been owned by the pettus family in the latter part of the 17th century.[88] in about 1697 james bray, son of james bray, sr., of middle plantation (later williamsburg) married mourning, widow of thomas pettus, jr., and so acquired the "little town," or "littletown," tract.[89] this james bray had three children, of whom thomas was the eldest and thus became heir to his father's estate. james bray, jr., had two brothers (as well as a sister). the eldest son, thomas, died intestate. david, the youngest of the three, married judith (b. 1679, d. oct. 26, 1720), by whom he had one son, david, jr.,[90] who married elizabeth page (b. 1702, d. 1734) and had no heir. the previously discussed transaction of 1732 following the death of david bray, jr., whereby thomas bray obtained the "tuttie's neck" acres that had been purchased at an unspecified date by judith bray,[91] would suggest that frederick jones retained the title until 1717. this may be deduced on the grounds that mrs. bray would have been unlikely to have purchased land while her husband, david bray, sr., was still alive. thus jones would seem to have sold tutter's neck between 1717 and 1720 when judith bray died. thomas bray, as stated above, lived at littletown, and there is no likelihood that he ever resided at tutter's neck. he married elizabeth meriwether and by her had one child, a daughter named elizabeth who married col. philip johnson.[92] the daughter died in 1765, and when her husband followed her in 1769 "six hundred acres, with the appurtenances, called and known by the name of tutty's neck" were offered at auction.[93] it was presumably at this time that the tutter's neck land was added to the neighboring kingsmill plantation of lewis burwell. william allen, of surry county, purchased littletown in 1796, and in 1801 he added kingsmill to his holdings along, one supposes, with tutter's neck; for in the inventory made at allen's death in 1832 the latter property was listed as comprising 923 acres and valued at $2,330.00.[94] as the archeological site under consideration was not occupied beyond the colonial period, there is no need to pursue its history through the 19th century. it is enough to note that tutter's neck is included in parcel no. 4 of the kingsmill tract now owned by williamsburg restoration, inc. part of this parcel is leased to the chesapeake corporation through whose courtesy excavation was made possible. captain roger jones and frederick jones the discovery of the tutter's neck site and its artifacts associated with frederick jones arouses interest in the man himself and his place in colonial america. while those facets of his career directly relating to tutter's neck have been outlined above, a few additional facts may serve to round out our picture of the man. in 1680 capt. roger jones of london came to virginia with lord culpeper and was given the task of suppressing piracy in chesapeake bay. his efforts in this direction resulted in considerable personal gain and he was able to amass extensive virginia property. eventually roger jones' activities caused so many complaints that he relinquished his office and returned to london. in 1692 a letter of petition from the council of virginia to the earl of nottingham, king william's principal secretary of state, complained bitterly about the ravages by pirates to ships carrying supplies to the colony and in particular about the conduct of roger jones. this petition, signed by francis nicholson and others of the council, contained the following enlightening passage: ".... capt roger jones, some time an inhabitant of this country, but at present residing in london. a man that, from noething, pretends in a few years to have gained a great estate, & since he has declared his disaffection to yr maty before his leaveing this country, by refuseing to serve in any office, or take the usuall oaths wee pray yor lordshps leave to give you his true caracter. he came into this country a souldier under the l culpeper; was by his ldsp made captaine of a small sloope wh was to have been furnished with twelve men, & was ordered to cruise in our great bay, to look out for & seize all unlawfull tradrs, &c. but ye captaine having learnt to cheate ye king very early, never had above 8 men, altho he constantly received pay for 12 men, for wh ye lord culpeper endeavoured to call him to acct., as well as for his adviseing, trading with & sheltering severall pyrates & unlawfull traders, instead of doeing his duty in seizing them. by which means ye sd. jones laid ye foundation of his p'sent great estate, as he gives out he is master of."[95] in 1701 roger jones died in stepney, london, and was buried at mansfield, nottinghamshire, the home of his wife dorothy (née walker) by whom he had two sons. the elder son, frederick, inherited the larger share of the estate,[96] and both he and his brother thomas arrived in virginia in 1702. thomas remained in the colony throughout his life, but, as already shown, frederick decided that north carolina was more to his liking. in about 1708 frederick disposed of most of his virginia holdings and moved south, taking with him at least two negro slaves and his wife jane, whom he had married while in williamsburg.[97] there is no doubt that frederick jones prospered in north carolina, and in 1717 he was appointed chief justice for the colony,[98] replacing the previous secretary and chief justice, tobias knight, who had resigned in disgrace. the latter had made the mistake of being too open an accomplice of edward "blackbeard" teach, the pirate. there is reason to suppose that even if governor eden did not personally profit from teach's activities, he was fully aware that the pirate made his winter quarters in a north carolina inlet. teach was not finally cornered until november 22, 1718, in the famous exploit of lieutenant maynard off ocracoke inlet.[99] jones had by then been in office for at least a year and he was doubtless aware of the governor's sympathies. indeed, with his own father's example to guide him, jones was clearly an excellent choice for chief justice if leniency towards piracy was a prerequisite for the job. although there is no evidence that jones profited from blackbeard's operations, the records show that he was quite prepared to turn the trust of his office to his own advantage. in the end it was a comparatively small manipulation that proved his undoing. in 1721 one daniel mack daniel murdered, by drowning, a certain ebanezar taylor and carried off his goods and money to a total of £290.0.0d. when mack daniel was apprehended the money was passed for safekeeping to frederick jones, who apparently pocketed it. on april 4, 1722, the following entry appeared in the _colonial records of north carolina_:[100] it's the opinion of this board that the money lodged in the said collo ffredk jones hands late cheif justice for the appearance of robert atkins and daniel mackdaniel at the genl court ought to have been deliverd to the present cheif justice with the genl court papers & records. orderd that the said collo ffredrick jones late cheif justice doe immediately pay to christopher gale cheif justice or his order whatever moneys he has in his hands lodged as aforesaid ... in case of failure hereof the attorney genl is hereby orderd to take proper measures for the recovery thereof. at the session of july 31 to august 4, 1722, jones was due to appear to answer the charge that he had failed to relinquish the money. but when the session opened, it was reported that colonel jones was dead.[101] he had made his will only five days after the initial order of april 4 had been issued.[102] frederick jones was in many respects a worthy and upright member of the north carolina council, or so one would gather from the opinion of hugh jones (no relation), who wrote: "col. frederick jones, one of the council, and in a good post, and of a good estate in north carolina, before his death applied to me, desiring me to communicate the deplorable state of their church to the late bishop of london."[103] frederick jones presumably thought no better of the state of education in the colony, for we know that in the period 1719-1721 two of his sons were at school in williamsburg.[104] the excavation as stated in the introduction, the area and intensity of the excavations were limited by time and prevailing local conditions. being aware of these restrictions from the outset, no attempt was made to undertake the total clearance of either the residence or kitchen. instead, carefully restricted cuttings were made across the foundations to obtain the maximum information with the minimum effort, at the same time retaining sufficiently large undisturbed areas to merit total clearance of the site at some future date. as the area is now covered by fast-growing trees it is unlikely that such an operation would be feasible within the next 15 or 20 years. in the meantime, however, colonial williamsburg has erected concrete markers (see fig. 5) to record the positions of both buildings.[105] no excavation of any sort would have been undertaken at this time had not the foundations been so extensively and irreparably mutilated by the 1959 bulldozing. the loss of all the topsoil and the scooping of the upper courses of the foundations into banks to serve as windbreaks had done such damage that it was essential that something be done before the new growth took hold.[106] the operation should be correctly described, therefore, as a rescue project rather than an archeological excavation in the classic manner. initial work on the site was confined to a survey of the area and the recovery of artifacts such as ceramics, glass, and brickbats scattered on the top of the disturbed clay. the principal concentration of artifacts was encountered in the brick-strewn vicinity of the residence and kitchen, though neither feature was immediately discernible. this scatter was flanked on the west by a windbreak of humus, clay, and fallen trees, and had run out before reaching a parallel windbreak to the east. finds extending in the direction of the latter break included english white salt-glazed sherds as well as bottle fragments of the second quarter of the 18th century. a similar scatter of later artifacts was found extending down the southern slope of the neck at that extremity of the two breaks. in no instance were any fragments of white salt glaze found in stratified deposits, and it must be assumed that they emanated from the disturbed topsoil. to the southeast of the eastern windbreak on ground sloping towards the secondary stream was found a scatter of brick dust extending over an area approximately 12 ft. by 14 ft., in the center of which was a concentration of large over-burnt brick fragments with reddened clay beneath. no evidence of any laid bricks was encountered, and it is possible that this was the site of brickmaking rather than of a structure. the only datable artifact found in the vicinity was the base of a wine bottle of the first quarter of the 18th century that was lying in the silted bottom of a nearby rain-washed gully running towards the stream. close to the southern extremity of the east windbreak was found a refuse pit (pit a) containing a quantity of late 17th-century or early 18th-century wine-bottle fragments, among them one with the seal "f i." some 70 feet northwest of this pit was located an area of laid brickbats that measured 4 ft. 6 in. by 4 ft. 6 in.; around the edges of this area were found a few fragments of early 18th-century wine bottles and one bottle base of the mid-century. this last was the latest fragment found on the site. no explanation for the presence of the brickbats was forthcoming, and no further brick deposits were encountered in the vicinity. beyond the west windbreak and in line with the residence were found numerous glass and pottery fragments of the first and second quarters of the 18th century, none of them in situ. it was presumed that they stemmed from the vicinity of the residence and were spread about by the bulldozing before the windbreaks were pushed up. over and above the artifacts and features listed above, no other evidence of colonial occupation was discovered except in the immediate vicinity of the two buildings. the location of the structures was at once apparent on the evidence of large quantities of disturbed bricks and mortar scooped into east-west furrows by the bulldozers. careful probing in the two largest concentrations of brickbats soon located sections of the foundations of both buildings. it was then a simple matter to trace out the plans of each building before any digging was undertaken. this done, test cuttings were made at the corners and across the chimney foundations. subsequently, additional cuttings were made within each building to determine whether or not either possessed a cellar. in the course of this work on the smaller of the two structures, numerous refuse pits were located that helped to provide a terminus post quem for its construction. each of these pits was treated as an individual feature and will be discussed in detail in its proper place. the residence the house, as previously stated, was built on a north-south axis with its west face looking toward college creek. it looked eastward along the track that led to the road linking williamsburg with burwell's ferry (kingsmill) on the james river. the residence possessed exterior measurements of 42 ft. 3 in. by 19 ft. 1 in. with a chimney foundation at the south measuring 9 ft. 9 in. by 5 ft. and another, at the north, measuring 9 ft. 11 in. by 4 ft. 11 in. these chimneys had sides of varying thicknesses: 1 ft. 7 in., 1 ft. 9 in., 1 ft. 6 in., 1 ft. 11 in., 2 ft., and 1 ft. 6 in. the east and north foundations of the house itself were a brick and a half (1 ft. 1 in.) in thickness, but the south wall was only one brick thick (9 in.), although the two foundations were bonded into one another at the southeast corner. an even more curious situation was provided by the west wall which extended south from the northwest corner at a thickness of 1 ft. 1 in. and for a distance of 24 ft. 3 in., whereupon it stopped. at this point the three surviving courses were stepped back, indicating that although there was no flush end, the bond had not been intended to continue. at a point 9 in. farther south, one brick and two bats were found continuing on the same line. no further trace of a west wall was found until a point was reached 8 ft. from the southwest corner. here, stepping down as did the northern section, the foundation continued to the corner, rising to a height of four courses, but only one brick in thickness.[107] neither the break in the west foundation nor the curious variation in the thickness of the foundations has been explained. it was suspected that the building might have possessed a porch chamber extending to the west, but no westerly projecting foundations abutted against the stepped ends of the west wall. the presence of the west windbreak made any further excavation in that direction impossible, and it could be argued that a porch chamber might not have had foundations as deep as those of the house proper. if this were so, then it is conceivable that they were dismantled along with the rest of the building in the mid-18th century and that any remaining traces have been destroyed by the bulldozing. a single fragment of a polychrome bristol delftware charger, with nails and window-glass fragments, was found in the builder's trench at the southern extremity of the northern section of the west foundation (deposit t.n. 27).[108] the sherd is attributed to the period about 1680-1700, and it is the only clue as to the construction date of the residence. in loose fill inside the foundation in the same general area as the above find were located part of a lead-glass tumbler and the front of an iron padlock. the tumbler fragment could not date before the first quarter of the 18th century, and might be later. two test cuttings were made inside the building in the hope of locating a cellar, but none was found. however, a neck of a wine bottle dating no earlier than about 1740 was discovered amid the debris of the house (t.n. 28). it should be noted that this debris showed no indication of burning. it was apparent that the house had been of frame construction resting on brick foundations laid in english bond. it was a little over twice as long as it was broad, and appeared even longer when seen with its massive exterior chimneys at either end. such a house would probably have been a story and a half in height, having an a roof with dormers probably facing both east and west.[109] fragments of small panes and lead window cames found in the excavations suggest that the windows were leaded and therefore of casement type. on the first floor there probably were two rooms, a hall and chamber--perhaps divided by a central passage with exterior doors at either end. prior to the building of the separate kitchen, the hall may have been used for cooking. above, there were probably two rooms approached by a staircase leading from the passage. this reconstruction assumes, of course, that no porch chamber existed on the west side. since no evidence of a dirt or brick floor was encountered, it is assumed that the floors were of wood. beyond establishing, from foundation widths, that the building was of frame construction, it must be noted that no archeological evidence of the above-grade appearance of the building was forthcoming. mr. e. m. frank, director of architecture for colonial williamsburg, whose conjectural elevation provides the frontispiece to this paper, points out that the roof may have been made from lapping oak strips some four feet in length, as were found at the brush-everard house in williamsburg. he further suggests that the weatherboards could also have taken the form of similar split-oak strips, precedent for which survives in the west wall of the john blair house, also in williamsburg. a house of the above proportions and character was a little better than many a yeoman's home in england, although it owed its origins to those same homes. it was larger than the smaller houses of jamestown, but only just as large as the smaller houses of williamsburg, whose sizes were regulated by an act of assembly in 1705. the tutter's neck residence differed from most of the williamsburg houses in that it had no cellar. while it was a perfectly adequate house for a williamsburg citizen of average means and status, one might be tempted to assume that it would not long have sufficed as the home of col. frederick jones who, in north carolina, aspired to 6 children and 42 slaves.[110] on the other hand, it may be noted that the carters of "corotoman" on the rappahannock, one of the wealthiest families in virginia at the beginning of the 18th century, had lived in a rather similar house prior to the building of an imposing and larger brick mansion. the latter burned in 1729, whereupon robert "king" carter moved back into the old 17th-century house. carter's inventory made at the time of his death in 1732, and now in the possession of the virginia historical society, identifies the rooms in the "old house" as comprising a dining room, chamber over the dining room, lower chamber, chamber over the lower chamber, and a porch chamber. this last strongly suggests that the "old house" was of 17th-century date. as other buildings named in the inventory are noted as being of brick (probably advance buildings for the burnt mansion), it may be assumed that the "old house" was of frame construction and so might well have been of the same class as the tutter's neck residence. a further similarity is to be found in the fact that the carter inventory lists no cellars beneath the "old house." the kitchen like the residence, this subsidiary building was not without its unusual features, the most obvious being the position of the massive chimney standing against the main east-west axis of the building instead of at one of the ends, the normal position. thus, instead of being supported by the a of the roof, the chimney was freestanding above the first floor with the pitch of the roof running away from it. the building possessed external measurements of 25 ft. 4-1/2 in. by 16 ft. 7-1/2 in.; the foundations, laid in english bond, were one brick (9 in.) thick. the chimney abutted against the north wall, measured 10 ft. by 5-1/2 ft.; its sides were 11 ft., 1 ft. 9 in., and 11 in. thick.[111] such a building would have stood to a height of a story and a half with one room on the first floor and a rude attic above, probably approached from a ladder. cuttings across the foundations showed that the bricks were unevenly laid. at one point in the south wall the bricks jogged out to a distance of two inches, as though the foundation had been laid from both ends and failed to meet correctly in the middle. there was no possibility that this unevenness could have been caused by settling or root action after building, for the builder's trench was filled with clearly defined burnt clay that also followed the jog. the same red clay was packed in the builder's trench all around the kitchen building. it was also used to span soft depressions resulting from refuse pits dug and filled with trash before the building was erected. for some unexplained reason the kitchen was constructed over an area that previously had been set aside for the burying of domestic refuse. the largest and earliest of the five pits excavated was situated partially beneath the massive kitchen chimney, whose foundation, not surprisingly, had settled into the pit. another rectangular pit in the middle of the building was not only topped with a pad of red clay but was partially covered by a cap or pier of laid brickbats that perhaps served as a support for floor joists. the presence of the pits sealed beneath the kitchen provided two pieces of information: that the site had been occupied for some time before its construction, and that it was not built before about 1730 or 1740--this on the evidence of a wine bottle found at the bottom of pit d. if this was the first separate kitchen building erected on the site, it must be assumed that the cooking was originally carried on in one of the first-floor rooms of the residence. however, the fact that the archeological excavations were so limited makes any conjecture of that kind of dubious value. the unusual construction of the kitchen and its situation in the trash area at a skew with the residence might prompt the conclusion that it was built without much consideration for the beauty of the whole. it is probable that the kitchen was erected after the house had ceased to be the residence of the owner or a tenant of the tutter's neck acres, and that the dwelling was then a slave quarter. such a conclusion is supported by the presence in pits d-f, of numerous fragments of colono-indian pottery, a ware produced by tidewater indians in pseudo-european forms and probably intended for the use of the slave population. the construction date of the kitchen in the decade 1731-1740 would place it in the ownership of col. thomas bray, who resided at littletown (see p. 40). thus the tutter's neck residence is at best unlikely to have been any more than the quarters of an overseer, or, at worst, communal housing for slaves working in that area. such a conclusion would help to explain the fact that the majority of artifacts found in the site's later deposits were of dates much earlier than their contexts would suggest. many items of pottery and cutlery were of late 17th-century date, though found in refuse pits of about 1730-1740. this would not be so surprising were it not for the fact that few, if any, such items have been found in excavations at williamsburg, a town that was firmly established throughout the period covered by the tutter's neck occupancy as determined by the excavations. but if the kitchen site was used as a slave quarter, it would be logical to expect that such things as pottery and cutlery would have been old before being relegated to that location. a graphic example is provided by the latten spoon from pit d that dates from the period about 1660-1690 (fig. 15, no. 13) and which had seen such service that it had been worn down to half its bowl size before being discarded. the refuse pits a total of six refuse pits were excavated, five of them entirely or partially sealed beneath the foundations of the kitchen. all five consequently predated that structure, though pit b (see fig. 5) was probably 20 years earlier than the others. pits c-f, on the other hand, were probably all dug within a short time of each other. they were approximately the same size and depth and were situated within a few inches of one another, although none overlapped its neighbor. it may be deduced, therefore, that the pits were dug in such close succession that the outlines of the preceding pits were still visible to the digger. it is possible that they may have been privy pits. concrete evidence indicating the close relationships between these pits was provided by fragments of the same colono-indian bowl found in both pit d and pit e. pit a this deposit (t.n. 31) was located farthest from the buildings, being situated, as previously noted, about 125 feet southeast of the residence on the south slope of the neck. as elsewhere on the site, the topsoil over the pit had been removed, leaving only the lower portions of the dirty yellow clay deposit intact. this pit measured 8 ft. by 5 ft. and extended to a depth of only 1 ft. 2 in. into the surrounding natural yellow clay. a tree stump obscured a small part of this oval pit, but it is believed that its presence prevented few, if any, artifacts from avoiding recovery. the finds comprised two or three sherds of coarse pottery of no identifiable form, part of the base of an english delftware mug ornamented with sponged manganese, one clay pipe of about 1700, and fragments of at least 18 wine bottles of the period about 1690-1710. one of these fragments bore an "f i" seal from the same matrix as another found in pit b. the location of pit a so far from the house and in a totally different area from the only other pit of the same date (pit b) suggests that there was little consistency in the deposition of trash in the early years of the century. it is possible that the pits were created when tree stumps were removed and were filled with trash no matter where they happened to be. the fact that modern tree roots invariably sought the richer soil of the pits' contents makes it quite probable that there are numerous other pits on the site that are still hidden beneath standing trees or cut stumps. dating: there is little doubt that pit a was filled during the first decade of the 18th century. pit b this pit (t.n. 30) was approximately circular, with a diameter of 9 ft. 4 in. and a maximum depth of 2 ft. 8 in. it was covered by part of the kitchen's north wall and by the whole of the east side of the kitchen chimney. it was apparent that the builders knew that the pit was there, for a considerable number of brickbats were laid under the foundation of the chimney's northeast corner in an entirely abortive attempt to prevent it from settling. it is probable that the pit was initially a stump hole, there being a large quantity of dirty, greenish-gray clay at the bottom from which no artifacts were recovered (see fig. 8.) it is probable that this clay was redeposited when the stump and attached roots were dug out. subsequently, the remaining concavity served as a rubbish pit into which more than 120 broken wine bottles were thrown. all these bottles belonged to the same period (1690-1710) as those in pit a, and among them were five seals marked "f i" and one seal bearing the legend "richard burbydge 1701."[112] [illustration: figure 8.--section through the filling of pit b.] other finds included fragments of english delftware, among them a very large polychrome charger that had been intended as a wall or dresser ornament, and a most unusual saucer-shaped vessel, ornamented with splashes of blue, that resembles a reversed form of the london copies of nevers faïence.[113] additional finds included north devon[114] and other coarse earthenwares, a millefiori bead, and an english wineglass in the hawley bishop style dating about 1690. dating: the evidence of the bottles indicates a filling date in the first decade of the 18th century. pit c covering the top of this pit was a layer of reddish clay, the same type of clay that was used in the backfilling of the builders' trench around the kitchen foundations. the clay was directly covered by brick rubble from the building's destruction stratum. from between the clay and rubble (t.n. 15) came fragments of an iron saw some 17 in. long and a brass harness fitting of unusual form. set into the clay level was the base of a brick pier made from brickbats and intended to provide added support over the soft filling of a pit measuring approximately 6 ft. by 4 ft. 3 in. and having a total depth of 2 ft. 6 in. the walls were carefully trimmed and the bottom was flat, leaving no doubt that this cavity was dug as a refuse pit and was not a converted stump hole. the red clay described above gave way to a yellow clay beneath the brick pier from which level (t.n. 16) came a few unimportant pottery fragments, a shoulder fragment from a wide-mouthed jar, and an iron harness buckle. beneath this stratum was encountered the main pit filling, comprising a thick stratum of wood ash (t.n. 17) which blended towards the corners of the pit into pale clay (t.n. 18) that has probably silted in from the sides. from the ash deposit came part of a sickle, the bowl of a much-decayed pewter spoon, objects of turned bone, tobacco pipes, and a silvered-brass harness ornament. somewhat surprisingly, the stratum also contained part of a plate comparable to the delftware charger from pit b, though the date of the deposit was probably 20 or more years later. the silted clay at the bottom of the pit included numerous clay-pipe fragments whose stem holes, following the harrington theory, pointed to a date in the period about 1735-1750. other finds included coarse earthenwares from yorktown, delftware, and part of a pewter spoon handle. dating: about 1740. pit d this was a rectangular rubbish pit measuring approximately 5 ft. 10 in. by 4 ft. and having a maximum depth of 2 ft. 8 in.--measurements closely resembling those of pit c, which was situated only one foot to the east. stratigraphy also followed much the same sequence: four inches of brick rubble on the top (t.n. 26), then 6 inches of red clay (t.n. 22) overlying the main fill of wood ash and becoming mixed with silted clay at the bottom (t.n. 23). the red clay had mixed with the top of the pit fill and a number of artifacts spanned the division of the strata, among them a rim sherd from a polychrome delftware charger (about 1670-1690) and part of an inverted baluster wineglass stem of the beginning of the 18th century. [illustration: figure 9.--bowl of buff-colored earthenware with a brown lead glaze and with "elizabeth goodall 1721" inscribed in slip. probably staffordshire. height, 7-1/2 in. this bowl parallels one of similar ware found at tutter's neck (fig. 19, no. 9). colonial williamsburg, department of collections, no. 1960-430.] the primary ash deposit, which proved to be the richest on the site, included delft drug-jar fragments, porringers and bowls, westerwald tankard sherds, brown stoneware, yorktown coarse wares, and much colono-indian pottery. small finds included pewter spoons, scissors, part of a sword guard, iron dividers, and a sickle and table knives of late 17th-century character. tobacco-pipe fragments pointed to a dating in the third decade of the 18th century, as also did a single wine bottle found at the bottom of the pit. dating: about 1730-1740, on the above evidence. pit e this deposit lay some 3 feet to the west of pit d, and it was found on the last day of excavation. consequently time only permitted a test hole (measuring 1 ft. 9 in. by 1 ft. 9 in.) to be made into the pit at its northwest corner, from which point horizontal probing indicated that the pit measured 4 ft. by 2 ft. 8 in. and was shown by the test cut to be 2 ft. 9 in. deep. unlike the other pits in this series, the contents consisted of a single brown-soil deposit (t.n. 24) containing brickbats, oystershells, and a small quantity of ceramics, notably the base of an ornamental delftware cup and a large part of a yorktown earthenware bowl. of significance was a fragment of colono-indian pottery that joined onto a bowl found in pit d, indicating that both deposits were of the same date. additional finds included pipe fragments and an iron horseshoe. dating: about 1730-1740, principally on evidence of matching sherds of indian pottery. pit f this was an oval pit situated 2 feet north of pit c. being only partially within the area of excavation and owing to its close proximity to the poorly preserved north foundation of the kitchen, this deposit was only partially excavated, i.e., an area 4 ft. 2 in. by 3 ft. 9 in. the pit had a depth of 1 ft. 10 in. and contained a deposit of ash mixed with dirty clay (t.n. 19). from this filling came several pieces of colono-indian pottery, polychrome delftware, yorktown earthenwares, chinese porcelain, part of a heavy wineglass knop, and one minute sherd of white salt glaze on which the pit's terminal dating is based. dating: about 1730-1740. other deposits yielding artifacts illustrated deposits t.n. 1, t.n. 2.--deposit t.n. 1 was in a 6-inch stratum of rich black soil outside the northwest corner of the kitchen and partially covered by a large tree stump. while some of the black dirt overlay the corner foundation, its looseness suggests that it was pushed there during the bulldozing. no traces of the stratum extended inside the kitchen, and the artifacts were consistently of dates prior to the construction of the building. finds included a pewter spoon handle, brown stoneware with a rare white interior, a tobacco-pipe bowl with maker's initials "h s," a wineglass stem comparable to that from pit b, and panes of window glass measuring 2-1/8 in. by 1-7/8 in. and 1-5/8 in. by 2-7/16 in. deposit t.n. 2 was a 2-inch layer of burnt clay flecked with wood ash. it lay beneath the black soil level and probably was deposited when the kitchen was built. consequently, the upper level can only have been laid down after that time. finds included one sherd of spanish majolica and a fragment of a tobacco-pipe bowl bearing the name of tippet, a family of bristol pipemakers in the late 17th and early 18th centuries.[115] dating: it is assumed that the clay (t.n. 2) was contemporary with the construction date of the kitchen (about 1730-1740) and that the black fill (t.n. 1) was deposited soon afterward. deposit t.n. 3.--a continuation of the red clay inside the kitchen chimney. finds include one rhenish "bellarmine"[116] sherd and a pewter spoon handle. [illustration: figure 10.--fragments of similarly ornamented 17th-century delftware from tutter's neck, london, and holland: 1, with blue and orange decoration, from tutter's neck, pit b; 2, with blue decoration, from tutter's neck, pit d; 3, bowl waster with blue, orange, and green decoration, from toolley street kiln site, london; 4, plate with blue decoration from toolley street site; 5, plate decorated in blue, orange, and green, from dutch limburg. the netherlands dish, earlier than the english examples, clearly indicates the source of the border design.] [illustration: figure 11.--interior bases of delftware salts with identical carolian profiles. _left_, from tutter's neck, pit d; _right_, from the thames at london. diameter of each base is 1-3/4 in.] dating: same as t.n. 2, about 1730-1740. deposit t.n. 4.--a stratum of black soil overlying the red clay outside the southwest corner of the kitchen foundation. finds include wine-bottle fragments dating about 1690-1710, brown stoneware, yorktown coarse earthenware, and english delftware sherds. dating: after kitchen construction, probably in the same decade, about 1730-1740. deposit t.n. 10.--black humus mixed with plaster and brickbats outside the west wall of the residence's north chimney. the only find of importance is a well-preserved, two-tined, iron table fork. dating: the stratum represents the destruction level of the residence, and the scant dating evidence recovered from t.n. 18, etc., suggests that the building had ceased to exist by 1750, or possibly a few years earlier. deposit t.n. 27.--the field number covers two deposits that blended together in their upper levels. they comprise the back filling of the builder's trench against the residence's west foundation (see p. 44)--from which came a single delftware charger sherd of about 1680-1700--and a stratum of black humus mixed with mortar and plaster representing the destruction layer of the house. the bulldozing had caused considerable disturbance to both layers, but it can be safely accepted that the delft sherd belonged to the construction date of the residence and that a lead-glass tumbler base and an iron-padlock fragment came from the destruction stratum. dating: the construction date for the house relies on the insufficient evidence of the single delftware sherd mentioned above, i.e., after about 1680. the destruction dating comes not from the items noted here but from the bottle neck discussed under t.n. 28, after about 1740. deposit t.n. 28.--a test cutting inside the residence on the line of the supposed central hallway that revealed 9 inches of humus mixed with mortar and plaster resting on natural clay. from the above level came one bottle neck of about 1740. on this evidence and on the evidence of unstratified sherds found in the occupation area, it is assumed that the complex had been abandoned by the middle of the 18th century. dating: after about 1740. animal remains animal bones and marine items were largely confined to the refuse pits previously discussed, although a few garbage bones and oystershells had been spread around the site in the course of the bulldozing. bones from the pits comprised the usual range of ox, pig, and deer remains that are to be found amid the garbage of most colonial sites. a group of the less readily identifiable bones were submitted to the smithsonian institution for examination and the following identifications were provided: left humerus, wild duck, (white-winged scoter, _melanitta deglandi_). from t.n. 17. fibula of pig (_sus scrofa_), domestic. from t.n. 17. shaft of humerus, domestic goose. from t.n. 22. mandible of possum (_didelphis_ sp. _marsupialis_, subsp. _virginiana_), edible. from t.n. 22. mandible of "marine gar," or needlefish, of the belonidae family, probably _strongylura marina_ (walbaum), a very common sea fish in this area, which runs in fresh water, and is frequently eaten. from t.n. 24. [illustration: figure 12.--colono-indian cup excavated at williamsburg which is comparable to a fragment from tutter's neck (fig. 18, no. 17). height, 3-7/8 in.] also submitted for examination were specimens from a number of scallop shells, which were plentiful in pits c and d, and examples of mussel and clam shells from pit c. the identifications were as follows: fresh water mussel of a type eaten by the indians, _elliptio complanatus_. from t.n. 18. fossil clam, _glycymeris_ sp. from t.n. 18. fossil scallop of a variety no longer living in this area. from t.n. 22. the identification of the scallop as being fossil was somewhat surprising in view of the prevalence of such shells in pits c and d. however, it should be noted that pit e (t.n. 24) contained a fragment of fossil whale rib. such bones are plentiful in the tidewater marl beds and are frequently found on the shores of the james and york rivers. the artifacts tobacco pipes pipes (fig. 14) were not plentiful, no more than 100 fragments being found in any one deposit. the datable bowls and fragments of pipes closely followed the site's two periods as indicated by the various refuse pits; that is, examples from pits a and b date from around 1700-1720, and those from the rest of the pits are of types loosely attributed to the period of about 1710-1780. on the evidence of association and by the use of the harrington system of stem-hole dating, there is no reason to date any of the pipes later than the first half of the 18th century. a few deposits yielded a sufficient number of stem fragments to provide tentative dating, as follows: -------------------+--------+---------------------------+-------- |_no. of_| _stem diameters_ | _deposit_ | _frag-_+---------------------------+ _date_ | _ments_| 4/64" 5/64" 6/64" 7/64"| -------------------+--------+---------------------------+-------- pit b (t.n. 30) | 91 | 29% 60% 11% |1700-1720 pit c (t.n. 17, 18)| 82 | 17% 78% 5% |1730-1750 pit d (t.n. 23) | 49 | 16% 63% 21% |1730-1740 kitchen (t.n. 1) | 55 | 57% 43% |1720-1740 -------------------+--------+---------------------------+--------it should be noted that in all cases the samplings are too small for accuracy and that they are based on mr. harrington's elementary chart which he, himself, claims to be no more than a point of departure for a new approach to the dating of tobacco-pipe fragments. nevertheless, the above results do follow fairly closely the dating of the groups arrived at on the evidence of stratigraphy and on the study of associated artifacts of all types. since this report was first written, lewis binford of the university of chicago has developed a mathematical formula based on harrington's chart which enables one to arrive at a mean date for the deposition of a group of pipes. audrey noël hume has subsequently demonstrated that a sampling of approximately 900 fragments is needed to maintain consistent results, and that the degree of accuracy rapidly falls off when dealing with groups of pipes dating earlier than 1670 and later than 1760.[117] fortunately, the tutter's neck pipes, though few in number, do fall within the period of greatest accuracy. the following table illustrates the relationships between dates arrived at on the basis of all artifactual and documentary evidence (i), by the use of the harrington chart (ii), and by the binford formula (iii). --------------------+-----------+-----------+------ _deposit_ | _i_ | _ii_ | _iii_ --------------------+-----------+-----------+------ pit b (t.n. 30) | 1702-1710 | 1700-1720 | 1709 pit c (t.n. 17, 18) | ca. 1740 | 1735-1750 | 1745 pit d (t.n. 23) | 1730-1740 | 1730-1740 | 1739 stratum (t.n. 1) | ca. 1740 | 1720-1740 | 1724 --------------------+-----------+-----------+------the discrepancy in the dating of layer t.n. 1 must be explained by the fact that the soil and its contents were dug from somewhere else and redeposited outside the kitchen building. had this stratum predated the building, it would undoubtedly have been found on both sides of the foundation and would not have overlaid the red clay level (t.n. 2) which was similar and probably identical to that sealing pits c and d, the latter containing a wine bottle of about 1740 (fig. 19, no. 18). the following maker's marks were found on pipes: [sidenote: r m] one initial on either side of the heel. two examples (see fig. 14, no. 3). the initials are not uncommon on pipes of the same shape found at williamsburg and rosewell plantation.[118] there were at least seven pipemakers with these initials working in the late 17th and early 18th centuries.[119] t.n. 30, pit b. [sidenote: h s] one initial on either side of the heel. one example (fig. 14, no. 5). other pipes with these initials have been found at williamsburg and rosewell plantation. maker not known. t.n. 1. [sidenote: i s] one initial on either side of the heel. one example (fig. 14, no. 6). the mark is not recorded among previous finds from either jamestown or williamsburg. at least five makers with these initials were working in bristol in the appropriate period. t.n. 17, pit c. [illustration: figure 13.--1, iron saw fragments found under the tutter's neck kitchen (t.n. 15); 2-5, iron sickle, padlock, scissors, and dividers, respectively, from various deposits on the site (see figs. 15, 16).] [sidenote: rich ards ayer] richard sayer. two examples had the name stamped on bases of flat heels; five others had the stamp on the upper sides of stems (see fig. 14, no. 1). all seven stamps occur on glazed pipes of good quality. no previous examples of his pipes have been found at either jamestown or williamsburg. possibly richard sayers who is recorded by oswald as having been working at newbury in about 1700. t.n. 30, pit b. [sidenote: ...ip ...et] this fragmentary stamp on a molded cartouche on the side of a bowl came from a context of about 1730-1740 (t.n. 2) and was presumably made by the robert tippet of bristol who became a freeman in 1713 and whose pipes have been found in williamsburg contexts dating as late as the mid-18th century.[120] [sidenote: rich tyler] presumably richard tyler, but the last two letters of the surname are unclear. the stamp appears on a stem fragment within an oval of impressed square dots. oswald lists a richard tyler who was working at bath in about 1700. stem-hole diameter, 5/64 in. unstratified. [sidenote: w] fragment from base of bowl of pipe with neither heel nor spur, probably similar in shape to no. 4 of figure 14. the first of a pair of initials molded on either side of the base.[121] stem-hole diameter, 7/64 in. unstratified. metal objects metal items (figs. 15-17) from the site provide a valuable series of common domestic and agricultural objects of a period that has as yet received little study. the majority of the principal items came from a single refuse pit beneath the kitchen (pit d, t.n. 23) and although deposited in the second quarter of the 18th century they are generally of earlier date. the surprising preponderance of late 17th-century items in this and other contexts tends to support the theory that the house served as a quarter toward the end of its life and that the furnishings, tools, and utensils consequently were already worn and old-fashioned when provided for use by the slaves. ceramics like the metal items, the ceramics are predominantly of the late 17th and early 18th century, though frequently found in contexts of the second quarter of the latter century. the quality and variety of the wares is somewhat surprising, the finds including some items that are today of considerable rarity. notable among them is the saucer in a reversed "nevers" style that is seemingly without parallel (fig. 18, no. 8), a london delftware "charger" of massive proportions and uncommon design (fig. 18, no. 10), a lead-glazed staffordshire bowl fragment (see fig. 19, no. 9), and part of a brown-surfaced white stoneware jug that may have come from the factory of john dwight of fulham near london.[122] the majority of the delftwares have the appearance of london manufacture, rather than that of bristol or liverpool. as a broad generalization it may be claimed that the former trend in virginia was characteristic of the 17th century but was reversed in the 18th. an unusually large percentage of colono-indian pottery was present, predominantly in pits dating from the second quarter of the 18th century. the same contexts also yielded a high proportion of lead-glazed earthenware cream pans manufactured at yorktown, presumably at the factory of william rogers that may have been operating as early as 1725.[123] although all the items found on the tutter's neck site emanate from contexts of 18th-century date, most of the delftwares and some of the stoneware items are without parallel in nearby williamsburg, the 18th-century cultural and economic center of virginia that lay only three miles away. once again, therefore, the artifacts point to a 17th-century survival and perhaps, by projection, to a low standard of living. an indication of a terminal date for the life of the site is provided by the total absence of english white salt-glazed stoneware from all except one stratified deposit (pit f), a ware that does not seem to have reached the colonies before the third decade of the 18th century,[124] most of it arriving after about 1740. it must be recorded, however, that fragments of this later period were found scattered on the surface, but it was impossible to determine whence they came. glass bottles wine bottles[125] provided the key to the entire excavation, first by possessing seals (fig. 6) that identified the owner of the property and secondly by providing dating evidence for the construction of the kitchen; thus there was avoided an error of dating that would otherwise have been inevitable. in addition, the group of bottles from pit b (t.n. 30) provided a valuable series of specimens of varying shapes, all of which were in use together at the beginning of the 18th century. (see fig. 19, nos. 11-20.) a few small fragments of green pharmaceutical phials were also recovered, but none was sufficiently large to merit illustration. table glass although wine-bottle glass was plentiful, table glass was comparatively scarce. it was confined to the three wineglasses illustrated as nos. 16-18 of figure 17, a 17th-century wineglass-stem fragment similar to no. 17 of figure 17 (see footnote 94), heavy tumbler-base fragments of typical 18th-century type (from t.n. 24, 27), and a fragment from a fine gadrooned romer of late 17th-century date (fig. 20, no. 8). conclusions the tutter's neck excavations represented the partial exploration of a small colonial dwelling and outbuilding, both of which ceased to exist by about 1750. on the basis of the excavated artifacts the intensity of occupation seems to fall into two periods, the decade of about 1701-1710 and within the years about 1730-1740. documentary evidence indicates that these periods relate to the respective ownerships of frederick jones and thomas bray. while the groups of artifacts from refuse pits are closely dated by context and are consequently valuable in the general study of domestic life in early 18th-century virginia, the history of the site is less well served. the limited nature of the excavation, the loss of the overburden through bulldozing, and the destruction of the james city county court records during the civil war serve to leave a number of important gaps in the chronology. it is to be hoped that at such time as the new trees have grown up and have been cut there will be archeologists ready and waiting to complete the excavation of this small but historically interesting site. illustrations the illustrated items are confined to those that are sufficiently complete or readily identifiable as to be of value to archeologists, curators, and historians who may find comparable items elsewhere. in the interest of brevity, repetitive or unstratified objects have been omitted, although occasional exceptions have been made in the latter category where it is considered that the objects are of significance to the study of the structures or the possessions of tutter's neck residents, whether or not they can be closely dated. the drawn objects are divided by type and are arranged in chronological order within each group where variations of date are apparent. in most instances the archeological evidence of the date at which the artifacts were deposited in the ground is more accurate than is the overall date range of individual items. thus the fact that a delftware form that was developed about 1700 continued to be manufactured until about 1740 would give us, in the absence of archeological evidence, a manufacture date of about 1700-1740, but there would be no indication of the length of the object's actual life. on the other hand, the archeological evidence tells us only when the object was discarded, and not when it was made. to avoid confusion, the descriptions of the artifacts only indicate the periods in which the objects were first made and/or were most popular, and then only when such dates are clearly at variance with the archeological termini. each description ends with the tutter's neck field number that indicates the source of the item and provides the terminus post quem for its context. table 1 provides a summary of the foregoing report for use in conjunction with the artifact illustrations. table 1.--_location and terminal dates of deposits._ --------------+-------------------------+---------------- _field number_| _deposit_ | _terminal date_ (t.n.) | | --------------+-------------------------+---------------- 1 | kitchen | c. 1740 2 | " | c. 1730-1740 3 | " | c. 1730-1740 4 | " | c. 1740 8 | kitchen vicinity | unstratified 10 | residence | c. 1740-1750 15 | kitchen | c. 1740 16 | " | c. 1730-1740 17 | pit c | c. 1725-1735 18 | " " | c. 1725-1735 19 | pit f | c. 1730-1740 22 | kitchen | c. 1730-1740 23 | pit d | c. 1730-1740 24 | pit e | c. 1730-1740 27 | residence | c. 1740_ff_1750 28 | " | c. 1740-1750 29 | slope south of residence| c. 1750-1760 30 | pit b | c. 1702-1710 31 | pit a | c. 1702-1710 32 | residence vicinity | unstratified --------------+-------------------------+----------------figure 14. tobacco-pipe profiles 1. pipe with bowl shape reminiscent of the 17th century but with the lip horizontal instead of sloping away from the stem as characteristic of the earlier forms. mouth somewhat oval; spur small; the clay very white and glazed. marked on the stem with the name richard sayer. stem-hole diameter 6/64 in. oswald type 9d.[126] t.n. 30. 2. fragmentary bowl of cylindrical form, having a shallow heel from which the fore-edge of the bowl springs forward. this is a late 17th-century form. no mark. stem-hole diameter 6/64 in. t.n. 30. 3. bowl of basic 18th-century form, but the narrow profile is indicative of an early date within the period. letters "r m" molded on either side of the heel. stem-hole diameter 5/64 in. t.n. 30. [illustration: figure 14.--tobacco-pipe profiles. same size.] 4. bowl with neither heel nor spur, but the angle of the bowl comparable to that of no. 2. no mark. stem-hole diameter 5/64 in. t.n. 31. 5. bowl apparently similar to no. 3, but with the lip missing; smaller heel with molded initials "iis," but the letters poorly formed and almost illegible. stem-hole diameter 6/64 in. t.n. 1. 6. bowl slightly fatter than the above, initials "is" clearly molded on the small heel, the "i" very thick. stem-hole diameter 4/64 in. t.n. 17. 7. bowl with neither heel nor spur, an evolved 18th-century form in the style of no. 6 but somewhat larger. this is clearly a later variation of no. 4.[127] stem-hole diameter 5/64 in. t.n. 19. 8. base of bowl and stem fragment, of red clay and of local virginia manufacture.[128] apparently a 17th-century form, but found here in an 18th-century context. stem-hole diameter 10/64 in. t.n. 18. [illustration: figure 15.--cutlery and other small finds. one-half.] figure 15. cutlery and other small finds 1. table knife, iron, with sway-backed and round-ended blade, thin, winglike shoulders, the tang slightly turned over at the end but originally 1-1/2 in. in length. a late 17th-century to early 18th-century blade form.[129] t.n. 23. 2. table knife, iron, smaller but similar form to no. 1, but with the blade end less rounded. the tang is bent at right angles at approximately its midsection, a presumably fortuitous feature that has been omitted from the drawing. t.n. 23. 3. table knife, iron, with incomplete blade and broken tang; the blade narrow and somewhat sway-backed, the shoulders extending into a double collar below a somewhat heavy tang. the closest parallel is believed to have been made around 1700.[130] t.n. 23. 4. table knife, iron, with the blade much worn and the tip missing, long and heavy shoulders, possibly of octagonal form. this knife is of a form typical of the 17th century.[131] t.n. 23. 5. table fork, iron, two-tined, with the long octagonal shank common in the 17th century,[132] terminating in a rectangular-sectioned tang. t.n. 10. 6. table knife, iron, with incomplete blade originally with upswept and rounded end, but seemingly used after the end was lost. back of blade hipped and terminating in octagonal shoulders and rectangular-sectioned tang. early 18th century. t.n. 28. 7. terminal of pewter spoon handle, a weak form of the "split end" or "trifid" terminal of the late 17th century.[133] scratches on the upper surface can be read as the initials "i h." early 18th century. t.n. 1. 8. terminal of pewter spoon handle, spatula form, the handle broad and thin. a broad arrow mark (perhaps a rough, merchant's mark) is rouletted onto the upper surface. on the reverse, an arabic figure 2, marked in a multiplicity of small scratched arcs, is sufficiently large as to make use of the entire area of the terminal. t.n. 18. 9. pewter spoon handle, with spatula terminal, in an advanced stage of decay and broken off at the junction with the bowl; probably rat-tailed. t.n. 3. 10. bowl and broken handle of pewter rat-tail spoon, the rat-tail being unusually long and thin after sharply constricting at the heel of the bowl. the handle is narrow and oval in section and could very well have ended in a terminal section of the same type and length as no. 9. t.n. 23. 11. pewter spoon, normal rat-tail bowl, apparently with spatula handle terminal. this spoon was intact when found, but was in so advanced a state of decay that the weaker sections at both ends lay powdered in the ground and could not be restored. t.n. 23. 12. pewter spoon bowl and section of straight handle. bowl is of oval form with rudimentary rat-tail; the handle is rectangular in section. the handle form is characteristic of the 17th century.[134] the spoon is in an advanced stage of decay but appears to have been crudely formed, the bowl being very shallow. t.n. 17. 13. latten or brass spoon bowl and section of handle, tinned; the bowl oval but worn away by long use. maker's mark in the bowl: a spoon flanked by the initials "rs" within two rings between which is the legend "dovble whited."[135] the form is typical of the second half of the 17th century. t.n. 23. 14. blade sections of iron scissors. t.n. 23. 15. blade and incomplete handle from pair of scissors. the blade terminates at an angle of 30° in the manner of modern tailors' scissors, a shape that was common in the 17th century and less so in the 18th. the loop of the handle takes the form of a broad but thin-sectioned band set at a right angle to the blade, an early characteristic.[136] t.n. 23. 16. pair of iron scissors with one blade broken, of similar type to the above. the loop and shaft of the left section are much more substantial than the right, suggesting that although the components were found attached they were not originally made for each other. t.n. 23. 17. left side of iron casing for a fleam. an example of similar shape and size was found in excavations at jamestown. t.n. 23. 18. pair of iron dividers with bulb terminal and tines somewhat convex on the outside faces.[137] t.n. 23. 19. iron key with round-sectioned loop: stem round-sectioned and narrow at junction with loop and becoming much wider in midsection, then tapering again as it approaches the web. the pin is solid and terminates in a small nipple; the web is divided and much decayed, with the fore-section represented by only a small fragment that is much thinner than its companion. it would appear that the key had been violently wrenched in a lock, resulting in the breaking of the web and the twisting and fracturing of the loop. t.n. 23. 20. small tool of uncertain purpose, perhaps an awl. broad and flat at one end, in the manner of a screwdriver or drill shank, and becoming round-sectioned and narrowing to a point at the other end. t.n. 30. 21. iron spoon bit with flattened shank terminal. spoon convexo-concave in section, saucered upwards at the lower end to the same height as the walls of the trough, and terminating in a worm or twist of two surviving revolutions.[138] t.n. 23. 22. iron quillon and knuckle bow mounting from sword.[139] t.n. 23. figure 16. builders hardware and other metal items 1. an object of uncertain purpose, made from sheet iron rolled at the sides over a wire to provide round-sectioned edges and more roughly folded for the same purpose at the lower edge. the central hole has been deliberately cut. the object, whose shape resembles the terminal from a cheekpiece of a snaffle bit, has been broken at the narrow end, suggesting that it was too light in construction to have been intended for such a purpose. t.n. 19. 2. tang and part of blade from an iron sickle. blade is triangular in section, and the cutting edge commences approximately 2-1/2 in. from the haft. t.n. 23. 3. blade fragment from sickle of larger size than the above, triangular in section, and bearing some indication that the back has been hammered. t.n. 17. 4. front plate and part of mechanism of bag-shaped padlock. the keyhole cover is now missing but originally it was hinged, and not pivoting as has been common on locks since the second half of the 18th century.[140] the bolt, which survives, is fitted with a spring at the rear and has two wards projecting from its midsection. t.n. 27. 5. chest or coffin handle, iron. handhold is 1/2 in. in width at its widest point and tapers at either end. the terminals, of disk form, serve to hold the handle at right angles to the wood of the chest. such handles were attached by means of cotter pins. the form was common in the 17th century.[141] t.n. 24. 6. iron spike of large size, measuring 5-5/8 in. in (surviving) length, 1/2 in. by 7/16 in. at the broken top, and approximately 1/2 in. by 1/4 in. at the bottom. this was the largest spike found on the site. t.n. 22. 7. iron spike with heavy square head. length 4-3/4 in.; shaft at head measures 7/16 in. by 5/16 in. and is spatula-ended. t.n. 23. 8. ring-headed bolt. collar beneath the loop, with the shaft round-sectioned and 1-13/16 in. of threading above the pyramidical point. the nut measures approximately 7/8 in. by 5/8 in.[142] t.n. 17. 9. iron bolt or rivet with large thin head 1-1/4 in. in diameter; shaft end probably broken. t.n. 23. [illustration: figure 16.--builders' hardware and other metal items. one-half.] 10. iron rivet with large head approximately rectangular in shape and measuring 1-3/8 in. by 1-3/16 in. shaft originally round-sectioned but now much decayed and showing evidence of having spread at its flat terminal. t.n. 23. 11. tube of sheet iron. wider at one end than the other, having an aperture of 3/8 in. at the narrow end and approximately 7/8 in. at the other end. possibly the nozzle from a pair of bellows or, conceivably, a large ferrule; however, there seem to be no holes for mounting the iron to wood. the object has been hammered at its wide end, causing the metal to spread and roll and the entire object to buckle and yawn at its midsection. t.n. 23. 12. an object of uncertain purpose sometimes described as a door or shutter latch. the blade section is neither pointed nor sharpened, and the shank or tang is slightly spread at the end.[143] t.n. 18. 13. fragment of object of uncertain purpose. sheet iron is folded over at one edge to grip an iron strap, only a small section of which survives. t.n. 23. 14. iron hasp from trunk or chest lock; has rectangular keeper and rolled terminal for lifting.[144] t.n. 18. 15. iron strap with rectangular #t#-shaped terminal at one end and pierced by a 7/8 in. rivet at the other end; of uncertain purpose. t.n. 23. 16. ward plate, possibly from large padlock, iron. t.n. 22. 17. ward plate from large rimlock. lugs at either end serve as rivets that pass through iron supports extending back from the front plate. t.n. 17. 18. bolt, iron, from large rimlock. the head is approximately 1/2 in. thick. two wards extending from the shaft show that, to lock, the bolt moved from right to left. unstratified. 19. bolt, iron, from large rimlock. the head is approximately 1/2 in. thick. the remains of two wards extend from the shaft and show that, to lock, the bolt moved from left to right. t.n. 18. 20. harness buckle, iron. almost square-sectioned, with the tang round-sectioned, flattened at the top, and rolled around the buckle. t.n. 16. 21. harness buckle, iron. the tang side is round-sectioned, the other sides flattened. the tang is pointed, square-sectioned in the shaft, and possesses an ornamental ridge below the point at which it rolls over the frame.[145] t.n. 23. 22. harness buckle, iron, much decayed. frame and tang apparently square-sectioned, the former perhaps unintentionally constricted at one side. t.n. 23. figure 17. objects of iron, brass, bone, and glass 1. ring, iron, with evidence of wear at one side; possibly a handle or a chain terminal. t.n. 23. 2. loop, iron, with the ends perhaps originally meeting; possibly a handle or a chain terminal. t.n. 19. 3. horseshoe, iron. rudimentary key-hold type, much decayed but with slight traces of fullering, probably eight nail holes, four on each side. the lug at left terminal would seem to have been created by the loss of a fragment of the outer edge. this is a typical 17th-century form, but one that continued into the 18th century.[146] t.n. 24. 4. handle from scythe, iron. the wooden shaft was approximately 1-5/8 in. in diameter at point of contact. t.n. 24. 5. part of snaffle bit, jointed mouthpiece lozenge-shaped junction of bit and rein loop. t.n. 23. 6. fragment of iron pot, with two molded cordons on the body. t.n. 30. 7. leg from iron pot, five-sided and tapering to a point.[147] base of pot approximately 1/8 in. thick. t.n. 8. 8. leg with trifid or cloven foot, from iron pot. legs of this type narrow above the foot and spread again towards the point of junction with the pot base. it was at the narrow midsection that the illustrated leg broke. the form was common in the 17th century. t.n. 18. 9. tapering iron strap of uncertain purpose. two small nail holes at the broad end and two larger holes down the length of strap. t.n. 19. [illustration: figure 17.--objects of iron, brass, bone, and glass. one-half.] 10. strap similar to the above. slightly constricted at midsection but otherwise without taper; positioning of nail holes as in no. 9. the strap is bent in opposite directions at either end, the bend at the right extremity passing through the line of the nail holes, indicating that the bending occurred when the object was used for a purpose other than that for which it was originally intended. t.n. 23. 11. shoe buckle, iron. badly decayed, but traces of both iron tines and back loop remain. the frame sides were probably originally only 3/16 in. to 1/4 in. wide. t.n. 23. shoe buckles of iron are very rarely encountered. 12. harness ornament, brass. originally silver-plated or tin-plated, of shell form; five tangs that protrude from the back--four in the area of the shell and one at the tail--were folded over to grip the leather, fragments of which still survived when the fitting was found. the form was common in the 18th century,[148] but most examples found in virginia are much less angular than is this example. t.n. 17. 13. harness fitting, brass, with rectangular loop at right angles to the ornamental plate, probably a strap retainer. t.n. 15. 14. bone tube or nozzle, possibly part of a syringe. internal bore spreads from 1/8 in. at the narrow, broken end, to 3/8 in. at the other end. the increase in bore begins at a point 3/4 in. from the wide end. the latter terminates on the exterior in a collar above six encircling grooves, below which the tube is trumpet-shaped and ornamented with two shallow incised rings. t.n. 17. 15. bone tube of uncertain purpose. trimmed at the narrow end to fit within a collar or extension; the wider end spreading and convex, the interior of this end with spiral groove to create threading to house a screw-ended plug or extension. t.n. 17. 16. wineglass stem. heavy and solid inverted baluster with small fortuitous tear; the lead metal a smoky gray with an almost frosted appearance resulting from surface decay.[149] the bowl, though large, was comparatively thin at its junction with the stem and probably, therefore, was of funnel form. late 17th century. t.n. 22. 17. light wineglass. pale straw-colored metal;[150] inverted baluster stem is hollow and gently tooled into quatrefoil form at its junction with the bowl,[151] the latter setting firmly into the top of the stem. the conical foot with central pontil mark is thin and was undoubtedly folded. this is an important 3-piece glass of a type sometimes attributed to hawley bishop, george ravenscroft's successor at the henley-on-thames glasshouse.[152] about 1680-1700. t.n. 30. 18. wineglass stem. sparkling lead metal; the stem comprising a solid, inverted baluster beneath a massive cushion knop, the base of the bowl nestling firmly within the latter. late 17th century to early 18th century.[153] t.n. 4. figure 18 english delftware 1. bowl with everted rim ornamented with crudely overlapping ovals and diamonds in blue; interior of bowl decorated with rings of the same color. the conjectural base and foot are derived from larger bowls of similar form found in excavations at williamsburg. the glaze is thick, and very white. late 17th century to early 18th century. t.n. 30. 2. rim sherd from bowl of form similar to the above, but the blue decoration on the interior of the bowl and the rim plain. t.n. 23. 3. hemispherical bowl. the foot conjectural, decorated in blue on the exterior with a stylized foliate border made up almost entirely from groups of straight lines. there is a trellis border above the missing foot, and the interior is decorated with a double blue line at the same height, and with a single line 5/8 in. below the rim. this last is decorated with red, imitating the red-brown slipped line that frequently occurs on chinese export porcelain. second quarter of 18th century. t.n. 17; one sherd from t.n. 16. [illustration: figure 18.--english delftware, indian pottery, and stonewares. one-fourth.] 4. drug jar. flat and slightly everted rim, straight body section, and spreading base; the bottom slightly domed and the glaze thin. ornamented in pale blue with groups of horizontal lines and a body zone decorated with linked ovals created by the drawing of two overlapping wavy lines. probably of london manufacture and of 17th-century date.[154] t.n. 30. 5. porringer. slightly everted rim and handle with heart-shaped aperture; body slightly bulbous and incurving to a straight foot; the glaze thick and gray. probably of london manufacture.[155] late 17th century to early 18th century. t.n. 23. 6. shallow ointment pot or jar. rim flattened, undercut, and slightly everted; base markedly domed, thick pinkish-white glaze. almost certainly of london manufacture and dating from latter part of 17th century. t.n. 30. 7. ointment pot. thin, slightly everted rim over a bulbous body; the foot slightly spreading beneath it and slightly conical beneath; the glaze thick and gray. 18th century. t.n. 23. 8. saucer. conjectural reconstruction derived from base and rim sherds. the base thick; the foot solid and only slightly raised, but the rim thin and with a much more even finish. the piece has a thick white glaze with a slight pink cast and is haphazardly splashed with blue. the technique would appear to be the reverse of the london copies of nevers faïence whereon white dots are splashed over a blue ground.[156] this object appears to be without parallel in published sources, but may tentatively be given the same dating as the london white on blue, i.e., about 1680-1690.[157] t.n. 30. 9. pedestal base from a small salt. base conical within; glaze thick and very white; bowl decorated internally with profile portrait of a cavalier. this extremely unusual item was, by a remarkable coincidence, paralleled by an identical fragment found by the writer on the foreshore of the river thames at queenhithe in london. the two are shown together in figure 11. about 1660-1680.[158] t.n. 23. 10. large dish or charger reconstructed on the basis of base and rim fragments. diameter approximately 1 ft. 3 in. the rim turns gently downward beyond the wide marly, and the foot is squat and slightly spread. the glaze is thick and white, and the rim decoration takes the form of broad rings of blue enclosing a marly zone ornamented with an alternating lozenge and diamond motif created from two rows of interlocking arcs, the upper painted in orange and the lower in blue. the decoration of the center of the dish is uncertain, but was painted in the same two colors, perhaps in a stylized pomegranate design. such dishes are frequently decorated on the rim edges with dashes of blue that give them the name "blue dash chargers,"[159] but there is sufficient glaze surviving on this example to indicate that there was no such ornament. another somewhat unusual feature is that the back of the dish is tin-glazed; the majority of such dishes were coated on the reverse with a thin yellow or yellowish-green lead glaze. such dishes were frequently used as wall or dresser ornaments and not for use at table; consequently, the footrings are generally pierced for suspension. no suspension holes occur on the small sections of the footring that survive on this example. the dish is believed to be of london manufacture on the evidence of wasters found in the borough of southwark,[160] london (see fig. 10), though the style is clearly of dutch origin.[161] about 1670-1690. t.n. 30.[162] 11. rim fragment from plate. the glaze slightly pink, narrow marly decorated with alternating lozenge and diamond motif in light blue (see no. 10) bordered by a single and double line of the same color. at least two concentric circles adorned the floor of the plate, but no evidence of the central design survives. early 18th century. t.n. 23. 12. pedestal foot and base of salt or cup. the foot conical and shelved internally; the bowl flat-based and with the rolled terminal of a small handle at one side; the glaze somewhat gray. the foot decorated with three somewhat irregularly drawn rings in light blue; the bowl ornamented with rudimentary floral devices; and the handle terminal decorated with two horizontal bars of dark blue, perhaps beneath a vertical, stalked flower. late 17th century(?). t.n. 24. indian pottery 13. bowl with flattened and slightly everted rim. colono-indian[163] pottery, pebble-or stick-burnished, with pink surface; extensive tool marks on the exterior; the ware flecked with red ocher and few traces of shell. t.n. 23, t.n. 24.[164] 14. shallow bowl or pan with flattened and everted rim. colono-indian pottery; the ware buff and heavily shell-tempered and retaining traces of surface burnishing. t.n. 23. 15. rim and wall fragment of bowl with roughly flattened and everted rim. colono-indian pottery, the body pale buff and finely shell-tempered. t.n. 19. 16. rim sherd from bowl of local indian pottery. lip thickened and slightly incurving; body pink to buff and coarsely shell-tempered; the exterior stick-burnished. t.n. 19. 17. rim and wall fragment of cup or small bowl, the rim slightly everted by tooling beneath it. colono-indian pottery; body pinkish buff with traces of red ocher in the clay; exterior surface highly burnished. it is possible that the fragment came from a vessel comparable to that shown in figure 12, which was found in excavations at williamsburg.[165] t.n. 23. brown salt-glazed stonewares 18. body and handle terminal fragments from pint (?) tankard. mottled purplish-brown exterior and reddish-brown interior; the rim conjectural and the lower body and basal section modeled on no. 19. probably of english manufacture, london or bristol.[166] t.n. 1, t.n. 4. 19. basal and wall fragments of pint (?) tankard. similar in form to the above. two fragments present, one with the beginning of the red slip that becomes mottled brown in firing, a feature that normally extends from the midsection upwards to the rim. the lower body is gray, as is the interior; the foot is ornamented with a ridge, cordon, and double ridge. t.n. 17. 20. rim sherd of quart (?) tankard. burnt; the rim thinned from the inside and ornamented on the outside with a single groove; dark purplish-brown mottling on the exterior, a little of the slip from which extends over the interior of the rim. t.n. 23. 21. jug or drinking pot. bulbous body with good quality tooling at the shoulder; handle with single groove down the spine; the base and neck conjectural, but modeled after the forms produced by dwight of fulham in the late 17th century.[167] the ware is a pale gray and appears white beneath the internal salt glaze. it is possible that this is an example of the use of the white salt-glazed body conceived by dwight, and that it may have come from his factory. the refined clay enables the ware to be thinly and finely potted. t.n. 1. 22. neck, shoulder, and handle-terminal fragments of jug. the neck ornamented with multiple grooving; the handle terminal pressed into the body with one finger; the glaze a rich purplish brown, reddish brown inside.[168] a common form manufactured in london at the close of the 17th century and made elsewhere, including yorktown, certainly through the second quarter of the 18th century.[169] t.n. 23. german salt-glazed stoneware 23. large (westerwald) tankard, base and lower body sherds only. stylized foliate and geometric ornament incised and filled with cobalt on an extremely pale-gray body; multiple cordons and grooves above the base; two concave bands filled with blue; the base slightly rising and scored with haphazard lines before firing. t.n. 23. figure 19 coarse earthenwares 1. cream pan of yorktown (?) earthenware.[170] the rim rolled; spout conjectural, based on others from the same group; base slightly rising; exterior of body above base displaying potting rings and knife work; body containing small quantities of quartz grit, pink-cored and yellow at the edges; exterior unglazed but orange-pink slipped, and the interior lead-glazed a ginger brown mottled with iron. t.n. 24. 2. cream pan. the rim thickened, incurving and undercut; ware as of no. 1, but the internal glaze a darker brown; approximate diameter, 14 in. t.n. 18. 3. cream pan. similar to no. 1 but with spout (from which the above was copied), and the exterior slip somewhat more orange in color. t.n. 23. 4. cream pan. with spout and rolled rim; the ware red-bodied, flecked with quartz grit and red ocher; exterior a deep red to black; internal glaze a dark greenish brown; approximate diameter, 14-3/4 in. t.n. 23. 5. cream pan. the rim thickened, incurving, and undercut; body pale buff; exterior with pale-orange slip; internal glaze a lustrous purple, presumably somewhat overfired. fragments with this colored glaze are among the many possible wasters from yorktown. diameter approximately 14 in. t.n. 23. 6. cream pan. unusual, shouldered rim sherd, perhaps intended to take a cover; red body with ginger-brown glaze; probably english. t.n. 4. 7. storage jar, body fragments only. decorated with medial grooves and applied trails pressed in piecrust style beneath the missing rim; the body gray-cored and red at the edges, coated with a light-brown glaze flecked here and there with pale green. presumably english. t.n. 30. 8. rim fragment from small cup or pot. hard yellow body coated with a pale treacly glaze. probably staffordshire. t.n. 18. 9. large cylindrical jar or bowl. the wall vertical, undercut above the slightly spread foot. hard yellow body as above, coated with thick treacly and streaky brown glaze of a color much later often associated with bennington. a rim sherd from the same deposit is slightly everted, but since the glaze is much lighter the piece may not belong to the same vessel. base diameter approximately 10-1/2 in. probably staffordshire. an example recently purchased by colonial williamsburg (fig. 9) is dated 1721. t.n. 30. 10. storage jar. the rim everted and ridged internally, probably to seat a lid; gravel tempered, pale-pink earthenware; internal dark apple-green glaze.[171] west of england manufacture. t.n. 30. glass bottles 11. wine bottle of early short-necked form. olive-green metal; flat string-rim; the mouth everted over rim. about 1680-1700. t.n. 30. 12. wine bottle with squat body, short and broad neck, and roughly applied string-rim; olive-green metal. the body type may normally be dated around 1700, but some examples are 10 or 15 years earlier.[172] t.n. 30. 13. wine bottle of olive-green metal. squatter than the above, but the neck somewhat taller and the shoulder less angular; probably little variation in date.[173] t.n. 30. [illustration: figure 19.--coarse earthenwares and glass bottles. one-fourth.] 14. wine bottle of squat form, olive-green metal. the neck taller than in no. 12 and the string-rim smaller and v-shaped.[174] seal, on the shoulder, bears the legend "richard burbydge 1701." t.n. 30. 15. wine bottle of squat form, olive-green metal. somewhat bulbous and the shoulder weak, the string-rim broad and flat.[175] a slightly earlier form than no. 14. the bottle has a seal on its shoulder with the initials "f i" (frederick jones) stamped from a single matrix.[176] t.n. 30. 16. wine bottle of somewhat unusual form. the metal thin olive green has turned black through decay which has almost entirely destroyed the metal. the body round-shouldered, and bulbous in the early manner; but the neck tall and the string-rim almost round-sectioned rather than v-shaped as one might expect of a bottle of this basic form. were it not for the soft curve of the body and the shape of the string-rim this bottle might be attributed to the third decade of the 18th century. note brass wire, still attached to neck, that held cork in place. t.n. 30. 17. wine bottle of half-bottle size. the metal as in no. 16; shoulder angular; neck somewhat writhen with a broad and flat string-rim of 17th-century character. without the last feature (and its context) this bottle might be thought to date as late as 1725. t.n. 30. 18. wine bottle, olive-green metal. short cylindrical body with conical basal kick, straight neck, and down-tooled string-rim. dated examples occur in the late 1730's, but are more common in the following decade. t.n. 23. 19. wine-bottle neck of olive-green metal in an advanced state of decay. wide mouth with everted lip and large round-sectioned string-rim of unusual character. the angular shoulder suggests that the neck comes from a body comparable to that of no. 12. t.n. 31. 20. pickle jar, everted-mouth fragments only. olive-green metal in an advanced stage of decay, originally with square body in the manner of the more common case bottles.[177] t.n. 18. figure 20. miscellaneous small finds 1. harness ornament, plated brass. (see fig. 17, no. 12.) t.n. 17. 2. harness fitting, brass. (see fig. 17, no. 13.) t.n. 15. 3. brass button. hollow cast; both back and front convex; the back with two molding holes on either side of the flat-sectioned brass loop, which spreads directly from the back without any intermediary shank. such buttons were common in the second half of the 17th century and the first quarter of the 18th century.[178] diameter, 3/4 in. t.n. 23. 4. brass curtain ring. the shape cast and then roughly filed flat on either side. this method of manufacture is typical of the 17th and 18th centuries. diameter, 1 in. t.n. 24. 5. ornamental brass band from shaft or hilt of uncertain form. the band has become flattened and folded, and the condition of the metal precludes regaining its original shape. however, the band is almost certainly a truncated cone, ornamented with a roughly cutout and scored foliate decoration at the narrow end and plated with a thin band of silver at the other end. length, 1-3/16 in. t.n. 18. 6. millefiori or chevron bead of yellow and black glass, almost certainly venetian.[179] the bead is flattened on its pierced axis and has a diameter of 3/8 in. this example is probably of 17th-century date, but the technique can be traced back to roman times. t.n. 30. 7. chinese export porcelain-cup fragment. decorated in underglaze blue, rough chevron ornament below the rim on the interior. diameter approximately 3 in. t.n. 23. [illustration: figure 20.--miscellaneous small finds.] 8. lower bowl fragment of lead-glass romer ornamented with gadrooning or pillar molding. this is undoubtedly the finest glass fragment from the site; it would not have been out of place in the best english household.[180] about 1685. t.n. 30. 9. indian projectile point of honey-colored quartzite. the edges slightly serrated, and the base slightly concave; the tip missing, but total length originally about 43 mm. holland type c.[181] t.n. 16. 10. indian projectile point of red quartzite. eared or corner-notched variety; original length approximately 45 mm. holland type o.[182] this is an unstratified item discovered on the bared clay surface on the promontory of tutter's neck overlooking the junction of tutter's neck and kingsmill creeks. u.s. government printing office: 1966 for sale by the superintendent of documents, u.s. government printing office washington, d.c., 20402--price 70 cents footnotes: [57] i am indebted to colonial williamsburg, inc., for permitting the partial excavation of the site, for its generosity in offering to present the bulk of the artifact collection to the united states national museum, and for its financial assistance in the preparation of this report. i am also much indebted to audrey noël hume and john dunton who represented the full extent of our field team, and to the latter for his work in the preservation of the iron and other small finds. my gratitude is also extended to a. e. kendrew, senior vice president of colonial williamsburg, and to e. m. frank, resident architect, the late s. p. moorehead, architectural consultant, and paul buchanan, all of colonial williamsburg, for their help in the interpretation of the architectural remains. further thanks are extended to thaddeus tate of the college of william and mary for his valued council throughout the operation and for reading and commenting on the final report. i also greatly appreciate comments made by c. malcolm watkins, curator of cultural history at the smithsonian institution, in regard to the european artifacts; the help with the indian material provided by ben c. mccary, president of the archeological society of virginia; and suggestions for historical sources made by h. g. jones, state archivist, north carolina. finally, my thanks are extended to alden eaton who first found the site and without whose interest another relic of virginia's colonial past would have been lost. [58] "_mesuage_, in common law, is used for a dwelling-house, with garden, courtilage, orchard, and all other things belonging to it" (e. phillips, _the new world of words_, london, 1671). [59] william waller hening, _statutes at large ... a collection of all the laws of virginia ..._, vol. 4 (richmond, 1820), p. 371. [60] papers of the jones family of northumberland county, virginia, 1649-1889 (mss. division, library of congress), vol. 1. [61] "patents issued during the royal government," _william and mary college quarterly_ (january 1901), ser. 1, vol. 9, no. 3, p. 143. in the 17th century prior to the building of the college of william and mary, college creek was known as archer's hope creek, after the settlement of archer's hope at its mouth. [62] there was a patent dated february 6, 1637, to "humphry higgenson" for 700 acres "called by the name of tutteys neck, adj. to harrop ... e. s. e. upon a gr. swamp parting it from harrop land, w. s. w. upon a br. of archers hope cr. parting it from kingsmells neck, w. n. w. upon another br. of sd. cr. parting it from land of richard brewsters called by the name of the great neck alias the barren neck & n. n. w into the maine woods." richard brewster's 500 acres were described as beginning "at the great neck alias the barren neck, adj. to tutteys neck a br. of archers hope cr. parting the same, s. upon a br. of sd. cr. parting it from kingsmells neck...." _cavaliers and pioneers. abstracts of virginia land patents and grants 1623-1800_, abstracted and edited by neil m. nugent (richmond: dietz printing co., 1934), vol. 1, pp. 80, 81. [63] on july 19, 1646, a patent was granted to richard brewster for "750 acres, land & marsh, called the great neck of barren neck, next adjoining to lutteyes neck." "patents issued ...," _william and mary college quarterly_ (july 1901), ser. 1, vol. 10, no. 1, p. 94. [64] "notes from records of york county," _tyler's quarterly historical and genealogical magazine_ (july 1924), vol. 6, no. 1, p. 61. [65] "virginia gleanings in england," _virginia magazine of history and biography_ (october 1904), vol. 12, no. 2, p. 179. [66] "list of colonial officers," _virginia magazine of history and biography_ (january 1901), vol. 8, no. 3, p. 328; and "lightfoot family," _william and mary college quarterly_ (october 1894), ser. 1, vol. 3, no. 2, p. 104. [67] "patents issued ...," _william and mary college quarterly_ (january 1904), ser. 1, vol. 12, no. 3, p. 186. for similar spelling see note 7, above. [68] "escheat, in common-law, signifieth lands that fall to a lord within his manor, by forfeiture, or the death of his tenant without heirs; it cometh from the french word escheire, to fall" (phillips, _new world of words_). [69] on august 14, 1710, richard burbydge was among those who signed a report on the inspection of the vessel _jamaica merchant_, lying at anchor in the upper district of the james river, at the precept of governor spotswood. the inspectors were sworn by capt. john geddes, a justice of the peace for james county. (_calendar of virginia state papers and other manuscripts, 1652-1781_, edit. wm. p. palmer, m.d., richmond, 1875, vol. 1, p. 141.) this is the only reference to burbydge that has been found. [70] l. h. jones, _captain robert jones of london and virginia_ (albany, 1891), p. 34. [71] "virginia quit rent rolls, 1704," _virginia magazine of history and biography_, vol. 31, no. 2 (april 1923), p. 157; vol. 31, no. 3 (july 1923), p. 222; vol. 32, no. 1 (january 1924), p. 72. [72] _colonial records of north carolina_, edit. william l. saunders (raleigh 1886), vol. 1, p. 590. [73] alonzo t. dill, "eighteenth century new bern," _north carolina historical review_ (january 1945), vol. 22, no. 1, p. 18. [74] "bruton church," _william and mary college quarterly_ (january 1895), ser. 1, vol. 3, no. 3, p. 180. [75] hening, _statutes at large_, vol. 3 (philadelphia, 1823), p. 431. [76] papers of the jones family ..., vol. 1. [77] _colonial records of north carolina_, vol. 1, p. 680. [78] ibid., pp. 837, 838. [79] ibid., p. 787. [80] ibid., p. 866. [81] ibid., p. 864. [82] hugh t. lefler and albert r. newsome, _the history of a southern state, north carolina_ (chapel hill: university of north carolina press, 1954), pp. 56-60. [83] _colonial records of north carolina_, vol. 1, p. 864. [84] "notes from the journal of the house of burgesses, 1712-1726," _william and mary college quarterly_ (april 1913), ser. 1, vol. 21, no. 4, p. 249. [85] hening, _statutes at large_, vol. 4 (richmond, 1820), p. 371. [86] papers of the jones family ..., vol. 1. [87] "diary of john blair. copied from an almanac for 1751, preserved in virginia historical society," _william and mary college quarterly_ (january 1899), ser. 1, vol. 7, no. 3, p. 151, note 2. [88] conway robinson, "notes from council and general court records," _virginia magazine of history and biography_ (october 1906), vol. 14, no. 2, p. 188, note 3. [89] "bray family," _william and mary college quarterly_ (april 1905), ser. 1, vol. 13, no. 4, p. 266. [90] ibid. [91] hening, _statutes at large_, vol. 4 (richmond, 1820), p. 371. [92] "bray family," pp. 266-267. [93] hening, _statutes at large_, vol. 8 (richmond, 1821), pp. 460-464. [94] inventory of william allen, in surry county wills, no. 6, 1830-1834, pp. 341-344. [95] _calendar of virginia state papers_, vol. 1, p. 39. [96] the will of roger jones is preserved in the public records office in london, but it is published in full in l. h. jones, _captain robert jones_, pp. 196-200. [97] l. h. jones, _captain robert jones_, p. 34. [98] dill, "eighteenth century new bern," p. 18. [99] samuel a. ashe, _history of north carolina_ (greensboro: c. l. van noppen, 1908), vol. 1, pp. 200-204; and lefler and newsome, _history of a southern state_, pp. 63-64. [100] _colonial records of north carolina_, vol. 2, p. 472. [101] ibid., p. 475. [102] text of the will is given in l. h. jones, _captain robert jones_, pp. 200-205. [103] hugh jones, _the present state of virginia_ [1724], edit. richard l. morton (virginia historical society, 1956), p. 104. [104] "the cocke family of virginia," _virginia magazine of history and biography_ (october 1897), vol. 5, no. 2, p. 192. [105] two concrete fenceposts have been set up on the north-south axis of the residence, the posts being driven immediately beyond the respective chimney foundations. two additional posts have been erected on the east-west axis of the kitchen. [106] as the work progressed, access to the site became increasingly difficult, necessitating the abandoning of transport farther and farther from the scene of operations. however, in the winter of 1960-1961, after all save the last trench had been dug, the chesapeake corporation crew drove a new road through the neck, a road which in fact cut right through the middle of the archeological area. by great good fortune the road passed between the two buildings without doing much more damage than had already been done by the earlier bulldozing. [107] the builders had made use of oystershell mortar. specimen bricks ranging in color from pale salmon to a purplish red have the following measurements: 8-7/8 in. by 4-1/4 in. by 2-1/4 in. and 8-7/8 in. by 4-1/8 in. by 2-1/2 in. [108] the "t.n." number in parentheses represents the field number of the tutter's neck deposit. [109] a house of similar character was photographed at yorktown in 1862; see a. lawrence kocher and howard dearstyne, _shadows in silver_ (new york: scribner, 1954), p. 82, fig. 3, no. 17. the bracken house in williamsburg also is similar; see marcus whiffen, _the eighteenth-century houses of williamsburg_ (williamsburg, 1960), p. 57, and figs. 5, 6. [110] negroes belonging to the estate of frederick jones are listed in papers of the jones family, vol. 1, november 29, 1723. [111] oystershell mortar was used. sample bricks are pale salmon to overfired red and measure 8 in. by 3-7/8 in. by 2-1/2 in. and 8-3/4 in. by 3-3/4 in. by 2-1/2 in. [112] ivor noël hume, "the glass wine bottle in colonial virginia," _journal of glass studies_ (corning museum, 1961), vol. 3, p. 99, fig. 3, type 6. [113] see f. h. garner, _english delftware_ (london: faber and faber, 1948), p. 15 and fig. 30a. [114] see c. malcolm watkins, "north devon pottery and its export to america in the 17th century" (paper 13 in _contributions from the museum of history and technology: papers 12-18_, u.s. national museum bulletin 225, by various authors; washington: smithsonian institution, 1963). [115] adrian oswald, "a case of transatlantic deduction," _antiques_ (july 1959), vol. 76, no. 1, pp. 59-61. [116] for an example of comparable shape and date, see figure 6 of ivor noël hume, "german stoneware bellarmines--an introduction," _antiques_ (november 1958), vol. 74, no. 5, pp. 439-441. [117] j. c. harrington, "dating stem fragments of seventeenth and eighteenth century clay tobacco pipes," _quarterly bulletin archeological society of virginia_ (september 1954), vol. 9, no. 1, no pagination. audrey noël hume, "clay tobacco pipe dating in the light of recent excavations," ibid. (december 1963), vol. 18, no. 2, pp. 22-25. lewis h. binford, "a new method of calculating dates from kaolin pipe stem samples," _southeastern archeological newsletter_ (june 1962), vol. 9, no. 1, pp. 19-21. [118] see ivor noël hume, "excavations at rosewell, gloucester county, virginia, 1957-1959" (paper 18 in _contributions from the museum of history and technology: papers 12-18_, u.s. national museum bulletin 225, by various authors; washington: smithsonian institution, 1963), p. 222, fig. 35, no. 7, and p. 220. [119] adrian oswald, "the archaeology and economic history of english clay tobacco pipes," _journal of the british archaeological association_ (london, 1960), 3d series, vol. 23, p. 83. [120] oswald, loc. cit. (footnote 59). [121] noël hume, "excavations at rosewell," p. 220, footnote 96. [122] see: j. f. blacker, _the a b c of english salt-glaze stoneware from dwight to doulton_ (london: s. paul & co., 1922), p. 34ff.; and ivor noël hume, "bellarmines and mr. dwight," _wine and spirit trade record_ (december 17, 1956), pp. 1628-1632. [123] c. malcolm watkins and ivor noël hume, "the 'poor potter' of yorktown" (paper 54 in _contributions from the museum of history and technology_, u.s. national museum bulletin 249, by various authors), washington: smithsonian institution, in press. [124] the earliest known importation is indicated in _boston news-letter_ of january 17, 1724 (g. f. dow, _the arts and crafts in new england, 1704-1775_, topsfield, massachusetts: the wayside press, 1927, p. 82). [125] the common term "wine bottle" is used here for the sake of convenience, though it should be realized that bottles were not specifically shaped to contain wine but were used for any and all liquids from beer to oil. [126] adrian oswald, "english clay tobacco pipes," _archeological news letter_ (april 1951), vol. 3, no. 10, p. 158. the type is attributed to the period about 1700-1750, with the distribution mainly in the southwest of england. [127] see noël hume, "excavations at rosewell," p. 220, footnote 96. [128] see j. c. harrington, "tobacco pipes from jamestown," _quarterly bulletin archeological society of virginia_ (june 1951), vol. 5, no. 4, no pagination. [129] see j. f. hayward, _english cutlery_ (london: victoria and albert museum handbook, 1956), pp. 15-16, pl. 13b. [130] ibid., p. 16, pl. 17c. [131] for a similar example, see j. paul hudson, _new discoveries at jamestown_ (washington: national park service, 1957), p. 34, second knife from bottom. [132] the 18th-century shanks tend to be bulbous either below the shoulder or at the midsection. [133] a complete spoon with this type terminal was found in excavations at green spring plantation near jamestown; see louis r. caywood, _excavations at green spring plantation_ (yorktown, virginia: colonial national historical park, 1955), pl. 11, "g.s. 153." for a scottish silver spoon with this type terminal see _the connoisseur_ (april 1910), vol. 26, no. 104, and _catalogue of the guildhall museum_ (london, 1908), pl. 81, no. 16. [134] a spoon handle with a shaft of similar type was found at jamestown. it bears the mark of joseph copeland, a pewterer of chuckatuck, virginia, in 1675. see john l. cotter, _archeological excavations at jamestown, virginia_ (washington: national park service, 1958), pl. 87, fig. at right. [135] see _catalogue of the guildhall museum_, pl. 71, fig. 3 (for bowl shape) and fig. 5 (for mark). [136] as the 18th century progressed, loops tended to be more round-sectioned. by the end of the colonial period most loops display their greatest width on the same plane as that of the blade. see noël hume, "excavations at rosewell," p. 198, fig. 21, no. 13. [137] for a similar example see hudson, _new discoveries at jamestown_, p. 57. [138] see h. c. mercer, _ancient carpenters' tools_ (doylestown, pa.: bucks county historical society, 1951), p. 182. [139] see noël hume, "excavations at rosewell," p. 198, fig. 21, no. 14. [140] both the baglike shape of the lock and the hinged keyhole cover are indicative of a date in the late 17th century or early 18th century. [141] hudson, _new discoveries at jamestown_, p. 26. [142] a similarly headed object, but slotted at the other end to hold a linchpin, was found at jamestown and considered to be an item of marine hardware. hudson, _new discoveries at jamestown_, p. 85. [143] for similar example see noël hume, "excavations at rosewell," p. 224, no. 8. [144] for similar example see hudson, _new discoveries at jamestown_, p. 20, fig. at top left. [145] another example with similar frame, but with a broader tang and no ornamental ridge, was found in the same context. [146] see noël hume, "excavations at rosewell," p. 224, no. 10, and _archaeology in britain_ (london: foyle, 1953), p. 107, fig. 23, no. 17. [147] it is possible that this leg originally spread out into a foot in the style of no. 6. see hudson, _new discoveries at jamestown_, p. 30, fig. at left. [148] for similar examples, see noël hume, "excavations at rosewell," p. 200, fig. 22, nos. 6, 7. [149] for a parallel of the stem form only, see george bernard hughes, _english, scottish and irish table glass from the sixteenth century to 1820_ (london: batsford, 1956), fig. 35, no. 1. a rather similar baluster shape, about 1695, is shown in e. m. elville, "starting a collection of glass," _country life_ (june 11, 1959), vol. 125, no. 3256, p. 1329, fig. 1. a tavern glass, attributed to the period 1685-1690, whose baluster has a large tear, but which otherwise is a good parallel, is shown in _the antique dealer and collector's guide_ (april 1954), p. 29, fig. at left. [150] the metal was tested for lead with positive results. [151] a slightly larger stem from a glass of similar form was found outside the kitchen in deposit t.n. 1; not illustrated. [152] for a glass of comparable form, but of soda metal, see g. b. hughes, "old english ale glasses," _wine and spirit trade record_ (april 15, 1954), p. 428 and fig. 1. [153] for a similar stem shape attributed to the last decade of the 17th century see a. hartshorne, _old english glasses_ (london, 1897), p. 245, pl. 34. [154] the association of color and style of decoration coupled with the relationship of diameter to height as displayed here is generally indicative of early date. in the 18th century, jars of this diameter tended to be taller, less spread at the base, and with the blue decoration much darker. [155] waste products from london delftware kilns were used to build up the north foreshore of the river thames between queenhithe and dowgate in the city of london. among the many fragments recovered from this source were biscuit porringer handles of a type similar to the tutter's neck example. the manner in which the rim is folded over the handle seems to be a london characteristic, bristol examples more often being luted straight to the rim. the thames material was deposited in the late 17th century and probably came from a pottery on the bankside on the south side of the river. [156] a very small porringer rim sherd of this ware was found at tutter's neck in context t.n. 24; not illustrated. [157] see garner, _english delftware_, p. 15, fig. 30a. [158] dating based on the carolian appearance of the figure. [159] e. a. dowman, _blue dash chargers and other early english tin enamel circular dishes_ (london: t. werner laurie ltd., 1919). [160] from a kiln site found during building operations for hay's wharf between toolley street and pickelherring street in 1958. [161] see ernst grohne, _tongefässe in bremen seit dem mittelalter_ (bremen: arthur geist, 1949), p. 120, abb. 78, abb. 80a. [162] the smaller base fragment was found in stratum t.n. 17, a much later context than the rest. if this fragment does come from the same dish, it must be assumed that the fragments were scattered and that the sherd was moved in fill dug from an earlier deposit. [163] a name coined to describe pottery made by the pamunkey indians and others in the 18th century that was copied from english forms and sold to the colonists, presumably for use by those who could not afford european wares. see ivor noël hume, "an indian wave of the colonial period," _quarterly bulletin of the archeological society of virginia_ (september 1962), vol. 17, no. 1, pp. 2-14. [164] the bowl was important in that the presence of its fragments deep in both t.n. 23 and t.n. 24 indicated that both pits d and e were filled at approximately the same time. [165] colonial williamsburg archeological collection, 10c-58-10b. [166] brown stonewares similar to those commonly attributed to fulham, but more correctly called london, were manufactured at yorktown by william rogers in the second quarter of the 18th century. see footnote 67. [167] a comparable vessel, ornamented with medallion containing tudor rose and initials of charles ii, is illustrated in blacker, _the a b c of english salt-glaze stoneware_, p. 35. [168] a similar example from a context of 1763-1772 is illustrated by noël hume, "excavations at rosewell," fig. 29, no. 1. [169] adrian oswald, "a london stoneware pottery, recent excavations at bankside," _the connoisseur_ (january 1951), vol. 126, no. 519, pp. 183-185. [170] op. cit. (footnote 67). [171] a close parallel that was found at lewes, delaware, is illustrated in watkins, "north devon pottery," p. 45, fig. 25. [172] see sheelah ruggles-brise, _sealed bottles_ (london: country life, 1949), pl. 4, fig. at lower left, and w. a. thorpe, "the evolution of the decanter," _the connoisseur_ (april 1929), vol. 83, no. 332, p. 197, fig. 2. [173] another example is illustrated by noël hume, "the glass wine bottle," op. cit. (footnote 56), fig. 3, type 3. [174] ibid., fig. 3, type 6, illustrates a similar example. [175] ibid., fig. 3, type 5, shows another example. [176] all other jones seals from t.n. 30 and t.n. 31 were stamped from combinations of single-letter matrices. see fig. 6. [177] a similar though slightly smaller neck came from t.n. 16, and a square base, probably from an ordinary case bottle, was among the surface finds. another example is illustrated in noël hume, "excavations at rosewell," p. 181, fig. 11, no. 13. [178] noël hume, _archaeology in britain_, p. 108. [179] colorful beads of this character were frequently used as indian trade goods and are found in indian graves in virginia and elsewhere. a long-established legend that beads were manufactured at the jamestown glasshouse is without archeological evidence. although many beads have been found on the shores of the james river near jamestown, there is reason to suppose that all those of european form were imported. [180] see hughes, _english, scottish and irish table glass_, p. 195 and fig. 134. [181] c. g. holland, "an analysis of projectile points and large blades," appendix to clifford evans, _a ceramic study of virginia archeology_ (bureau of american ethnology bulletin 160, washington, 1955), p. 167. [182] ibid., p. 171. contributions from the museum of history and technology: paper 54 the "poor potter" of yorktown _c. malcolm watkins_ and _ivor noël hume_ part i: documentary record--_c. malcolm watkins_ 75 the crown and colonial manufacture 76 the "poor potter" and his wares 79 appendixes 86 part ii: pottery evidence--_ivor noël hume_ 91 the salt-glazed stoneware 91 stoneware manufacturing processes 102 the earthenwares 105 conclusions 109 [illustration: figure 1.--modern yorktown, virginia, showing original survey plat on which william rogers' name appears on lots 51 and 55. additional properties which he acquired are mentioned in his will as lots 59, 74, and 75.] the "poor potter" of yorktown _pottery making in colonial virginia, strongly discouraged by a mercantilistic england, seemingly was almost nonexistent according to the governor's reports which mention but one nameless "poor potter" at yorktown, whose wares are dismissed as being low in quantity and quality. this paper, the combined effort of a historian and an archeologist, provides evidence that the yorktown potter was neither poor nor nameless, that his ware was of sufficient quantity and quality to offer competition to english imports, and that official depreciation of his economic importance apparently was deemed politic by the colonial governor._ the authors: _c. malcolm watkins is curator of cultural history in the smithsonian institution's museum of history and technology, and ivor noël hume is director of archeology at colonial williamsburg and an honorary research associate of the smithsonian institution._ part i: documentary record _c. malcolm watkins_ in his annual reports on manufactures to the lords of the board of trade during the 1730s, virginia's royal governor, william gooch, mentioned several times an anonymous "poor potter" of yorktown. at face value, gooch's reports might seem to indicate that manufacturing was an insignificant factor in virginia's economy and that the only pottery-making endeavor worth mentioning at all was so trivial it could be brushed aside as being almost, if not quite, unworthy of notice. occasionally, historians have selected one or another of these references to the "poor potter" to support the view either that manufacturing was negligible in colonial virginia or that ceramic art was limited to the undeveloped skills of a frontier potter.[183] the recent development of archeology, however, as an adjunct of research in cultural history--especially in the historic areas of jamestown, williamsburg, and yorktown--has produced substantial evidence challenging both the accuracy of gooch's reports and the conclusions drawn from them, which, contrary to gooch's statements, proves that pottery making in yorktown was highly skilled and much at odds with the concept of a "poor potter." the observation that a remarkably developed ceramic enterprise had been conducted in or near yorktown was first made by mr. noël hume, the archeologist partner of this paper, in 1956 when he identified fragments of saggers used in firing stoneware, which were excavated in association with numerous stoneware waster sherds and a group of unglazed earthenware sherds of good quality at the site of the swan tavern in yorktown.[184] the question naturally arose, could these expertly made wares have come from the kilns of the "poor potter"? although ultimate proof is still lacking, identification with him is sufficiently well supported by documentary and artifactual hints that--until further scientific findings are forthcoming--it is presented here as a hypothesis that the "poor potter" did indeed make them. this portion of the paper considers not only the specifics of artifacts and documents, but also the state of manufactures in virginia before 1750 and their relationship to the character and attitudes of governor gooch. the crown and colonial manufacture it should be noted that, in general, the history of pottery making in colonial america is fragmentary and inconclusive. scattered documents bear hints of potters and their activities, and occasional archeological deposits contain the broken sherds and other material evidence of potters' products. difficulty in obtaining information about early pottery manufacture may be related in large part to a reluctance on the part of the colonists to reveal evidence of manufacturing activity to the crown authorities. it was the established principle of the mother country to integrate the colonial economy into her mercantile system, which was run primarily for her own benefit. as a consequence, there increasingly developed a contest between those who sought to protect english manufactures by discouraging production of colonial goods and those who, in america, tried to enlarge colonial self-sufficiency, the latter inevitably resorting to evasion and suppression of evidence in order to gain their advantage. the outlines of this struggle are suggested in the laws and official reports relating to colonial manufactures. in virginia, during the late 17th and early 18th centuries, influential landowners encouraged manufactures as a way to offset the dominance of tobacco in the colony, while several acts were passed in the virginia assembly to establish official port towns which, it was thought, would result in flourishing craft communities. although, for a variety of reasons inherent in virginia's economy and geography, most of these failed, the acts nonetheless were consistently opposed by the crown authorities. the 1704 act for ports and towns, for example, was vetoed by the crown in 1709 for the following reasons: the whole act is designed to encourage by great priviledges the settling in townships, and such settlements will encourage their going on with the woolen and other manufactures there. and should this act be confirmed, the establishing of towns and incorporating of the planters as intended thereby, will put them upon further improvements of the said manufactures, and take them off from the planting of tobacco, which would be of very ill consequence, not only in respect to the exports of our woolen and other goods and consequently to the dependance that colony ought to have on this kingdom, but likewise in respect to the importation of tobacco hither for the home and foreign consumption, besides a further prejudice in relation to our shipping and navigation.[185] this forthright exposition of official english attitudes reiterated the policy of colonial economic dependence. the wording of the veto--"encourage their _going on_ with the woolen and other manufactures" and "a _further_ prejudice in relation to our shipping" [italics supplied]--shows that the dangers feared by the board of trade regarding the establishment of towns had already become a reality and a threat to english economic policy. victor s. clark, in _the history of manufactures_ in _the united states_, points out that the colonists passed so many laws to encourage their own manufactures "that such british intervention as occurred must be regarded rather as indicating the passive disposition of the home government than as defining an administrative policy vigorously carried out."[186] nevertheless, from 1700 until the revolution, reports on american manufactures made by royal governors to the board of trade demonstrate not only that the americans were vigorously promoting manufactures but also that they were being evasive and secretive in doing so in the face of official disapproval. the board of trade reported in 1733: "it is not improbable that some former governors of our colonies ... may, in breach of their instructions, have given their concurrence to laws, or have connived for many years at the practice of trades prejudicial to the interest of great britain...."[187] governor belcher of massachusetts in his report to the board of trade complained that "we cannot conceal from your lordships that it is with the greatest difficulty we are able to procure true informations of the trade and manufactures of new england; which will not appear extraordinary when we acquaint your lordship, that the assembly of the massachusetts bay had the boldness to summon ... mr. jeremiah dunbar [surveyor general of his majesty's woods in north america] before them and pass a severe censure upon him, for having given evidence at the bar of the house of commons of great britain with respect to the trade and manufactures of this province...."[188] after the port act of 1704 was disallowed, the virginians were harder pressed than the northern colonists, who managed to maintain their frowned-upon industries. ignoring the virginians' resentment at being limited almost exclusively to the growing of tobacco, additional economic pressures were put upon them. for example, whereas stripped tobacco--the leaves separated from the stalks--had constituted the principal form of exported tobacco, an act of parliament was introduced on january 17, 1729, containing clauses prohibiting the importation into england of "stript tobacco." john randolph, clerk of the council of virginia, wrote a letter to parliament, petitioning the repeal of the clause. by having to export the stalks, he complained, the planters are loaded with the duty and freight of that which is not only of no value, but depreciates the pure tobacco at least 2d in every pound. the tobacconists are under a temptation to manufacture the stalk and mingle it with the leaf, whereby the commodity is adulterated, and of course the consumption of it is lessend. and the merchants are obliged to keep great quantities in their warehouses, and at last to sell upon long credit. in consequence of which the price of the planters labors, is fallen below what they are able to bear. and unless they can be relieved, they must be driven to a necessity of employing themselves more usefully in manufactures of woollen and linen, as they are not able under the present circumstances to buy what is necessary for their cloathing, in this kingdom....[189] although the usual covering phrase, "other manufactures," was omitted here, it could well have been included. under such adverse restraints, enterprising virginians were almost forced to turn to surreptitious manufacturing; perhaps the restraints became excellent excuses for pursuing such manufactures, which, perhaps, were in any case inevitable. relief came by 1730 with the passage of a new tobacco act, liberalizing the restrictions on the planters. meanwhile, in 1727, william gooch was appointed lieutenant governor and, owing in part to his political astuteness and sympathetic awareness of the colonists' difficulties, the lot of the planter was greatly improved. nevertheless, manufacturing persisted as the colonists increased in strength and numbers. although official restrictions may have been a perverse encouragement to manufactures, the dynamics of a growing population in a new country predetermined even more an expansion of enterprise. not only did economic depression force the industrious to turn to manufactures as an alternative to poverty, but economic prosperity, when it occurred in the 1730s, provided a financial stimulus to further that prosperity by means of local manufacturing. governor gooch doubtlessly understood this. he was remarkable among virginia's colonial governors for his ability to achieve what the colonists wanted while pleasing the home government. his administration created an era of good feeling during which the virginians frequently expressed their gratitude and praise. in 1728, after serving as governor for seven months, he was given £500 by the assembly as well as an illegal grant by the council of £300 from the royal quit-rents, which led george chalmers, an english historian, to comment sourly in 1782 that for this gift "he in return resigned in a great measure, the government to them."[190] this was not altogether a fair conclusion, for, though gooch, as campbell in his _history of virginia_ states, may have been possessed of "some flexibility of principle,"[191] he was an extraordinarily successful governor. percy s. flippin concluded that gooch "was a striking example of what an energetic, forceful royal governor, who was influenced by conditions in the colony and not altogether by his instructions, could accomplish, both for the colony and for the british government."[192] he repeatedly acted in the interests of the colonists, particularly regarding improved tobacco laws. he attended almost every meeting of the council, whose members constituted the most influential persons in the colony, and thus established a close working relationship and understanding with those who expressed the colonial view-point. quite evidently he understood that prosperity in the colony was a prerequisite to successful trade with england and to a substantial tax return. in respect to improving the tobacco laws, we know that he opposed existing british attitudes; in relation to colonial manufactures beneficial to colonial prosperity, we may assume that he was sympathetic, even though he could not advocate them openly. certainly, as campbell stated, "owing partly to this coalition [between gooch and the planters], partly to a well-established revenue and a rigid economy, virginia enjoyed prosperous repose during his long administration."[193] gooch's reports on manufactures to the board of trade provide an exercise in reading between the lines. they suggest that he was doing his best to support the colonists while observing the letter of the crown's instructions. they allude to manufactures here and there, but usually in terms that minimize their importance or that brush aside the possibilities of their growth. yet in his depreciations one senses that while he was trying to state such facts as were necessary, he actually was trying on occasion to create an impression that was at variance with the whole truth. in tracing the yorktown potter we shall see that this must have been the case. in his report of 1732 he made a general statement calculated to allow the lords of the board of trade to relax in calm reassurance, while at the same time encouraging their recognition of his wisdom in initiating a new tobacco law: there hath been much discourse amongst the common people of sowing flax and cotton, and therewith supplying themselves with cloathing: but since the late tobacco law hath begun to raise the price of that staple, all these projected schemes are laid aside, and in all probability will continue so, as long as tobacco is of any value, seeing the necessary cloathing for the planters and their negroes, may be more easily purchas'd with tobacco than made by themselves. nor indeed is there much ground to suspect that any kind of manufactures will prevail in a country where handycraft labour is so dear as 'tis here; the heat in summer, and severe colds in winter, accompani'd with sundry diseases proceeding from these causes, such as labouring people in great britain undergo, and where the earth produces enough to purchase and supply all the necessitys of life without the drudgery of much toil, men are tempted to be lazy. he then added inconsistently that four ironworks making pots and "backs for fireplaces" had been set up in virginia and admitted that one even included an air furnace. the lords of the board of trade might well have asked how these were accomplished without "the drudgery of much toil." he also stated that: "there is one poor potter's work of course earthen ware, which is of so little consequence, that i dare say there hath not been twenty shillings worth less of that commodity imported since it was sett up than there was before."[194] it is remarkable that gooch felt the need to mention the potter at all, since pottery making was usually an anonymous, little-noted craft. nevertheless, in 1733 he reported again on this seemingly insignificant enterprise: as to manufactures sett up, wee have at york town upon york river one poor potter's work for earthen ware, which is so very inconsiderable that i dare say there has not been forty shillings' worth less of that commodity imported since it was erected than there was before; the poorest familys being the only purchasers, who not being able to send to england for such things would do without them, if they could not gett them here.[195] clearly, we, like the lords of the board of trade, are led to believe that a semiskilled country potter was operating a small shop which produced crude pottery incapable of competing with english wares. the word "poor" can be interpreted doubly, connoting both poverty and low quality. hence, by inference, it was an enterprise destined to failure. but such an impression of failure was not supported by gooch's own evidence that the pottery works were continuing year after year. in 1734 he reported: as to manufactures we have at york town, on york river, one poor potters' work for earthen ware, which is so very inconsiderable, that there has been little less of that commodity imported since it was erected, than there was before.[196] the 1735 report was equally depreciating,[197] while the following year gooch opened his report with the comment: "the same poor potter's work is still continued at york town without any great improvement or advantage to the owner, or any injury to the trade of great britain."[198] the 1737 report on trade and manufactures even contained a special subheading: "potters' work." there then followed: "the potter continues his business (at york town in this colony) of making potts and panns, with very little advantage to himself, and without any dammage to trade."[199] one wonders why gooch's persistence in mentioning this enterprise in such terms almost annually did not lead the board of trade to question his reasons for mentioning it at all if the pottery was so insignificant. perhaps they did question it, because in the next report, filed in 1739 after a two-year interval, gooch dismissed the pottery succinctly, almost impatiently, as though to turn aside further questions that might be raised: "the poor potter's operation is unworthy of your lordships notice." gooch then proceeded with an admission that: the common people in all parts of the colony, and indeed many of the better sort, are lately gott into the use of loom weaving coarse cloth for themselves and negroes; and our inhabitants on the other side of the mountains, make very good linnen which they sell up and down the country. nor is the making of shoes with hides of their own tanning less practiced, tho' the leather is very indifferent.[200] it was easier, of course, to admit that the "common people in all parts of the colony" were engaged in domestic manufactures than to allow attention to concentrate on a single commercial, industrial enterprise. only with difficulty could sanctions have been brought to bear against home industries throughout the colony--a single manufactory reported almost annually for eight years was quite another matter. to have lasted this long, the "poor potter" must have been less than poor, and his pottery must have had an importance that either had to be revealed by truthful statement or dissimulated. it appears that gooch chose the latter course: the pottery being a large enterprise was noticeable; being noticeable it had to be reported; but being large it contributed to the wealth of the colony while competing with british imports which did not, and therefore it should be condoned. gooch made a practical decision which may reflect his obligation to the colonists: the pottery works had to be downgraded in his reports and attention distracted from it. the "poor potter" and his wares who, then, was the "poor potter," and how wide of the mark was gooch in so designating him? the first clue was found in a ledger kept between 1725 and 1732 by john mercer, who was to become master of the plantation marlborough in stafford county as well as an influential colonial lawyer. in 1725, at the age of 21, mercer was making his way in the world by trading up and down the rivers of virginia, buying imported goods in towns like yorktown, where he had a large account with the wealthy merchant richard ambler, and exchanging these imports for raw materials at upstream plantations. included in john mercer's ledger is an account with one william rogers having the following entry: "by earthen ware amounting to by invoice 12. 3. 6."[201] so large an amount implies a wholesale purchase from a potter. was william rogers, then, the "poor potter" of yorktown? scattered throughout the records are references to several william rogerses from 17th-and 18th-century virginia (see appendix i), but none seems likely to refer to the "poor potter" until one reaches yorktown. there a deed is recorded from the "trustees to the port land in yorktown," granting two lots of land on may 19, 1711, to "william rogers aforesaid brewer."[202] that he was a brewer admittedly is a weak clue to his being a potter. but, despite this, it is necessary to pursue this william rogers further. these two lots were granted to rogers by the trustees in accordance with previous acts for establishing port towns. yorktown had been established according to the act for ports and towns in 1691, and rogers' lots were numbers 51 and 55 (see plat, fig. 1), lying contiguously on the northern border of the town between read and nelson streets. to this day they continue to bear the same numbers. [illustration: figure 2.--major lawrence smith's original survey plat of yorktown, virginia, made according to the virginia port act of 1691, which set up a port town for each county. this plat, still in the york county records, bears the names of successive lot holders from 1691 on into the 18th century. william rogers' name appears on lots 51 and 55. he was granted this property by the town feoffees in 1711. additional properties he acquired are mentioned in his will as lots 59, 74, and 75.] for year after year nothing appears in the york county records to indicate that william rogers was connected even remotely with a pottery works. that he was soon prospering as a brewer is suggested by the mention of "roger's [sic] best virga aile," as selling at sixpence per quart, in a list of liquor prices presented for yorktown tavern keepers on march 19, 1711.[203] in 1714 an indentured woman servant of rogers ran away and was ordered to serve an additional six months and four days.[204] his name occurs in 1718 in two small court actions to collect bad debts and in another against robert minge for trespass. he is recorded in these simply as "wm. rogers."[205] there is no other significant mention until 1730, when the wife of "william stark, gent." relinquished her right of dower to lands in the county, so as to permit their sale to "william rogers."[206] later in the same year "mr. wm. rogers" was sued by henry ham, a bondservant, for his freedom.[207] in 1734 "william rogers gent" took oath as "capt. of the troop."[208] later that year "william rogers gent" was appointed "surveyor of the landings, streets, and cosways in york town."[209] list of plat owners --partial name * illegible 1. thomas *; w- 2. neillson; buckner 3. john ande--; buckner 4. (?) th[r]e[l]keld 5. (?) q[u]arl[e]; read; buckner 6. john *; buckner 7. henry alexander; p. lightfoot 8. thomas greenwood; j. walker; (?) amos * 9. robert l[e]ighton; sam. cooper 10. mr. joseph; mr. j. walker 11. ralph *; lightfoot 12. *; wm. cary 13. (?) owen; david 14. robert moore; wm. cary 15. william webb; jno. trotter 16. mr. thomas; lightfoot 17. mr. dudley diggs; lightfoot 18. *; wm. cary 19. thomas collyer; wm. cary 20. thomas branson; wm. cary 21. nicholas harrison; robt. ballard 22. thomas * 23. * 24. jefferson 25. (?) charles hansford 26. william tomkins 27. james archer; john (?) douglas 28. * 29. saml. tompson 30. john r- 31. will[ia]m pattisson 32. thomas (?) wootton; a. archer 33. mr. edwd. moss jr.; *; jno. loving 34. capt. * 35. capt. edmond jennings 36. coll. wm. diggs; lightfoot 37. thomas mountford; lightfoot 38. richard trotter; p. lightfoot 39. john wyth; jno. martin 40. richard (?) trotter 41. david * 42. john *; diggs 43. dannll. taylor 44. edward dodds; (?) jo. cathafie 45. william hewit 46. * 47. * 48. coll. wm. cary; 1709 49. james (?) plowman; 1712 50. jno. simson; edwd. powers 51. wm. (?) anderson; wm. rogers 52. * 53. will[ia]m--son; edwd. smith 54. edward (?) gibbs; ballard 55. james walker; wm. rogers 56. * 57. *; jno. --ton 58. harrison 59. harrison 60. mrs. young 61. mrs. young 62. let to morrison; tho. h- 63. robt. morrison (?) jr. 64. * 65. edwd. power 66. ed power 67 and 71. -gibbons 67. deed; geo. allen 68. edward * * 69. jno. wyth; edwd. webb 70. a. archer; james (?) paxton; n. hooke 71 and 67. -gibbons 71. geo. allen 72. * 73. edward fuller 74. * 75. * in the _virginia gazette_ for september 10, 1736, rogers advertised for rent or sale "the house which formerly belong'd to col _jenings_, in which the _bristol_ store was lately kept ... in _williamsburg_," and on december 22 put in a notice for an overseer.[210] the following year, on june 20, rogers was appointed to build the county prison for £160.[211] in the _gazette_ for may 4, 1739, he announced the sale of "a small shallop ... in _york_ town: she is about five years old...."[212] then, on december 17, 1739, we find that rogers had died and that his will was presented in court. he had identified himself as "wm. rogers ... merchant." the will lists the distribution of his lands and property (see appendix ii) to his wife theodosia, to one daughter, mrs. susanna reynolds, and to his son william rogers--the latter being under age. in addition to town properties a "trace of parcel of land lying & being and adjoining to mountford's mill dam in the county of york commonly called & known by the name of tarripin point" went to william rogers, jr.[213] it is only when we arrive at this document that we find the clue we are seeking: "my interest is that no potters ware not burnt and fit for sale should be appraised." who but a potter (or the owner of a pottery) would have had in his possession unfired "potters ware" not "fit for sale"? any remaining doubts that rogers operated a pottery are dispelled by the inventory (see appendix iii), which describes the estate of a wealthy man, not a "poor" potter. he owned 29 negroes, considerable plate, a clock worth £6, a silver-hilted sword and spurs, and a silver watch. there were many pictures, including "a neat picture of king charles the second" and "52 pictures in the hall." some of the rooms had "window curtains & vallins," and one of the beds had "work'd curtains & vallins" [presumably crewel-worked]. the furniture included a marble table, "12 chairs with walnut frames & cane bottoms," a "japand corner cupboard," "couch squab and pillows," "pcl backgammon tables," and a great deal more of lavish furnishings. but more important for us is a grouping of items:[214] 1 pr large scales & weights £2.10 a pcl crakt redware £2 a parcel crakt stone do £5 11 pocket bottles 3/8 1/2 barrel gun powder £2.10 1 old sain & ropes £1.10 1 horse mill £8 2300 lb. old iron £9.11. 8 26 doz qt mugs £5.4 60 doz pt do 7.10 11 doz milk pans £2.4 9 large cream potts 4/6 9 midle sized do 3/ 12 small do 2/ 2 doz red saucepans 4/ 2 doz porringers 4/ 6 chamber potts 2/ 4 doz bird bottles 12/ 3 doz lamps 9/ 4 doz small stone bottles 6/ 4 doz small dishes 8/ 6 doz puding pans 2/ 26 cedar pailes £2.12 40 bushels salt £4 with this, added to the provision in the will, we have adequate proof that rogers ran a pottery shop and that he made both stoneware and red earthenware. further evidence is found in the _virginia gazette_ for february 4, 1740: to be sold by way of outcry, at the house of mr. william rogers, deceas'd ... all the household goods, cattle, and horses; also a very good drought of steers, 3 carts, a parcel of wheat, and salt, a large parcel of old iron, parcel of stone and earthen ware, a good worm still, a very good horse mill to go with one horse; also a new sloop, built last march with all new rigging, and very well fitted, with 2 very good boats and several other things.[215] the horse mill was probably the potter's traditional clay-grinding mill, while we may assume that the large amount of salt was intended for stoneware glaze. other items in the inventory show that rogers was in both the brewing and the distilling business and every evidence is that he had achieved great affluence. governor gooch's last report on the "poor potter" was filed in 1741 (none having been sent in 1740). in it he stated: the poor potter is dead, and the business of making potts & panns, is of little advantage to his family, and as little damage to the trade of our mother country.[216] there is little question now that this william rogers was, indeed, the "poor potter." we also learn from this report that the business was being continued by his family after his death. this is confirmed by a number of documentary clues, the first of which occurs in an indenture of 1741 (proved in 1743 in the york county deeds). it begins: i george rogers of bra[i]ntree in the county of essex [england] coller maker send greeting. whereas william rogers late of virginia mercht was in his life time younger brother to me the said george rogers and at the time of his death left an estate to his only son named william rogers which sd last mentioned william rogers dyed lately intestate so that in right of law the said estate is devolved & come unto me.... this document served to appoint "thomas reynolds of london mariner" as his attorney and to assign to him all his rights in the estate.[217] we hear no further of george, suggesting that his claim on the estate was settled permanently, but of thomas reynolds we learn a good deal. on june 6, 1737, as captain of the ship _braxton_ of london, he arrived at yorktown from boston "where she was lately built." he brought from new england a cargo of 80,000 bricks, "trayn oyl," woodenware, and hops.[218] it was he who had married susanna rogers.[219] he sailed to bristol on september 30, 1737, perhaps to sell or deliver his new ship in england. in any case, he returned from london the following april as master of the ship _maynard_. he made several crossings in her until he docked her at london on october 10, 1739.[220] while there he must have learned of the death of his father-in-law; whether for this reason or some other, his name was no longer listed among those of shipmasters arriving at and leaving yorktown. since he then would have been in effect the head of the family, he probably gave up the sea and settled in yorktown to manage william rogers' enterprises, because william, jr.,--intended to take over the principal family properties upon his coming of age--died within about a year of his father's death. reynolds, both on his own account as susanna's husband and as attorney for george rogers, logically would have succeeded to proprietorship. in any case, by 1745 he was established so successfully at yorktown that he was made a justice of the peace. at some point he went into partnership with a captain charles seabrook in a mercantile venture that involved ownership of the ocean sloop _judith_ and two "country cutters" named _york_ and _eltham_.[221] reynolds lived next to the swan tavern in yorktown and was characterized by courtenay norton, wife of the merchant john norton, as having "shone in the world in righteousness."[222] he died in 1758 or 1759. that the pottery was being operated, presumably by reynolds, at least until 1745 is evident from an advertisement by frances webb of williamsburg in the _virginia gazette_ for june 20, 1745. this called attention to "all sorts of _rogers'_ earthenware as cheap as at york." and, although we have no assurance that the earthenware was made at the rogers pottery, we learn from the _gazette_ that two days prior to this the sloop _nancy_ had sailed from yorktown for maryland, bearing a "parcel of earthenware."[223] how long the pottery may have flourished is not known. there is no further mention of it after 1745, and the shipping records do not suggest that earthenware or stoneware products were then being shipped out of york river. the most significant fact about the "poor potter" is the revelation that he made stoneware. stoneware manufacture is a sophisticated art, requiring special clays, high-temperature firing, and the ability to use salt in glazing. when william rogers acquired his first lots in yorktown in 1711, no stoneware, so far as we know, was being made in north america. by 1725, when rogers sold earthenware to john mercer, the duché family apparently had just succeeded in making stoneware in philadelphia.[224] since we have no documentary evidence of rogers' first production of stoneware, we do not know whether his stoneware antedated that of the duchés; we know only that after he died in 1739 numerous pieces of stoneware were listed in what were obviously the effects of his pottery shop. there is strong archeological evidence, however, that it was made about 1730 (see p. 110). although rogers may not have been the first to make stoneware in colonial north america, that he was at least one of the first must have elevated him to a position of prominence among colonial potters. far from being a poor potter who conducted a business "with very little advantage to himself, and without any damage to trade," he was supplying a colonial market that heretofore had been filled solely from england and germany. there is a hint that he may have shipped his wares to north carolina, because the _virginia gazette_ announced on september 21, 1739: "cler'd out of york river ... september 11. sloop thomas and tryal, of north carolina, john nelson, for north carolina ... some stone ware."[225] three years before, rogers had sued in court to collect "a bill payable to him from one richard saunderson of north carolina."[226] the possibility that the stoneware in the sloop _thomas and tryal_ had been made by rogers is highly conjectural, since european imports often were redistributed and transshipped in american ports. but, since its cargo as a whole consisted of non-european materials, this still remains a possibility. the most notable inference that rogers' stoneware may have infiltrated distant colonial markets is found in the petition of isaac parker to the massachusetts court to establish a stoneware manufactory in charlestown, massachusetts, filed in september 1742: "... there are large quantities of said ware imported into this province every year from new york, philadelphia, & virginia, for which ... returns are mostly made in silver and gold by the gentn who receive them here."[227] since there is no evidence that stoneware was being made at this time in virginia, other than at yorktown, it is reasonable to suppose that the "poor potter's" heirs shipped stoneware all the way to new england and that they were paid in hard cash, as distinct from tobacco credits, which would have been the case with local customers. however this may be, the rogers enterprise, even if its products were confined to virginia, appears to have been extensive, wealth-producing, and quite the opposite of governor gooch's appraisal of it in his reports to the board of trade. as to the location of his kilns, we know that rogers owned two lots, where he apparently lived, at the northern boundary of the town. he also owned a warehouse by the riverside and other lots on which he was building dwellings when he died. he owned land at "tarripin point" and two lots in williamsburg. governor gooch repeatedly located the pottery in yorktown: "we have here at york town upon york river one poor potter's work ...," or, "the potter continues his business (at york town in this colony)." this is rather good evidence that the kilns were within the town limits rather than at some outside location, such as "tarripin point." a waterfront location would have been desirable for many reasons, but, since a potter's kiln would have been a fire hazard not to only rogers' but to other warehouses, it is questionable whether nearby kilns would have been tolerated. english practice was usually to locate potter's kilns at the far edges of towns or outside their limits. nevertheless, there were many exceptions, and kilns sometimes were located near the water, especially when practical reasons of convenience in loading ships outweighed the dangers. the north devon potteries were heavily committed to water transportation, and at least two of the kilns at bideford in north devon in the 17th century, for example, were located near the water in what were then densely settled areas.[228] the north walk pottery in nearby barnstaple was also on the water's edge, close to a thickly populated area;[229] in 17th-century america we find a parallel in the pottery of william vincent, located at the harbor's edge in gloucester, massachusetts, where it was easy for him to ship his wares along the coast.[230] the 18th-century potteries of charlestown, massachusetts, which also had wide markets, were clustered along the harbor shore amid a welter of wharves and warehouses.[231] it is conceivable, therefore, that the yorktown waterfront may have been similarly exposed to the dangers of a potter's kiln, since rogers transported his wares by water. more logical from the standpoint of safety, however, would be the pair of lots on the western edge of the town where rogers apparently dwelt after they were granted to him in 1711. although it is not conclusive, his inventory, which includes the lists of earthenwares and stonewares mentioned above, appears to have been taken in a sequence beginning with the house and followed by one outbuilding after another. presumably these were located close together. things pertaining to the kitchen and perhaps to the quarters follow the contents of the house (in which the "work room" is mentioned), then the distilling apparatus followed by the brewing equipment. next come the pottery items, then a miscellany of laundry, garden, and cooking gear, and finally stable fixtures and a horse. it is not until the end of the inventory that the boats and their rigging and equipment, doubtless located at the waterside, are mentioned. these speculations are offered for what they are worth in suggesting possibilities for future archeological discovery of the kiln site. the question of william rogers' own role in the pottery enterprise perhaps will never be solved conclusively, although, as mr. noël hume points out, there is no evidence that he himself was a potter. his beginnings almost surely were humble ones, humble enough for a potter. we know that his brother george was a maker of horse collars--a worthy occupation, but not one to be equated with the role of an 18th-century gentleman--in braintree, essex county, england. there were many potters in essex in the 17th and early 18th centuries, and one wonders if william rogers was trained by one of them. but the essex records do not reveal a william rogers whose dates or circumstances fit ours. we do find that a george rogers died at braintree in 1750.[232] whatever may have been william's early training, it is apparent that he knew the art of brewing and that he engaged in it at yorktown. to be sure, nearly every farmer and yeoman in the colonies knew how to brew. furthermore, commercial brewing was probably accepted as an honorable industry by the crown authorities, since the colonial demand for beers and ales must have always been in excess of the exportable supply. it is possible, we may speculate, that rogers was trained as a potter but practiced brewing and preferred to be known publicly as a brewer. in any case, he was essentially a businessman whose establishment made ale as well as pottery for public consumption, and it is clear that by 1725 he was conducting a potter's business on a considerable scale. to have done so he must have employed potters and apprentices, yet in cursory searches of the york county records, we have been unable to discover any reference either to potteries or potters, reinforcing the suspicion that every effort--including gooch's apologetic references--was being made to conduct the pottery in a clandestine manner. thus, the only thing we know with certainty is that william rogers was a very successful entrepreneur who carried on more than one kind of business. we also can deduce from what is disclosed in the records that he ascended high in the social scale in virginia and that the rate of this ascent was, not surprisingly, in proportion to the increase of his wealth. whether or not he was a trained potter, one thing is certain: he was not a "poor potter." as to the role of his son-in-law and successor, thomas reynolds, we know with certainty that reynolds was not a potter. for at least five years and perhaps longer, however, he evidently ran the pottery, which means that there were trained hands to produce stonewares and earthenwares. who they were or where they came from are not revealed in the records. if, however, we can prove that the wares about to be discussed were made by them, it becomes clear that they were a remarkably competent lot, often able to equal if not to excel their english peers. the persistence of the pottery for at least 20 and perhaps more than 34 years was owing in part, no doubt, to governor gooch's apologetic treatment of it in his reports to the lords of the board of trade and to his leniency toward colonial manufacturers in general. basically, however, it was a response to public need and to a growing independence and a socio-economic situation distinct from the mother country's. the virginians had a will and direction which impelled them beyond the restrictions imposed upon them to grow tobacco and do little else. the "poor potter" is significant because he exemplified the impulse to break these restrictions and to move the colony toward a craft-oriented economy. because his wares were skillfully made and sometimes were scarcely distinguishable from those of his english competitors, he was able to hold his position economically and at the same time to become personally wealthy and influential. the scope of his enterprise--more clearly demonstrated in the archeological section of this presentation--should lead to a reappraisal of governor gooch's attitudes toward the endeavors of the colonists. his reports to the board of trade are shown to have been dissimulations instead of statements of fact. they evidence a daring and suggest a wisdom and a degree of pragmatism on the part of the governor that might well have been continued by the crown and its authorities. this entire episode illustrates a remarkably fluid phase of virginia's history in which the opportunity for an energetic man to rise from obscurity to wealth and position foretold a pattern that became legendary in american society. governor gooch undoubtedly sensed these internal pressures, as much psychological as economic, to seek the rewards of industry and enterprise. that the pottery later ceased to function and virginia's manufactures in general failed to develop may reflect the differences in attitudes between governor gooch and his successors and the stubborn impositions by the crown that eventually led to the american revolution. there seems little doubt that the "poor potter," william rogers, and the maker of the pottery so liberally dispersed around yorktown and elsewhere in virginia are one and the same. further archeological investigation and discovery of a kiln or kiln dump should provide the evidence needed for proof. appendixes i: other virginians by the name of william rogers in order to feel absolutely certain that the william rogers of yorktown was the "poor potter" so often mentioned by governor gooch, a check was made through the records of all 17th-and 18th-century virginians named william rogers to see if any others might possibly have been associated with the yorktown pottery. the earliest william rogers found was listed as one of a group of 60 persons transported and assigned to richard cooke in henrico county.[233] in 1639 a "mr. william rogers" was viewer of the tobacco crop in upper norfolk.[234] in 1718 a william rogers died in richmond county.[235] it is quite evident that none of these was the "poor potter." in 1704 a william rogers owned 200 acres in accomack county on the eastern shore,[236] and in 1731 a will of william rogers was recorded there.[237] in surry county several men of this name are noted. one of them was bound as an apprentice in 1681;[238] this william rogers was probably the same man who was listed in 1687 in the surry militia "for foot."[239] in 1702 a william rogers took up some newly opened land "on the south side of blackwater," which was measured by the surveyor for charles city county (only meaning, perhaps, that surry did not have its own surveyor).[240] in 1704 a william roger (sic) owned 450 acres in surry.[241] two years later william rogers, jr., had 220 acres surveyed on the "s. side of blackwater" in surry county.[242] meanwhile a william rogers had recorded a will in surry in 1701, and another (presumably william rogers, jr.) did so in 1727.[243] a william rogers was listed in lancaster in 1694 as the husband of elizabeth skipworth,[244] and he appears to have been tithable in the christ church parish in 1714.[245] wills are recorded under the name in lancaster county in 1728 and 1768.[64] none of these records dispute the strong evidence discovered at yorktown concerning the identity of the "poor potter." ii. evidence of william rogers' properties _virginia gazette_, september 10, 1736 "to be lett or sold, very reasonably. the house which formerly belong'd to col _jenings_, in which the _bristol_ store was lately kept, being the next house to _john clayton's_, esq.; in _williamsburg_: it is a large commodious house, with two lots, a garden, coach-house, stable, and other outhouses and conveniences. enquire of capt. _william rogers_, in _york_, or of _william parks_, printer in _williamsburg_." rogers' will (1739) to his wife theodosia: "... two lotts--lyeing & being in the city of wmsburgh together with the dwelling house and other houses thereunto belonging" and also "... a lott lying behind cheshire's lott number 63 in york town that i bought of mr. george reade, with all the improvements upon it during his life and after his death." ["behind _cheshire_'s lott" apparently means lot 59, next to it. see plat.] "... one certain tract or parcel of land, lying being and adjoining to mountford's mill dam in the county of york commonly called & known by the name of tarripin point." "... the parcel of land that i bought of mr edwd smith except one chain and that to be laid off at the end next the lott that i bought of francis moss with all the improvements on it and in case i should dye before i build upon it, i shall leave all the plank & framing stuff together with the window frames & all the other things designed for the house to my wife and not to be appraised with my estate and if my carpenter is not free that he shall not be appraised but serve his time out and with my said wife." [francis morse owned lot 75, extreme southwest corner. therefore, this was probably lot 74.] * * * * * "unto my son wm rogers all my lotts in yorktown where i now dwell with all the houses thereunto belonging." "also the warehouse by the waterside and all other my lands and tenements wherever lying except the lotts & land before given to my wife." * * * * * to his daughter susanna reynolds: "the lott that i bought of mr francis morse known by the no 75 together with the brickhouse and all other improvements upon it also one chain of the land that i bought of mr edward smith to be taken at the end next to the lott to her & her heirs for ever in case i dye before the house is done i then leave also bricks enough to finish the house, together wth the window frames & doors and what other framing was design'd for her house...." 64 _virginia wills and administrations_, loc. cit. (footnote 53). iii: inventory of william rogers' estate[246] pursuant to an order of york court dec. the 17th 1739 we the subscribers being first sworn before wm. nelson junr gent have appraised the estate of capt. wm. rogers decd. as followeth vizt. waterford £25 betty £25 adam £30 blackwall £30 £110. 0. 0 nanny £18 lazarus son of nanny £5 23. 0. 0 amy daughter of nanny £16 grace daughter of nanny 8£ 24. 0. 0 barnaby £15 samson £25 quaqua £25 tony £30 95. 0. 0 jo £30 york £25 jack £25 george £22 tom 30 132. 0. 0 monmouth £30 london £30 ben £30 pritty £30 120. 0. 0 phillis £25 sarah £30 harry £25 lucy £12 92. 0. 0 little nanny £25 phoeby £20 phil son of phoeby £5 50. 0. 0 cato £20 james £18 peg £16 54. 0. 0 household goods &c. 1 clock £6 one silver hilt cutting sword and one pr. silver spurrs 4£ 10. 0. 0 1 tea pott 5 spoons 2 pt. cans and 2 salts of silver 11. 15. 0 to a parcel china ware £10 a pcl glasses & table stand £1.10 11. 10. 0 a pcl books £4 a pcl sheets table linnen and one wt. quilt 22l 26. -- 1 silver salver 1 pt. can 2 salts 11 spoons and one soop do 14. -- 1 silver watch £4 one horse colt £4 a coach & 4 horses £40 48. -- a neat picture of king charles the second 2. 10. 0 1 marble table £2 one corner cupboard wth. a glass face 20/ 3. -- 1 looking glass £1.10 1 pr. glass sconces 15/ £2. 5. 0 1 chimney glass wth. a pr. brass arms £2 a japaned corner cupboard 2. 15. 0 12 chairs wth. walnut frames & cane bottoms 5. -- 1 dutch picture in a guilt frame 0. 10. 0 7 cartoons 4 glass pictures 4 maps & 3 small pictures 1. 5. 0 1 large walnut table £1.15 one less do 20/ 2. 15. 0 1 small table & one tea board 5/ one iron back 12/ 0. 17. 0 1 pr. and irons 20/ one iron fender 1 pr. tongs & shovel fire 7/6 1. 7. 6 1 iron plate frame 7/6 8 china pictures in large frames 8/ 0. 15. 6 1 copper cistern 13/ 12 ivory handle knives & forks £1.10 2. 3. 0 11 eboney do 12/6 12 desart do wth. ivory handles 12/ 1. 4. 6 4 window curtains & vallins £1.10 one small cherry table 6/ 1. 16. 0 2 mares & one colt £5 a pcl of carpenters tools £2.10 7. 10. 0 27 head cattle £17 six high back chairs wth. rush bottoms £1.10 18. 10. 0 1 bed bolster pillow bedsted 1 pr. blankets & quilt 3. -- 2 small pine tables 0. 4. 0 1 large bed bolster 1 pillow 1 pr. blankets bedstead curtain rod workt curtains & vallins 7. 1 bed bolster 2 pillows 1 pr. blankets 1 old quilt old blue hangings & bedsted 4. -- 1 looking glass 20/. 2 pr. window curtains 10/ one pr. sconces 6/ 1. 16. 0 1 pr. large mony scales & weights 12/6 1 pr. less do 5/ 0. 17. 6 1 pr. small do 2/6 5 rush bottom chairs wth black frames 7/6 0. 10. 0 a chimney piece 10/ 52 pictures in the hall 10/ 1. 1 couch squab and pillow 30/ 1 japand tea table 5/ 1. 5. 0 1 small pine table 1/ 2 walnut stools 3/ 0. 4. 0 1 chimney glass 4/ one pr. sconces 7/6 1 dressing table 2/ 1. 09. 6 1 looking glass wth drawers 20/ one iron back 6/ £1. 6. 0 1 pr. and iron 7/6 1 pr. tongs & fire shovel 4/ 0. 11. 6 1 brass fender 5/ 1 case wth drawers 1.5 1. 10. 0 1 pr. backgammon tables 12/6 tea chest & cannisters 6/ 0. 18. 6 1 dresing box 5/ 1 trumpet 5/ 1 large elbow chair 7/6 0. 17. 6 a dutch picture in a guilt frame 2. 0 1 bed bedstead bolster 2 pillows 1 blanket 1 quilt curtains vallins & curtain rod 6. 0. 0 1 bedstead wth sacking bottom 1 small bed & one pillow 1. 10. 0 1 dram case & 6 bottles 12/6 2 pr. window curtains 10/ 1. 2. 6 1 copper preserving pan 10/ 1 pr. large pistols 15/ 1. 5. 0 1 pr. holsters 5/ 1 pr. holster caps & housing laced and flowerd with silver 20/ 1. 5. 0 14 bottles stoughton's elixir 14/ 6l chocolate 18/ 1. 12. 0 20 lb cocanuts £2, 50 ells ozn brigs £2.10 4. 10. 0 15-1/2 yds dorsay 9 strips twist 2 hh silk 5 doz coat and 2 doz. brest buttons 2. 0. 0 3 cloth brushes 3/ 28 maple handle knives 5/10 0. 8. 10 10 yarn caps 2/6 3 horn books 6d 3 baskits 4/ 0. 7. 0 1 iron back in the work room 5/ 1 do in the little chamber 6/ 0. 11. 0 1 iron fender 1 pr tongs & fire shovell 5/ 1 pr andirons 2/ 0. 7. 0 5 brass candle sticks 2 tinder boxes & 1 iron candle stick 14/ 0. 14. 0 1 flasket and a parcel turners tools 0. 18. 0 8 pr negros shoes £1.4. 72 yds cantaloon £1.4 2. 8. 0 11 yds coarse stuff 5/6 1 old desk 20/ 1 cedar press 15/ 2. 0. 6 13 cannisters 3/6 16 tin patty pans 12 cake do 2 bisket do 12 chocolate do 2 coffee pots and 1 funnell 11/6 0. 15. 0 1 box iron & 2 heaters 5/ 1 coffee mill 4/ £0. 9. 0 1. 2 hour glass 1/ 5 broad hows 13/ 1 spining wheel 5/ 0. 19. 0 2 4l flat irons 6/ 1 trooping saddle blue housing crooper & brest plate 20/ 1. 6. 0 an ozenbrig skreen 10/ 1 small pine chest 2/6 0. 12. 6 1 walnut table 12/6 5 candle moulds 7/6 1. -- 1 bark sifter 5/ 10 pictures 4/ 1 cold still 12/6 1. 1. 6 1 pr stilliards 7/6 12 new sickles 12/ 10 old do 2/6 1. 2. 0 2 larger sieves and 1 hair sifter 7/6 1 case wth. 14 bottles 15/ 1. 2. 6 1 bell metal skillet 12/ 1 pr brass scales & weights 10/ 1. 2. 0 1 coffee roaster 4/ 1 fire shovell 1 pr tongs & 1 iron fender 3/ 0. 7. 0 6 woodin chairs and 1 old cane do 0. 8. 0 1 pewter ink stand 2/6 1 tea kettle 5/ 0. 7. 6 2 trivets 2 pr sheep sheers and 1 pr bellows 5/ 0. 5. 0 1 warming pan 5/ 20 doz quart bottles 2£ 1 whip saw 20/ 3. 5. 0 3 empty casks and 2 beer tubbs 7/6 0. 7. 6 2 powdering tubbs and 1 large cask 0. 6. 0 a meal binn 3/ 3 spills 9/ 1 worm still £2/10 3. 2. 0 4 wheel barrows 8/ 3 spades 7/ a copper kettle £2.10 3. 5. 0 1 large iron pott 12/6 1 iron kettle 15/ 1 flasket 1/6 1. 9. 0 1 iron pott 1/6 1 bed bolster bedsted 1 rugg & 10 blanket 1/10 1. 11. 6 1 bed bolster bedsted blanket and 1 old quilt 17. 6 1 old table 1/6 6 oxen ox cart yokes & chains 13. -- 80 lb ginger 10/ 24 lb. alspice £1.4 55 lb. rice 5/ 1. 19. 0 50 lb. snakeroot £1/5 34 lb. hops 17/ 124 lb. feathers £5.3.4 7. 5. 4 a pcl old sails & riging 3. -- 1 pr large scales & weights £2.10 a pcl crakt red ware £2 £4. 10. 0 a parcel crakt stone do £5 11 pocket bottles 3/8 5. 3. 8 1/2 barrel gun powder £2.10 1 old sain & ropes £1.10 4. -- 1 horse mill £8 2300 lb. old iron £9.11.8 17. 11. 8 26 doz qt mugs £5.4 60 doz pt do 7.10 12. 14. 0 11 doz milk pans £2.4 9 large cream potts 4/6 2. 8. 6 9 midle sized do 3/ 12 small do 2/ 0. 5. 0 2 doz red saucepans 4/ 2 doz porringers 4/ 0. 8. 0 6 chamber potts 2/ 4 doz bird bottles 12/ 0. 14. 0 3 doz lamps 9/ 4 doz small stone bottles 6/ 0. 15. 0 4 doz small dishes 8/ 6 doz puding pans 2/ 0. 10. 0 26 cedar pailes £2.12 40 bushels salt £4 6. 12. 0 104 lb. pewter in dishes & plates 5. 4. 0 1 gallon 1. 2qt 1 qt 1 pt & 1 1/2 pt pewter pott 0. 16. 0 1 pewter bed pan 5/ 12 sheep £3 3. 5. 0 6 washing tubbs 12/ 1 chocolate pott & mill 6/ 0. 18. 0 6 tea spoons & a childs spoon of silver 1. -- 7 bell glasses 16/ 1 kitchen jack 26/ 2. 2. 0 1 pr andirons 15/ 1 large copper pott & cover 30/ £2. 5. 0 1 less do 17/6 1 marble mortar 12/6 1. 10. 0 1 bell metal do and iron pestle 0. 10. 0 2 large knives 1 choping do 1 basting ladle 1 brass skimer 1 pr small tongs and flesh fork 0. 5. 0 1 copper stew pan 1 copper & 1 iron frying pan 1 tin fish kettle 0. 14. 0 1 brass skillet and 2 tin covers 0. 9. 0 1 iron crane and 1 large pestle 0. 8. 0 1 water pail 1/6 1 iron pott 1 pr hooks & 1 iron ladle 6/ 0. 7. 6 1 larger iron pott & hooks 6/ 1 horse cart & wheels £3 3. 6. 0 1 old whip saw 10/ 1 set old chain harness for 3 horses 20/ 1. 10. 0 1 set do for 3 horses £4 8 iron wedges 12/6 4. 12. 6 1 bay horse £1.5 1 pr wooden scales 2/ 2 baskets 2/6 1. 9. 6 1 old horse cart £1.5 212 bushels wheat a 1/6d £15.18. 17. 1. 0 [sic] 1 old boat 10/ a new sloop boat sails rigging 2 anchors 2 cables 1 old hawser and 1 grapnell 90. 0. 0 1 glass light 3/ 2 wyer sieves 7/6 0. 10. 6 ----------- £1224. 5. 6 [sic] john ballard john trotter ishmael moody part ii: pottery evidence _ivor noël hume_ the salt-glazed stoneware attention was first drawn to the potential importance of the 18th-century pottery factory at yorktown in 1956 when an examination of the national park service artifacts from the town revealed large quantities of stoneware sagger fragments visually identical to those previously retrieved from a site at bankside in london.[247] on the assumption that where kiln "furniture" is found there also must be examples of the product, a more careful search of the yorktown collections was made, yielding numerous fragments of brown salt-glazed stoneware tankards and bottles which, although at first sight appearing to be typically english, were found to have reacted slightly differently to the vagaries of firing than did the average examples found in england. the largest assemblage of stoneware and sagger fragments came from the vicinity of the restored swan tavern, although the actual relationship of the pieces, one to another, was not recorded in the national park service's archeological report on the excavations. nevertheless, the presence on the same lot of fragments of pint tankards adorned with a sprig-molded swan ornament (fig. 3) along with numerous pieces of sagger (fig. 12) seemed positive enough evidence. english tavern mugs of the 18th century were frequently decorated with an applied panel copying the sign which hung outside the hostelry.[248] the swan tavern at yorktown was probably no exception, and to the often illiterate traveler it would have been identified either by a painted sign or perhaps by a swan carved in wood and set above the entrance. the significance of the swan-decorated tankards is simply that the tavern keeper would have been unlikely to have sent to england for such objects when, as the saggers so loudly proclaim, a local potter could supply them as needed and without cost of transportation. the above reasoning seemed to link the saggers with brown salt-glazed stonewares rather than with products in the rhenish tradition, which would have been the other obvious possibility.[249] wasters were thinly represented among the sherds from yorktown, although many underfired or overburned pieces were initially claimed as such. a more mature study of the yorktown potter's products has shown that these variations would not have been considered unsalable, nor, in all probability, would they have been marked down as "seconds." examples exhibiting both extremes of temperature have been found in domestic rubbish pits at williamsburg, clearly showing that such pieces did find a ready sale. figure 4 illustrates a mug fragment from williamsburg with a large, heavily salted roof-dripping lodged above the handle and overflowing the rim, a blemish the presence of which is hard to explain if the mug was fired in a sagger. such a piece found in the vicinity of a kiln reasonably could be considered a waster. it must be deduced, therefore, that, providing the yorktown potter's vessels would hold water and stand more or less vertically on a table, they would find a market. the site of rogers' kilns in or near yorktown has not been found, nor have his waster tips and pits been located. in the absence of such concrete evidence, a study of his wares may be thought premature. but, while numerous questions obviously remain to be answered, sufficient data have now been gathered to identify a considerable range of brown stoneware as being of tidewater virginia manufacture. there is, of course, good reason to suppose that much, if not all, of it is a product of the rogers factory, although until that site is dug one cannot be certain. it can be argued, perhaps, that if there was one more or less clandestine stoneware potter at work in the area, there might well be others. it could also be added that two earthenware-pottery-making sites have been discovered in the jamestown-williamsburg area for which no documentary evidence has been found. the very fact that such enterprise was officially discouraged reduces the value of the negative evidence to be derived from the absence of documentation. the most convincing evidence for the identification of rogers' stoneware comes from the already mentioned swan tavern mugs and from a quantity of sherds found in a 4-to 7-inch layer beneath yorktown's main street in front of the digges house in the spring of 1957. this material was exposed during the laying of utilities beside the modern roadway. so tightly packed were the fragments of saggers and pottery vessels that they appeared to have been deliberately laid down as metaling for the colonial street. several years later mr. watkins discovered that in 1734 william rogers had been appointed "surveyor of the landings, streets; and cosways in york town." it is reasonable to suppose, therefore, that rogers disposed of his kiln waste by using it for hard core to make good the roads under his jurisdiction. such a use of potters' refuse has ample precedent in that the wasters and sagger fragments from the 17th-century-london delftware kilns were dumped on the foreshore of the river thames to serve the same purpose. similarly, stoneware waste from the presumed bankside factory[250] was used there to line the bottoms of trenches for wooden drains. the pottery fragments found in the yorktown road metaling comprised unglazed, coarse-earthenware pans and bowls; pieces of badly fired, brown, salt-glazed stoneware jars and bottles; and numerous sagger fragments. in the years since interest first was shown in the products of the yorktown factory, a useful range of examples has been gathered from excavations in williamsburg and in neighboring counties. the single most significant item was recovered from another kiln site in james city county (known as the challis site) on the bank of the james river. this object, a pint mug (fig. 5), is the best preserved specimen yet found. it is impressed on the upper wall, opposite the handle, with a pseudo-official capacity stamp[251] comprising the initials w r beneath a crown (william iii rex) which, perhaps, might have led to an intentional misinterpretation as the mark of william rogers' factory. the official english marks generally were incuse or stamped in relief with the cypher and crown within a borderless oval. they were always placed close to the rim, just left of the handle. rogers' stamp was set in a much more pretentious position and was enclosed within a rectangle marking the edges of the matrix (fig. 6). the challis site mug was a key piece of evidence, being the first example found that illustrated the position of the w r stamp, and it was sufficiently intact for a drawing to be made, its capacity measured, and its variations of firing studied. the association of the challis mug with the rogers factory is based on the fact that there is an identical stamp among the park service's artifacts from yorktown (fig. 7), along with another pseudo w r stamp which had been applied to the _base_ of a tankard. a measured drawing of the challis mug was given to mr. james e. maloney of the williamsburg pottery,[252] who kindly agreed to undertake a series of experiments to reproduce the piece in his own stoneware kiln, using local tidewater clay. the results of the first trials were extremely successful, and they showed that it would be possible to reproduce exact copies of the yorktown wares from this clay (fig. 8). thus any doubt as to the supply source was dispelled. the conditions of firing at the williamsburg pottery, however, are somewhat different from those that would have prevailed in the 18th century. mr. maloney's kiln is fired by oil rather than wood, so that the localized variations of color resulting from the reducing effects of wood smoke have been eliminated. in addition, mr. maloney's pots are fired without the use of saggers, thus providing more uniform atmospheric and salting conditions than would have been possible with the 18th-century method of stacking the kilns. [illustration: figure 3.--pint and quart mugs of brown salt-glazed stoneware made for the swan tavern at yorktown. each mug is decorated with an applied swan in high relief.] the yorktown mugs were hand thrown, but a template was used to shape the ornamental cordoning. it was first assumed that a single template had served to fashion both the cordons at the base and the groove below the lip. we had such a tool made of aluminum, copying the challis mug's ornament, and proportionately enlarged to allow for shrinkage in firing. but in using this template mr. maloney discovered that it was impossible to shape the whole exterior of the vessel in one movement without the tools "chattering" against the wall. since none of the yorktown sherds nor, indeed, any of the brown-stoneware mugs i have studied in england exhibit this feature, it is clear that the potters used only a small template which molded the base cordoning alone, a technique in marked contrast to that of the german westerwald potters of the same period, whose mass-produced tankards and chamberpots invariably exhibit considerable "chattering." shaping the lip of the yorktown tankards appears to have been accomplished entirely by hand as was the application of the encircling groove below it. because the clay used in the manufacture of these brown stonewares is relatively coarse, it does not lend itself readily to the thin potting so characteristic of english white salt-glaze or the refined nottingham and burslem brown stonewares. consequently, it was necessary to pare down the mouths of the mugs to make them acceptable to the lips of the toper. this interior tooling, extending about half an inch below the rim, is found on all the yorktown and english brown stonewares of this class. the technique is the reverse of that used by the westerwald potters, whose mugs are thinned from the outside, leaving the straight edge on the interior.[253] having imbibed from both types of tankard, i believe that the english (and yorktown) technique is distinctly preferable. one's upper lip does most of the work; the paring of the inside of the vessel shapes the rim away from that lip and carries the ale smoothly into the mouth. [illustration: figure 4.--yorktown stoneware mug fragment marred by kiln drippings lodged above the handle. the fragment was found in williamsburg. height of sherd 4 centimeters.] the treatment of the single-reeded handle on the challis site mug equals the best english examples, being thin and of sufficient size to accommodate three fingers, with the top of its curve remaining below the edge of the rim so that the thumb cannot slip over it. in addition, the lower terminal is folded back on itself and impressed. while it has often been said that the signature of a potter is found in the shaping of his rims and his handles, we must remember that in a large commercial pottery the person who applies the handles often is not the same workman as he who throws the pot. this explains the considerable variety among the handles of supposed yorktown tankards, some of them very skillfully fashioned and applied, others appallingly crude. it is inconceivable that all can be the work of a single craftsman. [illustration: figure 5.--yorktown stoneware mug, found in james city county, which was discarded about 1730. height 12.5 centimeters; capacity 17 fluid ounces.] the iron-oxide slip into which the upper part of the body and handle of the challis site mug was dipped provided the vessel with a pleasing purplish-to-green mottling when struck by the salt, but, compared to its english prototypes, the variations of color and the unevenness of the size of the mottling label it a product of inferior firing. nevertheless, in criticizing the yorktown stoneware, we might remember dr. johnson's comment on women preachers, whom he likened to a dog walking on its hind legs, saying: "it is not done well; but you are surprised to find it done at all." [illustration: figure 6.--silver reproduction of the matrix used by the yorktown potter to apply unofficial excise stamps. height 1.45 centimeters.] [illustration: figure 7.--examples of w.r. stamps on yorktown stoneware mugs. right, from below the rim; left, on the underside of the base. enlarged.] on the evidence of the many fragments of yorktown mugs found in williamsburg excavations, it may be supposed that the challis example was of above-average quality. many of the williamsburg sherds are both badly overfired and poorly mottled, owing either to inadequate salting or to the use of a slip of the wrong consistency. the much-restored specimen shown in figure 9 was found in a mid-18th-century rubbish deposit[254] and apparently had belonged to john coke, who kept tavern in williamsburg east of the public gaol. in this example, the intended mottled effect has become a solid band of purple, and the body color below has turned dark gray. i had long supposed that both were the result of overfiring. experiments by mr. maloney, however, clearly showed that the gray body may result from a reducing atmosphere as readily as by excessive temperature, while the purple zone could be due to the slip's being too thick. two test mugs fired side by side at a temperature of 2300° f., using thick and thin slips of iron oxide, produced the solid-purple band and the brown mottle respectively. [illustration: figure 8.--reproduction of a yorktown salt-glazed stoneware mug made from local clay at the williamsburg pottery. height 12.8 centimeters.] [illustration: figure 9.--poor-quality mug of probable local stoneware, discarded in the mid-18th century. found in williamsburg. height 13.4 centimeters; capacity 23 fluid ounces.] before dismissing the john coke mug as merely an example of wrong slip consistency, it should be noted that this piece has none of the characteristics of the challis mug; the handle is quite different in both size and shape and is applied without the folded terminal, the proportions are poor, and the template used for the base cordoning is so worn on its bottom edge that the wide upper cordon is more pronounced than the base itself, thus giving the whole vessel a feeling of stubby instability. in addition, the body appears to have been scraped round after the slip had been applied, possibly to remove the excess. all in all, it is a miserable mug, and we may be forgiven for wondering whether it is really a product of william rogers' operation. some of his tankards may have been made by apprentice potters, which would account for somewhat varying shapes. but the handle is not an inept creation as handles go; it is simply an entirely different type from that used on the english stoneware that rogers copied. even more curious is the question of the template, which should have been discarded long before. while the throwing variations of rogers' potters may have been overlooked, little can be said for a master craftsman who would allow the use of tools so worn as to mar the esthetic quality of every mug produced. we may wonder whether there was another stoneware potter at work in virginia in the mid-18th century or whether, after rogers' death, his factory's standards were allowed to deteriorate to the level of the john coke mug. although the tavern tankards are the most informative of the yorktown products, numerous other stoneware forms were produced. these are well represented in the national park service and colonial williamsburg collections. the most simple and at the same time the most attractive of these is a group of hemispherical bowls (fig. 10), two of which were found in the same deposit as the coke mug.[255] one, which had been dipped into an iron-oxide slip in the same manner as were the tankards, has a pale gray body with a narrow band of brown mottling below the rim. the other coke bowl has a dirty greenish-gray body, while the slipped band is a heavy purplish-brown with little mottling. the entire bowl is too heavily salted, an infirmity which often may have afflicted these pieces. a fragment of a slightly smaller and even more heavily salted bowl was found in 1961 by mrs. p. g. harrison in her flower bed at yorktown,[256] thus seeming to confirm the yorktown origin of the coke bowls. [illustration: figure 10.--hemispherical bowls of yorktown stoneware, discarded in the mid-18th century. found in williamsburg. rim diameter of both 17.15 centimeters.] there is no doubt that bottles and jars, some of considerable size, were among the yorktown factory's principal products, but this does not mean necessarily that all such items found in the vicinity of yorktown or williamsburg are rogers' pieces. just as the tavern tankards were copies of english mugs, so the bottles and jars had their prototypes among the wares of english, brown-stoneware potters. the difference is simply that the kitchen vessels have rarely attracted the attention of collectors and therefore are poorly represented in english museums. consequently we have little opportunity to study them and to determine how such pieces differ from those made at yorktown. at this stage it is possible to be sure only of the virginia origin of those examples whose clay is clearly of the local variety. such an identification can be made only when the piece is markedly underfired and retains the coloring and impurities characteristic of earthenwares of proven virginia manufacture. fortunately, the large bottles are small mouthed and neither slipped nor glazed on the inside, thus ensuring that, if the piece is underfired the earthenware characteristics will be readily discernible. fragments of underfired stoneware bottles were among the most common sherds recovered from the colonial roadway at yorktown, providing invaluable evidence to aid the identification of the rogers stoneware body composition and color. it must be reiterated, however, that this guide is confined to underfired products and that those correctly burned cannot be distinguished as yet from others of english manufacture. the globular bottle shown in figure 11 is underfired and consequently not a true "stoneware," but from the outside it bears all the characteristics of a good quality product. this undoubtedly local and almost certainly yorktown example was found on the john coke site in williamsburg[257] in a context of about 1765. the body is evenly potted, the cordoning below the mouth neatly tooled, and the broad strap handle rugged and tidily shaped into a finger-impressed rat-tail terminal. the handle can, perhaps, be faulted, in that it will accommodate only two fingers with comfort, and it is a little wider in proportion to its size than any i have seen in england. the iron-oxide slip which extends to the midsection of the body is well mottled and predominantly of good color. ignoring the under-firing, this bottle may be classed as a very creditable piece of potting, seemingly quite as good as most such vessels turned out by english potters in the mid-18th century.[258] [illustration: figure 11.--an underfired yorktown "stoneware" bottle, discarded about 1765. found in williamsburg. surviving height 24.77 centimeters.] globular-bodied jars with everted collar-like mouths can be proved to have been made at yorktown on the evidence of a few small under-and over-fired sherds recovered from the old road metaling in front of the digges house. the best example recovered from a dated archeological context in virginia is a jar found in a rubbish deposit of about 1763-1772 at the plantation of rosewell in gloucester county.[259] but like the well-fired bottles, its yorktown provenance cannot yet be proved. the last major category of kitchen stoneware believed to have been made at the yorktown pottery is a group of pipkins (fig. 13, no. 7). these were often overburned and improperly salted, turning the body a greenish gray and the iron-oxide slip to a coarse brown mottling with a similar greenish hue. the bodies of these vessels are generally bag-shaped and are broader toward the base than at the rim, which is slightly everted and tooled into a rounded lip over a cordon of comparable width. the handles were made separately in solid rolls that were pierced longitudinally with a stick or metal rod to avoid warping in firing or heat retention in use. they possess pestle-like terminals that were luted to the body after shaping. no definite evidence has yet been found to identify these vessels as yorktown products, but they do exhibit color characteristics, particularly when overfired, comparable to those of one of the coke hemispherical bowls as well as to some of the tankard fragments. [illustration: figure 12.--an incomplete sagger and lid for quart tankards, with a swan tavern pint mug seated in it. found at yorktown.] [illustration: figure 13.--yorktown stoneware bottle and pipkin, and characteristic earthenware rim forms.] figure 13 1. creampan, rim sherd of typical yorktown form, slightly flaring externally and incurving within, hard red earthenware with grey-to-pink surface and one spot of dark-brown glaze on the outside; presumably biscuit and rejected before glazing. diameter approximately 10-1/4 inches. found at yorktown along with other similar rims beneath the roadway south of the digges house. colonial williamsburg collection. 2. creampan, section from rim to base, a typical example of the "rolled-rim" technique, the body poorly fired, pink earthenware flecked with ocher, presumably biscuit and rejected before glazing. the sherd is badly twisted and is an undoubted waster. diameter approximately 16 inches. national park service collection from yorktown. no recorded context. 3. creampan, rim and wall fragment, rim technique similar to no. 2, but heavier and the body thicker; pale pink earthenware flecked with ocher. presumably biscuit and rejected before glazing. diameter uncertain. national park service collection from yorktown. no recorded provenance. 4. creampan, rim and wall fragment, the rim form a variant on the everted and rolled technique, seemingly having been turned out and then rolled back toward the interior. the body orange-to-pink earthenware flecked with ocher, presumably biscuit and rejected before glazing. diameter approximately 10-1/8 inches. national park service collection from yorktown. no recorded provenance. fragments of three pans of this type were present in the as-yet-unpublished group of artifacts from the challis site in james city county whence came the key rogers stoneware tankard (fig. 3), all of which were buried around 1730. 5. funnel, lower rim fragment, lead-glazed pale pink-bodied earthenware similar to the two examples illustrated in figure 15; the rim everted and tooled beneath, a technique paralleled by those on numerous bowls found at yorktown and williamsburg. a rim sherd of this form was among the pieces found in front of the digges house. the funnel is thin walled, well potted, and coated with a ginger-to-yellow mottled glaze both inside and out. national park service collection from yorktown; no recorded context. the comparable funnels cited above were discarded in the mid-18th century. 6. porringer, small rim fragment only, but bearing traces of handle luting which thus identifies the vessel; the rim everted and flattened on the top, pale pink-bodied earthenware, presumably biscuit and rejected before glazing. diameter approximately 6-1/8 inches. national park service collection from yorktown; no recorded provenance. 7. pipkin, brown salt-glazed stoneware, bag-shaped body with slightly rising base, the rim thickened, slightly everted, with a tooled cordon beneath. the handle (not part of this example) was made as a solid roll and when soft pierced longitudinally with a stick. the glaze is well mottled and a purplish green. the body was thrown away in the mid-18th century, but the handle is unstratified. colonial williamsburg archeological collection (body) e. r. 140.27a, (handle) 30b. other fragments from williamsburg show that the rim usually was drawn slightly outward at a point at right angles to the handle to create a simple spout. excavated examples of these pipkins range in rim diameter from 4-1/8 to at least 5-5/8 inches. 8. bottle, brown salt-glazed stoneware, neck and handle fragment only, the body dark gray and the oxide slip a deep purple to yellow as a result of overfiring. glazing also occurs on the fractures, identifying this piece as a waster and therefore of considerable importance. other blemishes include roof drippings on the handle and body which indicate that the bottle was fired without the protection of a sagger. the cordoning on the neck is well proportioned, and the handle terminates in a neatly fingered rat-tail. national park service collection from the swan tavern site at yorktown; unstratified. s. t. 213. [illustration: figure 14.--brown lead-glazed earthenware creampan of typical yorktown type, probably dating from the second quarter of the 18th century. found in williamsburg. rim diameter 35.56 centimeters.] stoneware manufacturing processes the types of kiln used by the yorktown potters as well as their techniques of manufacture will not be known until the factory site is located and carefully excavated. until that time, the yorktown stonewares raise more questions than they answer. the most important of these is the shape of the kilns and how they were fired. the wares run the gamut from such under-burning that the iron-oxide slip has evolved no further than a zone of bright-red coloring, to overfiring which has turned the slip a deep purple and the body to almost the hardness and color of granite. do these differences result from a lack of control over entire batches, or do they stem from temperature variations inherent in different parts of the kiln? mr. maloney's experiments, made without the use of saggers, have shown that close proximity to the firebox can unexpectedly and dramatically affect the wares. thus, one mug of his first test series was placed much closer to the direct heat than were the rest, with the result that it emerged with an overall dark, highly glossed surface somewhat reminiscent of burslem brown stoneware. the only real evidence of the yorktown manufacturing process comes from the many sagger fragments that have been found around the town. the largest single assemblage was discovered on the swan tavern site, but another group of large pieces was recovered from beneath the archer cottage at the foot of the colonial roadway leading down to the river frontage. in neither instance is it likely that the sherds were serving any practical purpose, and so it is hard to imagine why they would have been taken to these widely distant locations. the park service yorktown collection includes sections through three saggers of different sizes, one for holding quart tankards (fig. 12), another for pint mugs, and a third which might have served for the bowls, the last being 5-3/4 inches in height and having an interior base diameter of approximately 8 inches, with walls 1/2 inch thick and side apertures 5-1/2 inches apart.[260] these apertures are pear shaped and are common to all the yorktown saggers, as they are also to the examples excavated at bankside in london.[261] the tankard saggers have three such holes plus a vertical slit which extends from the top to the bottom to house the handles, but it is not known whether the wide and shallow example described above would have possessed this feature. if this example was intended only for bowls, a slot would not have been needed and an extra aperture probably would have been substituted: but were it also used for pipkins, a handle opening would have been essential. the purpose of the pear-shaped apertures was to enable the salt fumes to percolate freely around the vessels being fired. for the same reason sagger lids sometimes were jacked up on small pads of clay, or the sagger rim scooped out here and there to let the fumes enter from the top. a careful examination of some of the yorktown vessels shows that those closest to the salting holes received excessive fuming through the sagger apertures, the outlines of which were transferred to the pots in patches or stripes of heavy greenish mottling. [illustration: figure 15.--yellow lead-glazed earthenware creampan of local tidewater manufacture, probably dating from the second quarter of the 18th century. found in williamsburg. rim diameter 34.29 centimeters.] other kiln furniture found in yorktown includes fragments of sagger lids having an average thickness of 3/4 of an inch and various lumps of clay which served as kiln pads and props.[262] without knowing the type of kilns used it is impossible to determine how the saggers were employed. it is obvious, however, that they prevented the pots from sticking together in the kiln, from being dripped upon by the fusing brickwork of the roof, and from becoming repositories for the salt as it was thrown or poured into the kiln. but, as mr. maloney demonstrates daily, it is perfectly possible to make good stoneware without saggers, though wasters will accrue from the mishaps just described. if a single-level "crawl-in" or "groundhog" type kiln is used, the number of pots discarded as wasters is more than offset by the space saved through not using saggers. it can be argued, therefore, that rogers' kiln was of a type in which the saggers served the additional function of allowing the pots to be stacked one on top of the other instead of being spread over a wide flat area, in which case it is possible that the kiln or kilns were of the beehive variety.[263] [illustration: figure 16.--lead-glazed earthenware bowl of typical yorktown type, probably dating from the second quarter of the 18th century. found in williamsburg. rim diameter 18.95 centimeters.] the manufacture of stoneware requires only one firing at a temperature of about 2300° f., and it takes mr. maloney approximately 13 hours to burn them, although at yorktown the use of saggers may have necessitated prolonged "soaking" of up to 24 hours or more. the salt was thrown in at the peak temperature and repeated at least twice at intervals of about a half hour. when the fire was extinguished the kiln would have been allowed to cool for up to two days and two nights before it could be unloaded. mr. maloney has stated that his stoneware kiln, which he considers small, takes approximately three hours to load. thus, if the yorktown factory worked at full capacity, it probably would have been possible to fire each kiln once a week. but, not knowing how many workmen were engaged in the operation, we would be unwise even to guess at the size of its output. the listing of stoneware and coarse earthenware included in rogers' inventory is not particularly large, although £5 worth of "crackt" stoneware might have represented a considerable quantity of "seconds" or wasters when one considers that 26 dozen good quart mugs were worth only 4 shillings more. pint mugs are the most commonly found stoneware relics of the yorktown factory. following the "26 doz. qt mugs £5.4.," a value of 4d. per mug, we find "60 doz pt do 7.10."[264] a stock of 60 dozen would be reasonable because, as mr. maloney has stated, a good potter can throw approximately 12 dozen a day. [illustration: figure 17.--a pair of brown lead-glazed local earthenware funnels, paralleled by a fragment from yorktown, discarded in the mid-18th century. found in williamsburg. rim diameters: left, 18.25 centimeters; right, 18.42 centimeters.] before leaving the evidence of the inventory it should be noted that the vessels which we usually term storage jars are probably synonymous with rogers' "9 large cream potts 4/6"; but where are the large stone bottles? the "4 doz small stone bottles 6/" were likely to have been of quart capacity. we can only suppose that the large bottles were not included in the batches fired just before rogers died and that, consequently, he had none in stock. the earthenwares besides the stonewares, the inventory includes the following items of earthenware: 11 doz milk pans £2.4 9 midle sized do 3/ 2 doz red saucepans 4/ 6 chamber potts 2/ 3 doz lamps 9/ 4 doz small dishes 8/ 9 large cream potts 4/6 12 small do 2/ 2 doz porringers 4/ 4 doz bird bottles 12/ 4 doz small stone bottles 6/ 6 doz puding pans 2/ this listing might be read to indicate that the yorktown factory produced considerably less earthenware than stoneware, a construction that could be supported by the earlier inventory reference to "a pcl crakt redware" with a value of only £2 as against the £5 worth of "crackt" stoneware. we may wonder whether a ratio of 40 to 60 percent may not be a reasonable guide to the proportionate output of coarse-ware and stoneware, although it must be admitted that we do not know the relative sizes of the two parcels of cracked wares. it must be added also that, besides the inventory, the only extant direct documentary reference to the rogers' factory products (1745) is to earthenware, not stoneware. furthermore, we know that 20 years earlier he had sold a considerable quantity of earthenware to john mercer of marlborough. prior to the discovery of the yorktown evidence we had known of no stoneware manufacturing in tidewater virginia in the 18th century, but archeological evidence had revealed the presence of earthenware kilns in the 17th century, with the possibility of two or three operating at much the same time.[265] it can easily be argued that there would have been more in the 18th century, though no kiln sites have yet been found. these considerations cannot be ignored, and consequently we must carefully avoid the trap of attributing all 18th-century, lead-glazed earthenwares made from tidewater clay to the rogers factory. a wood-fired yorktown kiln burning pottery made from peninsula clay and coated with a clear lead glaze would produce wares possessing variations of texture and color similar to those emerging from a comparable kiln, say, at williamsburg.[266] therefore, in attempting to assess the range and importance of rogers' earthenwares we must use potting techniques alone as our guide to their identification. [illustration: figure 18.--unglazed earthenware bottle, probably of yorktown manufacture, discarded about 1765. found in williamsburg. surviving height 23.81 centimeters.] the principal evidence comes from the cut beside main street in yorktown in front of the digges house,[267] where numerous rim fragments of overfired and unglazed creampans were found. others were recovered from the edges of the roadways on three sides of the adjacent colonial lots 51 and 55, shown on the 18th-century plat (watkins, fig. 1) as having belonged to william rogers. the rims from these deposits flared slightly, were tooled inward, and were flattened on the upper surface (fig. 13, no. 1). fragments of such bowls, usually coated on the inside with a mottled lead glaze varying in color from light ginger to the tone and appearance of molasses, depending on the color of the body, are frequently found in williamsburg (fig. 14) and on plantation sites in contexts of the second quarter of the 18th century. this creampan form is one of two made from virginia clay which constantly turn up in contemporaneous archeological deposits. the second form (figs. 13, no. 2, and 15) possesses an everted and rolled rim,[268] an entirely different technique from that described above. i am inclined to doubt that these and their variants were made at the rogers factory and have termed them products of the "rolled-rim" potter. nevertheless, a few unglazed fragments of such pans (fig. 13, nos. 2-4) are represented in the national park service collections from uncertain archeological contexts in yorktown.[269] the fact that they are unglazed suggests that they may have been made there, though undoubtedly not by the craftsman who threw the flattened-rim creampans. other earthenware sherds from the digges house group include small, folded-rim fragments which may have come from storage jars or flowerpots. another fragment was sharply everted over a pronouncedly incurving body. this could have been part of a small bowl or porringer. the williamsburg archeological collections include a number of bowls of this form, one of which is illustrated in figure 16. a similar rim form is present on a pair of lead-glazed funnels (fig. 17) from a mid-18th-century context at the coke garrett house in williamsburg and on a presumed funnel fragment (fig. 13, no. 5) in the park service collection from yorktown.[270] also from yorktown comes the only known porringer fragment (fig. 13, no. 6), a biscuit sherd with a flattened rim and traces of the luting for a handle.[271] although the type is not represented among stratified finds from yorktown, mention must be made of an unglazed earthenware water (?) bottle found in williamsburg,[272] which is clearly a stoneware form and thus probably was made at the yorktown factory (fig. 18). perhaps the most baffling item listed in rogers' inventory was the reference to "4 doz bird bottles 12/", for it was hard to imagine that he would have been making the small feeder bottles for cages which were normally fashioned in glass. however, it now seems reasonably certain that the rogers bird bottles were actually bird houses. figure 19 illustrates two bottle-shaped vessels of virginia earthenware coated with lead glazes identical in color to examples found on a creampan and other presumably rogers products excavated in yorktown. the example on the left has lost its mouth but when complete was undoubtedly comparable to the specimen at right. the former was found in 1935 during the demolition of a chimney of the "pyle house" at green spring near jamestown.[273] it was mortared into the chimney twelve feet above the ground with its broken mouth facing out but with its base stopping short of the flue. the bottle is now in the collection of the national park service at jamestown, and a recent examination showed that it still contained a lens of washed soil lying in the belly clearly indicating the position in which it had been seated in the chimney brickwork. a stick had been thrust through the wall before firing and emerged on the inside at the same point that the lens of dirt was resting. it was apparent, therefore, that the hole was meant for drainage. the stick hole was present in both bottles as also was an ante cocturam cut in the base (fig. 20) which removed almost half of the bottom plus a vertical triangle. it is believed that this feature was intended to enable the bottles to be hooked over pintles or large nails which latched into the #v# and prevented them from rolling. in this way they could have been mounted under the eaves of frame buildings as nesting boxes (or bottles) and although firmly secure when hooked, they could be easily lifted off for cleaning. evidence of such use is provided by slight chipping on the inner face of the vertical #v# cut of the second bottle (right) where the bottle had abraded against the nail or pintle. the date of the green spring bottle is uncertain, though the paper label accompanying it says "probably 1720, date of building of house." however, it is clear that the bottle was not installed in the intended portable manner and it is possible that it was added at a later date. the complete example (fig. 19, right) was recently discovered in a sound archeological context during excavations at the james geddy house in williamsburg, being associated with a large refuse deposit dating in the period about 1740-60.[274] it may be noted that in the 1746 inventory of the estate of john burdett, tavern keeper of williamsburg, there are listed "16 bird bottles 3/".[275] as it seems unlikely that a tavern keeper would have a stock of birdcage bottles when he apparently had no birdcage, it may be suggested that the reference is to bottles similar to those discussed here. in support of this conclusion, attention is drawn to the fact that rogers' new bottles were valued at 3d each, while burdett's (used?) seven years later were appraised at 2-1/4d.[276] [illustration: figure 19.--two earthenware "bird bottles" believed to be of rogers' lead-glazed earthenware showing drainage holes in sides. bottle on left is from a house chimney near green spring and, on right, is from the james geddy house in williamsburg. height 18.42 centimeters, and 21.91 centimeters, respectively.] it seems evident that the rogers earthenware was fired to biscuit, glazed, and fired again in a glost oven; no other explanation accounts for the large quantities of unglazed earthenware found at yorktown. mr. maloney's experiments at the williamsburg pottery have amply demonstrated that the yorktown earthenware could have been glazed in the green state and would not have required a second firing. furthermore, the study of a late-17th-century kiln site in james city county has confirmed that not all potters thought it necessary to make glazing a separate process. it is curious that the rogers factory found it desirable to take this second and seemingly uneconomical step. the making of stoneware certainly would not have been a double-firing operation, and, although some of the pieces actually are fired no higher than the earthenware, they have been slipped and salted. consequently we must accept the bottle discussed above as an intentional earthenware item which had passed through only the first kiln. furthermore, its presence in williamsburg indicates that it was never meant to be glazed. and finally, it should be noted that an unglazed handle fragment, probably from a similar bottle, was among the sherds recovered from the roadway in front of the digges house. [illustration: figure 20.--bases of the "bird bottles" depicted in figure 19, showing holes for suspension. base diameters: left, 10.48 centimeters; right, 10.16 centimeters.] conclusions the rogers inventory contains such a wide variety of forms that one may claim without fear of contradiction that his factory was _capable_ of producing any of the kinds of kitchen vessels and general-purpose containers that the colony may have required. consequently, a yorktown origin may reasonably be considered for any of the wares made from local clay that turn up in contexts of the appropriate period. in the williamsburg collections are such varied lead-glazed, earthenware items as closestool pans, chamber pots, straight-sided dishes, lidded storage jars, wide-mouthed and double-handled storage bins, pipkins, and chafing dishes. but whether all these things were made, in fact, at yorktown cannot be known until the factory site is found and excavated. in the meantime, a few conclusions can be drawn on the basis of the existing archeological evidence. there can be no doubt that the rogers factory at yorktown was a sizable operation and that it employed throwers as capable in their own field as any in england. our slender knowledge of rogers' own background does not indicate that he himself was a potter. it must be supposed, therefore, that he obtained the services of at least a journeyman potter apprenticed in one of the brown-stoneware factories in england. one can only guess at the center in which this unknown craftsman was trained, but it is more than likely that he came from london and might have worked at fulham,[277] or more probably at southwark, or even, perhaps, at lambeth, the types of sagger and the wares produced at yorktown being stylistically identical to the fragments found on the latter sites. not knowing the number of craftsmen employed, we cannot hope to determine the size of rogers' output or the number of kilns in operation. but one would suppose that he had at least two kilns, one for stoneware and the other for lead-glazed earthenware, although they could, conceivably, have been interchangeable. an indication that lead-glazed wares were sometimes burned in the salt-glaze kiln is provided by a single creampan in the williamsburg collection,[278] which is both lead-glazed and heavily incrusted with salt. it is possible, however, that, knowing that there would be "cold" spots in the kiln,[279] the potter tried to make use of every available inch and inserted a few lead-glazed pieces along with the stoneware. documentary evidence relating to the distribution of rogers' products has been discussed by mr. watkins (pp. 83-84), and, although some of it tends to be equivocal, we are left with the impression that both stoneware and earthenware were shipped for trade elsewhere, but that such shipments were probably infrequent and not of large quantities.[280] when seemingly comparable fragments are unearthed on sites beyond the environs of the york and james rivers one must use extreme caution in attributing them to yorktown. clay of a generally similar character lies beneath much of tidewater virginia, and, since little serious historical archeology has been undertaken in the state beyond the jamestown-williamsburg-yorktown triangle, it is much too soon to assume that apprentices trained at yorktown did not set up their own kilns in other counties. in short, techniques of manufacture such as are exhibited by the shaping of earthenware rims and handles should be the only acceptable guide for identification, and even these are not infallible. as for the stoneware, the manufacturing techniques are so english in character that they are of no help. thus, once the rogers stoneware was shipped out of yorktown, it must have lost its identity as totally as governor gooch presumably had hoped that it would. archeological evidence for the date range of the yorktown ware is not very conclusive. the challis site mug seems to have been thrown away around 1730, and this provides the earliest tightly dated context in which the wares have been found. the largest single assemblage of probable yorktown products was the extensive refuse deposit believed to have been associated with john coke's tavern in williamsburg, but this was not discarded before mid-century. other fragments of stoneware tankards, jars, and pipkins have been found at the anthony hay and new post office sites in williamsburg in contexts ranging from 1750 to 1770, while more, possibly yorktown pieces, were encountered in a rubbish deposit interred in the period 1763-1772 at rosewell in gloucester county. these are, of course, dates at or after which the pieces were thrown away; they do not necessarily have a close relationship with the dates of manufacture. nevertheless, the recovery of so many fragments from late contexts does suggest that the factory continued in operation after the last documented date of 1745.[281] the most obvious source for dating evidence is clearly at yorktown itself, but, unfortunately, little of the large national park service collection has any acceptable archeological associations. the fragments recovered from the roadway in front of the digges house were accompanied by no closely datable items. while it is tempting to associate this deposit with rogers' tenure as "surveyor of the landings, streets; and cosways" beginning in 1734,[282] it is also possible that he provided the city of york with road metaling before that date and that after his death his successors continued to do so. the quantity of sagger fragments from the vicinity of the swan tavern might have been associated in some way with the fact that thomas reynolds (see watkins, p. 83) occupied the adjacent lot. more sagger fragments were found in the backfilling of the builder's trench around the recently restored digges house on main street, which the national park service believes to have been constructed in about 1760.[283] but it can be argued that the sagger pieces were scattered so liberally around the town that their presence in the builder's trench does not necessarily imply that the factory was still operating at that date. in summation, it may be said that the quantities of stoneware and earthenware with possible yorktown associations which have been found in archeological sites in tidewater virginia leave little doubt that the venture established by william rogers was of considerable value to the colony. there can be equally little doubt that governor gooch was aware of this fact and that he gave his tacit approval to the venture by minimizing its importance in his reports to the board of trade. the quality of the products was good by colonial standards, and their quantity impressive. consequently, in spite of governor gooch's misleading reports, william rogers begins to emerge as one of the pioneers of industry in virginia. it is to be hoped that it will be possible eventually to undertake a full archeological excavation of his factory site and so enable rogers to step out once and for all from behind the deprecatory sobriquet of the "poor potter" of yorktown that has concealed for more than two centuries his name, his acumen, and his potters' talents. acknowledgments i am indebted to colonial williamsburg for helping to subsidize the preparation of this paper and for permission to illustrate specimens from its archeological collections; also to j. paul hudson, national park service curator at jamestown for similar facilities; as well as to charles e. hatch, senior national park service historian at yorktown, for access to various archeological reports in his library. i am particularly grateful to james e. maloney of the williamsburg pottery for the immense amount of work which he so generously undertook not only to reproduce copies of the yorktown products but also to recreate the wasters as well, thus providing information regarding the colonial technical processes that could not have been obtained in any other way. i am also grateful to joseph grace, colonial williamsburg's watchmaker and engraver who made an accurate copy of the unofficial excise stamp used on rogers' mugs, and to my secretary lynn hill, who toiled long and hard to bring order into this report. i am further indebted to wilcomb e. washburn, chairman, department of american studies, at the smithsonian institution, who first drew my attention to the artifacts in front of the dudley digges house; and to my wife audrey, to john dunton and william hammes, all of colonial williamsburg's department of archeology, who through the years have helped collect ceramic evidence from yorktown. i. n. h. u.s. government printing office: 1967 footnotes: [183] for example: thomas jefferson wertenbaker, _the old south, the founding of american civilization_ (new york: scribner's, 1942), p. 265; j. paul hudson, "earliest yorktown pottery," _antiques_ (may 1958), vol. 73, pp. 472-473. [184] this material is located in the collection of the colonial national historical park, jamestown, virginia. [185] "reasons for repealing the acts pass'd in virginia and maryland relating to ports and towns," _calendar of virginia state papers and other manuscripts_, edit. william p. palmer (richmond, 1875), vol. 1, pp. 137-138. [186] victor s. clark, _the history of manufactures in the united states, 1607-1860_ (washington, d.c.: the carnegie institution, 1916), pp. 26-27. [187] ibid., p. 203. [188] ibid., p. 204. [189] library of congress transcripts: great britain, public records office, colonial office 5, vol. 1322, p. 185. [190] percy scott flippin, "william gooch: successful royal governor of virginia," _william & mary college quarterly historical magazine_ (1926), ser. 2, vol. 6, no. 1, pp. 37-38; flippin, _the royal government in virginia (1624-1775)_ (new york: columbia university press, 1919), pp. 124 ff. [191] charles campbell, _history of the colony and ancient dominion of virginia_ (philadelphia, 1810), p. 448. [192] flippin (1926), op. cit. (footnote 8), p. 38. [193] campbell, op. cit. (footnote 9), p. 414. [194] library of congress transcripts: great britain, public record office, colonial office 5, vol. 1323, p. 82. [195] ibid., p. 133. [196] ibid., p. 189. [197] ibid., vol. 1324, p. 3. [198] ibid., pp. 30-31. [199] ibid., p. 104. [200] ibid., vol. 1325, p. 83. [201] c. malcolm watkins, _the cultural history of marlborough, virginia_, (_contributions from the museum of history and technology_, u.s. national museum bulletin 253), washington: smithsonian institution, in press. [202] york county records: deeds & bonds, vol. 2, 1701-1713, p. 365 (in york county courthouse, yorktown, va.). [203] york county records, book 14: _orders & wills_, 1716-1720. [204] ibid., pp. 307, 317, 357, 386, 394, 439. [205] york county records, book 17: _orders, wills, &c._, 1729-1732, p. 136. [206] ibid., p. 296. [207] york county records, book 18: _orders, wills, & inventories_, p. 15. [208] ibid., p. 121. [209] ibid., p. 157. [210] lester j. cappon and stella f. duff, _virginia gazette index, 1736-1780_ (williamsburg, va.: institute of early american history and culture, 1950); and the _virginia gazette, 1736-1780_ (williamsburg, va.: issued on microfilm by the institute of early american history and culture from originals loaned by other institutions, 1950), reel 1. [211] edward m. riley, "the colonial courthouses of york county, virginia," _william & mary quarterly historical magazine_ (1942), ser. 2 (hereinafter designated _wmq_ 2), vol. 22, pp. 399-404. [212] _virginia gazette_ microfilm, op. cit. (footnote 28), reel 1. [213] york county records, book 18: _orders, wills, & inventories_, pp. 525, 537 ff. [214] ibid., pp. 553 ff. [215] _virginia gazette_ microfilm, op. cit. (footnote 28), reel 1. [216] library of congress transcripts, op. cit. (footnote 12), vol. 1325, p. 83. [217] york county records, book 5: _deeds_, 1741-1754, p. 64. [218] _virginia gazette_ microfilm, op. cit. (footnote 41), reel 1 (june 17, 1737). [219] _tyler's quarterly_ (richmond, va., 1922), vol. 3, p. 296. [220] _virginia gazette_ microfilm, op. cit. (footnote 28), reel 1 (sept. 30, 1737; april 17, 1738; june 23, 1738; july 7, 1738; april 20, 1739; july 13, 1739; aug. 24, 1739; january 25, 1740). [221] "reynolds and rogers," _wmq_ 1 (1905), vol. 13, pp. 128, 129. [222] _john norton & sons, merchants of london and virginia_, edit. frances norton mason (richmond, va.: dietz, 1937), p. 518. [223] _virginia gazette_ microfilm (parks' virginia gazette, june 20 and july 4, 1745); i. noël hume, part ii, p. 110. [224] "the votes of assembly of the province of pennsylvania," _pennsylvania archives_ (harrisburg), ser. 8, vol. 3, pp. 2047-2049. (from rudolf hommel, in correspondence with lura woodside watkins.) [225] _virginia gazette_ microfilm, op. cit. (footnote 28), reel 1. [226] york county records, book 18: _orders, wills, & inventories_, p. 290. [227] "petition of isaac parker, september, 1742," _massachusetts archives_, vol. 59, pp. 332-333 (quoted in lura woodside watkins, _new england potters and their wares_ [cambridge: harvard university press, 1950], p. 245). [228] _bideford-in-devon: official guide to bideford and district_, edit. sheila hutchinson (bideford, about 1961), p. 35. [229] c. malcolm watkins, "north devon pottery and its export to america in the 17th century" (paper 13 in _contributions from the museum of history and technology: papers 12-18_, u.s. national museum bulletin 225, by various authors; washington: smithsonian institution, 1963), pp. 28-29. [230] lura woodside watkins, _new england potters and their wares_ (cambridge: harvard university press, 1950), p. 16. [231] ibid., p. 24. [232] _the register of burials in the parish of braintree in the county of essex from michaelmas ... 1740_ (ms in essex county record office, chelmsford, england), p. 40. [233] "abstracts of virginia land patents," prepared by w. g. stanard, _virginia magazine of history & biography_ (hereinafter designated _vhm_) (1899), vol. 5, p. 186. [234] "viewers of tobacco crop, 1639," _vhm_ (1898), vol. 5, p. 121. [235] _virginia wills and administrations 1632-1800_, comp. clayton torrence (richmond, wm. byrd press, inc., n.d.), pp. 364-365. [236] _english duplicates of lost virginia records_, comp. louis des coquets, jr. (princeton, n.j.: privately printed, 1958), p. 128. [237] _virginia wills and administrations_, loc. cit. (footnote 53). [238] lyon g. tyler, "education in colonial virginia," _william & mary college quarterly historical magazine_ (1897), ser. 1 (hereinafter designated _wmq_ 1), vol. 5, p. 221. [239] "extracts from the records of surry county," _wmq_ 1 (1903), vol. 11, p. 83. [240] _english duplicates_, op. cit. (footnote 54), p. 73. [241] ibid., p. 210. [242] ibid., pp. 81, 83, 86. [243] _virginia wills and administrations_, loc. cit. (footnote 53). [244] "virginia gleanings in england," _vhm_ (1921), vol. 29, p. 435. [245] "tithables in lancaster county, 1716," _wmq_ 1 (1913), vol. 21, p. 21. [246] from _orders, wills, & inventories_, york county records, no. 18, pp. 553 ff. the linear totals given in the right-hand column are not always the sum of the amounts noted in each line, but they are presented here as faithfully as possible. [247] adrian oswald, "a london stoneware pottery, recent excavations at bankside," _the connoisseur_ (january 1951), vol. 126, no. 519, pp. 183-185. [248] j. f. blacker, _the a. b. c. of english salt-glaze stoneware_ (london: 1922), pp. 46, 48, 51, 56, 57, 63, and 65. [249] kiln waste found in recent excavations in philadelphia indicate that anthony duché was manufacturing stoneware there in the style of westerwald in the 1730s. [250] no trace of a kiln was found on the bankside site in southwark; it is probable that the waste came from another location nearby, possibly from the factory established in gravel lane around 1690, which continued under various managements until about 1750. it may be noted that, in the same way that much southwark delftware has been erroneously attributed to lambeth, it is likely that brown stonewares in the so-called style of fulham was made in southwark before lambeth rose to prominence in that field. see f. h. garner, "lambeth earthenware," _transactions of the english ceramic circle_ (london: 1937), vol. 1, no. 4, p. 46; also john drinkwater, "some notes on english salt-glaze brown stoneware," _transactions of the english ceramic circle_ (london, 1939), vol. 2, no. 6, p. 33. [251] w. r. excise or capacity stamps continued to be impressed on tavern mugs long after william iii was dead. the latest published example is dated 1792. drinkwater, op. cit. (footnote 69), p. 34 and pl. xiiib. [252] the williamsburg pottery, on route 60 near lightfoot, specializes in the reproduction of 18th-century stoneware and slipware. [253] i. noël hume, _here lies virginia_ (new york: knopf, 1963), fig. 55. [254] colonial williamsburg, e. r. (excavation register) 140.27a. [255] e. r. 140.27a. [256] colonial williamsburg, cat. no. 1913. [257] e. r. 157g.27a (also 159a, 165a, 173, and 173a). [258] the majority of archeologically documented pieces have been recovered from english domestic sites and not from kiln dumps. [259] i. noël hume, "excavations at rosewell, gloucester county, virginia, 1957-1959," (paper 18 in _contributions from the museum of history and technology: papers 12-18_, u. s. national museum bulletin 225, by various authors; washington, smithsonian institution, 1963), p. 208, no. 3 and p. 209, fig. 28, no. 3. [260] u.s. national park service collection at jamestown: yorktown the first from the swan tavern site and the others from project 203, f. s. 8, unstratified material recovered during sewer digging on main street, 1956-1957. [261] oswald, op. cit. (footnote 66), fig. ix. [262] u.s. national park service collection at jamestown: yorktown, s. t. 1933. [263] mr. maloney is of the opinion that saggers could just as usefully have served a "groundhog" kiln where they would have enabled the pots to be stacked up to four in height. [264] see watkins, part i, footnote 32. [265] op. cit. (footnote 72), pp. 208-220. [266] it must be stressed that no evidence of any such kiln exists. see also footnote 30. [267] this material is divided between the colonial archeological collections of the smithsonian institution and of colonial williamsburg. [268] i. noël hume, "excavations at tutter's neck, james city county in virginia, 1960-1961," paper 53 in _contributions from the museum of history and technology_ (u.s. national museum bulletin 249); washington: smithsonian institution, 1966, fig. 19, nos. 1, 3, and 4. [269] n.p.s. collection at jamestown: yorktown, no provenance. [270] bowl ic.1.18c, funnels e.r. 140.27a, and national park service collection at jamestown: yorktown, no provenance. [271] national park service collection at jamestown: yorktown, no provenance. [272] e.r. 157a, c, and g, 27a. [273] national park service collection, j. 13049 (g.s.), with label reading "pyle house green spring. built into brickwork of chimney--removed in securing brick for lightfoot house by c.? t. (10.29.35)." [274] colonial williamsburg archeological collections, e. r. 987d.19b, cat. 3275. [275] "inventory and appraisement of estate of john burdett," york county records, book 20, _wills and inventories_, pp. 46-49. [276] since this paper was written and the bird bottles identified, a number of additional fragments have been recognized among mid-eighteenth-century finds from williamsburg excavations, including a small, pierced lug handle fitting the scar on the geddy example (fig. 19, right). the hole through the handle lined up with that through the shoulder clearly indicating that their combined purpose was to provide an alternative method of suspension for use when the bottles were hung in trees. [277] there is a long-established belief that fulham was the principal source of 18th-century brown-stoneware vessels. while the art of making the ware was first developed there by john dwight, the factory fell into decline after his death in 1703 and remained in virtual oblivion until the 19th century. [278] archeological area 2b2, context unknown. [279] mr. maloney has pointed out that a margin of 150°f. is sufficient to make the difference between earthenware and stoneware. [280] export records for the york river should be treated with some caution as goods often were imported from one place and later exported to another. but if we accept the 1739 and 1745 _virginia gazette_ references (watkins, footnotes 38 and 41) as being to wares of yorktown manufacture, by the same token we must draw comparable conclusions from the naval office lists for accomac (eastern shore of virginia), which show "1 shipment" of "stoneware" exported to maryland in 1749. similarly we would have to assume that there was an earthenware factory operating near the james river in 1755 when the records list the exporting of "2 crates earthenware" to the rappahannock. such conclusions may, indeed, be correct, though there is as yet no evidence to support them. naval office lists, public records office, london; cf. _commodity analysis of imports and exports, accomac, virginia, 1726-1769_, and for the _rappahannock, virginia, 1726-1769_ microfilm books compiled under the direction of john h. cox, university of california, 1939 (unpublished). [281] _virginia gazette_, june 20, 1745. [282] watkins, part i, footnote 37. [283] large numbers of wine-bottle fragments also were recovered from the builder's trench, and provided archeological support for a construction date after about 1760. index act for ports and towns (1691), 80 act for ports and towns (1704), repeal of, 76, 77 act prohibiting importation of "stript tobacco," 77 petition for the repeal of, 77 ale, 80 allen, william, 41 ambler, richard (merchant), 79 architectural drawings, tutter's neck, 30 atkins, robert, 42 bacon, nathaniel, 7 ball, cannon, 12, 22, 23 (illustr.) basin, english delftware, 15, 16 (illustr.), 22, 24 (illustr.) bead, glass, 47, 70, 71 (illustr.) belcher, governor (massachusetts), 77 board of trade (london), reports to, 75, 76, 77, 78-79, 82-83, 84, 85, 111 boat "shallop," 82 sloop, 82 bone, 18, 47 bones, animal, 51-52 bottles, 36, 43, 51, 82 bird, 82, 107, 108 (illustr.), 109 (illustr.) case, 13 oil or essence, 13 pharmaceutical, 13, 24 (illustr.), 25, 55 stoneware, 91, 92, 98 (illustr.), 100 (illustr.), 101, 105 water, 107 wine, 4, 10, 13, 14, 24 (illustr.), 25, 39 (illustr.), 43, 44, 45, 46, 49, 51, 55, 68-70 (illustr.) wine, miniature, 17 (illustr.), 24 (illustr.), 25 wine, seals for, 32, 35, 36, 37 (illustr.), 43, 46, 55, 69, (illustr.), 70 yorktown earthenware, 106 (illustr.) bottle glass, 11 bowls: delftware, 49, 64-66 (illustr.) earthenware, 48 (illustr.) indian pottery, 67 staffordshire, 55 stoneware, 96, 97 (illustr.) yorktown earthenware, 49, 104 (illustr.), 107 _braxton_ (ship), 83 bray, david, sr., 40 bray, david, jr., 35, 37, 40 bray, elizabeth, 41 bray, elizabeth meriwether, 41 bray, james, sr., 40 bray, james, jr., 40 bray, judith, 35, 36, 37, 40 bray, thomas, 35, 40, 45, 56 brewing, 80, 82, 85 brewster, richard, 36 bristol (store), 82, 87 brown, matthew, 36, 40 bricklaying, english bond, 4, 8, 44, 45 brickmaking, 43 bricks (_see under_ building materials) broad arrow, 58 (illustr.), 59 bruton parish, 35 church, 37 buckle, shoe, 63 (illustr.), 64 (_see also_ harness) building materials: bricks, 43, 87; shipment of, 83; sizes of, 8, 44, 45 lathes, oak, 7 lumber, 7, 9, 10, 14; oak strips, 44; weatherboards, 44 (_see also_ floor) mortar, 4, 8, 10, 43, 44, 45, 51 oystershells, 4, 10, 11, 12, 14, 44, 45, 49, 52 plaster, 51 shingles, cypress, 7 burbydge, richard (seal of), 36, 39, 46, 69 (illustr.), 70 burdett, john (tavern keeper), 107, 108 burwell, lewis, 41 burwell's ferry (virginia), 43 (_see also_ kingsmill) button, brass, 70, 71 (illustr.) can, iron, 4 carter, robert "king", 45 cary, colonel thomas, rebellion led by, 39 challis site (james city county), 92, 94, 95, 96, 110 chalmers, george, 78 chamber pots, 82; handle of english delftware, 15, 16 (illustr.) charger, delftware, 49, 51, 55, 65 (illustr.), 66 charles ii, 39, 82 charleston, r. j., 13 chesapeake corporation, 31, 32, 41, 42 cheshire, ----, 87 chimney, 4, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, 14; bird bottles in, 107-108; tutter's neck, 36, 43, 45, 49 chinoiserie, 13 chowan precinct (north carolina), 37-39 churches: bruton parish, 37 chowan precinct (north carolina), 37-38 clark, victor s., 76 clay bank, excavations at, 3-27; excavation plans, 6 clayton, john, 87 clock, 82 closets, 7 clothing, 77, 78 coke, john (tavern keeper), 95, 96, 97, 110 collar, iron, 24 (illustr.), 25 college landing (virginia), 32 colonial williamsburg, inc., 3, 5, 31, 32, 42, 44, 96 ceramics, 10, 11, 31, 32, 46 indian, 11, 15, 16 (illustr.) shipment of, 82, 84 staffordshire, 11 (_see also_ specific forms and types) colono-indian pottery, 24 (illustr.), 25, 45, 49, 55, 65 (illustr.), 67; bowl, 65 (illustr.), 67; cup, 52 (illustr.) cooper, 12 cotton, ezra, 7 council of virginia, 40, 77, 78 petition complaining about piracy, 41 culpeper, lord, 41 cup, colono-indian pottery, 52 (illustr.); delftware, 49; earthenware, 12, 68, 69 (illustr.); porcelain, 70, 71 (illustr.) curtains, 82; rings for, 70, 71 (illustr.) cutlery, 46, 58 (illustr.); bone handled, 18, 19 (illustr.) (_see also_ knife; fork) daniel, daniel mack, 42 delftware, 50 (illustr.): bowls, 49 charger, 49, 51, 55 cup, 49 drug jar, 49 english, 13, 15, 16 (illustr.), 22, 23, (illustr.), 44, 46, 47, 51, 64-67, 65 (illustr.) plate, 47 porringers, 49 salts, 51 (illustr.) desandrouin (cartographer), 32, 34, 35 doors, 8 drug jar, 49, 65 (illustr.), 66 duché, anthony (potter), 91 duché family (potters), 84 dunbar, jeremiah, 77 dwight, john (fulham potter), 55, 109 earthenware, 14 bowl, 48 (illustr.) cistercian, 15, 16 (illustr.) english, 10, 68, 69 (illustr.) lead-glazed, 11, 22, 24 (illustr.) north devon, 47 staffordshire, 48 (illustr.) tin-enameled (portuguese), 10, 15, 16 (illustr.) yorktown, 47, 49, 51, 55, 68, 69 (illustr.) (_see also_ specific forms; william rogers) eaton, alden, 31 eden, governor, 42 elevations, hypothetical (tutter's neck), 30 _eltham_ (ship), 83 excavation plans, clay bank, 6; tutter's neck, 37, 47 excise stamps, 92, 95 (illustr.) ferry, william (tobacco pipe maker), 14 firebacks, 78 fireplace, 8, 9 flax, 78 fletcher, john (tobacco pipe maker), 27 floor, wooden, 9, 10 (illustr.), 11 (illustr.), 44 fork, table, 51, 58 (illustr.), 59 flower pots, 107 fox, jacob (tobacco pipe maker), 27 fox, josiah (tobacco pipe maker), 14 framing, 8 frank, e. m., 44 funnel, yorktown earthenware, 100 (illustr.), 101, 105 (illustr.) furnace, air, 78 furniture, 82 gale, christopher, 42 geddes, captain john, 36 glass, 10, 31, 43; bead, 47, 70, 71 (illustr.); decanter, 13; stem of drinking glass or candlestick, 13, 14, 17 (illustr.); reconstructed drawing of, 18; window, 44, 49 (_see also_ bottle) glasses, drinking, 10; romer, 55, 71 (illustr.), 72; tumbler, 44, 51, 55; wine, 13, 14, 47, 49, 55, 64; with covers, 13 glebe-house, 7, 38 gooch, governor william, 75, 76-77, 78-79, 82-83, 84, 85 reports to board of trade, 75, 76, 78-79, 84, 85, 111 goodridg, jeremiah, 37 gray, edward, 36 green, dr., 7 grice, john, 36 gunpowder, 82 ham, henry, 81 hardware: band, brass, 70, 71 (illustr.) bolt, 60, 61 (illustr.), 62 boss, brass, 19 (illustr.), 21 handle, 60, 61 (illustr.) hasp, 61 (illustr.) key, 58 (illustr.), 60 latch, 61 (illustr.), 62 loop, 62, 63 (illustr.) nails, 8, 10, 44 padlock, 44, 51, 54 (illustr.), 60, 61 (illustr.) rivet, 61 (illustr.), 62 spike, 60, 61 (illustr.) staple, 20 (illustr.), 21, 24 (illustr.), 27 strap, 61 (illustr.), 62, 63 (illustr.), 64 tack, 19 (illustr.), 21 ward plate, 61 (illustr.), 62 harness: boss from bridle, 19 (illustr.), 21 buckle, 47, 61 (illustr.), 62 cheekpiece from snaffle bit, 20 (illustr.), 21 fitting for, 47, 70, 71 (illustr.) ornament, 47, 63 (illustr.), 64, 70, 71 (illustr.) snaffle bit, 62, 63 (illustr.) spoon bit, 58 (illustr.), 60 stirrup, 22, 23 (illustr.) harrison, mrs. p. g., 97 harwood, elizabeth, 28 hearth, 9, 10, 12 herman, augustine, 2, 5 higgenson, humphry, 36 hodgson, reverend robert, 7 horns quarter (king william county), 40 horseshoe, 49, 62, 63 (illustr.) houses: "ardudwy" (clay bank), 4, 5, 7, 8, 14 brick, 45, 87 corotoman, 45 green spring, pyle house, 107, 108 jamestown, 44 tutter's neck, drawings of, 30 (illustr.) williamsburg: john blair, 44 brush-everard, 44 coke garrett, 107, 108 james geddy, 107 anthony hay, 110 new post office, 110 yorktown: archer cottage, 102 digges house, 92, 98, 106, 107, 108, 110 (_see also_ tutter's neck, buildings) indentured servants, 81 indians: appeal to governor for help against, 38, 40 iroquois confederation, 40 pottery, 11, 15, 16 (illustr.) (_see also_ colono-indian pottery) projectile point, 15, 16 (illustr.), 71 (illustr.) 72 tobacco pipes, 14 uprising, 39-40 war with tuscarora indians, 39-40 inventory, william rogers' estate, 82, 88-90, 105, 109 iron, unidentified objects, 20 (illustr.), 21, 24 (illustr.), 25-27 (_see also_ specific items) ironworks, 78 _jamaica merchant_ (ship), 36 jamestown, 44, 107 jar: earthenware, 24 (illustr.), 25, 47, 68, 69 (illustr.) pickle, glass, 69 (illustr.), 70 stoneware, 92 storage, 24 (illustr.), 25, 68, 69 (illustr.), 105, 107 jenings, col., 82, 87 jenkins, william f., 3, 4, 11 jennings, governor edmund, 4 johnson, elizabeth bray, 41 johnson, col. philip, 41 jones, dorothy walker, 41 jones, frederick, 35, 36, 37, 39, 40, 41, 42, 44-45, 56; property attacked by indians, 40; will of, 40; wine bottle seal of, 35-36, 38 (illustr.), 39 (illustr.), 69 (illustr.), 70 jones, henry (tobacco pipe maker), 14 jones, hugh, 42 jones, jane, 41 jones, captain roger, 36, 41; complaints about the conduct of, 41 jones, thomas, 13, 35, 37, 41 _judith_ (ship), 83 jug, brown stoneware, 65 (illustr.), 67; white stoneware, 55 kilns, 104; "furniture", 76, 91, 92, 93-94, 99 (illustr.), 103-104; location of, 84, 105-106; types of, 104; use of refuse of, 92 (_see also_ pottery making) kingsmill (virginia), 40, 41 (see also burwell's ferry) kitchen: clay bank, 7, 8 tutter's neck, 30, 36, 43, 44; conjectural reconstruction of, 30 (illustr.); excavation of, 45-46 knife, iron, 20 (illustr.), 21; table, 49, 58 (illustr.), 59 knight, tobias, 41 lamps, 82 latten (_see under_ spoon) leather, 79 lee, robert (widow of), 4 little town (virginia), 40, 45 majolica, spanish, 49 makers' marks: latten spoon--r s, 58 (illustr.), 59 w w, 4, 18 pewter spoon--m, 27 tools--i h, 21 ward, 18 (_see also_ tobacco pipe) maloney, james e., 92-96, 102-105 mantels, 8 manufacturing in colonial virginia, 76-79 reports on trade and manufactures, 75, 76, 78-79 manufacturing in new england, 77 map, tutter's neck, 33 (illustr.); virginia (1673), 2 (illustr.), 5; (1781), 32, 34, 35 (illustr.); yorktown, 74; (1691), 80 marks: broad arrow, 58 (illustr.), 59 excise stamp on stoneware, 92, 95 (illustr.) shipping, 36 (_see also_ makers' marks; tobacco pipes) marlborough (plantation), 32, 79, 105 _maynard_ (ship), 83 maynard, lieutenant, 42 mercer, john, 79, 84, 105 meriwether, elizabeth, 41 middle plantation (williamsburg), 40 mill, horse, 82 minge, robert, 81 morse (moss), francis, 87 mountford's mill dam, 82 mug, 82; english delftware, 15, 16 (illustr.), 22, 24 (illustr.), 46; redware, 22, 24 (illustr.); reproductions, 96 (illustr.); stoneware, 91, 92, 93 (illustr.), 94 (illustr.), 99 (illustr.), 104-105 _nancy_ (sloop), 83 national park service, 91, 92, 93, 96, 102, 107, 110 negroes, 40, 78, 79, 82 (_see also_ slaves) nelson, john, 84 nelson, william, 88 "new bottle" (plantation), 4; location of, 4-5 new bottle (scotland), 4 nicholson, francis, 41 norton, courtenay, 83 norton, john (merchant), 83 oil, 83 ointment pot, 65 (illustr.), 66 page, elizabeth, 40 page family, 3 pan: cream (yorktown earthenware), 55, 68, 69 (illustr.), 100 (illustr.), 101, 102 (illustr.), 103 (illustr.), 106, 109-110 milk, 82 pudding, 82 sauce, 82 tidewater earthenware, 22, 24 (illustr.), 25, 92 parker, isaac, 84 parks, william (printer), 87 petsworth parish (_see under vestry book of_) pettus family, 40 pettus, mourning, marriage of, 40 pettus, thomas, jr. (widow of), 40 pewter (_see_ spoon) pictures, 82 pipe (_see_ tobacco pipe) pipkin, 24 (illustr.), 25, 99, 100 (illustr.), 101 piracy, 41-42 plate, english delftware, 15, 16 (illustr.), 22, 24 (illustr.), 65 (illustr.), 67; tin-glazed earthenware, 15, 16 (illustr.) pollock, ----, 40 porcelain, chinese, 49 cup, 70, 71 (illustr.) porringers, 82; delftware, 49, 65 (illustr.), 66; yorktown earthenware, 100 (illustr.), 101, 107 porteus, beilby, 4, 8 porteus, edward, 4, 7, 14 porteus, robert, 4, 5, 7, 8 pot, cream, 82; iron, 62, 63 (illustr.), 78 potteries, charlestown, mass., 84 fulham (england), 109 gloucester, mass., 85 north devon, england, 84 north walk, england, 84-85 philadelphia, 84 williamsburg, 92-96, 102-105 pottery: inventory of, 82, 85 pottery making, 78-79, 83-84, 102-105, 110; experiments in, 92-96, 102-105 prison, 82 gaol, 95 projectile point, 15, 16 (illustr.), 71 (illustr.), 72 purton (plantation), 4 randolph, john, 35, 77 reade, george, 87 reynolds, sir joshua, 7 reynolds, susanna rogers, 82, 83, 87 reynolds, thomas, 83, 84, 110 ring: curtain (brass), 70, 71 (illustr.); iron, 24 (illustr.), 25, 62, 63 (illustr.) "rippon hall" (plantation, york county), 4 rogers, george, 83, 84 rogers, theodosia, 82, 87 rogers, william (yorktown potter), 75-111 brewer, 80, 82, 85 captain of the troop, 82 death of, 82, 83 inventory of, 82, 88-90, 105, 109 surveyor, 82, 92 rogers, william, jr., 82, 83, 87 rogers, william (others of same name), 86-87 rosewell (plantation), 3, 32, 98, 110 salt, 39, 82 salt dishes, delftware, 51 (illustr.), 65 (illustr.), 66, 67 saucer, 55, 65 (illustr.), 66 saunderson, richard, 84 sayer, richard (tobacco pipe maker), 54 scales, 82 seabrook, captain charles, 83 seal, wine bottle, 32, 35, 36, 37 (illustr.), 43, 46, 55, 69 (illustr.), 70 shells, 52 shoes, manufacture of, 79 skipworth, elizabeth, 87 slaves, 45; brought to north carolina from virginia, 40, 41; ceramics made for use by, 45; listed in inventory, 88; quarters for, 46 smith, edward, 87 smith, john (daughter of), 4 smith, major lawrence, 80 south, william, 36 spoon: latten, 4, 10, 12, 18, 19 (illustr.), 46, 58 (illustr.), 59 pewter, 11, 24 (illustr.), 27, 47, 49, 58 (illustr.), 59 spotswood, governor alexander, 36, 37 stark, william (wife of), 81 still, 82 (see also brewing) stoneware: bellarmine, 49 brown, 49, 51, 65 (illustr.), 67-68 excise stamps on, 92, 95 (illustr.) manufacture of, 83-84, 102-105, 110 westerwald tankard, 49, 65 (illustr.), 68 white, jug, 55 white salt-glazed, 43, 49 strainer, brass or bronze, 19 (illustr.), 21 stratigraphy, clay bank, 11-12 tutter's neck, 49 stubbs, william carter, 4 swan tavern (yorktown), 76, 83, 102, 110; mugs from, 91, 92, 93 (illustr.), 99 (illustr.) sword, 49, 58 (illustr.), 60, 82 tankard, brown stoneware, 65 (illustr.), 67, 91; westerwald stoneware, 49, 65 (illustr.), 68 tanning, 79 tarripin point (virginia), 82, 84, 87 taverns, 80 taylor, ebanezar, 42 teach, edward "blackbeard" (pirate), 41-42 textiles: cotton, 78; linen, 77, 79; manufacture of, 79; wool, 76, 77 _thomas and tryal_ (ship), 84 thorpe, otho, 36 tippet, robert (tobacco pipe maker), 54 tippett, jacob (tobacco pipe maker), 14 tobacco, 76, 77; act of 1730, 77; laws regarding, 78 tobacco pipes, 10, 13, 14, 26 (illustr.), 27-28, 46, 47, 49, 52-54; dating of, 10, 13, 14, 47, 52-54; indian, 14, 15, 16 (illustr.); profiles, 57 (illustr.) tobacco pipes, makers' marks on: h i, 14, 26 (illustr.), 27 h s, 49, 53, 57 (illustr.) i f, 14, 26 (illustr.), 27 i s, 53-54, 57 (illustr.) m b, 26 (illustr.), 28 r m, 53, 57 (illustr.) s a, 14, 26 (illustr.), 28 v r, 14, 26 (illustr.), 27 vs, 26 (illustr.), 28 w, 54 w f, 14 w p (or r), 14, 26 (illustr.), 27 x·i·f·x, 26 (illustr.), 28 tobacco pipes, makers of: william ferry, 14 john fletcher, 27 jacob fox, 27 josiah fox, 14, 27 henry jones, 14 richard sayer, 54, 56, 57 (illustr.) i. tippet, 14, 49 robert tippet, 54 richard tyler, 54 tools, 14 chisel, carpenter's, 12; cooper's, 13, 22, 23 (illustr.); forming, 9, 12, 22, 23 (illustr.) cramp, 20 (illustr.), 21 dividers, 49, 54 (illustr.), 58 (illustr.), 60 fleam, 58 (illustr.), 60 gimlet, 19 (illustr.), 21 hoe, 12, 21, 22, 23 (illustr.); broad, 21, 23 (illustr.); grub, 21, 23 (illustr.) race knife, 12, 18, 19 (illustr.), 24 (illustr.), 25 saw, 47, 54 (illustr.) saw wrest, 20 (illustr.), 21 scissors, 54 (illustr.), 59, 60 scythe, 62, 63 (illustr.) sickle, 47, 49, 54 (illustr.), 60, 61 (illustr.) tools: spade, 22, 23 (illustr.) unidentified, 58 (illustr.), 60 wedge, 12, 22, 23 (illustr.) tube, bone, 63 (illustr.), 64; iron, 61 (illustr.), 62 tutter's neck, 30-72; aerial photograph of, 32 buildings: drawings of, 30 excavation of, 43-46 kitchen, 30, 36, 43, 44, 45-46 residence, 30, 43-45 excavation plan of, 37, 47 map of, 33 (illustr.), 34, 35 (illustr.) tyg, earthenware, 12, 15, 16 (illustr.); 22, 24 (illustr.) tyler, richard (tobacco pipe maker), 54 unidentified objects, iron, 20 (illustr.), 21, 24 (illustr.), 25-27 (_see also_ specific items) _vestry book of petsworth parish_, 5, 7 vincent, william (potter), 85 virginia: colonial economy, 76-79 ward, ---(toolmaker), 18 warehouse, 87 weaving, 79 webb, frances, 83 williamsburg, 13, 35, 37, 40, 41, 42, 43, 45, 82, 83, 84, 87, 91, 92, 95, 110 (_see also_ colonial williamsburg, inc.) williamsburg pottery, 92-96; experiments at, 102-105 williamsburg restoration, inc., 31, 41 windows, 7, 44; frames for, 87; lead cames for, 44 (_see also_ glass, window) woodenware, 83 _york_ (ship), 83 yorktown, 74-111; list of plat owners, 81 map of, 74; (1691), 80 transcriber's notes: simple spelling, grammar, and typographical errors were corrected. italics markup is enclosed in _underscores_. bold markup is enclosed in =equals=. fancy or unusual font markup is enclosed in #number signs#. p. 54 sidenote text may appear to be oddly split between lines but this is what is portrayed on the image. [illustration: frontispiece. a statue of the hawk-god horus in front of the temple of edfu. the author stands beside it.] [_photo by n. macnaghten._ the treasury of ancient egypt miscellaneous chapters on ancient egyptian history and archæology by arthur e.p.b. weigall inspector-general of upper egypt, department of antiquities author of 'travels in the upper egyptian deserts,' 'the life and times of akhnaton, pharaoh of egypt,' 'a guide to the antiquities of upper egypt,' etc., etc. rand mcnally & company chicago and new york 1912 _to alan h. gardiner, esq., m.a., d.litt. laycock student of egyptology at worcester college, oxford, this book, which will recall some summer nights upon the theban hills, is dedicated._ preface. no person who has travelled in egypt will require to be told that it is a country in which a considerable amount of waiting and waste of time has to be endured. one makes an excursion by train to see some ruins, and, upon returning to the station, the train is found to be late, and an hour or more has to be dawdled away. crossing the nile in a rowing-boat the sailors contrive in one way or another to prolong the journey to a length of half an hour or more. the excursion steamer will run upon a sandbank, and will there remain fast for a part of the day. the resident official, travelling from place to place, spends a great deal of time seated in railway stations or on the banks of the nile, waiting for his train or his boat to arrive; and he has, therefore, a great deal of time for thinking. i often try to fill in these dreary periods by jotting down a few notes on some matter which has recently been discussed, or registering and elaborating arguments which have chanced lately to come into the thoughts. these notes are shaped and "written up" when next there is a spare hour, and a few books to refer to; and ultimately they take the form of articles or papers, some of which find their way into print. this volume contains twelve chapters, written at various times and in various places, each dealing with some subject drawn from the great treasury of ancient egypt. some of the chapters have appeared as articles in magazines. chapters iv., v., and viii. were published in 'blackwood's magazine'; chapter vii. in 'putnam's magazine' and the 'pall mall magazine'; and chapter ix. in the 'century magazine.' i have to thank the editors for allowing me to reprint them here. the remaining seven chapters have been written specially for this volume. luxor, upper egypt, _november_ 1910. contents. part i.--the value of the treasury. chap. page i. the value of archæology 3 ii. the egyptian empire 26 iii. the necessity of archæology to the gaiety of the world 55 part ii.--studies in the treasury. iv. the temperament of the ancient egyptians 81 v. the misfortunes of wenamon 112 vi. the story of the shipwrecked sailor 138 part iii.--researches in the treasury. vii. recent excavations in egypt 165 viii. the tomb of tiy and akhnaton 185 ix. the tomb of horemheb 209 part iv.--the preservation of the treasury. x. theban thieves 239 xi. the flooding of lower nubia 262* xii. archæology in the open 281** * transcriber's note: original text incorrectly lists page number "261". **transcriber's note: original text incorrectly lists page number "282". illustrations. plate page a statue of the hawk-god horus in front of the temple of edfu. the author stands beside it _frontispiece_ i. the mummy of rameses ii. of dynasty xix. 10 ii. wood and enamel jewel-case discovered in the tomb of yuaa and tuau. an example of the furniture of one of the best periods of ancient egyptian art 17 iii. heavy gold earrings of queen tausert of dynasty xx. an example of the work of ancient egyptian goldsmiths 22 iv. in the palm-groves near sakkâra, egypt 36 v. the mummy of sety i. of dynasty xix. 48 vi. a relief upon the side of the sarcophagus of one of the wives of king mentuhotep iii., discovered at dêr el bahri (thebes). the royal lady is taking sweet-smelling ointment from an alabaster vase. a handmaiden keeps the flies away with a bird's-wing fan. 62 vii. lady rouging herself: she holds a mirror and rouge-pot 71 dancing girl turning a back somersault 71 viii. two egyptian boys decked with flowers and a third holding a musical instrument. they are standing against the outside wall of the dendereh temple 82 ix. a garland of leaves and flowers dating from about b.c. 1000. it was placed upon the neck of a mummy 94 x. a relief of the saitic period, representing an old man playing upon a harp, and a woman beating a drum. offerings of food and flowers are placed before them 100 xi. an egyptian noble of the eighteenth dynasty hunting birds with a boomerang and decoys. he stands in a reed-boat which floats amidst the papyrus clumps, and a cat retrieves the fallen birds. in the boat with him are his wife and son 108 xii. a reed box for holding clothing, discovered in the tomb of yuaa and tuau 118 xiii. a festival scene of singers and dancers from a tomb-painting of dynasty xvii. 133 xiv. a sailor of lower nubia and his son 144 xv. a nile boat passing the hills of thebes 159 xvi. the excavations on the site of the city of abydos 166 xvii. excavating the osireion at abydos. a chain of boys handing up baskets of sand to the surface 175 xviii. the entrance of the tomb of queen tiy, with egyptian policeman standing beside it. on the left is the later tomb of rameses x. 186 xix. toilet-spoons of carved wood, discovered in tombs of the eighteenth dynasty. that on the right has a movable lid 192 xx. the coffin of akhnaton lying in the tomb of queen tiy 207 xxi. head of a granite statue of the god khonsu, probably dating from about the period of horemheb 217 xxii. the mouth of the tomb of horemheb at the time of its discovery. the author is seen emerging from the tomb after the first entrance had been effected. on the hillside the workmen are grouped 229 xxiii. a modern theban fellah-woman and her child 240 xxiv. a modern gournawi beggar 250 xxv. the island and temples of philæ when the reservoir is empty 269 xxvi. a relief representing queen tiy, from the tomb of userhat at thebes. this relief was stolen from the tomb, and found its way to the brussels museum, where it is shown in the damaged condition seen in pl. xxvii. 282 xxvii. a relief representing queen tiy, from the tomb of userhat, thebes. (see pl. xxvi.) 293 part i the value of the treasury. "history no longer shall be a dull book. it shall walk incarnate in every just and wise man. you shall not tell me by languages and titles a catalogue of the volumes you have read. you shall make me feel what periods you have lived. a man shall be the temple of fame. he shall walk, as the poets have described that goddess, in a robe painted all over with wonderful events and experiences.... he shall be the priest of pan, and bring with him into humble cottages the blessing of the morning stars, and all the recorded benefits of heaven and earth." emerson. chapter i. the value of archæology. the archæologist whose business it is to bring to light by pick and spade the relics of bygone ages, is often accused of devoting his energies to work which is of no material profit to mankind at the present day. archæology is an unapplied science, and, apart from its connection with what is called culture, the critic is inclined to judge it as a pleasant and worthless amusement. there is nothing, the critic tells us, of pertinent value to be learned from the past which will be of use to the ordinary person of the present time; and, though the archæologist can offer acceptable information to the painter, to the theologian, to the philologist, and indeed to most of the followers of the arts and sciences, he has nothing to give to the ordinary layman. in some directions the imputation is unanswerable; and when the interests of modern times clash with those of the past, as, for example, in egypt where a beneficial reservoir has destroyed the remains of early days, there can be no question that the recording of the threatened information and the minimising of the destruction, is all that the value of the archæologist's work entitles him to ask for. the critic, however, usually overlooks some of the chief reasons that archæology can give for even this much consideration, reasons which constitute its modern usefulness; and i therefore propose to point out to him three or four of the many claims which it may make upon the attention of the layman. in the first place it is necessary to define the meaning of the term "archæology." archæology is the study of the facts of ancient history and ancient lore. the word is applied to the study of all ancient documents and objects which may be classed as antiquities; and the archæologist is understood to be the man who deals with a period for which the evidence has to be excavated or otherwise discovered. the age at which an object becomes an antiquity, however, is quite undefined, though practically it may be reckoned at a hundred years; and ancient history is, after all, the tale of any period which is not modern. thus an archæologist does not necessarily deal solely with the remote ages. every chronicler of the events of the less recent times who goes to the original documents for his facts, as true historians must do during at least a part of their studies, is an archæologist; and, conversely, every archæologist who in the course of his work states a series of historical facts, becomes an historian. archæology and history are inseparable; and nothing is more detrimental to a noble science than the attitude of certain so-called archæologists who devote their entire time to the study of a sequence of objects without proper consideration for the history which those objects reveal. antiquities are the relics of human mental energy; and they can no more be classified without reference to the minds which produced them than geological specimens can be discussed without regard to the earth. there is only one thing worse than the attitude of the archæologist who does not study the story of the periods with which he is dealing, or construct, if only in his thoughts, living history out of the objects discovered by him; and that is the attitude of the historian who has not familiarised himself with the actual relics left by the people of whom he writes, or has not, when possible, visited their lands. there are many "archæologists" who do not care a snap of the fingers for history, surprising as this may appear; and there are many historians who take no interest in manners and customs. the influence of either is pernicious. it is to be understood, therefore, that in using the word archæology i include history: i refer to history supplemented and aggrandised by the study of the arts, crafts, manners, and customs of the period under consideration. as a first argument the value of archæology in providing a precedent for important occurrences may be considered. archæology is the structure of ancient history, and it is the voice of history which tells us that a cretan is always a cretan, and a jew always a jew. history, then, may well take her place as a definite asset of statecraft, and the law of precedent may be regarded as a fundamental factor in international politics. what has happened before may happen again; and it is the hand of the archæologist that directs our attention to the affairs and circumstances of olden times, and warns us of the possibilities of their recurrence. it may be said that the statesman who has ranged in the front of his mind the proven characteristics of the people with whom he is dealing has a perquisite of the utmost importance. any archæologist who, previous to the rise of japan during the latter half of the nineteenth century, had made a close study of the history of that country and the character of its people, might well have predicted unerringly its future advance to the position of a first-class power. the amazing faculty of imitation displayed by the japanese in old times was patent to him. he had seen them borrow part of their arts, their sciences, their crafts, their literature, their religion, and many of their customs from the chinese; and he might have been aware that they would likewise borrow from the west, as soon as they had intercourse with it, those essentials of civilisation which would raise them to their present position in the world. to him their fearlessness, their tenacity, and their patriotism, were known; and he was so well aware of their powers of organisation, that he might have foreseen the rapid development which was to take place. what historian who has read the ancient books of the irish--the book of the dun cow, the book of ballymote, the book of lismore, and the like--can show either surprise or dismay at the events which have occurred in ireland in modern times? of the hundreds of kings of ireland whose histories are epitomised in such works as that of the old archæologist keating, it would be possible to count upon the fingers those who have died in peace; and the archæologist, thus, knows better than to expect the descendants of these kings to live in harmony one with the other. national characteristics do not change unless, as in the case of the greeks, the stock also changes. in the jews we have another example of the persistence of those national characteristics which history has made known to us. the jews first appear in the dimness of the remote past as a group of nomad tribes, wandering over southern palestine, egypt, and the intervening deserts; and at the present day we see them still homeless, scattered over the face of the globe, the "tribe of the wandering foot and weary breast." in no country has the archæologist been more active than in egypt during the last half century, and the contributions which his spade and pick have offered to history are of first-rate importance to that study as a whole. the eye may now travel down the history of the nile valley from prehistoric days to the present time almost without interruption; and now that the anthropologist has shown that the modern egyptians, mussulman and copt, peasant and townsman, belong to one and the same race of ancient egyptians, one may surely judge to-day's inhabitants of the country in the light of yesterday's records. in his report for the year 1906, lord cromer, questioning whether the modern inhabitants of the country were capable of governing their own land, tells us that we must go back to the precedent of pharaonic days to discover if the egyptians ever ruled themselves successfully. in this pregnant remark lord cromer was using information which the archæologist and historian had made accessible to him. looking back over the history of the country, he was enabled, by the study of this information, to range before him the succession of foreign occupations of the nile valley and to assess their significance. it may be worth while to repeat the process, in order to give an example of the bearing of history upon modern polemics, though i propose to discuss this matter more fully in another chapter. previous to the british occupation the country was ruled, as it is now, by a noble dynasty of albanian princes, whose founder was set upon the throne by the aid of turkish and albanian troops. from the beginning of the sixteenth century until that time egypt had been ruled by the ottoman government, the turk having replaced the circassian and other foreign "mamlukes" who had held the country by the aid of foreign troops since the middle of the thirteenth century. for a hundred years previous to the mamluke rule egypt had been in the hands of the syrian and arabian dynasty founded by saladdin. the fatimides, a north african dynasty, governed the country before the advent of saladdin, this family having entered egypt under their general, jauhar, who was of greek origin. in the ninth century ahmed ibn tulun, a turk, governed the land with the aid of a foreign garrison, his rule being succeeded by the ikhshidi dynasty of foreigners. ahmed had captured egypt from the byzantines who had held it since the days of the roman occupation. previous to the romans the ptolemies, a greek family, had governed the nile valley with the help of foreign troops. the ptolemies had followed close upon the greek occupation, the greeks having replaced the persians as rulers of egypt. the persian occupation had been preceded by an egyptian dynasty which had been kept on the throne by greek and other foreign garrisons. previous to this there had been a persian occupation, which had followed a short period of native rule under foreign influence. we then come back to the assyrian conquest which had followed the ethiopian rule. libyan kings had held the country before the ethiopian conquest. the xxist and xxth dynasties preceded the libyans, and here, in a disgraceful period of corrupt government, a series of so-called native kings are met with. foreigners, however, swarmed in the country at the time, foreign troops were constantly used, and the pharaohs themselves were of semi-foreign origin. one now comes back to the early xixth and xviiith dynasties which, although largely tinged with foreign blood, may be said to have been egyptian families. before the rise of the xviiith dynasty the country was in foreign hands for the long period which had followed the fall of the xiith dynasty, the classical period of egyptian history (about the twentieth century b.c.), when there were no rivals to be feared. thus the egyptians may be said to have been subject to foreign occupation for nearly four thousand years, with the exception of the strong native rule of the xviiith dynasty, the semi-native rule of the three succeeding dynasties, and a few brief periods of chaotic government in later times; and this is the information which the archæologist has to give to the statesman and politician. it is a story of continual conquest, of foreign occupations following one upon another, of revolts and massacres, of rapid retributions and punishments. it is the story of a nation which, however ably it may govern itself in the future, has only once in four thousand years successfully done so in the past. [illustration: pl. i. the mummy of rameses ii. of dynasty xix. --cairo museum.] [_photo by e. brugsch pasha._ such information is of far-reaching value to the politician, and to those interested, as every englishman should be, in imperial politics. a nation cannot alter by one jot or tittle its fundamental characteristics; and only those who have studied those characteristics in the pages of history are competent to foresee the future. a certain englishman once asked the khedive ismail whether there was any news that day about egyptian affairs. "that is so like all you english," replied his highness. "you are always expecting something new to happen in egypt day by day. to-day is here the same as yesterday, and to-morrow will be the same as to-day; and so it has been, and so it will be, for thousands of years."[1] neither egypt nor any other nation will ever change; and to this it is the archæologist who will bear witness with his stern law of precedent. [footnote 1: e. dicey. 'the story of the khedivate,' p. 528.] i will reserve the enlarging of this subject for the next chapter: for the present we may consider, as a second argument, the efficacy of the past as a tonic to the present, and its ability to restore the vitality of any age that is weakened. in ancient egypt at the beginning of the xxvith dynasty (b.c. 663) the country was at a very low ebb. devastated by conquests, its people humiliated, its government impoverished, a general collapse of the nation was imminent. at this critical period the egyptians turned their minds to the glorious days of old. they remodelled their arts and crafts upon those of the classical periods, introduced again the obsolete offices and titles of those early times, and organised the government upon the old lines. this movement saved the country, and averted its collapse for a few more centuries. it renewed the pride of workmanship in a decadent people; and on all sides we see a revival which was the direct result of an archæological experiment. the importance of archæology as a reviver of artistic and industrial culture will be realised at once if the essential part it played in the great italian renaissance is called to mind. previous to the age of cimabue and giotto in florence, italian refinement had passed steadily down the path of deterioration. græco-roman art, which still at a high level in the early centuries of the christian era, entirely lost its originality during byzantine times, and the dark ages settled down upon italy in almost every walk of life. the venetians, for example, were satisfied with comparatively the poorest works of art imported from constantinople or mount athos: and in florence so great was the poverty of genius that when cimabue in the thirteenth century painted that famous madonna which to our eyes appears to be of the crudest workmanship, the little advance made by it in the direction of naturalness was received by the city with acclamations, the very street down which it was carried being called the "happy street" in honour of the event. giotto carried on his master's teachings, and a few years later the florentines had advanced to the standard of fra angelico, who was immediately followed by the two lippis and botticelli. leonardo da vinci, artist, architect, and engineer, was almost contemporaneous with botticelli, being born not much more than a hundred years after the death of giotto. with him art reached a level which it has never surpassed, old traditions and old canons were revived, and in every direction culture proceeded again to those heights from which it had fallen. the reader will not need to be reminded that this great renaissance was the direct result of the study of the remains of the ancient arts of greece and rome. botticelli and his contemporaries were, in a sense, archæologists, for their work was inspired by the relics of ancient days. now, though at first sight it seems incredible that such an age of barbarism as that of the later byzantine period should return, it is indeed quite possible that a relatively uncultured age should come upon us in the future; and there is every likelihood of certain communities passing over to the ranks of the absolute philistines. socialism run mad would have no more time to give to the intellect than it had during the french revolution. any form of violent social upheaval means catalepsy of the arts and crafts, and a trampling under foot of old traditions. the invasions and revolts which are met with at the close of ancient egyptian history brought the culture of that country to the lowest ebb of vitality. the fall of greece put an absolute stop to the artistic life of that nation. the invasions of italy by the inhabitants of less refined countries caused a set-back in civilisation for which almost the whole of europe suffered. certain of the french arts and crafts have never recovered from the effects of the revolution. a national convulsion of one kind or another is to be expected by every country; and history tells us that such a convulsion is generally followed by an age of industrial and artistic coma, which is brought to an end not so much by the introduction of foreign ideas as by a renascence of the early traditions of the nation. it thus behoves every man to interest himself in the continuity of these traditions, and to see that they are so impressed upon the mind that they shall survive all upheavals, or with ease be re-established. there is no better tonic for a people who have weakened, and whose arts, crafts, and industries have deteriorated than a return to the conditions which obtained at a past age of national prosperity; and there are few more repaying tasks in the long-run than that of reviving an interest in the best periods of artistic or industrial activity. this can only be effected by the study of the past, that is to say by archæology. it is to be remembered, of course, that the sentimental interest in antique objects which, in recent years, has given a huge value to all ancient things, regardless of their intrinsic worth, is a dangerous attitude, unless it is backed by the most expert knowledge; for instead of directing the attention only to the best work of the best periods, it results in the diminishing of the output of modern original work and the setting of little of worth in its place. a person of a certain fashionable set will now boast that there is no object in his room less than two hundred years old: his only boast, however, should be that the room contains nothing which is not of intrinsic beauty, interest, or good workmanship. the old chairs from the kitchen are dragged into the drawing-room--because they are old; miniatures unmeritoriously painted by unknown artists for obscure clients are nailed in conspicuous places--because they are old; hideous plates and dishes, originally made by ignorant workmen for impoverished peasants, are enclosed in glass cases--because they are old; iron-bound chests, which had been cheaply made to suit the purses of farmers, are rescued from the cottages of their descendants and sold for fabulous sums--because they are old. a person who fills a drawing-room with chairs, tables, and ornaments, dating from the reign of queen anne, cannot say that he does so because he wishes it to look like a room of that date; for if this were his desire, he would have to furnish it with objects which appeared to be newly made, since in the days of queen anne the first quality noticeable in them would have been their newness. in fact, to produce the desired effect everything in the room, with very few exceptions, would have to be a replica. to sit in this room full of antiques in a frock-coat would be as bad a breach of good taste as the placing of a victorian chandelier in an elizabethan banqueting-hall. to furnish the room with genuine antiquities because they are old and therefore interesting would be to carry the museum spirit into daily life with its attending responsibilities, and would involve all manner of incongruities and inconsistencies; while to furnish in this manner because antiques were valuable would be merely vulgar. there are, thus, only three justifications that i can see for the action of the man who surrounds himself with antiquities: he must do so because they are examples of workmanship, because they are beautiful, or because they are endeared to him by family usage. these, of course, are full and complete justifications; and the value of his attitude should be felt in the impetus which it gives to conscientious modern work. there are periods in history at which certain arts, crafts, or industries reached an extremely high level of excellence; and nothing can be more valuable to modern workmen than familiarity with these periods. well-made replicas have a value that is overlooked only by the inartistic. nor must it be forgotten that modern objects of modern design will one day become antiquities; and it should be our desire to assist in the making of the period of our lifetime an age to which future generations will look back for guidance and teaching. every man can, in this manner, be of use to a nation, if only by learning to reject poor work wherever he comes upon it--work which he feels would not stand against the criticism of time; and thus it may be said that archæology, which directs him to the best works of the ancients, and sets him a standard and criterion, should be an essential part of his education. [illustration: pl. ii wood and enamel jewel-case discovered in the tomb of yuaa and tuau. an example of the furniture of one of the best periods of ancient egyptian art. --cairo museum.] [_photo by e. brugsch pasha._ the third argument which i wish to employ here to demonstrate the value of the study of archæology and history to the layman is based upon the assumption that patriotism is a desirable ingredient in a man's character. this is a premise which assuredly will be admitted. true patriotism is essential to the maintenance of a nation. it has taken the place, among certain people, of loyalty to the sovereign; for the armies which used to go to war out of a blind loyalty to their king, now do so from a sense of patriotism which is shared by the monarch (if they happen to have the good fortune to possess one). patriotism is often believed to consist of a love of one's country, in an affection for the familiar villages or cities, fields or streets, of one's own dwelling-place. this is a grievous error. patriotism should be an unqualified desire for the welfare of the race as a whole. it is not really patriotic for the englishman to say, "i love england": it is only natural. it is not patriotic for him to say, "i don't think much of foreigners": it is only a form of narrowness of mind which, in the case of england and certain other countries, happens sometimes to be rather a useful attitude, but in the case of several nations, of which a good example is egypt, would be detrimental to their own interests. it was not unqualified patriotism that induced the greeks to throw off the ottoman yoke: it was largely dislike of the turks. it is not patriotism, that is to say undiluted concern for the nation as a whole, which leads some of the modern egyptians to prefer an entirely native government to the anglo-egyptian administration now obtaining in that country: it is restlessness; and i am fortunately able to define it thus without the necessity of entering the arena of polemics by an opinion as to whether that restlessness is justified or not justified. if patriotism were but the love of one's tribe and one's dwelling-place, then such undeveloped or fallen races as, for example, the american indians, could lay their downfall at the door of that sentiment; since the exclusive love of the tribe prevented the small bodies from amalgamating into one great nation for the opposing of the invader. if patriotism were but the desire for government without interference, then the breaking up of the world's empires would be urged, and such federations as the united states of america would be intolerable. patriotism is, and must be, the desire for the progress and welfare of the whole nation, without any regard whatsoever to the conditions under which that progress takes place, and without any prejudice in favour either of self-government or of outside control. i have no hesitation in saying that the patriotic pole is he who is in favour of russian or german control of his country's affairs; for history has told him quite plainly that he cannot manage them himself. the nationalist in any country runs the risk of being the poorest patriot in the land, for his continuous cry is for self-government, without any regard to the question as to whether such government will be beneficial to his nation in the long-run. the value of history to patriotism, then, is to be assessed under two headings. in the first place, history defines the attitude which the patriot should assume. it tells him, in the clear light of experience, what is, and what is not, good for his nation, and indicates to him how much he may claim for his country. and in the second place, it gives to the patriots of those nations which have shown capacity and ability in the past a confidence in the present; it permits in them the indulgence of that enthusiasm which will carry them, sure-footed, along the path of glory. archæology, as the discovery and classification of the facts of history, is the means by which we may obtain a true knowledge of what has happened in the past. it is the instrument with which we may dissect legend, and extract from myth its ingredients of fact. cold history tells the greek patriot, eager to enter the fray, that he must set little store by the precedent of the deeds of the trojan war. it tells the english patriot that the "one jolly englishman" of the old rhyme is not the easy vanquisher of the "two froggy frenchmen and one portugee" which tradition would have him believe. he is thus enabled to steer a middle course between arrant conceit and childish fright. history tells him the actual facts: history is to the patriot what "form" is to the racing man. in the case of the english (heaven be praised!) history opens up a boundless vista for the patriotic. the englishman seldom realises how much he has to be proud of in his history, or how loudly the past cries upon him to be of good cheer. one hears much nowadays of england's peril, and it is good that the red signals of danger should sometimes be displayed. but let every englishman remember that history can tell him of greater perils faced successfully; of mighty armies commanded by the greatest generals the world has ever known, held in check year after year, and finally crushed by england; of vast fleets scattered or destroyed by english sailors; of almost impregnable cities captured by british troops. "there is something very characteristic," writes professor seeley,[1] "in the indifference which we show towards the mighty phenomenon of the diffusion of our race and the expansion of our state. we seem, as it were, to have conquered and peopled half the world in a fit of absence of mind." [footnote 1: 'the expansion of england,' p. 10.] the history of england, and later of the british empire, constitutes a tale so amazing that he who has the welfare of the nation as a whole at heart--that is to say, the true patriot--is justified in entertaining the most optimistic thoughts for the future. he should not be indifferent to the past: he should bear it in mind all the time. patriotism may not often be otherwise than misguided if no study of history has been made. the patriot of one nation will wish to procure for his country a freedom which history would show him to have been its very curse; and the patriot of another nation will encourage a nervousness and restraint in his people which history would tell him was unnecessary. the english patriot has a history to read which, at the present time, it is especially needful for him to consider; and, since egyptology is my particular province, i cannot better close this argument than by reminding the modern egyptians that their own history of four thousand years and its teaching must be considered by them when they speak of patriotism. a nation so talented as the descendants of the pharaohs, so industrious, so smart and clever, should give a far larger part of its attention to the arts, crafts, and industries, of which egyptian archæology has to tell so splendid a story. as a final argument for the value of the study of history and archæology an aspect of the question may be placed before the reader which will perhaps be regarded as fanciful, but which, in all sincerity, i believe to be sober sense. in this life of ours which, under modern conditions, is lived at so great a speed, there is a growing need for a periodical pause wherein the mind may adjust the relationship of the things that have been to those that are. so rapidly are our impressions received and assimilated, so individually are they shaped or classified, that, in whatever direction our brains lead us, we are speedily carried beyond that province of thought which is common to us all. a man who lives alone finds himself, in a few months, out of touch with the thought of his contemporaries; and, similarly, a man who lives in what is called an up-to-date manner soon finds himself grown unsympathetic to the sober movement of the world's slow round-about. now, the man who lives alone presently developes some of the recognised eccentricities of the recluse, which, on his return to society, cause him to be regarded as a maniac; and the man who lives entirely in the present cannot argue that the characteristics which he has developed are less maniacal because they are shared by his associates. rapidly he, too, has become eccentric; and just as the solitary man must needs come into the company of his fellows if he would retain a healthy mind, so the man who lives in the present must allow himself occasional intercourse with the past if he would keep his balance. [illustration: pl. iii. heavy gold earrings of queen tausert of dynasty xx. an example of the work of ancient egyptian goldsmiths. --cairo museum.] [_photo by e. brugsch pasha._ heraclitus, in a quotation preserved by sextus empiricus,[1] writes: "it behoves us to follow the common reason of the world; yet, though there is a common reason in the world, the majority live as though they possessed a wisdom peculiar each unto himself alone." every one of us who considers his mentality an important part of his constitution should endeavour to give himself ample opportunities of adjusting his mind to this "common reason" which is the silver thread that runs unbroken throughout history. we should remember the yesterdays, that we may know what the pother of to-day is about; and we should foretell to-morrow not by to-day but by every day that has been. [footnote 1: bywater: 'heracliti ephesii reliquiæ,' p. 38.] forgetfulness is so common a human failing. in our rapid transit through life we are so inclined to forget the past stages of the journey. all things pass by and are swallowed up in a moment of time. experiences crowd upon us; the events of our life occur, are recorded by our busy brains, are digested, and are forgotten before the substance of which they were made has resolved into its elements. we race through the years, and our progress is headlong through the days. everything, as it is done with, is swept up into the basket of the past, and the busy handmaids, unless we check them, toss the contents, good and bad, on to the great rubbish heap of the world's waste. loves, hates, gains, losses, all things upon which we do not lay fierce and strong hands, are gathered into nothingness, and, with a few exceptions, are utterly forgotten. and we, too, will soon have passed, and our little brains which have forgotten so much will be forgotten. we shall be throttled out of the world and pressed by the clumsy hands of death into the mould of that same rubbish-hill of oblivion, unless there be a stronger hand to save us. we shall be cast aside, and left behind by the hurrying crowd, unless there be those who will see to it that our soul, like that of john brown, goes marching along. there is only one human force stronger than death, and that force is history, by it the dead are made to live again: history is the salvation of the mortal man as religion is the salvation of his immortal life. sometimes, then, in our race from day to day it is necessary to stop the headlong progress of experience, and, for an hour, to look back upon the past. often, before we remember to direct our mind to it, that past is already blurred, and dim. the picture is out of focus, and turning from it in sorrow instantly the flight of our time begins again. this should not be. "there is," says emerson, "a relationship between the hours of our life and the centuries of time." let us give history and archæology its due attention; for thus not only shall we be rendering a service to all the dead, not only shall we be giving a reason and a usefulness to their lives, but we shall also lend to our own thought a balance which in no otherwise can be obtained, we shall adjust ourselves to the true movement of the world, and, above all, we shall learn how best to serve that nation to which it is our inestimable privilege to belong. chapter ii. the egyptian empire. "history," says sir j. seeley, "lies before science as a mass of materials out of which a political doctrine can be deduced.... politics are vulgar when they are not liberalised by history, and history fades into mere literature when it loses sight of its relation to practical politics.... politics and history are only different aspects of the same study."[1] [footnote 1: 'the expansion of england.'] these words, spoken by a great historian, form the keynote of a book which has run into nearly twenty editions; and they may therefore be regarded as having some weight. yet what historian of old egyptian affairs concerns himself with the present welfare and future prospects of the country, or how many statesmen in egypt give close attention to a study of the past? to the former the egypt of modern times offers no scope for his erudition, and gives him no opportunity of making "discoveries," which is all he cares about. to the latter, egyptology appears to be but a pleasant amusement, the main value of which is the finding of pretty scarabs suitable for the necklaces of one's lady friends. neither the one nor the other would for a moment admit that egyptology and egyptian politics "are only different aspects of the same study." and yet there can be no doubt that they are. it will be argued that the historian of ancient egypt deals with a period so extremely remote that it can have no bearing upon the conditions of modern times, when the inhabitants of egypt have altered their language, religion, and customs, and the mediterranean has ceased to be the active centre of the civilised world. but it is to be remembered that the study of egyptology carries one down to the muhammedan invasion without much straining of the term, and merges then into the study of the arabic period at so many points that no real termination can be given to the science; while the fact of the remoteness of its beginnings but serves to give it a greater value, since the vista before the eyes is wider. it is my object in this chapter to show that the ancient history of egypt has a real bearing on certain aspects of the polemics of the country. i need not again touch upon the matters which were referred to on page 8 in order to demonstrate this fact. i will take but one subject--namely, that of egypt's foreign relations and her wars in other lands. it will be best, for this purpose, to show first of all that the ancient and modern egyptians are one and the same people; and, secondly, that the political conditions, broadly speaking, are much the same now as they have been throughout history. professor elliot smith, f.r.s., has shown clearly enough, from the study of bones of all ages, that the ancient and modern inhabitants of the nile valley are precisely the same people anthropologically; and this fact at once sets the matter upon an unique footing: for, with the possible exception of china, there is no nation in the world which can be proved thus to have retained its type for so long a period. this one fact makes any parallel with greece or rome impossible. the modern greeks have not much in common, anthropologically, with the ancient greeks, for the blood has become very mixed; the italians are not the same as the old romans; the english are the result of a comparatively recent conglomeration of types. but in egypt the subjects of archaic pharaohs, it seems certain, were exactly similar to those of the modern khedives, and new blood has never been introduced into the nation to an appreciable extent, not even by the arabs. thus, if there is any importance in the bearing of history upon politics, we have in egypt a better chance of appreciating it than we have in the case of any other country. it is true that the language has altered, but this is not a matter of first-rate importance. a jew is not less typical because he speaks german, french, or english; and the cracking of skulls in ireland is introduced as easily in english as it was in erse. the old language of the egyptian hieroglyphs actually is not yet quite dead; for, in its coptic form, it is still spoken by many christian egyptians, who will salute their friends in that tongue, or bid them good-morning or good-night. ancient egyptian in this form is read in the coptic churches; and god is called upon by that same name which was given to amon and his colleagues. many old egyptian words have crept into the arabic language, and are now in common use in the country; while often the old words are confused with arabic words of similar sound. thus, at abydos, the archaic fortress is now called the _shunet es zebib_, which in arabic would have the inexplicable meaning "the store-house of raisins"; but in the old egyptian language its name, of similar sound, meant "the fortress of the ibis-jars," several of these sacred birds having been buried there in jars, after the place had been disused as a military stronghold. a large number of egyptian towns still bear their hieroglyphical names: aswan, (kom) ombo, edfu, esneh, keft, kus, keneh, dendereh, for example. the real origin of these being now forgotten, some of them have been given false arabic derivations, and stories have been invented to account for the peculiar significance of the words thus introduced. the word _silsileh_ in arabic means "a chain," and a place in upper egypt which bears that name is now said to be so called because a certain king here stretched a chain across the river to interrupt the shipping; but in reality the name is derived from a mispronounced hieroglyphical word meaning "a boundary." similarly the town of damanhur in lower egypt is said to be the place at which a great massacre took place, for in arabic the name may be interpreted as meaning "rivers of blood," whereas actually the name in ancient egyptian means simply "the town of horus." the archæological traveller in egypt meets with instances of the continued use of the language of the pharaohs at every turn; and there are few things that make the science of egyptology more alive, or remove it further from the dusty atmosphere of the museum, than this hearing of the old words actually spoken by the modern inhabitants of the land. the religion of ancient egypt, like those of greece and rome, was killed by christianity, which largely gave place, at a later date, to muhammedanism; and yet, in the hearts of the people there are still an extraordinary number of the old pagan beliefs. i will mention a few instances, taking them at random from my memory. in, ancient days the ithiphallic god min was the patron of the crops, who watched over the growth of the grain. in modern times a degenerate figure of this god min, made of whitewashed wood and mud, may be seen standing, like a scarecrow, in the fields throughout egypt. when the sailors cross the nile they may often be heard singing _ya amuni, ya amuni_, "o amon, o amon," as though calling upon that forgotten god for assistance. at aswan those who are about to travel far still go up to pray at the site of the travellers' shrine, which was dedicated to the gods of the cataracts. at thebes the women climb a certain hill to make their supplications at the now lost sanctuary of meretsegert, the serpent-goddess of olden times. a snake, the relic of the household goddess, is often kept as a kind of pet in the houses of the peasants. barren women still go to the ruined temples of the forsaken gods in the hope that there is virtue in the stones; and i myself have given permission to disappointed husbands to take their childless wives to these places, where they have kissed the stones and embraced the figures of the gods. the hair of the jackal is burnt in the presence of dying people, even of the upper classes, unknowingly to avert the jackal-god anubis, the lord of death. a scarab representing the god of creation is sometimes placed in the bath of a young married woman to give virtue to the water. a decoration in white paint over the doorways of certain houses in the south is a relic of the religious custom of placing a bucranium there to avert evil. certain temple-watchmen still call upon the spirits resident in the sanctuaries to depart before they will enter the building. at karnak a statue of the goddess sekhmet is regarded with holy awe; and the goddess who once was said to have massacred mankind is even now thought to delight in slaughter. the golden barque of amon-ra, which once floated upon the sacred lake of karnak, is said to be seen sometimes by the natives at the present time, who have not yet forgotten its former existence. in the processional festival of abu'l haggag, the patron saint of luxor, whose mosque and tomb stand upon the ruins of the temple of amon, a boat is dragged over the ground in unwitting remembrance of the dragging of the boat of amon in the processions of that god. similarly in the _mouled el nebi_ procession at luxor, boats placed upon carts are drawn through the streets, just as one may see them in the ancient paintings and reliefs. the patron gods of kom ombo, horur and sebek, yet remain in the memories of the peasants of the neighbourhood as the two brothers who lived in the temple in the days of old. a robber entering a tomb will smash the eyes of the figures of the gods and deceased persons represented therein, that they may not observe his actions, just as did his ancestors four thousand years ago. at gurneh a farmer recently broke the arms of an ancient statue, which lay half-buried near his fields, because he believed that they had damaged his crops. in the south of egypt a pot of water is placed upon the graves of the dead, that their ghost, or _ka_, as it would have been called in old times, may not suffer from thirst; and the living will sometimes call upon the name of the dead, standing at night in the cemeteries. the ancient magic of egypt is still widely practised, and many of the formulæ used in modern times are familiar to the egyptologist. the egyptian, indeed, lives in a world much influenced by magic and thickly populated by spirits, demons, and djins. educated men holding government appointments, and dressing in the smartest european manner, will describe their miraculous adventures and their meetings with djins. an egyptian gentleman holding an important administrative post, told me the other day how his cousin was wont to change himself into a cat at night time, and to prowl about the town. when a boy, his father noticed this peculiarity, and on one occasion chased and beat the cat, with the result that the boy's body next morning was found to be covered with stripes and bruises. the uncle of my informant once read such strong language (magically) in a certain book that it began to tremble violently, and finally made a dash for it out of the window. this same personage was once sitting beneath a palm-tree with a certain magician (who, i fear, was also a conjurer), when, happening to remark on the clusters of dates twenty feet or so above his head, his friend stretched his arms upwards and his hands were immediately filled with the fruit. at another time this magician left his overcoat by mistake in a railway carriage, and only remembered it when the train was a mere speck upon the horizon; but, on the utterance of certain words, the coat immediately flew through the air back to him. i mention these particular instances because they were told to me by educated persons; but amongst the peasants even more incredible stories are gravely accepted. the omdeh, or headman, of the village of chaghb, not far from luxor, submitted an official complaint to the police a short time ago against an _afrit_ or devil which was doing much mischief to him and his neighbours, snatching up oil-lamps and pouring the oil over the terrified villagers, throwing stones at passers-by, and so forth. spirits of the dead in like manner haunt the living, and often do them mischief. at luxor, lately, the ghost of a well-known robber persecuted his widow to such an extent that she finally went mad. a remarkable parallel to this case, dating from pharaonic days, may be mentioned. it is the letter of a haunted widower to his dead wife, in which he asks her why she persecutes him, since he was always kind to her during her life, nursed her through illnesses, and never grieved her heart.[1] [footnote 1: maspero: 'études egyptologiques,' i. 145.] these instances might be multiplied, but those which i have quoted will serve to show that the old gods are still alive, and that the famous magic of the egyptians is not yet a thing of the past. let us now turn to the affairs of everyday life. an archæological traveller in egypt cannot fail to observe the similarity between old and modern customs as he rides through the villages and across the fields. the houses, when not built upon the european plan, are surprisingly like those of ancient days. the old cornice still survives, and the rows of dried palm stems, from which its form was originally derived, are still to be seen on the walls of gardens and courtyards. the huts or shelters of dried corn-stalks, so often erected in the fields, are precisely the same as those used in prehistoric days; and the archaic bunches of corn-stalks smeared with mud, which gave their form to later stone columns, are set up to this day, though their stone posterity are now in ruins. looking through the doorway of one of these ancient houses, the traveller, perhaps, sees a woman grinding corn or kneading bread in exactly the same manner as her ancestress did in the days of the pharaohs. only the other day a native asked to be allowed to purchase from us some of the ancient millstones lying in one of the theban temples, in order to re-use them on his farm. the traveller will notice, in some shady corner, the village barber shaving the heads and faces of his patrons, just as he is seen in the theban tomb-paintings of thousands of years ago; and the small boys who scamper across the road will have just the same tufts of hair left for decoration on their shaven heads as had the boys of ancient thebes and memphis. in another house, where a death has occurred, the mourning women, waving the same blue cloth which was the token of mourning in ancient days, will toss their arms about in gestures familiar to every student of ancient scenes. presently the funeral will issue forth, and the men will sing that solemn yet cheery tune which never fails to call to mind the far-famed _maneros_--that song which herodotus describes as a plaintive funeral dirge, and which plutarch asserts was suited at the same time to festive occasions. in some other house a marriage will be taking place, and the singers and pipers will, in like manner, recall the scenes upon the monuments. the former have a favourite gesture--the placing of the hand behind the ear as they sing--which is frequently shown in ancient representations of such festive scenes. the dancing girls, too, are here to be seen, their eyes and cheeks heavily painted, as were those of their ancestresses; and in their hands are the same tambourines as are carried by their class in pharaonic paintings and reliefs. the same date-wine which intoxicated the worshippers of the egyptian bacchus goes the round of this village company, and the same food stuff, the same small, flat loaves of bread, are eaten. passing out into the fields the traveller observes the ground raked into the small squares for irrigation which the prehistoric farmer made; and the plough is shaped as it always was. the _shadoof_, or water-hoist, is patiently worked as it has been for thousands of years; while the cylindrical hoist employed in lower egypt was invented and introduced in ptolemaic times. threshing and winnowing proceed in the manner represented on the monuments, and the methods of sowing and reaping have not changed. along the embanked roads, men, cattle, and donkeys file past against the sky-line, recalling the straight rows of such figures depicted so often upon the monuments. overhead there flies the vulture goddess nekheb, and the hawk horus hovers near by. across the road ahead slinks the jackal, anubis; under one's feet crawls khepera, the scarab; and there, under the sacred tree, sleeps the horned ram of amon. in all directions the hieroglyphs of the ancient egyptians pass to and fro, as though some old temple-inscription had come to life. the letter _m_, the owl, goes hooting past. the letter _a_, the eagle, circles overhead; the sign _ur_, the wagtail, flits at the roadside, chirping at the sign _rekh_, the peewit. along the road comes the sign _ab_, the frolicking calf; and near it is _ka_, the bull; while behind them walks the sign _fa_, a man carrying a basket on his head. in all directions are the figures from which the ancients made their hieroglyphical script; and thus that wonderful old writing at once ceases to be mysterious, a thing of long ago, and one realises how natural a product of the country it was. [illustration: pl. iv. in the palm-groves near sakkâra, egypt.] [_photo by e. bird._ in a word, ancient and modern egyptians are fundamentally similar. nor is there any great difference to be observed between the country's relations with foreign powers in ancient days and those of the last hundred years. as has been seen in the last chapter, egypt was usually occupied by a foreign power, or ruled by a foreign dynasty, just as at the present day; and a foreign army was retained in the country during most of the later periods of ancient history. there were always numerous foreigners settled in egypt, and in ptolemaic and roman times alexandria and memphis swarmed with them. the great powers of the civilised world were always watching egypt as they do now, not always in a friendly attitude to that one of themselves which occupied the country; and the chief power with which egypt was concerned in the time of the ramesside pharaohs inhabited asia minor and perhaps turkey, just as in the middle ages and the last century. then, as in modern times, egypt had much of her attention held by the sudan, and constant expeditions had to be made into the regions above the cataracts. thus it cannot be argued that ancient history offers no precedent for modern affairs because all things have now changed. things have changed extremely little, broadly speaking; and general lines of conduct have the same significance at the present time as they had in the past. i wish now to give an outline of egypt's relationship to her most important neighbour, syria, in order that the bearing of history upon modern political matters may be demonstrated; for it would seem that the records of the past make clear a tendency which is now somewhat overlooked. i employ this subject simply as an example. from the earliest historical times the egyptians have endeavoured to hold syria and palestine as a vassal state. one of the first pharaohs with whom we meet in egyptian history, king zeser of dynasty iii., is known to have sent a fleet to the lebanon in order to procure cedar wood, and there is some evidence to show that he held sway over this country. for how many centuries previous to his reign the pharaohs had overrun syria we cannot now say, but there is no reason to suppose that zeser initiated the aggressive policy of egypt in asia. sahura, a pharaoh of dynasty v., attacked the phoenician coast with his fleet, and returned to the nile valley with a number of syrian captives. pepi i. of the succeeding dynasty also attacked the coast-cities, and pepi ii. had considerable intercourse with asia. amenemhat i., of dynasty xii., fought in syria, and appears to have brought it once more under egyptian sway. senusert i. seems to have controlled the country to some extent, for egyptians lived there in some numbers. senusert iii. won a great victory over the asiatics in syria; and a stela and statue belonging to egyptian officials have been found at gezer, between jerusalem and the sea. after each of the above-mentioned wars it is to be presumed that the egyptians held syria for some years, though little is now known of the events of these far-off times. during the hyksos dynasties in egypt there lived a pharaoh named khyan who was of semitic extraction; and there is some reason to suppose that he ruled from baghdad to the sudan, he and his fathers having created a great egyptian empire by the aid of foreign troops. egypt's connection with asia during the hyksos rule is not clearly defined, but the very fact that these foreign kings were anxious to call themselves "pharaohs" shows that egypt dominated in the east end of the mediterranean. the hyksos kings of egypt very probably held syria in fee, being possessed of both countries, but preferring to hold their court in egypt. we now come to the great dynasty xviii., and we learn more fully of the egyptian invasions of syria. ahmosis i. drove the hyksos out of the delta and pursued them through judah. his successor, amenhotep i., appears to have seized all the country as far as the euphrates; and thutmosis i., his son, was able to boast that he ruled even unto that river. thutmosis iii., egypt's greatest pharaoh, led invasion after invasion into syria, so that his name for generations was a terror to the inhabitants. from the euphrates to the fourth cataract of the nile the countries acknowledged him king, and the mighty egyptian fleet patrolled the seas. this pharaoh fought no less than seventeen campaigns in asia, and he left to his son the most powerful throne in the world. amenhotep ii. maintained this empire and quelled the revolts of the asiatics with a strong hand. thutmosis iv., his son, conducted two expeditions into syria; and the next king, amenhotep iii., was acknowledged throughout that country. that extraordinary dreamer, akhnaton, the succeeding pharaoh, allowed the empire to pass from him owing to his religious objections to war; but, after his death, tutankhamen once more led the egyptian armies into asia. horemheb also made a bid for syria; and seti i. recovered palestine. rameses ii., his son, penetrated to north syria; but, having come into contact with the new power of the hittites, he was unable to hold the country. the new pharaoh, merenptah, seized canaan and laid waste the land of israel. a few years later, rameses iii. led his fleet and his army to the syrian coast and defeated the asiatics in a great sea-battle. he failed to hold the country, however, and after his death egypt remained impotent for two centuries. then, under sheshonk i., of dynasty xxii., a new attempt was made, and jerusalem was captured. takeloth ii., of the same dynasty, sent thither an egyptian army to help in the overthrow of shalmaneser ii. from this time onwards the power of egypt had so much declined that the invasions into syria of necessity became more rare. shabaka of dynasty xxv. concerned himself deeply with asiatic politics, and attempted to bring about a state of affairs which would have given him the opportunity of seizing the country. pharaoh necho, of the succeeding dynasty, invaded palestine and advanced towards the euphrates. he recovered for egypt her syrian province, but it was speedily lost again. apries, a few years later, captured the phoenician coast and invaded palestine; but the country did not remain for long under egyptian rule. it is not necessary to record all the syrian wars of the dynasty of the ptolemies. egypt and asia were now closely connected, and at several periods during this phase of egyptian history the asiatic province came under the control of the pharaohs. the wars of ptolemy i. in syria were conducted on a large scale. in the reign of ptolemy iii. there were three campaigns, and i cannot refrain from quoting a contemporary record of the king's powers if only for the splendour of its wording:-"the great king ptolemy ... having inherited from his father the royalty of egypt and libya and syria and phoenicia and cyprus and lycia and caria and the cyclades, set out on a campaign into asia with infantry and cavalry forces, a naval armament and elephants, both troglodyte and ethiopic.... but having become master of all the country within the euphrates, and of cilicia and pamphylia and ionia and the hellespont and thrace, and of all the military forces and elephants in these countries, and having made the monarchs in all these places his subjects, he crossed the euphrates, and having brought under him mesopotamia and babylonia and susiana and persis and media, and all the rest as far as bactriana ... he sent forces through the canals----" (here the text breaks off.) later in this dynasty ptolemy vii. was crowned king of syria, but the kingdom did not remain long in his power. then came the romans, and for many years syria and egypt were sister provinces of one empire. there is no necessity to record the close connection between the two countries in arabic times. for a large part of that era egypt and syria formed part of the same empire; and we constantly find egyptians fighting in asia. now, under edh dhahir bebars of the baharide mameluke dynasty, we see them helping to subject syria and armenia; now, under el-mansur kalaun, damascus is captured; and now en nasir muhammed is found reigning from tunis to baghdad. in the circassian mameluke dynasty we see el muayyad crushing a revolt in syria, and el ashraf bursbey capturing king john of cyprus and keeping his hand on syria. and so the tale continues, until, as a final picture, we see ibrahim pasha leading the egyptians into asia and crushing the turks at iconium. such is the long list of the wars waged by egypt in syria. are we to suppose that these continuous incursions into asia have suddenly come to an end? are we to imagine that because there has been a respite for a hundred years the precedent of six thousand years has now to be disregarded? by the recent reconquest of the sudan it has been shown that the old political necessities still exist for egypt in the south, impelling her to be mistress of the upper reaches of the nile. is there now no longer any chance of her expanding in other directions should her hands become free? the reader may answer with the argument that in early days england made invasion after invasion into france, yet ceased after a while to do so. but this is no parallel. england was impelled to war with france because the english monarchs believed themselves to be, by inheritance, kings of a large part of france; and when they ceased to believe this they ceased to make war. the pharaohs of egypt never considered themselves to be kings of syria, and never used any title suggesting an inherited sovereignty. they merely held syria as a buffer state, and claimed no more than an overlordship there. now syria is still a buffer state, and the root of the trouble, therefore, still exists. though i must disclaim all knowledge of modern politics, i am quite sure that it is no meaningless phrase to say that england will most carefully hold this tendency in check prevent an incursion into syria; but, with a strong controlling hand relaxed, it would require more than human strength to eradicate an egyptian tendency--nay, a habit, of six thousand years' standing. try as she might, egypt, as far as an historian can see, would not be able to prevent herself passing ultimately into syria again. how or when this would take place an egyptologist cannot see, for he is accustomed to deal in long periods of time, and to consider the centuries as others might the decades. it might not come for a hundred years or more: it might come suddenly quite by accident. in 1907 there was a brief moment when egypt appeared to be, quite unknowingly, on the verge of an attempted reconquest of her lost province. there was a misunderstanding with turkey regarding the delineation of the syrio-sinaitic frontier; and, immediately, the egyptian government took strong action and insisted that the question should be settled. had there been bloodshed the seat of hostilities would have been syria; and supposing that egypt had been victorious, she would have pushed the opposing forces over the north syrian frontier into asia minor, and when peace was declared she would have found herself dictating terms from a point of vantage three hundred miles north of jerusalem. can it be supposed that she would then have desired to abandon the reconquered territory? however, matters were settled satisfactorily with the porte, and the egyptian government, which had never realised this trend of events, and had absolutely no designs upon syria, gave no further consideration to asiatic affairs. in the eyes of the modern onlookers the whole matter had developed from a series of chances; but in the view of the historian the moment of its occurrence was the only chance about it, the _fact_ of its occurrence being inevitable according to the time-proven rules of history. the phrase "england in egypt" has been given such prominence of late that a far more important phrase, "egypt in asia," has been overlooked. yet, whereas the former is a catch-word of barely thirty years' standing, the latter has been familiar at the east end of the mediterranean for forty momentous centuries at the lowest computation, and rings in the ears of the egyptologist all through the ages. i need thus no justification for recalling it in these pages. now let us glance at egypt's north-western frontier. behind the deserts which spread to the west of the delta lies the oasis of siwa; and from here there is a continuous line of communication with tripoli and tunis. thus, during the present winter (1910-11), the outbreak of cholera at tripoli has necessitated the despatch of quarantine officials to the oasis in order to prevent the spread of the disease into egypt. now, of late years we have heard much talk regarding the senussi fraternity, a muhammedan sect which is said to be prepared to declare a holy war and to descend upon egypt. in 1909 the egyptian mamur of siwa was murdered, and it was freely stated that this act of violence was the beginning of the trouble. i have no idea as to the real extent of the danger, nor do i know whether this bogie of the west, which is beginning to cause such anxiety in egypt in certain classes, is but a creation of the imagination; but it will be interesting to notice the frequent occurrence of hostilities in this direction, since the history of egypt's gateways is surely a study meet for her guardians. when the curtain first rises upon archaic times, we find those far-off pharaohs struggling with the libyans who had penetrated into the delta from tripoli and elsewhere. in early dynastic history they are the chief enemies of the egyptians, and great armies have to be levied to drive them back through siwa to their homes. again in dynasty xii., amenemhat i. had to despatch his son to drive these people out of egypt; and at the beginning of dynasty xviii., amenhotep i. was obliged once more to give them battle. seti i. of dynasty xix. made war upon them, and repulsed their invasion into egypt. rameses ii. had to face an alliance of libyans, lycians, and others, in the western delta. his son merenptah waged a most desperate war with them in order to defend egypt against their incursions, a war which has been described as the most perilous in egyptian history; and it was only after a battle in which nine thousand of the enemy were slain that the war came to an end. rameses iii., however, was again confronted with these persistent invaders, and only succeeded in checking them temporarily. presently the tables were turned, and dynasty xxii., which reigned so gloriously in egypt, was libyan in origin. no attempt was made thenceforth for many years to check the peaceful entrance of libyans into egypt, and soon that nation held a large part of the delta. occasional mention is made of troubles upon the north-west frontier, but little more is heard of any serious invasions. in arabic times disturbances are not infrequent, and certain sovereigns, as for example, el mansur kalaun, were obliged to invade the enemy's country, thus extending egypt's power as far as tunis. there is one lesson which may be learnt from the above facts--namely, that this frontier is somewhat exposed, and that incursions from north africa by way of siwa are historic possibilities. if the senussi invasion of egypt is ever attempted it will not, at any rate, be without precedent. when england entered egypt in 1882 she found a nation without external interests, a country too impoverished and weak to think of aught else but its own sad condition. the reviving of this much-bled, anæmic people, and the reorganisation of the government, occupied the whole attention of the anglo-egyptian officials, and placed egypt before their eyes in only this one aspect. egypt appeared to be but the nile valley and the delta; and, in truth, that was, and still is, quite as much as the hard-worked officials could well administer. the one task of the regeneration of egypt was all absorbing, and the country came to be regarded as a little land wherein a concise, clearly-defined, and compact problem could be worked out. [illustration: pl. v. the mummy of sety i. of dynasty xix. --cairo museum.] [_photo by e. brugsch pasha._ now, while this was most certainly the correct manner in which to face the question, and while egypt has benefited enormously by this singleness of purpose in her officials, it was, historically, a false attitude. egypt is not a little country: egypt is a crippled empire. throughout her history she has been the powerful rival of the people of asia minor. at one time she was mistress of the sudan, somaliland, palestine, syria, libya, and cyprus; and the sicilians, sardinians, cretans, and even greeks, stood in fear of the pharaoh. in arabic times she held tunis and tripoli, and even in the last century she was the foremost power at the east end of the mediterranean. napoleon when he came to egypt realised this very thoroughly, and openly aimed to make her once more a mighty empire. but in 1882 such fine dreams were not to be considered: there was too much work to be done in the nile valley itself. the egyptian empire was forgotten, and egypt was regarded as permanently a little country. the conditions which we found here we took to be permanent conditions. they were not. we arrived when the country was in a most unnatural state as regards its foreign relations; and we were obliged to regard that state as chronic. this, though wise, was absolutely incorrect. egypt in the past never has been for more than a short period a single country; and all history goes to show that she will not always be single in the future. with the temporary loss of the syrian province egypt's need for a navy ceased to exist; and the fact that she is really a naval power has now passed from men's memory. yet it was not much more than a century ago that muhammed ali fought a great naval battle with the turks, and utterly defeated them. in ancient history the egyptian navy was the terror of the mediterranean, and her ships policed the east coast of africa. in prehistoric times the nile boats were built, it would seem, upon a seafaring plan: a fact that has led some scholars to suppose that the land was entered and colonised from across the waters. we talk of englishmen as being born to the sea, as having a natural and inherited tendency towards "business upon great waters"; and yet the english navy dates from the days of queen elizabeth. it is true that the plantagenet wars with france checked what was perhaps already a nautical bias, and that had it not been for the norman conquest, england, perchance would have become a sea power at an earlier date. but at best the tendency is only a thousand years old. in egypt it is seven or eight thousand years old at the lowest computation. it makes one smile to think of egypt as a naval power. it is the business of the historian to refrain from smiling, and to remark only that, absurd as it may sound, egypt's future is largely upon the water as her past has been. it must be remembered that she was fighting great battles in huge warships three or four hundred feet in length at a time when britons were paddling about in canoes. one of the ships built by the pharaoh ptolemy philopator was four hundred and twenty feet long, and had several banks of oars. it was rowed by four thousand sailors, while four hundred others managed the sails. three thousand soldiers were also carried upon its decks. the royal dahabiyeh which this pharaoh used upon the nile was three hundred and thirty feet long, and was fitted with state rooms and private rooms of considerable size. another vessel contained, besides the ordinary cabins, large bath-rooms, a library, and an astronomical observatory. it had eight towers, in which there were machines capable of hurling stones weighing three hundred pounds or more, and arrows eighteen feet in length. these huge vessels were built some two centuries before cæsar landed in britain.[1] [footnote 1: athenæus, v. 8.] in conclusion, then, it must be repeated that the present nile-centred policy in egypt, though infinitely best for the country at this juncture, is an artificial one, unnatural to the nation except as a passing phase; and what may be called the imperial policy is absolutely certain to take its place in time, although the anglo-egyptian government, so long as it exists, will do all in its power to check it. history tells us over and over again that syria is the natural dependant of egypt, fought for or bargained for with the neighbouring countries to the north; that the sudan is likewise a natural vassal which from time to time revolts and has to be reconquered; and that egypt's most exposed frontier lies on the north-west. in conquering the sudan at the end of the nineteenth century the egyptians were but fulfilling their destiny: it was a mere accident that their arms were directed against a mahdi. in discussing seriously the situation in the western oases, they are working upon the precise rules laid down by history. and if their attention is not turned in the far future to syria, they will be defying rules even more precise, and, in the opinion of those who have the whole course of egyptian history spread before them, will but be kicking against the pricks. here surely we have an example of the value of the study of a nation's history, which is not more nor less than a study of its political tendencies. speaking of the relationship of history to politics, sir j. seeley wrote: "i tell you that when you study english history, you study not the past of england only but her future. it is the welfare of your country, it is your whole interest as citizens, that is in question when you study history." these words hold good when we deal with egyptian history, and it is our business to learn the political lessons which the egyptologist can teach us, rather than to listen to his dissertations upon scarabs and blue glaze. like the astronomers of old, the egyptologist studies, as it were, the stars, and reads the future in them; but it is not the fashion for kings to wait upon his pronouncements any more! indeed he reckons in such very long periods of time, and makes startling statements about events which probably will not occur for very many years to come, that the statesman, intent upon his task, has some reason to declare that the study of past ages does not assist him to deal with urgent affairs. nevertheless, in all seriousness, the egyptologist's study is to be considered as but another aspect of statecraft, and he fails in his labours if he does not make this his point of view. in his arrogant manner the egyptologist will remark that modern politics are of too fleeting a nature to interest him. in answer, i would tell him that if he sits studying his papyri and his mummies without regard for the fact that he is dealing with a nation still alive, still contributing its strength to spin the wheel of the world around, then are his labours worthless and his brains misused. i would tell him that if his work is paid for, then is he a robber if he gives no return in information which will be of practical service to egypt in some way or another. the egyptian government spends enormous sums each year upon the preservation of the magnificent relics of bygone ages--relics for which, i regret to say, the egyptians themselves care extremely little. is this money spent, then, to amuse the tourist in the land, or simply to fulfil obligations to ethical susceptibilities? no; there is but one justification for this very necessary expenditure of public money--namely, that these relics are regarded, so to speak, as the school-books of the nation, which range over a series of subjects from pottery-making to politics, from stone-cutting to statecraft. the future of egypt may be read upon the walls of her ancient temples and tombs. let the egyptologist never forget, in the interest and excitement of his discoveries, what is the real object of his work. chapter iii. the necessity of archæology to the gaiety of the world. when a great man puts a period to his existence upon earth by dying, he is carefully buried in a tomb, and a monument is set up to his glory in the neighbouring church. he may then be said to begin his second life, his life in the memory of the chronicler and historian. after the lapse of an æon or two the works of the historian, and perchance the tomb itself, are rediscovered; and the great man begins his third life, now as a subject of discussion and controversy amongst archæologists in the pages of a scientific journal. it may be supposed that the spirit of the great man, not a little pleased with its second life, has an extreme distaste for his third. there is a dead atmosphere about it which sets him yawning as only his grave yawned before. the charm has been taken from his deeds; there is no longer any spring in them. he must feel towards the archæologist much as a young man feels towards his cold-blooded parent by whom his love affair has just been found out. the public, too, if by chance it comes upon this archæological journal, finds the discussion nothing more than a mental gymnastic, which, as the reader drops off to sleep, gives him the impression that the writer is a man of profound brain capacity, but, like the remains of the great man of olden times, as dry as dust. there is one thing, however, which has been overlooked. this scientific journal does not contain the ultimate results of the archæologist's researches. it contains the researches themselves. the public, so to speak, has been listening to the pianist playing his morning scales, has been watching the artist mixing his colours, has been examining the unshaped block of marble and the chisels in the sculptor's studio. it must be confessed, of course, that the archæologist has so enjoyed his researches that often the ultimate result has been overlooked by him. in the case of egyptian archæology, for example, there are only two egyptologists who have ever set themselves to write a readable history,[1] whereas the number of books which record the facts of the science is legion. [footnote 1: professor j.h. breasted and sir gaston maspero.] the archæologist not infrequently lives, for a large part of his time, in a museum, a somewhat dismal place. he is surrounded by rotting tapestries, decaying bones, crumbling stones, and rusted or corroded objects. his indoor work has paled his cheek, and his muscles are not like iron bands. he stands, often, in the contiguity to an ancient broadsword most fitted to demonstrate the fact that he could never use it. he would probably be dismissed his curatorship were he to tell of any dreams which might run in his head--dreams of the time when those tapestries hung upon the walls of barons' banquet-halls, or when those stones rose high above the streets of camelot. moreover, those who make researches independently must needs contribute their results to scientific journals, written in the jargon of the learned. i came across a now forgotten journal, a short time ago, in which an english gentleman, believing that he had made a discovery in the province of egyptian hieroglyphs, announced it in ancient greek. there would be no supply of such pedantic swagger were there not a demand for it. small wonder, then, that the archæologist is often represented as partaking somewhat of the quality of the dust amidst which he works. it is not necessary here to discuss whether this estimate is just or not: i wish only to point out its paradoxical nature. more than any other science, archæology might be expected to supply its exponents with stuff that, like old wine, would fire the blood and stimulate the senses. the stirring events of the past must often be reconstructed by the archæologist with such precision that his prejudices are aroused, and his sympathies are so enlisted as to set him fighting with a will under this banner or under that. the noise of the hardy strife of young nations is not yet silenced for him, nor have the flags and the pennants faded from sight. he has knowledge of the state secrets of kings, and, all along the line, is an intimate spectator of the crowded pageant of history. the caravan-masters of the elder days, the admirals of the "great green sea" the captains of archers, have related their adventures to him; and he might repeat to you their stories. indeed, he has such a tale to tell that, looking at it in this light, one might expect his listeners all to be good fighting men and noble women. it might be supposed that the archæologist would gather around him only men who have pleasure in the road that leads over the hills, and women who have known the delight of the open. one has heard so often of the "brave days of old" that the archæologist might well be expected to have his head stuffed with brave tales and little else. his range, however, may be wider than this. to him, perhaps, it has been given to listen to the voice of the ancient poet, heard as a far-off whisper; to breathe in forgotten gardens the perfume of long dead flowers; to contemplate the love of women whose beauty is all perished in the dust; to hearken to the sound of the harp and the sistra, to be the possessor of the riches of historical romance. dim armies have battled around him for the love of helen; shadowy captains of sea-going ships have sung to him through the storm the song of the sweethearts left behind them; he has feasted with sultans, and kings' goblets have been held to his lips; he has watched uriah the hittite sent to the forefront of the battle. thus, were he to offer a story, one might now suppose that there would gather around him, not the men of muscle, but a throng of sallow listeners, as improperly expectant as were those who hearkened under the moon to the narrations of boccaccio, or, in old baghdad, gave ear to the tales of the thousand and one nights. one might suppose that his audience would be drawn from those classes most fondly addicted to pleasure, or most nearly representative, in their land and in their time, of the light-hearted and not unwanton races of whom he had to tell. for his story might be expected to be one wherein wine and women and song found countenance. even were he to tell of ancient tragedies and old sorrows, he would still make his appeal, one might suppose, to gallants and their mistresses, to sporting men and women of fashion, just as, in the mournful song of rosabelle, sir walter scott is able to address himself to the "ladies gay," or coleridge in his sad "ballad of the dark ladie" to "fair maids." who could better arrest the attention of the coxcomb than the archæologist who has knowledge of silks and scents now lost to the living world? to the gourmet who could more appeal than the archæologist who has made abundant acquaintance with the forgotten dishes of the east? who could so surely thrill the senses of the courtesan than the archæologist who can relate that which was whispered by anthony in the ear of cleopatra? to the gambler who could be more enticing than the archæologist who has seen kings play at dice for their kingdoms? the imaginative, truly, might well collect the most highly disreputable audience to listen to the tales of the archæologist. but no, these are not the people who are anxious to catch the pearls which drop from his mouth. do statesmen and diplomatists, then, listen to him who can unravel for them the policies of the past? do business men hasten from threadneedle street and wall street to sit at his feet, that they may have instilled into them a little of the romance of ancient money? i fear not. come with me to some provincial town, where this day professor blank is to deliver one of his archæological lectures at the town hall. we are met at the door by the secretary of the local archæological society: a melancholy lady in green plush, who suffers from st vitus's dance. gloomily we enter the hall and silently accept the seats which are indicated to us by an unfortunate gentleman with a club-foot. in front of us an elderly female with short hair is chatting to a very plain young woman draped like a lay figure. on the right an emaciated man with a very bad cough shuffles on his chair; on the left two old grey-beards grumble to one another about the weather, a subject which leads up to the familiar "mine catches me in the small of the back"; while behind us the inevitable curate, of whose appearance it would be trite to speak, describes to an astonished old lady the recent discovery of the pelvis of a mastodon. the professor and the aged chairman step on to the platform; and, amidst the profoundest gloom, the latter rises to pronounce the prefatory rigmarole. "archæology," he says, in a voice of brass, "is a science which bars its doors to all but the most erudite; for, to the layman who has not been vouchsafed the opportunity of studying the dusty volumes of the learned, the bones of the dead will not reveal their secrets, nor will the crumbling pediments of naos and cenotaph, the obliterated tombstones, or the worm-eaten parchments, tell us their story. to-night, however, we are privileged; for professor blank will open the doors for us that we may gaze for a moment upon that solemn charnel-house of the past in which he has sat for so many long hours of inductive meditation." and the professor by his side, whose head, perhaps, was filled with the martial music of the long-lost hosts of the lord, or before whose eyes there swayed the entrancing forms of the dancing-girls of babylon, stares horrified from chairman to audience. he sees crabbed old men and barren old women before him, afflicted youths and fatuous maidens; and he realises at once that the golden keys which he possesses to the gates of the treasury of the jewelled past will not open the doors of that charnel-house which they desire to be shown. the scent of the king's roses fades from his nostrils, the egyptian music which throbbed in his ears is hushed, the glorious illumination of the palace of a thousand columns is extinguished; and in the gathering gloom we leave him fumbling with a rusty key at the mildewed door of the place of bones. why is it, one asks, that archæology is a thing so misunderstood? can it be that both lecturer and audience have crushed down that which was in reality uppermost in their minds: that a shy search for romance has led these people to the town hall? or perchance archæology has become to them something not unlike a vice, and to listen to an archæological lecture is their remaining chance of being naughty. it may be that, having one foot in the grave, they take pleasure in kicking the moss from the surrounding tombstones with the other; or that, being denied, for one reason or another, the jovial society of the living, like robert southey's "scholar" their hopes are with the dead. [illustration: pl. vi. a relief upon the side of the sarcophagus of one of the wives of king mentuhotep iii., discovered at dêr el bahri (thebes). the royal lady is taking sweet-smelling ointment from an alabaster vase. a handmaiden keeps the flies away with a bird's-wing fan. --cairo museum.] [_photo by e. brugsch pasha._ be the explanation what it may, the fact is indisputable that archæology is patronised by those who know not its real meaning. a man has no more right to think of the people of old as dust and dead bones than he has to think of his contemporaries as lumps of meat. the true archæologist does not take pleasure in skeletons as skeletons, for his whole effort is to cover them decently with flesh and skin once more, and to put some thoughts back into the empty skulls. he sets himself to hide again the things which he would not intentionally lay bare. nor does he delight in ruined buildings: rather he deplores that they are ruined. coleridge wrote like the true archæologist when he composed that most magical poem "khubla khan"- "in xanadu did khubla khan a stately pleasure-dome decree: where alph, the sacred river, ran through caverns measureless to man down to a sunless sea." and those who would have the pleasure-domes of the gorgeous past reconstructed for them must turn to the archæologist; those who would see the damsel with the dulcimer in the gardens of xanadu must ask of him the secret, and of none other. it is true that, before he can refashion the dome or the damsel, he will have to grub his way through old refuse heaps till he shall lay bare the ruins of the walls and expose the bones of the lady. but this is the "dirty work"; and the mistake which is made lies here: that this preliminary dirty work is confused with the final clean result. an artist will sometimes build up his picture of venus from a skeleton bought from an old jew round the corner; and the smooth white paper which he uses will have been made from putrid rags and bones. amongst painters themselves these facts are not hidden, but by the public they are most carefully obscured. in the case of archæology, however, the tedious details of construction are so placed in the foreground that the final picture is hardly noticed at all. as well might one go to rheims to see men fly, and be shown nothing else but screws and nuts, steel rods and cog-wheels. originally the fault, perhaps, lay with the archæologist; now it lies both with him and with the public. the public has learnt to ask to be shown the works, and the archæologist is often so proud of them that he forgets to mention the purpose of the machine. a roman statue of bronze, let us suppose, is discovered in the thames valley. it is so corroded and eaten away that only an expert could recognise that it represents a reclining goddess. in this condition it is placed in the museum, and a photograph of it is published in 'the graphic.' those who come to look at it in its glass case think it is a bunch of grapes, or possibly a monkey: those who see its photograph say that it is more probably an irregular catapult-stone or a fish in convulsions. the archæologist alone holds its secret, and only he can see it as it was. he alone can know the mind of the artist who made it, or interpret the full meaning of the conception. it might have been expected, then, that the public would demand, and the archæologist delightedly furnish, a model of the figure as near to the original as possible; or, failing that, a restoration in drawing, or even a worded description of its original beauty. but no: the public, if it wants anything, wants to see the shapeless object in all its corrosion; and the archæologist forgets that it is blind to aught else but that corrosion. one of the main duties of the archæologist is thus lost sight of: his duty as interpreter and remembrancer of the past. all the riches of olden times, all the majesty, all the power, are the inheritance of the present day; and the archæologist is the recorder of this fortune. he must deal in dead bones only so far as the keeper of a financial fortune must deal in dry documents. behind those documents glitters the gold, and behind those bones shines the wonder of the things that were. and when an object once beautiful has by age become unsightly, one might suppose that he would wish to show it to none save his colleagues or the reasonably curious layman. when a man makes the statement that his grandmother, now in her ninety-ninth year, was once a beautiful woman, he does not go and find her to prove his words and bring her tottering into the room: he shows a picture of her as she was; or, if he cannot find one, he describes what good evidence tells him was her probable appearance. in allowing his controlled and sober imagination thus to perform its natural functions, though it would never do to tell his grandmother so, he becomes an archæologist, a remembrancer of the past. in the case of archæology, however, the public does not permit itself so to be convinced. in the ashmolean museum at oxford excellent facsimile electrotypes of early greek weapons are exhibited; and these have far more value in bringing the past before us than the actual weapons of that period, corroded and broken, would have. but the visitor says, "these are shams," and passes on. it will be seen, then, that the business of archæology is often misunderstood both by archæologists and by the public; and that there is really no reason to believe, with thomas earle, that the real antiquarian loves a thing the better for that it is rotten and stinketh. that the impression has gone about is his own fault, for he has exposed too much to view the mechanism of his work; but it is also the fault of the public for not asking of him a picture of things as they were. man is by nature a creature of the present. it is only by an effort that he can consider the future, it is often quite impossible for him to give any heed at all to the past. the days of old are so blurred and remote that it seems right to him that any relic from them should, by the maltreatment of time, be unrecognisable. the finding of an old sword, half-eaten by rust, will only please him in so far as it shows him once more by its sad condition the great gap between those days and these, and convinces him again of the sole importance of the present. the archæologist, he will tell you, is a fool if he expects him to be interested in a wretched old bit of scrap-iron. he is right. it would be as rash to suppose that he would find interest in an ancient sword in its rusted condition as it would be to expect the spectator at rheims to find fascination in the nuts and screws. the true archæologist would hide that corroded weapon in his workshop, where his fellow-workers alone could see it. for he recognises that it is only the sword which is as good as new that impresses the public; it is only the present that counts. that is the real reason why he is an archæologist. he has turned to the past because he is in love with the present. he, more than any man, worships at the altar of the goddess of to-day; and he is so desirous of extending her dominion that he has adventured, like a crusader, into the lands of the past in order to subject them to her. adoring the now, he would resent the publicity of anything which so obviously suggested the then as a rust-eaten old blade. his whole business is to hide the gap between yesterday and to-day; and, unless a man is initiate, he would have him either see the perfect sword as it was when it sought the foeman's bowels, or see nothing. the present is too small for him; and it is therefore that he calls so insistently to the past to come forth from the darkness to augment it. the ordinary man lives in the present, and he will tell one that the archæologist lives in the past. this is not so. the layman, in the manner of the little englander, lives in a small and confined present; but the archæologist, like a true imperialist, ranges through all time, and calls it not the past but the greater present. the archæologist is not, or ought not to be, lacking in vivacity. one might say that he is so sensible to the charms of society that, finding his companions too few in number, he has drawn the olden times to him to search them for jovial men and agreeable women. it might be added that he has so laughed at jest and joke that, fearing lest the funds of humour run dry, he has gathered the laughter of all the years to his enrichment. certainly he has so delighted in noble adventure and stirring action that he finds his newspaper insufficient to his needs, and fetches to his aid the tales of old heroes. in fact, the archæologist is so enamoured of life that he would raise all the dead from their graves. he will not have it that the men of old are dust: he would bring them to him to share with him the sunlight which he finds so precious. he is so much an enemy of death and decay that he would rob them of their harvest; and, for every life the foe has claimed, he would raise up, if he could, a memory that would continue to live. the meaning of the heading which has been given to this chapter is now becoming clear, and the direction of the argument is already apparent. so far it has been my purpose to show that the archæologist is not a rag-and-bone man, though the public generally thinks he is, and he often thinks he is himself. the attempt has been made to suggest that archæology ought not to consist in sitting in a charnel-house amongst the dead, but rather in ignoring that place and taking the bones into the light of day, decently clad in flesh and finery. it has now to be shown in what manner this parading of the past is needful to the gaiety of the present. amongst cultured people whose social position makes it difficult for them to dance in circles on the grass in order to express or to stimulate their gaiety, and whose school of deportment will not permit them to sing a merry song of sixpence as they trip down the streets, there is some danger of the fire of merriment dying for want of fuel. vivacity in printed books, therefore, has been encouraged, so that the mind at least, if not the body, may skip about and clap its hands. a portly gentleman with a solemn face, reading his 'punch' in the club, is, after all, giving play to precisely those same humours which in ancient days might have led him, like georgy porgy, to kiss the girls or to perform any other merry joke. it is necessary, therefore, ever to enlarge the stock of things humorous, vivacious, or rousing, if thoughts are to be kept young and eyes bright in this age of restraint. what would yuletide be without the olden times to bolster it? what would the christmas numbers do without the pictures of our great-grandparents' coaches snow-bound, of huntsmen of the eighteenth century, of jesters at the courts of the barons? what should we do without the 'vicar of wakefield,' the 'compleat angler,' 'pepys' diary,' and all the rest of the ancient books? and, going back a few centuries, what an amount we should miss had we not 'æsop's fables,' the 'odyssey,' the tales of the trojan war, and so on. it is from the archæologist that one must expect the augmentation of this supply; and just in that degree in which the existing supply is really a necessary part of our equipment, so archæology, which looks for more, is necessary to our gaiety. [illustration: pl. vii. lady rouging herself: she holds a mirror and rouge-pot. --from a papyrus, turin.] [illustration: dancing girl turning a back somersault.--new kingdom.] in order to keep his intellect undulled by the routine of his dreary work, matthew arnold was wont to write a few lines of poetry each day. poetry, like music and song, is an effective dispeller of care; and those who find omar khayyam or "in memoriam" incapable of removing the of burden of their woes, will no doubt appreciate the "owl and the pussy-cat," or the bab ballads. in some form or other verse and song are closely linked with happiness; and a ditty from any age has its interests and its charm. "she gazes at the stars above: i would i were the skies, that i might gaze upon my love with such a thousand eyes!" that is probably from the greek of plato, a writer who is not much read by the public at large, and whose works are the legitimate property of the antiquarian. it suffices to show that it is not only to the moderns that we have to look for dainty verse that is conducive to a light heart. the following lines are from the ancient egyptian:- "while in my room i lie all day in pain that will not pass away, the neighbours come and go. ah, if with them my darling came the doctors would be put to shame: _she_ understands my woe." such examples might be multiplied indefinitely; and the reader will admit that there is as much of a lilt about those which are here quoted as there is about the majority of the ditties which he has hummed to himself in his hour of contentment. here is philodemus' description of his mistress's charms:- "my lady-love is small and brown; my lady's skin is soft as down; her hair like parseley twists and turns; her voice with magic passion burns...." and here is an ancient egyptian's description of not very dissimilar phenomena:- "a damsel sweet unto the sight, a maid of whom no like there is; black are her tresses as the night, and blacker than the blackberries." does not the archæologist perform a service to his contemporaries by searching out such rhymes and delving for more? they bring with them, moreover, so subtle a suggestion of bygone romance, they are backed by so fair a scene of athenian luxury or theban splendour, that they possess a charm not often felt in modern verse. if it is argued that there is no need to increase the present supply of such ditties, since they are really quite unessential to our gaiety, the answer may be given that no nation and no period has ever found them unessential; and a light heart has been expressed in this manner since man came down from the trees. let us turn now to another consideration. for a man to be light of heart he must have confidence in humanity. he cannot greet the morn with a smiling countenance if he believes that he and his fellows are slipping down the broad path which leads to destruction. the archæologist never despairs of mankind; for he has seen nations rise and fall till he is almost giddy, but he knows that there has never been a general deterioration. he realises that though a great nation may suffer defeat and annihilation, it is possible for it to go down in such a thunder that the talk of it stimulates other nations for all time. he sees, if any man can, that all things work together for happiness. he has observed the cycle of events, the good years and the bad; and in an evil time he is comforted by the knowledge that the good will presently roll round again. thus the lesson which he can teach is a very real necessity to that contentment of mind which lies at the root of all gaiety. again, a man cannot be permanently happy unless he has a just sense of proportion. he who is too big for his boots must needs limp; and he who has a swollen head is in perpetual discomfort. the history of the lives of men, the history of the nations, gives one a fairer sense of proportion than does almost any other study. in the great company of the men of old he cannot fail to assess his true value: if he has any conceit there is a greater than he to snub him; if he has a poor opinion of his powers there is many a fool with whom to contrast himself favourably. if he would risk his fortune on the spinning of a coin, being aware of the prevalence of his good-luck, archæology will tell him that the best luck will change; or if, when in sore straits, he asks whether ever a man was so unlucky, archæology will answer him that many millions of men have been more unfavoured than he. archæology provides a precedent for almost every event or occurrence where modern inventions are not involved; and, in this manner, one may reckon their value and determine their trend. thus many of the small worries which cause so leaden a weight to lie upon the heart and mind are by the archæologist ignored; and many of the larger calamities by him are met with serenity. but not only does the archæologist learn to estimate himself and his actions: he learns also to see the relationship in which his life stands to the course of time. without archæology a man may be disturbed lest the world be about to come to an end: after a study of history he knows that it has only just begun; and that gaiety which is said to have obtained "when the world was young" is to him, therefore, a present condition. by studying the ages the archæologist learns to reckon in units of a thousand years; and it is only then that that little unit of threescore-and-ten falls into its proper proportion. "a thousand ages in thy sight are like an evening gone," says the hymn, but it is only the archæologist who knows the meaning of the words; and it is only he who can explain that great discrepancy in the christian faith between the statement "behold, i come quickly" and the actual fact. a man who knows where he is in regard to his fellows, and realises where he stands in regard to time, has learnt a lesson of archæology which is as necessary to his peace of mind as his peace of mind is necessary to his gaiety. it is not needful, however, to continue to point out the many ways in which archæology may be shown to be necessary to happiness. the reader will have comprehended the trend of the argument, and, if he be in sympathy with it, he will not be unwilling to develop the theme for himself. only one point, therefore, need here be taken up. it has been reserved to the end of this chapter, for, by its nature, it closes all arguments. i refer to death. death, as we watch it around us, is the black menace of the heavens which darkens every man's day; death, coming to our neighbour, puts a period to our merry-making; death, seen close beside us, calls a halt in our march of pleasure. but let those who would wrest her victory from the grave turn to a study of the past, where all is dead yet still lives, and they will find that the horror of life's cessation is materially lessened. to those who are familiar with the course of history, death seems, to some extent, but the happy solution of the dilemma of life. so many men have welcomed its coming that one begins to feel that it cannot be so very terrible. of the death of a certain pharaoh an ancient egyptian wrote: "he goes to heaven like the hawks, and his feathers are like those of the geese; he rushes at heaven like a crane, he kisses heaven like the falcon, he leaps to heaven like the locust"; and we who read these words can feel that to rush eagerly at heaven like the crane would be a mighty fine ending of the pother. archæology, and especially egyptology, in this respect is a bulwark to those who find the faith of their fathers wavering; for, after much study, the triumphant assertion which is so often found in egyptian tombs--"thou dost not come dead to thy sepulchre, thou comest living"--begins to take hold of the imagination. death has been the parent of so much goodness, dying men have cut such a dash, that one looks at it with an awakening interest. even if the sense of the misfortune of death is uppermost in an archæologist's mind, he may find not a little comfort in having before him the example of so many good, men, who, in their hour, have faced that great calamity with squared shoulders. "when death comes," says a certain sage of ancient egypt, "it seizes the babe that is on the breast of its mother as well as he that has become an old man. when thy messenger comes to carry thee away, be thou found by him _ready_." why, here is our chance; here is the opportunity for that flourish which modesty, throughout our life, has forbidden to us! john tiptoft, earl of worcester, when the time came for him to lay his head upon the block, bade the executioner smite it off with three strokes as a courtesy to the holy trinity. king charles the second, as he lay upon his death-bed, apologised to those who stood around him for "being an unconscionable time adying." the story is familiar of napoleon's aide-de-camp, who, when he had been asked whether he were wounded, replied, "not wounded: killed," and thereupon expired. the past is full of such incidents; and so inspiring are they that death comes to be regarded as a most stirring adventure. the archæologist, too, better than any other, knows the vastness of the dead men's majority; and if, like the ancients, he believes in the elysian fields, where no death is and decay is unknown, he alone will realise the excellent nature of the company into which he will there be introduced. there is, however, far more living going on in the world than dying; and there is more happiness (thanks be!) than sorrow. thus the archæologist has a great deal more of pleasure than of pain to give to us for our enrichment. the reader will here enter an objection. he will say: "this may be true of archæology in general, but in the case of egyptology, with which we are here mostly concerned, he surely has to deal with a sad and solemn people." the answer will be found in the next chapter. no nation in the world's history has been so gay, so light-hearted as the ancient egyptians; and egyptology furnishes, perhaps, the most convincing proof that archæology is, or should be, a merry science, very necessary to the gaiety of the world. i defy a man suffering from his liver to understand the old egyptians; i defy a man who does not appreciate the pleasure of life to make anything of them. egyptian archæology presents a pageant of such brilliancy that the archæologist is often carried along by it as in a dream, down the valley and over the hills, till, past blending with present, and present with future, he finds himself led to a kind of island of the blest, where death is forgotten and only the joy of life, and life's good deeds, still remain; where pleasure-domes, and all the ancient "miracles of rare device," rise into the air from above the flowers; and where the damsel with the dulcimer beside the running stream sings to him of mount abora and of the old heroes of the elder days. if the egyptologist or the archæologist could revive within him one-hundredth part of the elusive romance, the delicate gaiety, the subtle humour, the intangible tenderness, the unspeakable goodness, of much that is to be found in his province, one would have to cry, like coleridge- "beware, beware! weave a circle round him thrice, and close your eyes with holy dread, for he on honey-dew hath fed, and drunk the milk of paradise." part ii. studies in the treasury. "and i could tell thee stories that would make thee laugh at all thy trouble, and take thee to a land of which thou hast never even dreamed. where the trees have ever blossoms, and are noisy with the humming of intoxicated bees. where by day the suns are never burning, and by night the moonstones ooze with nectar in the rays of the camphor-laden moon. where the blue lakes are filled with rows of silver swans, and where, on steps of lapis lazuli, the peacocks dance in agitation at the murmur of the thunder in the hills. where the lightning flashes without harming, to light the way to women stealing in the darkness to meetings with their lovers, and the rainbow hangs for ever like an opal on the dark blue curtain of the cloud. where, on the moonlit roofs of crystal palaces, pairs of lovers laugh at the reflection of each other's love-sick faces in goblets of red wine, breathing, as they drink, air heavy with the fragrance of the sandal, wafted on the breezes from the mountain of the south. where they play and pelt each other with emeralds and rubies, fetched at the churning of the ocean from the bottom of the sea. where rivers, whose sands are always golden, flow slowly past long lines of silent cranes that hunt for silver fishes in the rushes on the banks. where men are true, and maidens love for ever, and the lotus never fades." f.w. bain: _a heifer of the dawn_. chapter iv. the temperament of the ancient egyptians. a certain school geography book, now out of date, condenses its remarks upon the character of our gallic cousins into the following pregnant sentence: "the french are a gay and frivolous nation, fond of dancing and red wine." the description would so nearly apply to the ancient inhabitants of egypt, that its adoption here as a text to this chapter cannot be said to be extravagant. the unbiassed inquirer into the affairs of ancient egypt must discover ultimately, and perhaps to his regret, that the dwellers on the nile were a "gay and frivolous people," festive, light-hearted, and mirthful, "fond of dancing and red wine," and pledged to all that is brilliant in life. there are very many people, naturally, who hold to those views which their forefathers held before them, and picture the egyptians as a sombre, gloomy people; replete with thoughts of death and of the more melancholy aspect of religion; burdened with the menacing presence of a multitude of horrible gods and demons, whose priests demanded the erection of vast temples for their appeasement; having little joy of this life, and much uneasy conjecture about the next; making entertainment in solemn gatherings and ponderous feasts; and holding merriment in holy contempt. of the five startling classes into which the dictionary divides the human temperament, namely, the bilious or choleric, the phlegmatic, the sanguine, the melancholic, and the nervous, it is probable that the first, the second, and the fourth would be those assigned to the ancient egyptians by these people. this view is so entirely false that one will be forgiven if, in the attempt to dissolve it, the gaiety of the race is thrust before the reader with too little extenuation. the sanguine, and perhaps the nervous, are the classes of temperament under which the egyptians must be docketed. it cannot be denied that they were an industrious and even a strenuous people, that they indulged in the most serious thoughts, and attempted to study the most complex problems of life, and that the ceremonial side of their religion occupied a large part of their time. but there is abundant evidence to show that, like their descendents of the present day, they were one of the least gloomy people of the world, and that they took their duties in the most buoyant manner, allowing as much sunshine to radiate through their minds as shone from the cloudless egyptian skies upon their dazzling country. it is curiously interesting to notice how general is the present belief in the solemnity of this ancient race's attitude towards existence, and how little their real character is appreciated. already the reader will be protesting, perhaps, that the application of the geographer's summary of french characteristics to the ancient egyptians lessens in no wise its ridiculousness, but rather increases it. let the protest, however, be held back for a while. even if the egyptians were not always frivolous, they were always uncommonly gay, and any slight exaggeration will be pardoned in view of the fact that old prejudices have to be violently overturned, and the stigma of melancholy and ponderous sobriety torn from the national name. it would be a matter of little surprise to some good persons if the products of excavation in the nile valley consisted largely of antique black kid gloves. [illustration: pl. viii. two egyptian boys decked with flowers and a third holding a musical instrument. they are standing against the outside wall of the dendereh temple.] [_photo by e. bird._ like man